[ue: I Perspectives on Religion, Education and Social Cohesion THE WORLD BANK Asian Interfaith Dialogue: Perspectives on Religion, Education and Social Cohesion Edited by Syed Farid Alatas Lim Teck Ghee Kazuhide Kuroda H THE WORLD BANK Copyright 0 2003 by Centre for Research on Islamic and Malay Affairs (RIMA)and The World Bank Centre for Research on Islamic and Malay Affairs (RIMA) 150 Changi Road #04-06/07 Guthrie Building Singapore 419972 The World Bank 1818 H Street, N.W. Washington, D.C. 20433, USA All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, ~ ~ mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior consent of the Centre for Research on Islamicand MalayAffairs (RIMA) and The World Bank. The responsibility for facts and opinions expressed in this publication rests exclusivelywith the contributors and their interpretations do not necessarily reflect the views or the policy of the publishers or their supporters. ISBN: 981-04-9475-0 Cover Design by Wee Hong Loong, Temasek Polytechnic. Printed in Singapore by COS Printers Pte Ltd. CONTENTS Foreword iv ... Preface Vlll Abbreviations and Acronyms X Introduction xii Syed Farid Alatas Addresses Chiang Chie Foo Permanent Secretarj Ministry of Education(Guest-of-Honour) Darke M. Sani Chairman, Centre for Research on Islamicand MalayAfairs (RTMA) Lim Teck Ghee Senior Social Sector Specialist, Environmentand Social Development Sector Unit, EastAsia and the Pacific Region, TheWorld Bank Kazuhide Kuroda Senior Knowledge Management Ofice6 Conflict Preventionand Reconstmction Unit, Social Development Department, TheWorld Bank Part I: Religion, Educationand the Developmentof Society Chapter 1 Religion,Science and Education Syed Hztssein Alatas Chapter 2 26 Economic Thoughts Based on Buddhism: The Case ofThailand Sompam Promta ii Asian Interfaith Dialogue Chapter 3 43 Secular Education, Development and Values: A Buddhist Perspective Pracha Hutanuwatr Chapter4 66 Secular Education, Values and Development in the Context of Islam in Thailand: An Outlook on Muslim Attitudes toward Thai Educational Policy Hasan Madmarn Chapter5 Tagore, Education, Cosmopolitanism Saranindranath Tagore Part I1:Religion,EducationandWomen Chapter 6 Religious Education and Gender Issues: Difficulties of Female Ordination in Thailand Parichart Suwanbubbha Chapter 7 109 Women, Religion and Spirituality Religious Education and Gender Issues Mary John Mananzan, OSB Chapter 8 122 Women and Interfaith Dialogue in Indonesia: Where were theWomen? Lies Marcoes-Natsir Part 111:Religion,Education and InterfaithDialogue Chapter9 ReligiousToleration and Beyond C.L. Ten Chapter 10 Education for Tolerance among Religious Communities: The Case of Indonesia Franz Magnis-Suseno,SJ ... Contents 111 Chapter 11 171 Educatin to Enable Interfaith Encounter: The Whole Child g Education Projectof Indonesia Patricia A. Martinez Chapter 12 Certain Dimensions of Hinduism and their Values in Interreligious Education A.N. Rao Chapter 13 Scrutinizin the Themes of "Sameness" and "Difference" in the g Discourse on Multireligiosityand Religious Encounters in Singapore VineetaSinha Chapter 14 The Role of the Human Sciences in the Dialogue among Civilizations Syed Farid A1ata.i Epilogue Lim Zck Ghee &Kazuhide Kuroah Appendices Glossary Notes on Contributors Conference Agenda List of Participants Foreword I n these times of visible potential and great challengesfor a better world, marked by mountingcallsfor more "comprehensive,""holistic"and "integrated visions of development, religiouscommunitiescan playa pivotal role in building bridges, contributing to changeand continuity amongcommunities, and addressin today'sg central development challenges. This book is an important contribution to the critical debates about what the role of religious institutions and actors can and should be and how theyare part of the broadglobalagendafor the new millennium. We live today in a complex and paradoxical world. No one can overlook the stark inequalities that exist. We live in a world of plenty, while more than 1.2 billion people live on less than a dollar a day. Educational institutions in many parts of the world offer remarkable courses and more people than ever before have access to learning and the wealth of ideas and information on the Internet, while 0.9 billion people are still illiterate and have little access to educational resources. Food resources abound in infinite varieties, at all seasons of the year, but we estimate that 0.8 billion people suffer from hunger or malnutrition. We face a global challenge where every region, country and community has a unique history and character, yet is bound to others far away in ways we could not have envisaged even 50 years ago. Over the course of the last few years, international development, financial and corporate organizationshave come to seewith increasingclaritythe importance of global partnerships. They have also come to realize that development (in all its complexity) cannot be undertaken by governments alone, but must catalyze the activeand engagedeffortsof individuals, businessenterprises, financial institutions and civil society organizations (including labour unions, nongovernmental organizations or NGOs, religious organizations and others). Development actors are focusing on the need for more "comprehensive" or "holistic" approaches to their trade. This move towards a more integrated, multisectoral approach is the product of much bitter experience and a process of learning that the earlier, and seemingly straightforward,visionsof linear progresstowards "development" need rigorous and "comprehensive" rethinking. The challenge for these inclusive and broad-rangingapproaches is tosurmount an overly narrow,segmented and sectorial focus, thus integrating the multifaceted and varying perspectives of all relevant stakeholders. Nowhere has the tide towards building new and broader partnerships and visionsbeen more complex, yet visibleand vital, than in the wide territory between Foreword v reli ious communities and the traditional development world. Among the most g perceptive and vocal voices calling for broad and comprehensive approaches to development are faith institutions, which often rebel at narrow visions of human endeavours.Reli ion has, through history,had wideand profound influenceacross g many spheres of dailylife. Religious leaders and scholarsspeak week in and week out with both moral authority and local credibility.Faith institutions and leaders have been central actors in many of history's great shifts in values, behavioursand ~olicies.Yet, many western societies have followed a model where there was a distinct separation between "church" and state. The two worlds have often been viewed as divergent: where the world of religion deals with spiritual and esoteric matters, and the world of the state (and byextension, development) encompasses the material world. Today's events and challenges present new questions about these divides and walls, and call for a new series of bridges. In August and September 2000, in two separate but abutting meetings, world leaders and leaders of the world's major religions and spiritual traditions met at the United Nations. At the turn of the millennium, they were drawn to a far- ranging stocktakin of earlier progress and promises. A central conclusion from g both meetings, deeplyheld and movinglyconveyed,was that the global community was doing far too little to address the problems of global poverty. Projections of what lay ahead were both frightening and unacceptable. This was set against an unavoidable awareness of the abundance of resources and consumption, which highlighted the possibilities:the global community had ample resources and the know-how to change the picture of persisting poverty and misery. From the Millennium Summits emerged a global consensus, articulated around what are called the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). The MDGs represent a quantified and time-bound set of ambitious goals linked to fighting poverty and enhancing social justice on topics ranging from education, health and social development to gender and the environment. Since the Millennium Summits, development and faith leaders have focused more and more on the range of questions about the roles of religion and interfaith dialogue in the critical areas identified as those which must be addressed to end poverty:education, deliveryof healthcareservices, water and sanitation, the roles ofwomen and men in society,social cohesion and other areas.Theyput aspotlight on questions about faith leaders as agents of change, and the lessons to be learned by and from different partners in addressing society's challenges. Coupled with the objectives of social and economic transformation that we term development, the overlap and common ground of shared interests are woven in countless ways. The basic issuescentral to the global agenda- povertyalleviation,health and education, social justice, welfare and the meaning of progress- are core issues in vi Asian Interfaith Dialogue major religious traditions, with intellectual and moral roots that can be traced back for thousands of years. Theologians from every religion have grappled with the why's and how's of poverty and misery. For centuries, faith institutions have playeda pivotal role in providing servicesto the poor, and in working to overcome the underlying roots of poverty. As an illustration, the Islamic injunction against interest and usury has its origins in ancient principles of social justice that call on those with resources to share them with those without; charging interest wasseen as fundamentally conflicting with this basic social obligation. Scholarsand practitioners also point to new and alteredpartnerships propelled in part by the events of September 11,2001. This period may well mark the start of important paradigm shifts in thinking about the links among globalization, international relations and religion. We have witnessed in the post-9111 period an extraordinaryoutpouring of thinkingin all areas of endeavour.This has brought the links between religion and development into much sharper focus, brought the dialogue to the mainstream, and given new impetus to the globaldevelopment agenda. Above all, questions about social justice- what it means, how it can be achieved, how it is tied to peace and stability,and who is responsible- are central in global debate and dialogue. One important effort to bring these worlds together is the dialogue initiated byJames D. Wolfensohn, President of the World Bank, and Dr George L. Carey, Archbishop of Canterburyfrom 1991to 2002.They saw the strength of common purpose among world faith institutions and leaders and development institutions in bringing voices of poor communities to the international agenda and fighting against the scourge of poverty.Theyalsosaw the painful disagreements that called for more thoughtful dialogueand heightened communication. What does dialogue mean?Not debate, not explanation, not just words, but a real effort to understand and find better ways to work in partnership. Since this first meeting, the World Bank and other development institutions have engaged in a "world faiths n development dialogue aimed at enhancing understanding among many partners and opening doors to better programmes and richer partnerships among faith institutions, networks and government leaders.The need for broader and clearer sight, and for creative and dynamic efforts to see and understand the whole, emerged as fundamental lessons of recent decades of development experience. Efforts to bridge the vast differences in the vocabulary and tone that prevail in institutions of religion and development can stir strong emotional reactions. Despite this, leaders on both sides place their faith in a strong common body of ethical values that bind most civilizationsand most people.Among the challenges the world faces, those that touch on education may lend themselvesmost readily to faith development dialogue, as they call both for effective joint advocacy and Foreword vii tan ible programmes to address issues that block progress. Education is clearly a g central concern for faith institutions, as it is for those engaged in development agencies. It is a topic on which, at many levels, there has been longstanding consensus on priority and needs, yet results have fallen short. The new focus on education reflects a renewed determination to overcomeobstaclesand ensure real progress toward tangible objectives. This book discusses the relationship between religion, the role of education in generatingsocialcapital and its impact on the development of society. It draws on papers presented at an interfaith workshop co-hosted by the World Bank and the Centre for Researchon Islamicand MalayAffairs (RIMA).The dialogue took place in Singapore on 27-28 October 2001, with the participation of some 50 experts from Indonesia,Japan, Malaysia, the Philippines,SingaporeandThailand. The book describes the rich group of partners associatedwith this dialogue, their call to move beyond the discourseofdialogueand the imperative to start practising it. It conveys an effort to learn from both sides. It lays out the debates of scholars who see education as a major instrument for fostering knowledge and skills - with the purpose of improvin knowledge sharing, teaching methodologies,and g bolsterin mutual development efforts. g We hope that it will inspire ongoing efforts by both the development and faith communities to continue to dialogue and learn from the one another's strengths and areas for development. The importance of community institutions (ofwhich faithcommunitiesarea part) has never been greater.It issuch institutions that can ground development in local culture. As my colleagues and I at the World Bank have learned, we cannot approach the world's problems without appreciating and respecting their complexity and the powerful links among different issues and problems. It is vital that we work towards a stronger global dialogue,a compassionate,open and demanding quest, with more appreciation for the complexitiesand dilemmas that face us and more respect and humility in the face of differences and difficulties. We all face the challenge of a lifetime of learning. Learning is to stretch, to understand new culturesand disciplines,and to adapt to new realities. We all need broader visions, and the ability to see and embrace different perspectives and to act with these imperatives in our hearts and minds. We share the same world, so we share the same challenge. Katherine Marshall Director and Counselor to the President of the World Bank Development Dialogue on Values and Ethics Preface T his book is part of an effort to stimulate reflection on religion and its role in education and development in Southeast Asia. Earlier versions of the papers collected in this volume were presented at the "Asian Interfaith Dialogue: Perspectives on Religion, Education and Social Cohesion." This was a dialo ue g on values and development in multireligious Southeast Asia, organized by the Centre for Research on Islamic and Malay Affairs (RIMA), Singapore with sponsorship from The World Bank Post-Conflict Fund. Held on 27 and 28 October 2001 in Singapore, the dialogue was a follow-up to the Asian Regional Consultation on Social Cohesion and Conflict Management held on 16 and 17 March 2000 at the Asian Development Bank (ADB)in Manila. The consultation was jointly organized by the Social Development Department of the ADB and The World Bank. The World Bank is the world's largest source of development assistance. It employs its financial resources, staff and extensive knowledge base to help developin countries moveonto a path of stable,sustainableand equitablegrowth g in the fight against poverty. RIMAis a wholly-ownedsubsidiaryof the Association of Muslim Professionals (AMP),Singaporeand is dedicated to conducting research on issues affectingIslam, Muslims and Malaysociety.Together, the two meetings representan attempt to generate a better understandingof the major social forces that are shaping societies and communities in profound ways that are not easily measurable by conventional social and economic indicators or research. The Dialoguewitnessedindividualsfrom various religious groups in Southeast Asia coming together to network and exchange views on issues of education, development and social cohesion in a multireligious Asian region. The meeting and resulting work found in this volume was made possible by the efforts of many friends and supporters in Washington, D.C. and Singapore. First and foremost, we would like to express our appreciation to Dr Sharon Siddique, Director of Sreekumar Siddique & Co. Pte. Ltd., for her contribution in the initial efforts that brought the World Bank and RIMA together to undertake the activity.We would also like to expressour specialand sincere thanks, in ~articular, to Ms Elinah Abdullah, Senior Research Off~cerof RIMA, for her commitment and the considerable time and energy she put into the meeting and follow-up work. Our thanks also go to Mr Muhd Nazzim Hussain, Executive Director, AMP; Ms Jamaliah Mohd Saleh, Research Officer, R I M , and Ms Anny Roezza Abdul Aziz, Senior Corporate Communications Officer, AMP for their crucial Preface ix roles in the organization of the Asian Interfaith Dialogue from which the papers of this volume have been drawn. Finally, special mention should be made of Dr Nat Colletta, the Manager of the Bank'sConflict Prevention and Reconstruction Unit (then Post ConflictUnit),who encoura ed the organization of this meeting. g Syed Farid Alatas Lim Teck Ghee Kazuhide Kuroda Abbreviationsand Acronyms A. Anguttara Nikaya (one of the major Buddhist scriptures) ADB Asian Development Bank AMP Association of Muslim Professionals BEM Badan Eksekutif Mahasiswa (Students' Executive Body) CBSA Cara BelajarSiswa Aktif (ActiveStudent Learning Process) D. Digha Nikaya (one of the major Buddhist scriptures) DDICT Deep DialogueICriticalThinking Dhs. A. Dhammasangani Atthakatha (one of the major Buddhist scriptures) Institut Dialog Antar Iman Indonesia (Institute for Interfaith Dialogue in Indonesia) Darul IslamITenteraIslam Indonesia (IslamicState1 Indonesian Islamic Military) Elective Programme in Malay Language for Secondary Schools GCF Graduates Christian Fellowship GDI Global Dialogue Institute GDP Gross Domestic Product HAB Hindu Advisory Board HEB Hindu Endowments Board HIVIAIDS Human Immunodeficiency VirusIAcquired ImmunodeficiencySyndrome ICMI Ikatan Cendekiawan Muslim SeIndonesia(Association of Indonesian Islamic Intellectuals) ICRP Indonesian Conference on Religion and Peace IMF International Monetary Fund ISM Institut Studi Arus Informasi (The Institute for the Studies on Free Flow of Information) KKG Kelom~okKerja Guru (PrimarySchoolTeachers' Working Group) KOMNAS Komisi NasionalAnti KekerasanTerhadap Perempuan Perempuan (National Commission on Violence Against Women1 National Commission on Women's Rights) Majihima Nikaya (one of the major Buddhist scriptures) Abbreviations and Acronyms xi Masyarakat Dialog Antar Agama (Society for Interreligious Dialogue) MDG Millennium Development God Mendikbud Menteri Pendidikan dan Budaya(Minister for Education and Culture) MMI MajelisMujahidin Indonesia(IndonesianMujahidin Council) MU1 Majlis Ulama Indonesia (Council of Indonesian Islamic Religious Leaders) Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura (IslamicReligious Council of Singapore) NGO Nongovernmental Organization PPKN Pendidikan Pancasila dan Kewarganegaraan (Pancasila and Civics Education) PPPG-IPS Pusat Pengembangan Penataran Guru-Ilmu Pengetahuan Sosial (Teachers' Development and Training Centre-Social Sciences) RIMA Centre for Researchon lslamic and MalayAffairs, Singapore SAP Special Assistance Plan S A M Ethnicity (suku),religion (agama),race (ras) and socialstratal group (antargolongan) Seruni Seruan Perempuan Antar Iman (The Call of Indonesian Women) SIP SuaraIbu Peduli (Voice of Concerned Mothers) SKB Surat Keputusan Bersama (Joint Decree) TNC Transnational corporation TOT Training of Trainers TWG Technical working group UNICEF United Nation's Children's Fund WCC World Council of Churches WCEP Whole Child Education Project WTO World Trade Organization Introduction Syed Farid Alatas T" e events of the last few years have directed even more attention to the relationships among religion, education and social cohesion in the context ofdevelopment.TheAsian financialcrisisof 1997,theSeptember 11,2001attacks on the United States, the Bali bombing of 12 October 2002, and the recent United States-ledwar against Iraq all demonstrate that economic growth alone, within a context of extreme national and global inequality, results neither in developmentin a broadersenseof the term nor socialcohesion.There is, therefore, a need to consider the combined role of religion and education in fosterin a g more holisticform ofdevelopmentwithout concurrently fanningflames of ethnic, religious and other kinds of conflicts. EventslikeSeptember 11and the war in Iraq may lead to or exacerbatealready existing interethnic and interreligious sentiment. There is, therefore, clearly a need for dialogue between non-Western civilizationsand the West.The year 2001 marked the United Nations Year of Dialogue among Civilizations.' Yet, much of what we have seen and heard in the media concerns conflict, and there is very little mention of 'dialogue.' Since the September 11 attacks, major media sources in the world have been emphasizing the dimension of conflict rather than that of peace; voices of harmony and dialogue have failed to gain the attention they deserve.Sometimes,seedsofconflictare planted in the publicmind by the ignorant and the misinformed.In this regard, the roleof the media in termsof both fostering dialogue among religions and civilizations and creating misunderstanding and potential conflict situations, is crucial. I would like to give two examples from Singapore. First is an article by Farrukh Dhondy which first appeared in the CityJou~nal and was reprinted in Singapore with the title "Muslim Misfits in Britain."2The article drew severe criticism from the Malay/Muslim community in Singapore for what it regarded as objectionable and inaccurate statements on Islam. For example, Dhondy suggests that "if you prostrate yourself to an all-powerful and unfathomable beingfive times a day, if you are constantly told that you live in the world of Satan, if those around you are ignorant of and impervious to literature, art, historical debate and all that nurtures the valuesof Western civilization,your mind becomes susceptible to fanaticism. Your mind rots." In other words, being religious and ignorant of Western culture breeds fanaticism. This is a fatal combination of Eurocentrism and shallow knowledge on the nature of religious ... Introduction experience. Even a less educated Malayfarmer or Bangladeshiconstruction worker knows that there is no correlation between religiosity and fanaticism. Many Muslimsin Singaporewere unhappywith Dhondy's article. For example,Saharudin Kassim, then Special Assistant to the President of the Islamic Religious Council of Singapore, wrote a very articulate critique of the Dhondy piece and suggested that such "a malicious piece of writing" should not have been published in The Sunday Times.3 I have a different view. It is precisely such articles that create conditions for encouragingdialogue.Singaporeanswould not have benefitedfrom Saharudin Kassim's critique of Dhondy7sviews if the latter's article had not been printed locally. Many Singaporeans may have held erroneous views similar to Dhondy's, and an opportunity presented itself for these views to be corrected. In asense, the printingof adverseopinions servea function as well. I would encourage more of such discussion in the media. The second example is the article by Asad Latif, "Secularism Protects All Faiths."* This is another misleading article as it gives the impression that the virtues of secularism are helping Singapore withstand the shocks emanating from the September 11terrorist attacks. While this is an erroneous view, it does provide us with an opportunity to correct it and, in doing so, enter into dialogue with both religious as well as secular groups. The view needs to be corrected because it is such strains of thought that deflect our attention from historical - realities. If we understand secularism as being an attitude underlying various ideologies and hostile or indifferent to religion and the religious outlook and world view, logic would have it that secularism is not free of ideology any more than religion is. Furthermore, experienceshows us that the worst cases of genocide in recent history took place in the name of secular ideologies, namely, fascism, liberal democracy and socialism. I am referring to the Nazi Holocaust, the bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, and genocide under Stalin and Polpot. Of course, it would be as illogical to conclude that secularism is the cause of such genocide as it is to conclude that secularism is the reason behind religious harmony. I feel it - necessary to clarifythese distinctions because there is a dominant perception that religion is the cause of many problems. There is a view which is founded on the notion that religion breeds intolerance. It is more accurate to say that all belief systems are corruptible and can be perverted, and that there are specific social and historical conditions that result in these perversions. The purpose of this dialogue, from which the papers in this volume were drawn, was to bring together voices to consider arenas of action that would be effective in conscientizing people about the need for interfaith dialogue. This need comes about from the fact that religion is one of the few institutions in xiv Asian Interfaith Dialogue societythat strengthens both horizontal and verticalassociationsbetween people, associationswhich are vital if the voices of social harmony are to be heard beyond the confines of seminar rooms and conference halls. One of the main challenges to social cohesion in multireligious Southeast Asia is the question of containing and reducing ethnic and religious cleava es. g Many scholars, activists and organizations have recognized the importance of social cohesion, and conflict management or prevention as an essential element in achieving greater participation, good governance and democratization. One way of minimizing the possibility of conflict is to create more interest in, compassion for and understanding of the culture and civilization of the other. This is the goalof dialogueamong civilizations.Yet, dialogue among civilizations ought not to be carried out solely among the religious elite and the already 'converted.' It should bea regular featureof publicdiscourse.This volumecontains the works of Southeast ~ s i a scholars and activists in the fields of reli ion and n g development, and representsthe combined effortsof RIMAand the World Bank to bring certain issues into the domain of public discourse. In this volume, the focus is on education, broadly defined, and its interplay with various religious forces relevant to the development process. Part One on "Religion,Education and the Development ofSociety"examines religious views on education, coveringsuch issues as the necessity of a religious outlook on life for scientific development, the three-way relationship among education, development and religious values, and the development of cosmopolitanism. Above all, Part One is concerned with the role of religion in both scientific and societal progress. - - Syed Hussein Alatas' opening chapter on the theme of religion and science, which also constituted one of two lecturesdelivered at the dialogue, addressesthe need for a religious outlook on education and offers a framework to understand the role that religion plays in scientificprogress.The chapters bySomparn Promta and Pracha Hutanuwatr are informed by the idea that religion and its various branches of inquiry, such as theology, have practical consequences for the study and ordering of society. Promta discusses Buddhist economics in terms of two approaches - what he calls the software and hardware approaches - while Hutanuwatr discusses a Buddhist model of education which he believes can be implemented within the presentschoolin system inThailand. Hasan Madmam, g on the other hand, seems to be less optimistic about the possibility of merging so-called secular and Islamiceducation in Thailand and discusses the disjuncture between the two. In the final chapter of this section, SaranindranathTagoredraws on the work of the thinker and poet Rabindranath Tagore to argue in favour of the value of a cosmopolitan education and for a broadening of university Introduction xv curriculums to allow for greater exposure to the variety of civilization and their cultural productions. PartTwoon "Religion,Education andWomen"raisesvariousproblemsrelating to reli ious education and gender as well as to the role of women in religious g organizations. ParichartSuwanbubbhafocuseson women in religious institutions. She looks at the diff~cultiesof female ordination in Thailand. Sr. Mary John Mananzan discusses the role of religious education in women's lives and identifiesoppressive as well as liberative elements that coexist in Christianity While these chapters specifically address the status of women in religious establishments, the chapter by Lies Marcoeslooksat the role ofwomen in the development process,discussing women's movements at the grassroots level in Indonesia and the extent to which they support development programmes. Finally, PartThree on "Religion,Education and Interfaith Dialogue"discusses the obstacles to and prospectsfor interfaith dialogue. Patricia Martinez arguesfor a pedagogyof interfaith encountersandstresseson educationfor tolerance,drawing on the exampleof theWhole Child Education Projectin Indonesia. Along similar lines is the chapter by A.N. Rao, which draws on the Hindu tradition to make a case for interreligious education. The question of tolerance is also taken up by FranzMagnis-Susenoand discussedin more conceptual terms byC.L.Ten,whose chapter was also delivered as the second lecture of the dialogue. The first four papers of Part Three are complemented by the last two, which focus more on obstacles to interreligious dialope. Vineeta Sinha suggests that such obstacles have to do with an emphasis on the theme of"difference"rather than "sameness," while Syed Farid Alatas discusses the need for a more multicultural vision of history and of the development of modern civilization so that genuine dialogue can take place. While there appears to be great diversityin the issues and topics discussed in thefourteen chapters of thisvolume, there is alogic that binds them.The chapters rangefrom a consideration of specific,concrete issues relating to the problems of religion and education to more general, abstract problems concerning the philosophy of education and the concept of tolerance. For the more specificissues such as gender and Buddhist economic practices, many of the chapters in this volume haveshown that it is necessaryto go beyond simply describing a problem and then prescribing religion as a solution. Instead, we must investigate real-life attempts. For example,we need empiricalstudies on the problemsof communities that operate along the lines of Buddhist economics, not just abstract accounts of Buddhist economics or normative statements on how a Buddhist economy might function. xvi Asian Interfaith Dialogue Furthermore, it was noted by many participants at the dialogue and also implied in the chapters in this volume that it is necessary to go beyond mere considerationsof religion as a normative systemand to look at religious traditions in terms of their various fields of knowledge for the study of contemporary problems. Liberation theology is one example. Finally, there are the more general problems relating to the philosophy of education and the role of religion in education, and the nature and practice of interfaith dialogue. Indeed, it is these more general issues that unite the concerns of each chapter in this volume.These issues include the need for universal values, toleration, and emphasis on sameness rather than difference, and should be the centralconcernsof interfaith dialogue.Theyarediscussed in somedetailin Cha ter p One as well as in Part Three. Yet, it is strongly felt that we needed to stop talking about dialogue and start practising it. So, the question became: how do we equip both laypersons as well as experts and activists with sufficient social capital to engage in dialogue, that is, to debate and discuss at the interreligious level?What is the role of education in generating this social capital?These are some of the questions that have emerged in this volume. A serious reading of this volume would suggest the following points of consensus that could also be considered as courses of future action in the area of interfaith dialogue: 1. School and university curriculums should be revised to include history and social scientificstudy of religions; of religious struggles founded on universal values; of tolerance and mutual understanding; of coexistence between religions; and of religious extremism. 2. There should be a reconstruction of history in curriculums to reflect the true nature of conflicts. For example, the Crusades could be presented as a series of conflicts between Europeans and Arabs rather than as battles between Christians and Muslims. 3. In order to foster understanding and respect for other religions, texts should be rewritten to show the multiculturalorigins of modern Westerncivilization. Children should be educated from a young age to realize that modern civilizationowes its originsin no small measureto thecontributions of Chinese, Indians and Muslims. 4. Efforts must be made to work out how the study of world religions and universalvalues can be introduced into theschoolingsystem in such a manner that a mutual understandin of religions, and not thestrengthening of religious g prejudices, may be brought about. 5. The understanding of religion should not be restricted to values. Religion should also be consideredas a mode of knowing,consistingofvarious branches of knowledge. In many religions, fields such as theology, logic, biography, Introduction xvii history, the science of interpretation and so on, have been cultivated. These are valid fields of knowledge that could be integrated into our curriculums to introduce people to different religious traditions, defined in the broad sense as ways of life. 6. For interreligious dialogue to be genuine, it has to go beyond the sphere of people talking about their own religions. Based on the current world division of labour in scholarship,socialsciencescholarsin the North generallyspecialize in theoretical and comparative works,and study countries and religions other than their own. Scholars in the South, however, generally conduct empirical studies, single case studies and work on their own countries and religions. This division of labour must be broken for there to be genuine interfaith dialogue and education. The question of peace and harmony among the various civilizations and religious communities in the world can be approached in two broad ways. One is to engage in conflict resolution after conflicts have broken out. The other is to engage the other civilization in constant dialogue to minimize the intensity or quantum of conflicts that are, at any rate, inevitable. Dialogue among civilizations can be defined as conversation or discussion between representativesof two or more groups that may differ along the lines of religion, ethnicity or other markers of distinction. What we have in mind in this volume, however, is more than just that. What we have in mind is conversation on a subject of common interest, between two or more individuals or parties whose beliefs are informed by differing world views. The ultimate aim of such dialogue is to inculcate an attitude founded on appreciation, understanding interest and compassion for the cultures and world views of the other. But the consideration ofsuch dialogueshould not be confined to its literalsense;dialogue among civilizations is also a metaphor for the process of implantation and cultivation of an orientation and attitude that is founded on the attributes of tolerance, mutual understanding interest, compassion and love.This amounts to no lessthan the inculcation of the spirit of multiculturalism, that is, thecelebration of cultural variety and diversity. Notes 1. See hm://www.un.orp/DiaIo~ue/ 2. The Sunday Times, 23 December 2001. 3. "It's a malicious piece of writing, not a critical exposition," The Straits Zmes, 2 January 2002. 4. The Straits Zmes, 31 December 2001. KeynoteAddress Guest-of-Honour Mr Chiang Chie Foo Permanent Secretary, Ministry of Education Mr Darke Sani, Chairman, Centre for Research on Islamic and MalayAffairs (RIMA); Dr Lim Teck Ghee, Senior Social Sector Specialist, Environment and Social Development Sector Unit, East Asia Region, World Bank; Distinguished Guests; Ladies and Gentlemen. 1. I wish to commend RIMA and the World Bank for your foresight in organizing this conference which focuses on interfaith dialogue. This focus on dialogue and building bridges of understanding will go a long way to building the social consensus so critical to support economic and social development of the region. 2. In viewof recentevents unfoldingin the world, this conferenceis also a timely reminder of the need to reach out, to forge understanding, and to strengthen social cohesion. Interfaith Dialogue - The Singapore Experience 3. Singapore is fortunate in being the meeting place of major civilizations, not just in terms of religions but also in terms of races and languages. On any average day, about 190 foreign newspaperscirculatein Singapore,in multiple languages including English, Malay, Chinese, Tamil, Korean, Thai, Japanese, Tagalogand German. Places of worship of different major religions are sited close to one another; some are even next-door neighbours. 4. Such a mixcan have the potential to lead to strifeand disorder, as tragicevents from different parts of the world throughout history so amply illustrate. It is a tremendous challenge to turn what could potentially be divisivefactors into a source of strength. 2 Asian Interfaith Dialogue Several countries in this region have done so using their own models, each tailored to the unique circumstancesof their societies. Singapore, too, hasevolved its own socialsystem and norms to help us to turn diversityinto astrength, and to create a unity of purpose and aspirationsfrom diverse strands of customs, beliefs and values. 5. This morning, I would like to sharewith you our perspectiveson these issues, bearing in mind, of course, the dangers of extrapolating from the experiences of a single country, and a very small one at that. I hope that these perspectives will help to show how interfaith dialogue can move from scholarly discourseto daily action, perhaps serve as a referencefor adaptation, and, at the very least, provide food for thought and further research. 6. We sometimes think of Singapore society as being represented by four overlapping circles, each representingone of the major ethnic groups. Within this overlaparea, there is national treatment for all, be it opportunities for higher education or access to healthcareservices. Each community, however, retains the freedom to practise its own reli ion g and customs. This is represented by the space outside of the overlap area. The common area of overlap and the spaces for each community together form the anchors that give our society the stability and resilience we need. 7. The reality is even more complex. There are overlappingcirclesfor the different racesand the different religions, and these do not always coincide. A Chinese Singaporean can be a follower of any religion, and a Muslim Singaporean can be of Malay, Chinese or Indian ancestry. But the principle remains the same - we seek to enlarge what is common while respecting differences. 8. We see our challenge in nation building as trying to enlarge the area of overlap among the four circles, gadually, and at a pace which the different communities are comfortable with. The Singapore experience of enlarging the common areas is built on three pillars. 9. Firstly, we decided very early on in our nation building that we should focus on our common hopesand aspirationsas human beings,irrespectiveofwhether we are Buddhists, Christians, Hindus, Muslims or Taoists. It is, therefore, important for Government, in drawing up its development goals and plans, to distil these from the aspirations of our people. These are universal aspirations of ordinary citizens all over the world - to live Keynote Address - Guest-of-Honour 3 in a safe and secure country, to lead a better life, to providefor one's children, to plan for the future because there is a future worth planning for. 10. Secondly,we have built up institutions that help develop "social capital"- the glue that binds people to ether. g The key national institutions are public housing, education and National Service. 11. The public housing programme under which the Government acquires land and builds low-cost housing for sale to citizens has achieved several social objectives at once. It has improved housing conditions for our citizens, bringing modern sanitation to many for the first time in their lives. Through the Home Ownership Scheme, every citizen has a personal stake in the nation's progress. From the nation building point of view,it has allowed us to overcomea legacy of the"divide-and-rule"approachof colonial town planningwhich also proved to be an expedient way to keep the peace among the communities, not by interaction, understanding and the exercise of tolerance, but by segregation and avoidance of contact. At the outset, the public housing programme sought to bring the different communities into close contact with one another, as they go about their daily lives, and practising their traditional customs and religious observations in proximity to others who are different. 12. Housewives exchan e cookies which they make for their respective festive g occasions. A Singaporean family need never run out of "goodies" to enjoy because all year round, some family in the apartment block will be celebratinga religious or traditional festival- Hari Raya Puasa, Deepavali, Christmas, Chinese New Year, or a birthday. 13. In many of our public housing apartment blocks, the ground floor has no dwelling unit. This is known as a "void deck," a utilitarian description in an architectural plan which has become standard parlance in Singapore. Many community events are held on these void decks. During a weekend, it may be a colourful Malay wedding, complete with temporary cooking facilities, the attendance of many relatives and friends, and a dais for the happy couple. Perhaps, in the followingweek, the void deck would become the location for a funeral wake for a Chinese family, complete with wreaths, chanting monks and mourning relatives. 4 Asian Interfaith Dialogue And the next weekend, it could be transformed into a playground for a children's party organised by the Residents' Committee to bring together children of all ethnic groups, and their parents. 14. No matter what your race or religion, you begin to see how others live their lives and practise the important ritualsat key milestones in the journeyof life. And you have the opportunity to interact at community functions and get to know your neighbours. 15. While the public housing programme has been successhl on many counts, the challenge is to keep worlung on it. If we simply leave things as they are, there is a natural and perfectly understandable tendencyfor the differentcommunities to live apart and drift apart. Indeed, this was our experience in our public housing estates. Over time, with secondarymarket transactions, differentcommunities began to congregate in different estates. This was not because they wanted to deliberately segregate themselves or live apart. Small innocuous individual preferences,such as wanting- to live close by to your parents and siblings, or to your place or worship or favourite market, over time accumulateso that communities tend to re-congregate again. - - Again, therewas a need to put in place new measures to preventthe formation of racial enclaves. In 1989, the racial quota scheme was introduced, setting caps on the percentage of the different races living in a particular apartment block and in a neighbourhood, which is a collection of about 30-60 blocks. The quota scheme has made it a more complex affair to buy or sell a public flat on the secondary market, but it has played an important role in keeping our housing estates racially mixed. 16. Let me now talk about our experience with schools. When we became independent, we inherited a patchwork quilt of several differenteducation systems,manyadapted from the countriesof origin of our forefathers. There were Malay, Chinese and Tamil schools, and some English-medium schools set up by missionaries and the Government. It was quite a task to integrate the different language medium schools, and to accord each of the four official languagesequal status. Over time, the various communities were more prepared to hand over the schoolsfounded by them to meet the specificneedsof their communities, and turn these into Government schools catering to all Singaporeans. KeynoteAddress - Guest-of-Honour 5 They were prepared to do so in order to enjoy substantial funding from - - Government, and also because they were reassured that the interests of their communities would be ~rovidedfor in the Government schools. 17. Today, we have a national school system that does more than providea solid foundation in the values, skills and knowledge necessary to meet future challenges. The schools are critical institutions in which our young enjoy a common educational experience, of growing up together, of finding out about our history and heritage,and of working towards a common goal. 18. We use English as our common language and the main language of instruction in schools. Apart from its value as a neutral language that is not native to any of the communities, the use of Englishhas proven to be a !goodchoicein other ways. Literacyin English has helped to plugSingaporeinto the globaleconomyand allowedSingaporeans to have directaccess to mostof th.econtenton the Internet - ~ and the latest scientific and technological innovations, with no loss for translation time. 19. Mathematics, Science, the Social Sciences and Humanities are taught to all Singaporeanstudents in English. But we also make room in our schools for our young- to learn about their own cultural heritageand to learn their mother tongue languagesto as high a level as they are capable of. We want to be able to retain the enduring values and ethos of our Asian heritage while embracing the best of Western ideas. We want to nurture core groups of young Singaporeans who are knowledgeablein their own mother tongue languagesand cultures to preserve the uniquenessof their respective communities. 20. While our strategic goal remains the same for the different communities, the exact way in which we have operationalized our intent is customized to the unique circumstances of each community. Chinese studentswho wish to study Chinese at a higher level than the standard level achievable by most students can opt to do so either in Special Assistance Plan or SAP schools where all students offer Chinese as their mother tongue language, or in other schools where different mother tongue languages are offered. 21. The existence of SAP schools has at times created concerns among- the minority groups and also among some Chinese Singaporeans that students attending these schools will not have the opportunities to interact with students of other communities. 6 Asian Interfaith Dialogue This concern is not to be dismissed. Even as we remind ourselves of the larger strategic reasons for allowing each community room to practise its own customs, our SAP schools need to continue to work on increasing their linkages with other schools and community groups, so that their students will have opportunities to learn about the other communities. Beyond the school, SAP students also have the opportunity to interact with students from other communities in the public housing estates, during National Service, and at co-curricular activities. 22. For the Malay community, the SAPschool model is not practical due to a lack of critical mass. Higher Malay is available for students who wish to take it. he introduction of an Elective Programme in Malay Language for Secondary School (EMAS) at Bukit Panjang Government High School and the introduction of the Malay Language Elective Programme at Tampines Junior College provide Malay students with special interest and aptitude the opportunity to offer Malay at a higher level and to deepen their understanding and appreciation of Malay history and culture. 23. For the Tamil-speaking community, the Ministry of Education has invested over $2 million in upgradingthe Umar PulavarTamil LanguageCentre into a national Tamil language resource centre. The Centre provides facilities, including IT resources, for the use of teachers and students. It also organizes various enrichment programmes and cultural activities for Tamil language students. 24. Even after we have put in place the different pieces for a national education system, we recognise that we cannot leave everything to chance or to natural forces. Members of the same ethnic community may simply feel more comfortable with each other, because theyspeak the samelanguageand like the same food. Through a systematic National Education programme, we remind our children about the multiracial and m~ltireli~iouscharacter of Singapore, and the importance of harmony. Each year, on 21" ofJuly, all our schoolscommemorate Racial Harmony Day, as a reminder that we cannot take racial harmony for granted. The date was chosen with some care - this was the day in 1964 when Singapore saw race riots, which we hope not to have to experienceever again. 25. National Service, the two to two and a half years of conscription for our male citizens, bonds them as only a deeply formative experience can. Keynote Address- Guest-of-Honour 7 Our young men not only eat, sleep and train alongside others of different races, religions,educational backgrounds and experiences,they must learn to fight as a team and learn to trust each other in a matter of life and death. 26. Throu h ~ublichousin , national schools and National Service, we have g g institutions that promote interaction, dialogue and understanding. Social capital is best built when the different communities meet, come together, and have common interests. These institutions allow us to transform a high ideal of religious and racial harmony into a series of daily routines. While respect for the beliefsand practicesof differentgroups issafeguardedin the Constitution, it is in the experienceof dailyliving experiencesthat people learn to manage differences. 27. Thirdly, when different groups interact, there must be clear rules of engagement. Here, the Government plays an important role in "holding the ring." It has to adopt an even-handed approach to dealin s with different g communities. This is a tight-rope to walk. 28. There will always be calls and demands from different groups for special or differential treatment, and for very good reasons, too, from their point of view. The challenge is to always keep a steady course, with an eye firmly on our common goals, without tipping to one side or the other. 29. In education, the Singapore national curriculum seeks to emphasize the ties that bind, so that we can widen the areas of commonality among the different communities. This is complemented by the space for each community to learn its mother tongue language in school. 30. The role of spirituality in public-funded education is an altogether more challenging task, especially in a polyglot society. There is no one suitable model to use. It would be unthinkable, for example, if we choose to use a model which the majority of our population can identify with without taking into consideration the needs of the minorities. 31. Government or its educators cannot claim to be experts in each of the major religions. Using the approach of emphasizing commonality,we teach civics and moral education in national schools, without recourse to religion, by emphasizing moral values which all major religionsexpound. 8 Asian Imerfaith Dialogue The families then play a bigger role in complementing the role of schools by providingor arranging for spiritual or religiouseducation. 32. By keepingthe statesecularbut tolerant and acceptingof the positiverole that religion plays, we have evolved a stable system in which there is room for all groups to practisetheir religionsand, more important, asocialconsensusabout where we are going as a nation and the assurance that all groups have a place "under the sun." This assurance and confidenceis very important. It provides every group, large or small, with a predictableset of rules of the game to live by. 33. Singapore's experience has served to illustrate two important points. The first is that it is not just a matter of high ideals, but how asocietyarranges its daily affairs that determinesif its people of differentreligionsand races live harmoniously with each other. The historyof mankind contains many exampleswhere the formulafor living together on the same piece of territory has just not been found. 34. The second is that thereis a need to constantlyworkat maintaining racial and religiousharmony. Even if a policy or an institution has been successful in increasing dialogue and understanding, it is up against very strong centrifugal forces which tend to pull communities apart. Refinements in policies are needed continuously. Conclusion 35. Over the next two days, you will be having scholarly discourses and discussions. Through this, I hope you will gain a deeper insight into how different communities have tried to keep religiousforces relevant to development. 36. On this note, I wish you a very fruitful conference. Welcome Address Mr Darke M. Sani Chairman, Centre for Research on Islamic and Malay Afairs (RIM), Singapore Mr Chiang Chie Foo, Permanent Secretary, Ministry of Education; Dr Lim Teck Ghee and Mr Kazuhide Kuroda,The World Bank; Distinguished Guests; Ladies and Gentlemen. Good Morning. F irstly,Iwouldliketo thank Mr ChiangChie Foo,PermanentSecretary,Ministry of Education, for his presence here this morning on behalf of RAdm Teo Chee Hean, Minister for Education and Second Minister for Defence. On behalf of RIMA, the Centre for Research on lslamic and Malay Affairs, Singapore, I would like to express our sincerest gratitude and appreciation to The World Bank Post-Conflict Fund for supporting this interfaith dialogue. That a dialogue of this nature should be organized at a time like this, a time when the world is facinga crisis and a multitude of challengesin terms of religion and ethnicity, seems coincidental. But we have been preparing for this dialogue since early in the year as we saw the urgent need to get peoples of different faiths together to sit and talk about how each other's religion promotes development and social cohesion amongst peoples of various backgrounds. Since Singapore, as well as other Southeast Asian countries, is m~ltireli~ious, interfaith dialogues of such a nature become even more meaningful. They are important in ensuring that the socialfabricof our society remainsintact or at least is preventedfrom frayingfurther.It is good to seeactivists, academics, civilservants and the like participating in an event like this, to share one another's views and experiences.There has generally been a dearth of such dialogues, so we need to takeeveryopportunity possibleto participate in one when the opportunity arises. We hope this dialogue will bring about greater networking and exchanges betweenmembersof differentreligious backgrounds.This willcontribute towards enhancing the solidarityand harmony between us, especially in difficult times as 10 Asian Interfaith Dialogue this. Such solidarity and harmony should not be taken for granted; we need to work hard to maintain that and enhance it deeper. BeforeIend, let mealsoexpressour thanksand appreciation to all our esteemed paperpresentersand guestsspeakersfrom around the region and herein Singapore, and, of course, to Dr Syed FaridAlatas, our Convenor, for all his effort in making this dialoguea success. Thank you. WelcomeAddress Dr LimTeck Ghee Senior Social Sector Specialist, Environment and Social Development Sector Unit, E a t Asia and Paczjc Region, TheWorld Bank T his conferencehas twosourcesof inspiration. Firstly, it is a follow-up activity to the Asian Re ional Consultation on Social Cohesion and Conflict g Management held in March 2000 in Manila which was or anized by the World g Bank. That meeting arose from concerns that issues of social conflict and social cohesion were being ne lected in the development agenda of countries in the g region,even though these haveclearly been criticalfactorsimpactingon thestability and well-beingof nation states.In SoutheastAsia, a regionwhich is the crossroads of many cultures, ethnic groups and religions, neglect of the importance of social cohesion has been especially telling during the financial and economic crisis of 1997, when social stress and strife reared its ugly head in some countries of the region. Not only are the reverberations of the 1997 crisis still with us today, but the September 11 terrorist attack in New York and the war in Afghanistan have added another set of contentious dynamics and a further layer of complexity to the relationship between cultures, religions and societies all over the world, including in Southeast Asia. How are economic and political events and changes affectingsocial cohesion, including religious cohesion, and in what direction is social cohesion moving? These are key questions that all of us - not only development planners- have to be concerned about. During the Manila Consultation on Social Cohesion, the importance of a better understanding of the moral and reli ious basis of development was g underscored by many participants. This, in turn, has precipitated us workin in g the East Asia and Pacific region and the Conflict Prevention and Reconstruction Unit of theWorld Bank tosupport thisfollow-upworkaimed at bringing together a group of experts and activists who span the spectrum of religious diversity in the region so that they can share with us their analysis of some key aspects of religion, education and development. In particular,we would like to understand how religion and the vehicle of religiouseducation are interacting to promote or impede social cohesion and the implementation of the development agenda in countries. It is by no means clear that this interaction of re'ligion and modern development - the latter, primarily a secular-driven force - is necessarily 12 Asian Interfaith Dialogue harmonious or straightforward; in fact, recent events have led many people to question whether there needs to be a clearer divide between the realms of reli ious g faith and secular systems. For staff at the World Bank, there is a growing recognition that the development agenda is by no means solely or mainly an economic driven one. Rather, most see it as one marked by the interdependence of many elements - social, human, governance, financial and cultural. This recognition has provided the second source of inspiration for this meeting. In 1998, the first interfaith consultation took place in London. It was during that meeting that the World Faiths Development Dialogue was established as a process to facilitate structural interaction between the World Bank and the faiths. It was decided to establish a dialope that would be impartialand demand-drivenso as to createan environment which allows for constructive exchan e of experiences and cooperation between g the faiths themselves- and this needs to be underlined - and between the faiths and the World Bank. During the first year, the focus has been on a conceptual contribution by the faith communities to the Bank's World Development Report 2000 focusin on g effectiveways to combat poverty.This exercise resulted in a challenging interfaith statement available on the website at http://www.wfdd.orP.ukl as "Poverty and Development: An Interfaith Perspective." Other initiatives have been action- oriented and theyhavesprung up in Ethiopia, Tanzania, India and other countries where the Bank has a presence, involving interfaith groups working together on health, education, food security, environmental and a host of other practical concerns. In November 1999, a second World Faiths Development Dialogue was held in Washington and attended byleaders from the Baha'i, Buddhist, Christian, Hindu, Jain, Jewish, Islamic and Sikh faiths. The religious leaders present at that meeting expressed the urgency to provide help to the poor and give them the opportunity to live a life of dignity. They expressed particular concern about the effects of corruption on the most vulnerable people and the importance of nurturing diverse cultures in the face of globalization. Other key messages that emerged from that meeting, which this dialogue group may wish to note, include: 1. The commitment to improving the lives of the poor can bring about the bridging of cultural and reli ious dividesand it is crucial to replicate this in as g many country settings as possible. 2. There is a need to formulate an overarching set of development ethics on which the faith communities are in broad agreement. It is also necessary to articulate the values and ethics in development programmes for examination and reflection, not just by donors but by the people affected by such efforts. Welcome Address - Dr Lim Teck Ghee 13 3. Representativesof the faith communities need to devote greater attention to mobilizingvolunteersfor the dialogue.These should be peoplewhoare rooted in work with the poor and who understand the nature of poverty and the changes needed. These are messages that I am sure few will disagree with, but there are many practical considerations and constraints that stand in the way of disseminating these messages and accomplishing their ideals in m~ltireli~iousand multiethnic societies. There are also contentious areas which these initial dialogues of faith representativesand organizations appear to have decided not to engage in or have given cursory attention to, not least of which are the deep differences that exist amongst the various faiths themselves on how they view the role of religion and its integration with the way that modern societies are organized. I am sure this meeting will produce much food for thought, not only for the World Bank and other international developmentagenciesengagedin helpingdevelopingcountries, but also for the stakeholders in countries that are participating in the global development dialogue. WelcomeAddress Mr KazuhideKuroda Senior Knowledge Management Oficer, ConJlictPreventionand Reconstruction Unit, Social Development Department, TheWorld Bank Permanent Secretary, Mr Chiang Chie Foo, Distinguished Guests, Participants, Ladies and Gentlemen. M y name is Kaz Kuroda of the Conflict Prevention and Reconstruction Unit of the World Bank.With my colleague,LimTeck Ghee, we arevery pleased to be here today to join you in this most timely dialogue. As you can imagine, much hard work over several months has gone into preparing this dialogue. For this, I am most grateful to Mr Darke Sani, Mr Muhamad Nazzim Hussain, and their colleagues at the Centre for Research on Islamic and Malay Affairs (RIMA) and its parent organization, the Association of Muslim Professionals (AMP). At the World Bank, our mission is to reduce poverty by building the climate for investment, jobs and sustainable growth, and by empowering poor people to participate in the economy and society. While the World Bank was established in 1944 to support the reconstruction of post-war Europe, the Bank, in recent years, has played a key role in post-conflict reconstruction in many parts of the world, such as in the Balkans, Cambodia, East Timor and in the Horn of Africa. In so doing, we have become keenly aware that poverty is both a cause and a consequence of conflict and that conflict is a major impediment to development. The Bank has progressively broadened its response to conflict, from an approach focused on rebuilding infrastructure, to a comprehensive approach including initiatives to promote economic recovery, restoresocial capital and build institutional capacity.This comprehensiveapproach became the basis for a new landmark Bank policy called Operational Policy on Development Cooperation and Conflict and it was approved by the Bank's Board of Executive Directors in January 2001. In this context, we, at the Conflict Prevention and Reconstruction Unit of the Social Development Department, are responsible for policy development, knowledge management and partnership on conflict-related issues. In addition, Welcome Address - Mr Kazuhide Kuroda 15 the Unit manages the Post-Conflict Fund which is a grant facility to strengthen the Bank's ability to support countries in transition from conflict to sustainable peace and economic gowth, and to deepen our overall understanding of development and conflict prevention. We have begun to explore social cohesion and conflict management issuesin Asia and this has led to a conferencein Manila with the Asian Development Bank in March 2000. One of the key results of the Manila conferencewas the consensusamong the Southeast Asian participants for the Bank to convene an interfaith dialogue which would provide an opportunity for representativesof various religions and faiths in the region to share their views on the dynamics between reli ion and development. g I would like to conclude by expressing my thanks to you for coming here to participate in the dialogue. I look forward to your contributions and discussions. Thank you. Part I Religion, Educationand the Developmentof Society 1 Religion, Scienceand Education Syed Hussein Alatas L et me explain what is meant by religion, science and the philosophy of education. What I mean by religion is not historical religion. I am not talking about Islam, Hinduism or Buddhism but the core concept of religion, of what they have in common. The same applies to science.When Bertrand Russell talked about science, he did not mean the actual practical institutions of science. He was not talking about the practical aspects of scientific institutions. He was talking about science in the general conceptual sense. He did not mean the activities of science in Czechoslovakia, Soviet Russia or Nazi Germany, where science was distorted. These were the misapplications of science. He was not talking about the practical implementation of science. In following the same level of reasoning, I am also not talking about the practical manifestation of religion. I am talking about the concept of religion and the concept of common values. To begin with, all religions- all great historical religions - show unity and express the universality of certain values. They all reject relativism. As to the alternate to religion, I would not like to use the term "non-religion." "Irreligion"is more accurate than "non-religion." When you use "non-", it could refer to a variety of things, but when you use the prefix "ir-", it refers to the opposite of the concept. For example, when you say "irrespectable," it is the opposite of "respectable." When you say "respectable" and "non- respectable,""non-respectable" means that which is not to be "respected but it " . does not mean "irrespectable." So, ir-" is more accurate than "non-" in our discourse. I use "ir-" to show the opposite. As far as our way of life is concerned, we do not have a choice. Either you have a religion or you do not.There is no other choice. It is likesaying, either you have fire or you do not have fire. You cannot say that you have something else that is not fire but is able to burn. You cannot do that. In our choice of belief, we either have a system with religion or a system without religion. The ultimate choice made by Russell for the community is based on the claim that religion is in conflict with science, that religion is not logical and has a terrible history. The arguments that declare it to be in conflict with science are not correct. Certain practices of religion and certain practical religionsmay be in conflict with science, 20 Syed Hussein Alatas but not the core concept of religion throughout the world. What I mean is this: the conceptualization of certain religious thought might be in conflict with science and modern knowledge. For instance, if I have the idea that God is helping my family and is responsible for my rich harvest and requires that I make human sacrifices, this comes into conflict with rationality and science. Yet, the basic idea that there is a supreme being does not. The conflict is in the practical manifestations. The relation between religion and science, and scienceand philosophy, is the same. In this sense, scienceis the method of knowing.Sciencehas certain objectives having to do with the understanding of the phenomenal world. Science, however, has to be linked to a philosophy for its application. Science can be applied in various ways but it cannot originate values. Science cannot be the basis of your valuation. It can only be the test of a certain valuation. If a certain valuation is wrong, science may give you the proof that it is wrong. Yet, science by itself, and even Russell claims this, cannot be a total philosophy. Actually, there is no conflict. The conflict is not between science and religion or philosophy. The conflict is among the various outlooks on science and the philosophical outlook of the scientist. For instance, there is no basis in sciencefor the seduction of women by Bertrand Russell, as we shall see later on. The great ideal of life is not decided byscience. Science,for instance, cannot be the basis of why you like to eat ice-cream, but science can help to make ice-creamand science can help you to know whether the ice-cream is spoilt. Science can tell you if the ice-cream is spoilt and what the effects on your body would be. So, it helps in certain areas but it does not make the decision on values. The same is true of science. You have scientific theories and practices which are in conflict with the basic principle of science. For instance, for a long time in the past, people thought that the plague in Europe was caused by misfortune. They did not diagnose the cause.That error in explaining the cause of the plague, however,did not invalidate the scientific principle that there is a cause. It did not break the principle of causality; it only violated the application of that principle. Therefore, it is the casein science that certain applications and certain ideasviolate the truth but do not invalidate the principles of causality. Ifyou accept this in the realm of science, the same structure of reasoning can apply to religion, that is, that certain practical manifestations of religion in history were wrong. Yet, this does not violate the general religious principles. Coming back to the questi,onof general religious principles, there are common values among mankind that belong to religion. When we talk about values, there is an infinite variety of values. We are not referring to all values that are present in human society. We are touching only on Religion, Science and Education21 some fundamental ethical and moral values,and how these moral values-such as the Ten Commandments - are created. They are a human creation, according to the believers of secular humanism. I am referring to those kinds of basic values, not values connected with music or art. Recently, I came across some information on the tragic fate of a former well-known actor. I remember seeing his films in my younger days. The actor's name was Robert Young. Robert Young was a very sympathetic actor. His roles were always sympathetic. He was suffering from Alzheimer's disease. There was a lot of neglect in loolung after him. What happened to him was tragic because he was found in a state of starvation. One of his daughters lived not far from his house. Another daughter lived in another city. A group of actors discovered what happened to Robert Young and they decided to do something to look after him. Now, you ask people in the world, from whatever culture or religious group, whether they concur that Robert Young was cruelly neglected. Even the most isolated citizen in some remote island would be horrified that a father was treated like this. All moral scientists would agree that this is wrong. All religious groups will agree. The only exception of those who might not agree would be some philosophers and socialscientists.They might say,"Ah, this is relative.The Eskimos abandon their old folk to die." Kindness and caring are examples of values that I refer to as the collective values of religion. Bertrand Russell himself would not agree that Robert Young should have been treated in such a way. Every human being, whether they have a religion or not, can believe in these common universal values. It is these common universal values that are definitely the values of the present. Beingcommon universal values, wherein is it necessary to link them to religion?According to Bertrand Russell, it is not necessary; it is better to separate them from religion. Why?He said that religious people have been violating those values. If you argue on the basis of violation, however, everything has been violated, not only religion. Science has been abused and violated by the Nazis and many governments. So many others have abused and violated science, such as the industrial capitalists and pharmaceutical companies. Sciencehas been connectedwith such evil as poisoning people. Let us not forget that the science of physics and mechanics has not only been applied to make useful tools for society, but also for purposes of torture. If you look at the mechanical inventions of the past, you do see some torture machines that apply mechanics and physics. Why did Russell not reject science because it has been abused? His preference, according to his own reasoning, is that your philosophy must be based on what you yourself desire. He was very much influenced by the youth whose philosophy was based on emotion and desire. He 22 Syed Hussein Alatas is against religion because religion suppressed human desire. By desire, Russell means also the desire for freedom, and by freedom, he means - as part of the rights of humanity - the right to have what is called an open marriage.That is, two people get married but they have the freedom to have relations with other men and women. In his application of his own philosophy,of irreligion, Russell got into several value complications. One of these value complications was with his fourth wife. Towards the end, his relationwith her was not very good. He was not able to have physical contact with her. She wanted another child and Russell agreed, but suggested that she have the child with another man. So, she had the child with another man and later on, Russell adopted the child. Still on the topic of desire, there was another interesting incident. Russell seduced one of three sisters in a family. He visited the father; the daughter, he had just met, and she invited him over. He went, mind you, and first met the father, a professor of gynaecology.As a house guest and on the first night, Russell seduced the daughter. Not only did he seduce the daughter, there was an interesting turn to the whole event.The two other sisters guarded the room where the seduction took place. So, three sisters were involved to enable the great thinker and philosopher Bertrand Russell to seduce somebody's daughter in his own house. This was perfectly all right with Russell's philosophy. It was part of the expression of his freedom. He did not consider the reaction of the girl's parents. He did not consider the later implications for the girl. His sole consideration was his interest.This is the danger when you allow yourself to be the arbiter of action, the supreme judge of everything. It is here that there is a different orientation as far as religious outlook is concerned. In religious orientation, there is always a set of rules governingindividual freedom.What happens now, I do not know. Russell is no longer around. After Russell passed away, his philosophydevelopedfurther in the Netherlands. The Netherlands is probably the only country in Europe that expressed the kind of freedom espoused by Russell. In the Netherlands, students are free to set up a brothel and to advertise it. Two years ago in Brussels, I turned to the back of a newspaperand saw the advertisement pages.Sexual freedom through prostitution was a le itimate social vehicle. Certain advertisements from students' brothels g even offered different nationalities.There was an offer of an Arab girl and a Black !girlas something special. Apart from this, there was also an advertisement placed by a housewife.This housewifeadvertisedfor free, non-commercial sex. She gave her telephone number and suggested that whoever was interested should come in the mornings because that was when her husband would not be at home. Now, this is the kind of freedom that is legitimate in Russell's philosophy. Religion, Science and Education 23 So, the differencebetween me and Russell is not on the question of scienceor the respect for science as a very great and important aspect of life. It is in the area of values, in the area of conceptual freedom. For example, should one be free to destroy the marriage institution and the existing family institution? Russell, in his private life, did destroy his own family. He even tried to have his own elder son committed to another home. There were a lot of other problems. Yet, he was very sympatheticas a person because he was very energetic in terms of upholding social justice, eliminating poverty and advocating tolerance. He was a very clear writer and a very humourous person. King George VI honoured Russell with a knighthood. When King George met Russell, he made a remark on Russell's life, more or less on the critical side, implying he should correct himself. Russell gave a very witty reply. King George was alluding to Russell's concept of freedom; I believe he was referring to his womanizing. Russell replied that not everyone could knock at every door like a postman. Postmen could knock at every door on the street, not that they wanted ;o. In other words, he considered himself as an exception for his ability to seduce women. The postman knocked at doors to deliver letters. The postman did not knock at doors to seduce women. This is a great difference.The analogydoes not hold true. Coming back to the philosophy of education, I see, as far as practicalscience is concerned, that the relation between religion and the philosophy of education is in the strengthening of values. By religion and the philosophy of education, I do not mean to suggest a particular philosophy of education based on a particular religion. I am not suggesting that kind of philosophy. I am suggesting that the philosophy of education, as far as religion is concerned, can be su pported and strengthened by religion in the sense of cementing universal values. The reason why we need religion to cement universalvaluesis verysimple. Ifyouwant to seal anything, you need cement and you also know from conlrnon sense that there are different types of cement. You have a very strong one and you have a weak one, that is all. If you use religion as a sealant, it is stronger than irreligion. Those values can be better strengthened by religion than by irreligion. Religion considers the fundamental human valuesas being created by God. Irreligion considers this as a creation of humans. If you consider those values as human creation, then it will be difficult to have asacred attitude towards thosevalues. It will be more difficult to respect the values because no creator can have that sense of reverence and respect, that sense of worship for the created objects, for the values he himself created. You cannot expect the carver of idols to be able to truly worship the idols he creates. Other people may be worshipping the idols, but he himselfwould not 24 Syed Hussein Alatas be able to worship the idols because he knew he made them. If the values are considered creations of humans throughout history, then it will not have that powerful an influence as the values would be considered a created entity not above human interest. In other words, the religious approach to common universal values has a stronger cementing force. It is because of this, I think, that the philosophy of education has to seekthesupport of religion to obtain this cementing force. I am perfectly in agreement that human values are also important, but I am referring to certain absolute values. If you feel that they are created by man, then you are more likely to transcend or violate them as a human creation and not somethingsacred.You cannot judge values on the basis ofviolation. The historical violation is there. The values of non-religion have also been violated, but you do not stop striving for them just because they have been violated. The world is now facing all sorts of problems, such as poverty, corruption, decadence, crime, trafficking in children - name any problem you want. These problems we are facing now are in the era of non-reli ion. This is the age of the g United Nations, the age of human rights, the age of the French Revolution. It is during this age that you have had two world wars, that you have had the weapons of mass destruction used on people. We have all sorts of instability. We have all - - sorts of poverty, civil wars, killings and massacres. We have all sorts of terrible problems precisely during this age of secular humanism, where international organizations are controlled by secular humanism. - By going back to a reflection on religious values, we are not driven by an idealistic utopia. We have to be optimistic. Ifwe are not, and ifwe do not have an orientation for the future, then all struggles will be stifled. Why should we have the goal of fighting poverty? Why?There never was a situation on earth where poverty was completely eradicated. Is that a reason for us to say, why should we try? No, we should continue trying because we are thinking of the future. If we look at the past, everything is terrible. There is no goal that can be achieved if you look for justification in the past. Is it utopian if the World Bank is trying to eradicate poverty? It is considered non-utopian if now,the World Bank is trying to fightagainst corruption. It is not utopian if now,the international organizations - ~ recognize the problem of corruption, although there has always been corruption in the past; why should we consider it utopian ifwe want other kinds of changes? We are concerned with the future. It is this optimism of the future that is strongly imbedded in religion. By religion, I do not mean religion as practised and distorted. Do you think we do not need a religious answer to the recent developments in science that are linked with a certain philosophy of life?For exam le, human cloning. Human cloningis p Religion,Science and Education 25 not a problem in Bangladesh. It is not a problem in the Third World. The masses are not aware of human cloning and it is not their problem. Yet, human cloning is a universal problem. There are other side effectsof sciencethat are veryimportant and have impacts on the rest of the world, such as environmental pollution. Certain ideas, however, are more serious than environmental pollution. One of these pollutant ideas is the non-limitation of the profit motive. When you have greed as your supreme value, that is a very dangerous pollutant. It is this idea of pollutants that causes the pollution of the environment and destruction of the environment, which in turn causes poverty and many other things. So, when we talk about physical pollution, we have to go to what underlies the idea of physical pollution. All the evils we find in the Third World go back to certain ideas and certain driving forces. It is here that religionas has just been suggested,in the universalsense, can help in informing our philosophy of education. References Alatas, Syed Hussein (1963). Reflections on the Theories of Religion. Amsterdam: Universityof Amsterdam. Moorehead, Caroline (1992). Bertrand Russell:A Life. New York: Viking Press. Russell, Bertrand (1949). Scientifc Outlook. London: Allen and Unwin. (1954). Human Society in Ethics and Politics. London: Allen and Unwin. (1956). Portraitsfiom Memoy and Other Essays. London: Allen and Unwin. (1961a). Fact and Fiction. London: Allen and Unwin. (1961b). Religion and Science. London: Oxford University Press. (19671136711969).TheAutobiographyofBertrandRussell.Vols. l , 2 and 3. London: Allen and Unwin. (1975). My Philosophical Development.London: Allen and Unwin. Schoenman, Ralph, ed. (1967). Russell, Philosopher of the Century: Essays in His Honour. London: Allen and Unwin. 2 EconomicThoughts Based on Buddhism: The Case ofThailand Somparn Promta Historical Background I n 1981, a famous Thai scholar-monk, Phra Prayudh Payutto,' was invited to American universitiesto give lectureson Buddhism.Afterfinishinghisacademic activitiesin America, he returned to Thailand. Shortly after, he published a very insightful book mainly using material accumulated during his visit to America entitled Lookingto America to Solve Thailand? Problems.This book was intended to examinetheWestern paradigmof social and economic development asadopted by Thai society at the time. Following this publication, a series of similar books by the same author continued to appear, focusing on economic ideas based on Buddhism. It can be said that Phra Prayudh was the first person in Thailand to introduce what could be called Buddhist economics. In Thailand, there are a number of Buddhist thinkers and some of them may be said to have made important contributions to the field of Buddhist economics. It all began with the work of the most famous Thai Buddhist thinker, Buddhadasa Bhikkhu. This scholar-monk is well-known as one of the most profound Buddhist thinkers in Southeast Asia.There are two kinds ofwork done by Buddhadasa Bhikkhu: first is the analysisand systematization of the teachings of the Buddha, and the second is the interpretation of the Buddha's teachings to answer newly created moral and social problems in the modern world. With regard to thesecond,Buddhadasais well-knownas the deliverer of radical Buddhist critique against science and technology Buddhadasa considers that economic thoughts prevalent in the world share the same nature, that is, all economic thoughts are based on the assumption that the consumption of material pleasure is the !goal of human life. Buddhadasa advises us to return to a simple way of living. For him, this is not merely something that should be done, but must be done for the well-being of humanity and the world. Capitalism, the economic system in use today, is considered by Buddhadasa to be the main source for the exploitation of nature. The Marxist paradigm presents less danger, when viewed from the aspect of exploitation of natural resources, but this system has its weak point as it starts with anger. Buddhadasa seems to try to present what later came Economic Thoughts Based on Buddhism: The Case of Thailand 27 to be known as Buddhist economics, but his presentation is not as clear as Phra Prapdh's. Economics taught in Thai universities is traditional in that it adheres to the main paradigm adopted by humanity. Historically, there are two differing schools of thought concerning economic ideas - socialism and capitalism - and they both play equal roles in the world. Today, capitalism seems to have the edge as economic structures in Marxist nations based on the Marxist pattern are no longer considered to work. Economics taught in universitiesthroughout the world, thus, naturally tend to focus on the capitalist paradigm. Teaching capitalist economics is not strange, but teaching it as if it were the only possible system is considered unsound by a group of Chulalongkorn University economics lecturers who call themselvesPoliticalEconomy Group. It seems that one economic concern greatly stressed by this group is economic justice,which they regard as being non-existent in the capitalistmode. From an outsides'sperspective,this group isfirmlyconnected with Marxism as it usually presents its views on economic phenomena through Marxist theory. However, some of them also turned to Buddhism as they find that the Marxist paradigm may not be suitable for Thai society. It is true that from a global perspective,the capitalist economy dominates the whole world. Breaking out of the global economy is an act that is unimaginable for most people, even university economics lecturers. The call for an alternative economic system, however, still continues. This comes mainly from a social awareness that the present system cannot answer the question concerning fair distribution. In 1999, a Buddhist studies centre in Chulalongkorn University hosted a seminar on Buddhist economics to which a small group of leading economics teachers and Buddhist scholarswere invited. The major theme posted was: is Buddhist economics possible? And if so, how? The interesting output from the seminar is that it is possible to have an economic theory based on Buddhism, but whether this theory can be considered an economic theory in the same broad sense as capitalism or Marxism, no one can give the answer. More recently, a famous Thai economist, Professor Abhichai Panthasen of Thammasat University,wrote on Buddhist economics. His book is considered to be the most complete account of Buddhist economic thought ever written in Thailand, even surpassing the works of Phra Prayudh. Phra Prayudh, however, plays the more important role in this paper as the advisor on Buddhist teaching, as Professor Abhichai was not trained in Buddhism. It should be noted in this paper that the author accepts that it is very difficult to create a new school of economics in the name of Buddhism. Professor Abhichai's approach is to apply Buddhist concepts of economy to the established economic system. In this approach, the role of Buddhist economics is not to create a new doctrine of 28 Somparn Promta economics but, rather, to fill the gaps found in the present economic system. It seems that there are two approaches to creating Buddhist economics. One is to set up a sofitware of economic thought and apply it to the main economic structure already adopted by society as "hardware." This approach seems to be -- safer in terms of economic doctrine. Another approach is to set up a hardware of economic doctrine and present it as an alternative theory. As hardware, a theory of Buddhist economics stands; as software, it does not. The second approach to creating Buddhist economics is very difficult, but some Buddhist thinkers in Thailand find it necessary to think of a way to do so. Economic theories are not independent of social and political philosophies. A number of Buddhist scholars in Thailand believe that the social thoughts of Buddhism have been extensively - explored and found to be unique, making it adequate to set up Buddhist social theories of politics, education, economics, and so on. Adhering to this line of thought, this paper is written on the assumption that there can be two paths to the creation of Buddhist economics. One will be called the sofitwareapproach,and the other, the hardware approach.The first approach's strong point is that it can be applied immediately to the established economic system, but its weak point is that it cannot change the structure of the economic system on which it depends. SomeThaiBuddhist thinkers haveseverelycriticized the capitalisteconomicsystem practisedinThai societytoday as the mainsource of economic and social injustice. 1t must, therefore, be cluestiohed if such a problem can be solved by merely using Buddhist economics as the software.The second approach's weak point is that it has yet to be applied in real-life. Some may argue that it is not hard to set up any economic theory, but the difficulty is in making it fruitful. The second approach, however, has a strong point as it can answer a number of serious questions, such as questions concerning economic righteousness. Buddhist Critique ofWesternEconomicThoughts The first step in creating Buddhist economics in Thailand usually begins with a critique of Western paradigms of economics, so it might be wise to start from this point.The idea of setting up Buddhist economics does not exist in a vacuum, but is derived from certain social phenomena. Around 1971, Thailand changed the national economic plan to focuson industrial development rather than agricultural. Since then, Thailand has adopted the capitalist pattern of economy and has gadually become a member of the global market economy. In the past three decades, it has been proven that the majority ofThais are still uncertain whyonly a minority of the population is rich. Over 80 per cent ofThais are peasants, and most are very poor. The national economic plan, which focuses on the industrial EconomicThou hts Based on Buddhism g 29 sector, has led to a new phase ofThai historywhere farmers are overlooked by the state and naturally forced to leave their fields to become workers in city factories. These low-paidworkers are immorally exploited, and the less they earn, the more the ownersof capitalfill their pockets.This situation led to an attempt to challenge capitalist economics through the opposition theory of Marxism. InThailand over the past three decades, there have been a number of social activists who have endorsed the Marxist economic system. Some of theseactivists are students, some are professors, some are workers, some are artists, and interestingly, some are Buddhist monks! It should be noted that Marxism came to Thai society in a negativeway, that is, all the Thai Marxists really want to do is overcome the immoral structure of the economy. Marxist theory was adopted as it was believed to be the only system available. This may be demonstrated by the words of a famous Thai poet and singer,Pongthep Kradonchamnan, who oncedeclaredhimselfa Marxistand joined guerrillas of the Communist Party of Thailand during the great suppression in 1976. Said Pongthep, "I don't know who is Marx. I don't know who is Mao. I don't know who is Lenin. Only one thing I know is my family is poor!" In 1981, a group of sangha universitystudents was formed under the name Yellow Dove. Yellow symbolizes the colour of a Buddhist monk's robe and Dove represents the free spirit. These young monks felt the call of social justice and tried to apply Buddhist teaching to that end. Even though some of the monks were acquainted with the works of Latin American priestssuch as Father Camilo Torres, the dialogue between Buddhism and Marxism as undertaken by these student-monks cannot be compared to that between Christianity and Marxism as undertaken by Latin American Catholic priests.Yellow Dove could be cited as an example of the first attempt made by Buddhists in Thailand to challenge the capitalist economic paradigm, with Buddhist and Marxist teachingsas the tools. Like Pongthep, many of Yellow Dove's members did not know who Marx was. Theyadopted Marxistideas because theyfelt social justice in the theoriesof Marx. The real critique of the Western economic paradigm occurred through the workof threeof the most importantThai Buddhist thinkers:BuddhadasaBhikkhu, Phra Prayudh and Sulak Sivaraksa. Sulak was British educated and trained in Western philosophy; thus, he was sufficientlyknowledgeableof the real nature of capitalism and Marxism. Sulak, however, was greatly influenced by Buddhadasa and Phra Prayudh in his understanding of Buddhist teaching, so the works of these three great Buddhist figures may be said to have a unity that contributes greatly to a critiqueof theWestern paradigm of economic thought on the gounds of Buddhist teaching. 30 Somparn Promta TheTheories of Buddhadasa, Phra Prayudh and Sulak Buddhadasa analyzes that Western culture is very much grounded in the egois? attitude; therefore,the socialsciences created in such a culture are primarilyaimed at promoting well-beingand happinessof the self:Thisformulation by Buddhadasa seems to be supported by the basic concepts that play major roles in Western social and political philosophy. For example, a concept of rights is accepted as one of the core concepts in political and social philosophy. Rights imply an area of individual life to be protected bylaw.The claim of rights is nothing but a claim over the self. Even the notion of human rights is considered by Buddhadasa as a self-centred concept. Such statements do not mean that Buddhadasa considers Western political and social concepts to be wrong. Human rights is a concept that can be connected to the issue of morality, as someone who supports human rights is supporting morality, so to violate human rights is an evil in itself. One point given by Buddhadasa is concerned with the root of these concepts. There are at least two ways to protect people in society. First, a rule can be enacted by which individual life is protected. The concept of rights can be a starting point for such a law of protection. In this way, everyonehas his or her specific area of life on which he or she can exclusively make reasonable claims. Buddhadasa analyzes that this leads to the separation of individuals from societyas they are put into authorized areas within closed walls. Everyone lives in his or her own house of rights and enjoys his or her own happiness of the self! The other way is normally one endorsed by religion. Christianity teaches us to love our fellow humans; according to Jesus, love will protect the world. The Buddhasays that lovingkindness(metta)supports the world. Comparingto having a law to protect people, some Buddhist scholars in Thailand point out that this way is based on a '$ving' thought while the former is grounded in a 'taking' concept. Ayn Rand, a well-known American social philosopher and writer, says that what is wanted in a liberalcapitalistsocietyis not lovefrom other people, but respect for our ri hts. Conversely, Buddhadasa believes that in Buddhist g communities, what is desired is not respect for our rights, but loving kindness. In this line of thought, Buddhadasa says that capitalism and Marxism are equally based on the protection of the self.That is, one who endorses capitalism, such as Ayn Rand, tries to protect the self of the rich and the middle-class, while one who endorsesMarxism tries to protect the self of the poor. Among those who study Buddhism, the concept of selfis known to have been rejected by the Buddha as being the main source of wrongdoing in humanity. Buddhadasa explores the non-self theory (anatta)taught by the Buddha, which is meant to enable human Economic Thoughts Based on Buddhism 31 beingsto overcomewhat Buddhadasacalls theself-instinct.Theself-instincttaught by the Buddha contains two characters. The first one is the 'me' instinct, or ahankara in Pali.The second is the 'mine' instinct, or mamankam in Pali. As long- as 'me' and 'mine' instincts are prevalent, suffering continues to exist in human life. The economic systems accepted in the world - capitalism and Marxism - cannot serve human beings because their most fundamental principles are derived from the 'me' and 'mine' instincts. According to Buddhadasa, self-instinct truly makes mutual aid impossible. Within self-based political and social theories, the best we can do is temporarily compromise. Solving problems in toto can only be hoped for when the self-instinct is overcome. This is precisely why a new social vision, not grounded in the self culture, is considered by Buddhadasa to be - extremely necessaryin our time. ~uddhadasa'sview is a rather generalone that does not givea detailedaccount of how to set up a Buddhist economic systemas an alternativefor thosewho want to escape from Western-styledeconomic systems. A detailed account, however, may be found in the works of Phra Prayudh and Sulak. In his early critique of Western economic thought, LookingtoAmerica to Solve Thailand?Problems,Phra Prayudh analyzes that unwise adaptation of Western economics into Thai society leads to a belief that the sole aim of life is to consume material pleasure. Phra Prayudh terms the main problem concerning Thai consumer behaviour modernization without development.The nouveau riche in Thai society are those who work hard and use their money to buy material pleasures such as expensive cars mainly imported from the West. One point presented by Phra Prayudh is that a lack of knowledge makes Thais unaware of two important matters. First, the West has accumulated the scientific knowledge to manufacture their - consumablesover centuries, and the Westerners are consuming- material pleasures that are a result of their own work. Second, the Thais who consume these same materials did not contribute to the science and technology that leads to the manufacture of these pleasures, so Thai consumer behaviour qeatly differs from those of Westerners. It seems that what Phra Prayudh intended to project in his early work that criticizes the Western-styledeconomic system of capitalismis the so-called work ethics. He mentions the work of Max Weber, pointing out that Protestantism played a major role in the accumulation of wealth by America. A similar phenomenon is, inevitably, re uired in the Thai context to make Thai q society truly civilized. ~ h r ~rayudh'scontribution in criticizing the Western economic paradigm a seems to focus on the capitalist economic system. Even though Westerners are consuming the fruits of their labour, it does not mean that Buddhism agreeswith such consuming behaviour. Phra Prayudh analyzes that there are two weak points 32 Somparn Promta in capitalist economics. First, it believes that happiness in human life occurs through consumption.Second,increasingthe amount of consumablesis prioritized as one of the functions of economic activities, that is, the success of economics in the country is judged from the total number of things consumed. To consume, one must have money and to have money, one must produce somethin . In a g capitalist community, people are advised to work and enjoy the fruits of their labour byconsuming. Phra Prayudh notes that this finallyleads to an exploitation of natural resources. He also notes that behind the capitalist economic system, there is a moral thought that could be called the hedonist principle, as it deems that happinesscan never beachievedwithout havingpleasurablethings to consume. Like the two scholar-monks, Sulak also stresses on the moral implications of capitalist thought. He goes further than Buddhadasa and Phra Prayudh, however, by stating that capitalism is used by the West to dominate the East. In Sulak's view, economics is a modern tool used in a modern form of international warfare. In this sense, capitalism is not merely an economic means that connects people through free choice, as believed by capitalist thinkers such as Adam Smith and Ayn Rand. For Sulak, capitalism seems to be a kind of ideology.The West is the ideology maker and this ideology is normally propagated as the most rational way to deal with economic life as it gives us the free choice to accept or deny anything presented in a free market. To dominate the East, the first step is to convince it that the West is the model of civilization. Science and technology are other tools used in the process of the westernization of the East. In an attempt to modernize Thailand over the past three decades, a number of its traditional sciences, such as medical science,and technology have been considered by the state to be irrational and unscientific. A number of traditional doctors in the distant villages, for instance, are prohibited to play the roles their predecessors have assumed for centuries. Traditional medicine has been replaced by modern medicine imported from the West. Who gains and who loses in this economic game?The answer is evident. The Essence of Buddhist Economics, Its Real Application in Thai Society and Its Possible Role in the Future The Essence of Bzrddhist Economics The rise of so-called Buddhist economics in Thailand could be considered an accumulative reaction againstWestern economic thought, especially the capitalist mode. Some Buddhist economists in Thailand seem to accept that capitalist economics will remain firm in the future as it is the tool the West employs to dominate thewholeworld in the name of globalization,and that the best alternative Economic Thoughts Based on Buddhism 33 for Buddhist economics is to merely apply it at a software level (perhaps to be used in small villages, while the cities remain firmly connected to the world economy).Yet, there is the hope to apply Buddhist economicsat a hardwarelevel, as imagined possible by some radical Buddhist thinkers. It is not the objective of this paper to judge which of these two theories is more rational. Theoretically, Buddhist economicsas presented byThai Buddhist scholars is worth considering in itself re ardless of whether or not it can be applied to the real world. The g following are some basic features of Buddhist economics. Economic life is just apart of the whole life Buddhism considers human life as being full of mysterious complexity, which means that explorin life from only one dimension will never give a complete g picture of it. According to Buddhism, life is an integrated entity comprising a material part (body) &d an immaterial part (mind). ~ i f has e its own objective, and it is the duty of each person to search for that aim. Buddhistsconsidernirvana the ultimate aim of human life. In the worldlycontext, nirvana may be translated as a state in which human beings are free from oppression. Western economic paradigms, both capitalism and Marxism, are criticized by Buddhist economists to only look at human lifein a singledimension -an economic dimension. In the case of Marxism, a Marxist couldargue that Marx himself talks about a state of life in which man and his workare not connected by a chain of alienation, thereby indirectly implying that Marxism does not consider human life to have only economic dimension. It is so obvious in Marxist states, however, that the well- beingof humanity is defined as astate of lifewhich providespeoplewith materials to consume. On the other hand, capitalist economics has a more obvious connection to consumerism. So, the differencebetween capitalismand Marxism is a differencein the idea of distribution, not in the idea of the meaning of life. Philosophically, it could be said that both Marxism and capitalismare hedonistic principlesas they aim at material things and define happiness in terms of objects of consumption. Buddhism is not a doctrine of hedonism. This does not mean that Buddhism rejects all sensual pleasures.There are a number of levels of happiness mentioned in the Buddhistscriptures.Sensual pleasureis counted as the first step of happiness in the Buddhist perspective, so sensual pleasure that can be attained through working is not rejected by Buddhism. On the contrary, Buddhism considers this level of happiness the basic condition of human life, and the Buddha himself said a great deal about working, and consuming the fruits of labour. Human life, however, needs other more profound kinds of happiness. Buddhism considers the sensual pleasure instinct to be shared by both humans and animals, but a 34 Sornparn Prornta desire to attain higher forms of happiness is a special characteristic of human beings.The Buddha mentions two levels of happiness greater than sensualpleasure. The first is happiness from peace of mind, and the second is happiness from a total absence ofwrongviews. It should be noted that the higher forms of happiness are those of immaterial bliss; to consume only sensual pleasure is considered by Buddhism to be a basic instinct pursued by humans and animals. But humans differ from animals in that we have wisdom. Consumption is the mostfindamentalprinciple In Buddhist economics, consumption is considered the most fundamental principle. In Western economics, consumption playsa major role in the economic system. It is sometimes believed that greater consumption indicates economic growth. This belief is criticized by Phra Prayudh through his theory of the two kinds of human demand.The first he calls true demand and the second he terms as false demand. True demand comprises basic needs mentioned in Buddhist texts as the four supporting conditions of human life- food, clothing, medicine and housing. Falsedemandcomprises things that do not directly support physical life but, rather, serve psychological states. As Buddhist teachings focus on the importance of the idea of the self as the centre of human psychological states, falsedemands function mainly to serve the idea of the self. Phra Prayudh observes that between these two demands, modern economy focuses more on the false. For instance, the real value of clothing is to protect our body from oppressive environments, but on television, clothing advertisements try to convince us that by consuming a particular kind of clothing, we will be special. Being special has nothing to do with the utility derived from clothing, but it is the focus of advertisements as advertisers are aware that people are directed by self-instinct. Through this instinct, one feels good if one believes he or she is in a higher state than other people; false demands can serve this instinct. In Buddhist teaching, human beings are sometimes directed by desire and - sometimes by wisdom. Usually,desire is the most basic urge as it has the strongest hold on human beings. Buddhism is well-known as a religion that saysa lot about human suffering, and in the Buddhist perspective, suffering is mainly created by human beings out of desire. Buddhism posits that, ultimately, human beings can fight against desire and then against suffering. In economic life, desire plays an important role in directing human beings into false demand. And since desire always causes suffering, the false demand finally causes suffering to human beings even though it might initially produce pleasure. In the context we are considering, Buddhism analyzes that there are two kinds of suffering. The first is individual suffering and the second, societal suffering. False demand produces individual Economic Thoughts Based on Buddhism 35 sufferingas one who is directed by desireis inclined to bea consumer.This implies that he must work harder to earn money, and working hard means having no time for other valuable activities in life. Societal suffering is caused in that a community that has a large number of consumers is inclined to exploit natural resources. The modern world is now witnessing that a large number of natural resourcesare being destroyed by human beings to serve their desire. False demand in itself is not responsible for anything. Natural resources cannot always be replenished, so wise use is extremely necessary. It has been said that the next generation has the same right we have to natural resources,so this right should be protected through a reduction of irrational exploitation of natural resources. Consumerism, which results mainly from false demand, will cause suffering for generations to come if we are not aware of its power. Buddhists are advised to consume on the grounds of right demand. The theory of right demand in Buddhism is sometimes misunderstood as it is understood as an ethical principle which states that the value of life is judged by strict consumption. Two ethical theories are criticized by the Buddha in his first sermon, the Dhammacakkappavattana Sutta. The first is hedonism, a doctrine which states that sensual pleasure is the aim of human life, thus, implying that consuming pleasurableobjectsis good in itself.The second isasceticism,a doctrine which firmly rejectssensual pleasure. The true demand taught by Buddhism may best be understood as an ethical doctrine placed between these two extremes. That is, Buddhism does not reject reasonablesensual pleasure especiallyin ethics for laypersons (weare discussingworldlyethics in this paper).The term reasonable pleasure, however, may cause confusion if it is not clearly defined. In Buddhist canon, laypersonsare called kamabhogi,a term meaningthosewho consumesensual pleasure. Laypersons who practise the Dhamma are call kalydnaputhujana,a term that refers to those who are involved in worldly &airs but practise the Dhamma. Normally,laypersonshave a life that is naturally concerned with sensual pleasure, and Buddhism admits that as far as the degree of consuming sensual pleasure does not exceed the middle way principle proposed by the Buddha, it can be accepted that to be Buddhist and to consumesensualpleasureare not contradictory notions. The middle way principle states that an action which does not harm oneself and others is good, otherwise, it is bad. Thus, consumption of natural resources that does not cause suffering to oneself and to society can be admitted by Buddhist ethics. Sometimes, the consumption of natural resources does not cause suffering to oneself (as in the case of rich people who have enough money to buy natural resources for unwise consumption) but causes suffering to others as it exploitsnatural resources.In such a case, the consumption ofsensualpleasure is frowned upon by Buddhism. 36 Somparn Promta Consumingsensualpleasure is not an end in itself As life is considered by Buddhist ethics to be a process aiming at the highest perfection, anything performed during that process is considered to be merely a means to an end. So, economic life is not the end-all in the Buddhist perspective. Western theories of economics are mostly divided from religion, but Buddhist economics can never be considered separate from Buddhist ethics. In an earlier section, we considered that the rational consumption of sensual pleasure is not prohibited in Buddhism. This statement, however, is not without conditions. In the Buddhist perspective, even though laypersons are involved in worldly affairs, they are advised to look forward to the higher goal of life.Those who are involved in worldly affairsand who do not think df going beyond consumption can never be considered good Buddhists. Although Buddhism differs from Hinduism in various aspects, they share some common notions about the aim of life. In Hinduism, life should be led by thepurusartha, the four stages of life. In Buddhist canon, no such thing is directly mentioned, but Buddhist traditions as found in - Buddhist texts and among the Buddhist community indicate the same thing. Sensualpleasurein the Buddhist perspective,though considered not to be immoral in itself, should be viewed as merely a temporal means to be utilized as the very firststep toward something more valuable. ~ h rPrayudh statesthat in the Buddhist a perspective, money is not an evil in itself, so it can be used to support both good and evil. Wealth gained from pure means and used to support the poor, as found in the story of Vessantara, may be cited as an example of wealth used in a good way. Theoretically, the Buddhist concept of sensual pleasure as the means to something more valuable could be viewedas havingsome ecologicalimplications. Mahatma Gandhi says that the wealth of the earth can be distributed to everyone but not to those with insatiable desires; this can also be applied to Buddhist teaching. Natural resources are much exploited these days and the main reason for their destruction is simply- human desires. Modern consumerism, introduced A to humanlund through the capitalist economy - considered the major factor for the exploitation of natural resources- is firmly rejected by Buddhist scholars in Thailand such as Buddhadasa, Sulak and Phra Prayudh. The main logic used by these Buddhist thinkers is rather simple- fewer needs lead to lesser use, but fewer needs are not possible if we are not convinced that life offers more valuable gains than sensual pleasure. The RedlApplicdtion of BudAist Economics in Thaihnd Even though most economists in Thailand admit that Buddhist economics may best serve only as utopian economics that can be imagined but can never be Economic Thoughts Based on Buddhism 37 applied in the real world, there are some notable indicators that Buddhist economics can be and is applied in the real world. We should focus on Thailand, though it may be admitted that the things happening in Thailand may be found in other places. Two scenarios, at least, can be cited. The SantiAsoka movement and its Buddhist community The Santi Asoka is a modern Buddhist movement in Thailand established by Samana Bodhirakabout thirtyyears ago. Its main mission is to prepare the Buddhist community to challenge the modern world. In Bodhirak's view, to challenge the modern consumerist world, Buddhists must give real examples to the world, to assert that Buddhist economics can really be applied. The basicassumption of the Santi Asoka is that the practice of Dhamma can never be done separately from economic life. This seems to be adopted from Buddhadasa, who usuallysays that to work is to practise the Dhamma. In the Santi Asoka's view, Buddhist ethics is the ethics of more work but less consumption. Buddhist economics, as interpreted by the Santi Asoka, is based on work ethics. The Santi Asoka criticizes the capitalist economy as being based on selfishness, a position that seems to be accepted by capitalist thinkers like Ayn Rand in her two famous works, Capitalism:The Unknown Ided and TheVirtue o f SeIf;shness.From this point ofview, the Santi Asokaassertsthat Buddhist economics differs greatly from capitalist economics in that the former is based on altruism. Any aim to convince human beings to love others like oneself, as pointed out by Ayn Rand, however, must be confronted with the big question: how can human beings who are naturally selfish love others?The Santi Asoka's response to this question is: (I) Even though human beingsapparently areselfish, the very essence of human beings, in the Buddhist perspective, is pureness. That is, all human beings possess the potential to cultivate their mind away from selfishness. (2) As individual human beings are morally weak, however, social culture is needed to enable human beingsas individuals to be strong enough to act against selfishness. This belief led to the setting up of the Buddhist Asoka community, well-known in Thailand. TheAsoka community contains a number of subcommunities, allestablished to be so-called self-supporting organs. In each subcommunity, the sangha (a Buddhist term denoting the Buddhist church) plays the basicrole of both spiritual and working leader. he church is the centre bf the community, with twb main duties: meting out moral and economic advice. A common slogan well-known among the Asoka community states, "No work, no right to eat." This implies that the capitalist economy is an evil as it permits those who do not produce (such as those engaged in the stock market who make profits through money 38 Somparn Promta games) to possess wealth. Instead, the Asoka economy stresses on 'work,' a term that denotes various kinds of activitysuch as working in the fields, teachin , and g so on. Workis the most important factor in Buddhisteconomicsin that if everyone produces according to his or her ability and consumesaccording to real demand, to use Phra Prayudh's term, the total number of things produced will be enough to be shared by all the members of the community. As only real needs are served, the exploitation of natural resources will be much reduced. Buddhist economics in the Asoka community does not aim at wealth, but at the rational well-beingof all members of the community. Actually, the Asokacommunity produces nearlyeverythingthat is consumed in the community. It has its own schools for children, where the common knowledge required by the state is taught and additional working experience is stressed so that children are socialized into being good Buddhists at the early stage of their life. According to the Asoka community, the Buddhist way of life has very close connections with nature. Science and technology that is widely practised in modern Thai agriculture is seriously examined by the community. Natural products are produced in the community and excess commodities are sold in the market. It seemsobviousthat the economic philosophy adopted by theSanti Asoka is collectivism. Buddhadasa, who more or less has influenced the Santi Asoka, is well-known as the contributor of a political and social theory called Dhammic socialism, claimed by him to be based on Buddhist thought. Buddhadasa states that nature has some will, and through wisdom, human beings can understand it. He believes that the will of nature is collectivist, thus, implying that the social theory best applicable to human community is collectivism. The Santi Asoka follows this reasoning. Actually, collectivism has been presented by Western thinkers like Plato, Thomas More, Peter Kropotkin and Karl Marx. Buddhist collectivism could be considered one of the collectivist theories in the world. However, as stated by Buddhadasa, Buddhist social theory must be based on loving kindness, and loving kindness without religious grounds is impossible. There are two ways to manifest collectivism. One is through political force, and the other is through reli ious faith. The Asoka community uses the latter g method. It should be noted that the leader of Santi Asoka, Samana Bodhirak, admits that religiousfaith is something hard to apply to society on a large scale. So, Buddhist economics seems best when applied to a small community whose members are closely linked by reli ious faith and culture, rather than to the g whole country. Economic Thoughts Based on Buddhism 39 Royalprojects The attempt to apply Buddhist economics on a larger scale can be found in the projects run by the present king of Thailand. Recently, the king has criticized attempts to make Thailand an economic giant; that to be a tiger (tiger here symbolizes an economic leader) is not important, but to have an economy that can provide a self-supporting system is of greater importance. The king presents an economic theory, which he calls self-sufficiencyeconomics. Even though he does not mention that his theory is based on Buddhist doctrine, economists in Thailand who are familiar with Buddhism admit that his theory can be called a Buddhist economic theory. The projectsrun by the king are in two parts. First, they are to give his people the right understanding of the economy. Second, they are about applying that understanding to real practices. Accordingto him, the objectiveof the economy is to provide basic needs, not to be used as a means to accumulate wealth. The king's position seems to be in accordancewith Buddhist morality, which does not considerwealthaccumulationthe soleaim oflife.The king believesthat, ultimately, natural resources such as food must be considered the 'real' thing, while things that play major roles in modern capitalist economy such as currency are merely illusions. A member of Thai royalty, who devoted his life to agricultural development, once said that money is illusion but food is real. Modern economy wrongly convinces people that money is God. As an illusion, a system based on money can be criticallyaffected,with theeconomiccrisis that occurred inThailand and other parts of Southeast Asia in the past five years being cited as evidence of this. In Thailand, during hard times, a number of people who were critically affected committed suicide. It should be noted that compared to businesspeople, farmerssuffered the least.The great differencebetween them is that afarmer's life is associatedwith the real thing while a businessperson's lifeisinvolvedwith illusion. Illusions can appear and disappear at any time. The king's theory of Thai economy is applied in village economy. Over the past decades,Thai villagershad suffered greatlyfrom the oldstyleeconomy, where they were advised to produce commodities to be sold in the market. In market economy, which Marx criticizes extensively, the one who takes profits is usually not the worker.The village economy does not aim to produce for the market, but primarily for family consumption. The excess is sold in the market only as a supplement. It is believed that this system enables those who produce to be as best rewarded from their work as possible. 40 Somparn Promta The Possible Role of Buddhist Economics in the Future Based on what I have observedof Buddhist economics in theThai context during the past years, I have made some formulations. As I am not an economist but a - A Buddhistscholarwhosework centreson readingBuddhist texts ratherthan carrying out empirical research on the economy, I apologize if my economic insight is inaccurate. The first thing that comes to mind is, when we discuss the matter of applying alternative modes of economy to society, we must first ask what is wrong in the current system. As I understand it, human beings have our own unique and different lives. We have different jobs, family, friends, and so on, and these differences make us unable to follow the same path. The capitalist economy hnctions well in the world because it does not demand that everybodydoes the same thing. Division of labour, as mentioned in Adam Smith's The Wealth of Nations, is inevitably accepted as a necessary fact. My first assumption is that division of labour is not an evil in itself. The second thing that comes to mind is that no economic theory can ever be considered separatelyfrom the matter of justice. I use the term 'justice' simply to denote fair distribution. Although I admit that capitalist economics serves most peoplewell, one of its weak points is its conception of justice. For me, it is wrong if the peoplewho work hard remain poor,while those who do not produce become rich. The capitalist world allows this contradiction without questioning it, and this is wrong, too. If we want Buddhist economics to be applied to Thai society and the world, it seems that its role would be to provide for the adoption of a rational concept of fair distribution in society. The third thing to be mentioned is the so-called minor scale of Buddhist economics.Economic theories taught in universities are grouped under thesocial sciences, implying that these theories consider social dimensions of human life, not life itself. Life, in the Buddhist perspective, is the smallest entity but of the - - greatest importance. Economics courses can provide knowledge on how to glean the most profit in business,but this absolutelydoes not concernlife.In Buddhism, life is concerned with how to be happy; profit-making and happiness are two different things. One major evil found in the capitalist economy, as Marx points out, is that it forces you to work and you are finally forced to hate your work. Among businesspeople,there arefew who admit that work brings happiness. On the contrary, Buddhist economics states that as long as you do not feel that work is happiness,something must be wrong. Buddhist economics bringslifeand work together, and this cannot be found in general economics courses in universities. Alienation between people and their work is a serious matter to be resolved, and Buddhist economics tells a lot about how to solve this problem. We have many material economic theories, but one thing we lack is an economic thought that Economic Thoughts Based on Buddhism 41 can heal spiritual poverty.At this point, Buddhist economics may possiblyserve very well! Notes 1. According toThai tradition, a Buddhist monk with specific religiousqualities will be honoured by the King as a royal sangha member. This monk will be given a royal sangha member name, known in Thai as samanasak. The older name will be replaced by the newer one when the monk rises in status, making it very difficult for those unacquainted with Thai tradition to figure out if different names refer to the same monk. Phra Prayudh is now given the samanasak Phra Dhammapitaka, and had a number of names previously. To avoid confusion, the monks mentioned in this paper will be referred to by ordinary names and not by titles. 2. The term egoist is used here to refer to a natural fact without any moral implications. That is, a man with an egoistic attitude can be good or bad depending on his outer actions, nor on his inner attitude to his life and the world. References Abhichai Panthasen (2001). Buddhist Economics. Bangkok: Arnarin Press. Buddhadasa Bhikkhu (1972). Morality and the World. Chaiya: Dhammadana Foundation. (1975). Idqpaccayata: The Conditioned State of Things. Chaiya: Dhammadana Foundation. (1977). Dhamma and Politics. Chaiya: Dhammadana Foundation. (1986). Dhammic Socialism. Chaiya: Dhammadana Foundation. (1989a).Handbook@rMankind. Chaiya: Dhammadana Foundation. (1989b). Meand Mine:Selectedfisays ofBhikkhu Bua2hadasa.Edited and translated by D.K. Swearer. New York: State University of New York Press. (1990). The Buddha? Doctrine of Anatta. Chaiya: Dhammadana Foundation. Chamnong Tongprasert (1979). Buddhism, Society, and Politics. Bangkok: Praepittaya Press. Patraporn Sirikarn (1995). The Duty of the Sangha in Buddhist Doctrine: A Case Study of Phra Khamkhian Suvanno. Bangkok: Institute of Thai Studies, Thammasat University. (1997). Santi AsokeMovement in Thai Society. Bangkok: Center for Buddhist Studies, Chulalongkorn University. Phra Dhammapitaka (1984). Looking to America to Solve Thaihnd? Problems. Bangkok: Buddhadhamma Foundation. (1989a). Culture and Development. Bangkok: Buddhadhamma Foundation. 42 Sompai-n Promta (1989b). The Freedom Road of Thai Education. Bangkok: Buddhadhamma Foundation. (1992a). Buddhism as a Foundation of Science. Bangkok: Buddhadhamma Foundation. (1992b). How to Set up TvueDemocracy.Bangkok: Buddhadhamma Foundation. (1993). Toward Sustainable Science. Bangkok: Buddhadhamma Foundation. (1994a). A Buddhist Solutionfor the Twenty-first Century. Bangkok: Buddhadhamma Foundation. (1994b). Buddhist Economics: A Middle Way for a Market Place. Bangkok: Buddhadhamma Foundation. (19 9 4 ~ ) .State and Buddhism. Bangkok: Buddhadhamma Foundation. Preecha Changkwanyun (1995). The Political Thought of Buddhaddrd Bhikkhu. Bangkok: Chulalongkorn University Press. PreechaPiampongsarn (1985).GreenEconomics.Bangkok:ChulalongkornPolitical Economy Group. Sidh Butr-indr (1979). The SocialPhilosophy ofBuddhism. Bangkok: Mahamakut UniversityPress. Somboon Suksamran (1972). Political Buddhism in Southeast Asia: The Role of Sangha in the Modernization of Thailand. London: St. Martin's Press. (1982). BuddhismandPoliticsin Thailand. Bangkok:Chulalongkorn UniversityPress. (1993). Buddhismand PoliticalLegitimacy.Bangkok: Chulalongkorn UniversityPress. Somparn Promta (1996). Emptiness: A Buddhist View on Human Llfe and the WorB. Bangkok: Puttachat Press. (1998a). Buddhist Philosophy: Man, Society and Ethical Dilemma. Bangkok: Chulalongkorn University Press. (1998b). Law and Morality: A Buddhist Perspective. Bangkok: Chulalongkorn UniversityPress. Sulak Sivaraksa (1980). Religion and Development. Bangkok: Suksit Siam Press. (1981). A Buddhist VisionforRenewing Society. New York: Parallax Press. (1988).A Socially Engaged Buddhism. Bangkok: Suksit Siam Press. (1992). Seeds ofpeace. Bangkok: Suksit Siam Press. (1993). The Buddhist Perception of Desirable Societies in the Future. Bangkok: Suksit Siam Press. 3 Secular Education, Development andValues: A BuddhistPerspective* Pracha Hutanuwatr Introduction F rom the perspective of a Thai Buddhist, secular education and the current form of 'development' are core components of the modernization project, which began in Europe several centuries ago and is currently in its globalization phase.This project operates from a basic set of beliefs and values that are alien to Buddhism, and it produces and reproduces values that are antithetical to basic Buddhist values.The beliefsand values ofWestern modernity are fundamental to a power structure that is socially unjust and environmentally destructive, and degrading to the quality of human life. My critique of these beliefs and values is based on the Buddhist belief that society, as an external influence (paratokosa) on human beings, should enhance the development of healthy human qualities.Wisdom, generosity, self-restraint, self-respect and compassion should be encouraged and supported; unhealthy human characteristics such as excessive individualism, competition, greed and violenceshould be discouraged.The presenteducation and development systems, however, privile e the latter. g In contrast, Buddhisteducation (sikkha)aimsat cultivating thehealthy (kwala) and reducing the unhealthy (akusala) human qualities. It does this via a form of education that is grounded in the Eightfold Path for living skilfully and ending suffering, as was taught by the Buddha. This learning is lifelong, holistic and mostly self-directed. The process of Buddhist education empowers both the individual and the community to become self-reliant and self-respecting. If development policyis going to changeso that it influencessociety to move in a more Buddhist and humane direction, then formal education can play a vital role, but only on the condition that there is a political will for serious reform. In the absence of the will to reform, Buddhism can still be a frame of reference for I would like to thank Libby Litvak, Jane Rasbash and Christine Dann for their assistance in improving the content and style of this paper. 44 Pracha Hutanuwatr alternative education and other non-mainstream movements that challenge the present mindset and system,and this can lead us towardpositivelong-term change. Development,Desire and Resistance mat's Wrong with Development? In my country, many people, including the rich and the poor, urban and rural dwellers, are not satisfied with the lives they are currently leading. Even some of theforestdwellersaredissatisfied.They are A1under enormous to compete with one another for more money, more power, higher social status and more social recognition. Worse, this ethos of competition is considered progressive according to the value system currently dominant in Thai society. If you are contented with your life, if you do not try to move up the social ladder, if you are not eager to "get on in the world," you are considered lazy, regressiveand not up-to-date. If you are a government officer of a certain rank, you must try to move up. If you are a businessperson, you must try to get richer. If you are a farmer and you have a motor cycle, you must try to get a pick-up truck. Ifyou are a local politician, you have to try to be a national politician. This drive to get richer and more prosperous holds true for both individuals and institutions. - A Businesses always have to expand, offices have to get bigger, government departments need to get a bigger share of the state budget, the GDP of a country needs to increase and so on. From a Buddhist point of view, this kind of competitive and size-obsessed social ethos makes everybody unhappy, whether they be rich or poor, winner or loser. People seem unable to dwell in the present moment and appreciate the beauty of life as it is. Everyone always has to move on to the next post, and once there, has to move further up. Why and how does this happen?The Buddhist analysis is that this happens when people are driven by their unexamined and unrestrained desires (tanha). According to the Four Noble Truths of Buddhism, tanha is the root cause of suffering.-After half a century of development, even though some sectors of Thai society are better off materially, this is counteracted by the fact that the developmentof tanha isan integraland essentialpart of the modernist development paradigm. Thus, in general, people from all walks of life are less rather than more happy. If we were to express the pursuit of happiness in equation form, it could look like this: Satisfying one's desires (y) Happiness (x) = Desires (2) Secular Education, Development and Values 45 This simple equation shows that we can be happier (increasing x) by either increasing (y) or decreasing (z). The modern development paradigm definitely encourages us to increase (y), that is, to satisfy our desires as much as possible. In myview, thisis the basicethosof the modernization project.This projectoriginated in Europe several centuries ago and has been imposed on Asia, firstly, by the colonial powers and later, by the agents of economic globalization, transnational companies and globalist economic institutions such as the World Trade Organisationm O ) ,the InternationalMonetaryFund (IMF)and theWorldBank. From a Buddhist point of view, the imposition of such an ethos is a tragic mistake as it rests on a fundamentally flawed and inadequate understanding of human nature. As the Buddha said, "No river is bigger than tanha. Gandhi " expressed it as, "The world has enough for everyone's need but not enough for anyone's greed." Desiresare neverfulfilled bysatisfying them; the more yousatisfy them the larger they get. So, trying to become happy by increasing the capacityto satisfy desires is a futile pursuit. This is why consumerism can never respond to the existential sense of lack that we all have. Satisfyinggreed and puffing up the sense of self-importance may temporarily fill us with some sort of excitement and help us escape from the basic void of life, but life always brings us back to our basic existential insecurity. Only an authentic spiritual education can help us learn to cope with this basic insecurity. Tanhaand its Consequences Examined Thus, weseealack of meaningand joy in modern society,whereasecular education system that promotes a competitive ethos is widespread. Let us take a closer look at how tanha operatesin our lives to create unhappiness. Whatever culture or race we belong to, whateverideology we subscribe to, whatever religion we adhere to, we are all aware that one common aspect of our humanity is our tendency to cravewealth, power, recognitionand sensual pleasure.Buddhistscall this tendency lobha (greed). If we cannot have the object of our desire, or if it is taken away from us, we get depressed or angry or are filled with hatred (dosa).We further compound the potential sources of unhappiness by regarding the satisfaction rendered by wealth, power, recognition and sensual pleasure as worthwhile not only in themselves, but also for the sake of comparing ourselves with others: "I have what you have, I have more than what you have, I have better than what you have." This tendency to assert oneself in competition against and in comparison with others, to regard oneselfasessentiallyseparate and differentfrom other beings, is called moha or "illusion ofSelf" in Buddhism.The combination of geed, hatred and illusion (lobha,dosa, moha),acting together, is known as akusalamula,which means unhealthy or unwholesome roots. 46 Pracha Hutanuwatr Such unhealthy roots are not confined to individuals, but also operate in different collectiveforms, and often with more destructive consequences. Instead of me, me and just me, it can be my family, my company, my country, my community, my language, my religion, my race, my group and/or my club. AkusakmuZa is the force behind colonization, tribal wars, religions and countries, conflicts between ethnic groups and exploitation by corporations. Even international sporting events may exhibit akusakmuZa. Akusalamzcla at Work in Thai Development Let us move from general principles to the realitiesof development and education in my country. We were forced to formally open our country to Western powers in 1855. After seeing what was happening to neighbouring countries, the Thai elite in thosedays had been for decadesanxiousabout the dangers ofwesterncolonization. It responded to this pressure with a drive to modernize and develop the country along Western lines politically, economically, technologicallyand culturally.This was both an attempt to prevent a colonialist imposition of modernization, and a sincere effort on the part of the first generation of elite Thai modernizers to gain the best that the West had to offer while still retaining the Buddhist traditions of Thailand. One significant method employed to achieve this end was the sending of royalchildren to theWest to beeducated.When thissecondgeneration returned home to rule, however, it lost confidence in authentic Buddhist values, lost touch with its roots, and succumbed toWestern values.Thus, althoughThailandsurvived the colonization storm at the politicallevel, by remaining unconquered, it slowly lost its cultural and intellectual independence. One reason why efforts to maintain a strong Thai culture gounded in Buddhism were undermined is that the new elite used secular education as an important tool in the development process. The new forms of education had the effect of making those educated in this way feel that our culture is full of superstition,and our traditionalwayoflifeis not goodenough. Not having modern technology and a modern way of life was representedas a form of inferiority to be despised and transcended. Secular education in the service of the modernist paradigm of 'development' implanted the values of individualism, competition, the need to 'succeed' and consumerism in the minds of the population. Why? Because without these Western-style values, there would be no drive toward Western-styledevelopment. The situation got worse after World War 11, when the Americans entered Thailand in a bigway,and our developmentand educationpolicieswerecompletely under American influence. This brought about a cruder kind of modernization. Secular Education, Development and Values47 On the adviceof Americanexperts, the military government orderedThai monks not to teach the principle of santosa (contentment or satisfaction with what one has) to the people, because that would prejudice people against joining in the 'develo ment' process.So, the Americans knew that Buddhism operatesfrom the p (z) and not the (y) part of the happiness equation. Until today, we have been unable to liberateourselves from Americanization, even though American troops are no longer stationed in our country. We have had more than enough of American- and European-educated Thai elite and technocrats trained to operate development and education projects the American way.The situation worsenedafter the economiccrash of 1997,when manycritical sectors of the economy were bought over by foreign corporations. Pressurefrom the culture of consumerism has increased accordingly.This form of development and its associated form of education are not desirable, not only because they make people unhappy at the individual level but also because together, they constitute a form of structural violence in society. After decades of this form of development, the gap between the rich and the poor, and the powerful and the powerless is getting wider and not smaller.An increasingnumber of farmers have lost their land and gotten into debt, while unemployment is a common phenomenon. The traffickingof women, drug abuse and trafficking and HIVI AIDS have become very serious social problems.Big businessesmay have become bigger and richer, but the majority of ordinary people like rural fisherfolk, small farmers andforestdwellersare losingtheir livelihoodsand turning into cheap labour in the cities, where trade unions are kept weak to attract international investment. On top of all this injustice in society, the whole ecosystem of the country is becomingdegradedin everyaspect.The forests are quicklyshrinking, air pollution in big cities is getting worse,and rivers and canals aresufferingfrom an overuse of chemicals in agriculture. Natural resources,which form the basis of livelihoodfor ordinary people, are being rapidly depleted. Culturally, the whole society has become increasingly materialistic and consumerist. Corporate businesses use marketing to stimulate greed and increase wants, by manipulating people into thinking that life is only valuable when you can buyand consumegoodspromoted by the media. The aim of life is reduced to gaining increased sensual pleasure, wealth, power, status or fame. Everything in modern society, from human life to trees, animals and ecosystems, and even minerals and oil from below the earth's surface, are thought of in terms of market value or material value. The Religion of Consume1-ism In fact,consumerism becomesa newkind ofdemonic religion,propagated through the strongest means ever used in the history of religion, namely, mass media and 48 Pracha Hutanuwat~ the secular education system.This new religion has its own temples in shopping malls, its own preachers in media moguls and advertising kings, and its own theologians in economists and technocrats who legitimizeeconomic gowth, the free market and industrialism. People who are unable to escape the evan elicalg toolsof this new religion,the mass media and secularschools, and who are thereby forced to live under this 'religious' ethos, will always feel that they are invalid. Life for them becomes a constant struggle to be someone other than who they are.They arealways not good enough, do not haveenough, have not done enough. So the aim of life is always more money, more recognition, more power. The wholeclimate of societyis an echo of the new motto "I buy, therefore I am." Ifwe want to be someone we have to buy something,and in order to satisfy this constant desire to be someone, we have to buy newer models or brands, many ofwhich are intentionally designed to be inefficient or to become easily obsolete. The world we live in today is under assault from rampant consumerism, which threatens the very destruction of our planet. We consume too much, produce too much, and create too much waste.The society we live in emphasizes the selling of goods that are not vitalfor life's needs, but which merely contribute to the profits gleaned by corporations. This requirement of endless consumption, within the unlimited growth economy of industrialism, is the fundamental structural cause of violenceagainst human beings and nature that we face today. Regrettably, the education system has to be viewed as part and parcel of this unhealthy structure. What are the prospects for change? Although the adoption of the new Thai constitution in 1997 and its associated reforms mean that some prospects look brighter than they have in a while, I remain cautious and only hopeful that there is now a little room for organic intellectuals to influence mainstream developmental thought. We will have to begin by questioning all the basic assumptions of the model of development that we have adopted. Questioning Some BasicAssumptions The reason current systems of development and education have created so many problems inThai societyis, I believe,due to a number ofwrong basicassumptions and beliefs associated with the whole process. In addition to the wrong belief about human happiness, and a wrong system of education that encourages competition, individualism,greed and consumerism (bothdiscussed earlier),there are a few other underlying wrong beliefs that need to be identified. First of all, the belief that Western civilization is superior is a wrong belief. Even though school textbooks pay lip service to the value of Buddhism, Thai culture and Asian culture, the whole ethos of the education system leads people Secular Education, Development and Values 49 to believe that we have to catch up with the West. This creates a hypocritical society where one thing is preached but another is practised. With cultural domination by the increasingly powerful Western media, people and their local cultures have been inflicted with an inferiority complex. As the administration and educational systems are still modelled on the colonial style, much of the diversity of local cultures has been gradually weakened. Every village and region wants a Bangkok lifestyle while increasing numbers of Bangkokians want to be Westerners in all aspects of life even down to their hairstyles- a visible symbol of the loss of self-esteem (hiri-ottappa) in society. From the Buddhist point of view, the loss of self-esteem is the beginning of all moral degradation. Combined with the worship of greed as a social value, it thoroughly corrupts society. The second wrong belief in the current mode of development and education is the belief in science as the only source of valid knowledge, despite the fact that science is only one kind of knowledge (dealing only with the material aspect of the universe)among many others. Important indigenous wisdom, which has been the basis of sustainable societies for generations, is looked down upon and disregarded, especially, wisdom related to understanding oneself, deeper human relations and the human relationship with nature. This brings us to the third mis-belief - that humans should dominate and conquer nature. The consequences of this delusion are not only the destruction of nature beyond the scale at which the earth can sustain itself, but also the alienation of human beings from nature- another reason for unhappiness in our time. It is clearly stated in Buddhism that human beings should live close to nature and build a culture such that humans can be friends with, rather than masters of, nature. For us, the forest, not the city, is the centre of real culture. Last in the list of mis-beliefscomes the belief in linear progress, which moves us away from the 'present moment.' The causes and conditions of staying in the 'present moment' or the 'moment of reality' are of prime importance in Buddhism, particularly with regard to the art of coping with suffering. Under the 'progress' ethos, we are stimulated to expect that things will be better in the future, but at the cost of sacrificing the present reality. This belief in progress is a myth as it promises something that will never be completely fulfilled. Indeed, the strive to fulfil this myth is stimulated by tanha. In the name of development and modernization, ordinary people have been 're-structured' to abandon cultures and ways of life that have evolved over thousands of years, and which are for the most part extremely appropriate for local conditions and environments. Workers have been manoeuvred to sacrifice labour for low wages for the sake of industrialization; farmers have been relocated by big infrastructure projects in the name of progress, development and economic growth. In these processes, the 50 Pracha Hutanuwatr disruption to living in the present moment' and the resulting upheaval is given little or no consideration at all. The forces of development - the state and corporations - seldom stop to investigate whether their practices are doing more harm than good, but continue to preach blind faith in their religion of progressat any cost. Buddhist Practice to ReduceAkusala (unhealthiness) The huge increase in suffering in societycaused by the thoughtless and self-seeking application of modernist development has brought forth a Buddhist response. If Buddhist education is going to have any real, positive impact in dealing with the problems of present-day society, it has to be able to help decrease both individual and structural defilements (akz~sald).In other words, Buddhist education should not only help us keep our precepts of not doing any harm and of being honest and generous in a personal sense, but should also encourage us to act in these ways to change damaging economic, politicaland culturalstructures. The practices of meditation and mindfulness must not be confined to the meditation room. How can it be good Buddhist practice to meditate and then spend the rest of our time submitting to the status quo, when the whole system is full of akz~sald?We must practise mindfulness to reduce our individual defilement and increase our positive potential, in order to be actively involved in a pursuit toward changing thestructures of defilement.Thus, meditation becomes an aid in becoming more sensitive to the destructive tendencies in mainstream society. The practice of vipasana (insight) meditation can help us see the impermanence, suffering and non-self of the World Bank, the IMF, multinational corporations and dictatorial regimes.It willalso help us cultivate the wisdom to envision alternative structures, and the ways to achieve them. Traditionally,when one becomesa devout Buddhist, one practises meditation seriously and keeps the precepts - not to kill, not to steal, not to misbehave sexually, not to tell lies and not to intoxicate oneself with drugs and alcohol. In addition to this, one should live a simple life with few possessions.When this is translated into modern society, modern Buddhists in both East and West usually follow this interpretation of the precepts and meditation practice in a personal manner. How many, however, are questioning consumer lifestyles and the ideal of an endlessaccumulation of wealth, including vast amounts of money in pension funds and the purchase of numerous insurance policies against the perceived diff~cultiesof losing these possessions and financial insecurity? If such trends continue, modern Buddhists will hardly be able to contribute to a reduction of structural violence in the world today. In our daily life in the modern world, we seldom kill anybody directly. We rarely even kill animals directly. Most of the Secular Education, Development and Values 5 1 harm in the world today, including the majority of modern crime and drug problems and even AIDS deaths, is not the result of direct violence. Rather, they are the result of developingsocialstructures that encouragegreed and competitive aggression. One may keep the five precepts in the traditional sense, but what about keeping silent when your government sends troops to kill people in other countries?What about investing or putting money into a company or bank that invests in arms production? What about the IMF or World Bank using their financialinfluence to support bigdevelopment projects that destroycommunities and villa es and large tracts of nature? What about transnational corporations g (TNCs) invading communities and talung away local natural resources and destroyinglocal culturesand communitylife?What about governmentssupporting TNCs against local people, an increasing occurrence all over the world in the name of globalization?What about the state-controlled education system aimed at training young people to be technicians so that they will fit in as part of the machinery of the corporate world, without any concept of themselves as whole persons with higher potential? Each of the aforementioned structural concernsviolates many of the Buddhist precepts while at the same time harming people and nature on a large-scale. Part ofspiritualeducation in today's worldshould beabout understanding thisstructural violence, and training oneself not to commit it, while also engaging in striving toward alternatives.Buddhist education needs to focus on empowering people to become enlightened individuals full of compassion and wisdom, and enlightened agents of changewho will reduceand eradicateviolenceagainst peopleand nature at both personaland structural levels. Buddhist educationshould alsoaspiretoward helping individuals becomeself-reliantwithin their own communities, rather than being dependent on a hostile state and under the thumb of national and global corporations. We need a new kind of Bodhisam who dares to dream of a different kind of world and engage in different lunds of social action, according to the potential of each person to combine meditation and social action into their way of life. Wherever we are in society, weare alwaysable to dsosomething for positive structural change.At thesame time, thiscan bea means through whichwecultivate positivequalities (parami) for reducing our personal resid.uesof greed, hatred and illusion. This 'engaged' form of education gives real meaning to life, because it aims at cultivating the wholesomepotential that naturally exists in the individual, and these qualities will connect one with other beings and the universe.This lies at contrast with an education that aims at training people to be technicians or technocrats, fuelled by selfish motivations to glorify the ego via wealth, status or power. Buddhists believe that although you may be 'successful' through this kind of education in conventional terms, you will still experiencea lack of meaning in 52 Pracha Hutanuwatr life and be deeply dissatisfied. It is this existential sense of lack and the void that haunt us in the modern world and drive us to want more, do more and achieve more, and more and more... without end.Thus, we perpetuate cycles of suffering and become more and more in need of forms of education that show us how to avoid and end suffering and create positive alternatives. AVision for a Buddhist Education Sikkha for Individuals and Society To achieve our vision of a holistic education that encompasses spiritual values as well as intellectual development, we must examine our assumptions about who we are trying to educate, and what it is possible to do with them. For Buddhists, a key assumption is that every human being is born with the potential to become a Buddha. Buddhahood encompasseshealthy qualitiessuch as wisdom, generosity, self-restraint, self-esteem and compassion. Another core assumption is that the primary aim of human life must and should be to cultivate these faculties to the fullest, in order to realize Buddhahood. For an individual to achieve this aim, two indispensable conditions must be fulfilled. The first is critical self-awareness (yonisomandsikara),and the second is a supportive social environment of good, spiritual friends (kabanamitta). The aim of Buddhist education, therefore, is to ensure that these conditions are met, and to promote and encourage socialvalues that enhance a healthy quality of life consistent with attaining Buddhahood; rather than the opposite, which the present system is doing. It is clear that this process of education cannot be confined to the classroom. Education needs to be incorporated into all aspects of society to empower the individual and strengthen the community, rather than increasing feelings of inadequacy and community disintegration, as is the present trend. What would such an education look like? For over two thousand years, Buddhist thinkers and practitioners have advocated that a true education (sikkba) begins with and should always be based on the Eightfold Path, taught by the Buddha as the way to live skilfully and end suffering. Sikkba, thus, includes how we look at the world, how we cultivate our intentions and motivations, how we talk, how we act, how we choose and conduct our livelihood, how we cultivate good thoughts, how we develop mindfulness in our daily life and how we develop peace and calm. This form of education is holistic in the sense that it develops everyaspectof lifesimultaneously.It does not give prime importance to intellectual training but aspires to harmonize the head with the heart, as well as the hand with the mouth. In this sense, life itself is a form of education and people from all walks of life and all levels of intellectual capacitycan realize the highest educational Secular Education, Development and Values 53 attainment. Sikkha is an education that aims to reduce greed, hatred and self- importance. In the process of doing so, individuals and communities can gain self-confidenceand be empowered. Once desires are reduced, and we have more compassionand wisdomfrom not comparingourselveswith others,wecan become relaxed and content with what we have and who we are, so as not to be easily tempted by the siren call of endless wealth, recognition and power. Once the mind and the community cease to be crowded with unquenchable desires, our natural positive potential for virtues such as compassion and wisdom will be released and can blossom. Hence, it is possible to counteract allforms of violence. Sikkha does not constitute education for social climbing; it does not require us to deny what we and what our communities are, and neither does it encourage us to be someone or something else. Rather, it strengthens us in being aware, proud and critical of who and what we and our community are. Whilst this can be understood intellectually, it can be very challenging to truly assimilate such intellectualinsights into our dailylivesto reach the described levelsof contentment and self-confidence.This kind of self-confidence and self-esteemis verydifferent from the shallow self-confidence and self-esteem based on egoism and individualism. True confidence and self-esteem come from the freedom of not comparing and not desiring to be ahead or equal to others, and from the healthy energy of love and compassion. The more this positive drive can be developed, the more empowered the individual is in making decisions that are based less and less on self-interest.This may sound paradoxical but in practice, the weakening of the sense of self-centredness leads to the strengthening of a self-love that is wholesomeand positive. In Buddhism, self-interestand other kinds of interest do not contradict one another if we operate from a wholesome and healthy (kusald) perspective. Sikkha needs to apply equally to society as well as to the individual. For an individual to cultivate healthy qualities, greed, violence and consumerism must not dominate society. We need a social environment that encourages the virtues of dana (generosity), karuna (compassion), sila (social justice), samathi (peacefulness) and pannya (wisdom). What does this mean in terms of how we developour societies?It means that we need an education system that encourages cooperation rather than competition, and provides opportunities for students to develop all aspects of healthy human potential. To be a computer expert or a politician or a lawyer or a medical doctor is secondary to being a well-balanced human being. In addition to providing a better basis for the development of all-rounded, healthy individuals, the education system should also aim at creating an all- rounded, healthy society.To achieve this end, the education systemshould be less 54 Pracha Huranuwatr elitist. For example, trainingin technicalexpertise-from medicine to agriculture -should allowfor fair representation from all communities, including tribal communities. Those trained must makea commitment to go back and serve their communities. Education must also be decentralized,so that local areas have more authority in deciding on an appropriate content and format of education to suit local needs and aspirations. More attention should also be paid to the total social environment in which people learn and live. For example, we learn geed and hatred from an economic system that puts profitsbefore people.We needan economicsystem that produces for the real basic needs of people, sharing natural and financial resources fairly and emphasizing local production for local consumption. Economic activities should not be the cause of social injustice and environmental destruction. The weak must be taken care of and have their basic needs met. Commercial advertisingis another form of social miseducation, and must be abolished. It only serves to stimulate and manipulate greed and illusion, and is a form of dishonestythat breedssuffering.Television and radio programmesshould be fun and educational, with a balance of international, national and local productions. Freedom of expression should be guaranteed. Centralized, colonialistforms of public administration are yet another way in which people are miseducated and disempowered. Step by step, the central authorities need to belocalized to provide better publicadministration, education, healthcare and other public services. In this way, a Buddhist society becomes an educationalenvironment filled with kalydnamitta(good friends).In such asociety, happy people who live a simple life and serve others will be highly valued no matter the structural position they hold in thesociety,whether professor or potter. Peoplewho showoff their wealth and overconsumewill not be respected. Instead, those who spend their surplus time cultivating their wholesome human potential will be encouraged and supported. The Core of Buddhist Education How will this happen?The core of Buddhist education is the Eightfold Path. The path starts with the right view. This means looking into the true nature of things and realizingthat there is no separateSelf;everythingis interconnected. This is in contrastto the usualwayofseeingourselvesfrom aself-centredandanthropocentric point of view, as individuals and as a species. From the non-Self point of view, however, we are one with other beings in the universe, both human and non- human. Hence, to harm others is to harmourselves-oursocial and environmental crises bear witness to this law of nature. The interrelatedness between human moral conduct and ecological balance is clearly stated in the ancient scriptures, Secular Education, Development and Values 55 and developed in Buddhadasa Bhikku's translation of and comments on a Pali Sutta. He comments on the result of not acting in accordance with the Dhamma (law of nature). The Sutta says: Now, when the Brahmins and people with money already do not act according to Dhamma, the city peopleand country people do not act in accordancewith Dhamma ...Whenwe have reached thepoint whereall peopledonot aclraccordingto Dhamma there arise uncertainties, fluctuations, and abnormal conditions in all of nature:The orbit of the moon and the sun is fluctuating and uncertain ... the stellar system has been disturbed by the ambitions of very greedy people, people who do not act accordin to Dhamma. [The Szltta goes on to describe how panjassa (pattern or g order) of the universe becomes confused and this affects the patterns of weather, which affect the crops and, in turn, the people and the animals cannot survive.] Buddhadasa comments that: Human beings have long since brought about injusticesthat have left their mark on nature; this has resulted in nature behavingincorrectly.When nature is disrupted, it surrounds humans and brings abouc their continued downfall until it affects their physical bodies and their heart and mind; then our heart and mind also become mixed up. We are supposed to live in harmony with nature and take from nature only enough for our basic needs. If we take this view seriously, it means we have to make drastic, radical changes in our economic and political institutions. This is in contrast to the view of modernity that regards human beings as masters and conquerors of nature - a view which, in my opinion, is the root cause of the worsening series of environmental calamities and crises that we face today. To cultivate the right view is not just about philosophizing on the non-Self. We must examine our consciousness- including that which is usually hidden at the subconsciouslevel - in order to transform our habits, attitudes and values into a sound basis for living wisely.This can be achieved by the prolonged practice of vz$assana (insight) meditation until it is thoroughly integrated into our daily lives. The second step on the Eightfold Path, right thought, is also concerned with our motivation and patterns of thinking. We have to train our thoughts to be free of selfish desire, hatred and cruelty.Again, this is not possiblewithout going deep into our consciousness via meditation and mindfulness. The last three steps on the path - cultivation of good thou hts, developing mindfulness at all times, and g developing peace and calm-also focus on mental development. Becoming more mentally skilful is not enough, however.The remaining steps of the path insist that at the same time, our speech, action and livelihood should be free from harming other beings- human and non-human alike. 56 Pracha Hutanuwatr If we look at life in modern society, we can see that we are living in an environment that encourages harmful speech,as heard in advertisements;harmhl action, such as competition, overconsumption of meat, sexual abuse and deforestation; and finally, harmful livelihood,such as trading in arms or drugs, or running brothels or sweatshops. Harmful speech, action and livelihood destroy our quality of life, and create guilt and confusion in our hearts and heads, which makes it difficult to meditate and calm our minds. They also block the blossoms ofcompassion,wisdom and other positive qualities in our hearts, besides harming other people and nature. Our society is too busy, too noisy and too fast. Our minds are trained by the modern environment to be addicted to excitement, especially through television and other kinds of media. This has damaged the modern mind,and peoplearealways doing things, needing things, desiringthings. They are no longer able to be, simply to be. So it is necessary to cultivate our mental health by practising meditation and mindfulness, so that our minds will be calm, stable, active and sensitive. The healthy mind can, in turn, be used to cultivate wisdom and morality. Traditionally,the two conditional factors absolutely essential for this kind of education are kalyanamitta (good spiritual friends) and yonisomanasikara (cultivating criticalself-awareness).Theformer is an externalfactor and the latter, an internal factor. Kalyanamitta are not confined to teachers and fellowstudents, but include all aspects of the external environment of life, such as schools, media, family, nature, books, television, art, and so on. A spiritual teacher and a good friend may not be restricted to an individual human form either. Our educational friends may include a stable community, a forest, the sky at night, or perhaps an animal. In a deeper sense, education means learning to have right relationships with everything Spiritual education is a process that should occur within the individual and community, with a minimum classroom role; at its best, classroom education can be but a preliminary factor in cultivating good friends.This is why when we talk about Buddhist education, we cannot avoid talking about a new direction for society. As long as the present socialethos-which encouragesgreed, hatred and illusion- dominates our lives, there is no hope of Buddhist education having an effect on society at large. Whilst it may help a small group become personally enlightened, the impact will be very limited. For example, we have several forest monasteries and some good meditation masters in Thailand, but their impact on the whole of the country is very small. This is because the structures ofThaisocietyare becoming less and less Buddhist. Indeed, the basic ethos of Thai society is now geared toward economic growth fuelled by greed, competition and a materialistic way of life. Thus, when we consider thecontent and processesof wholeeducationalestablishmentsin modern Secular Education, Development and Values 57 society, they hardly seem like fertile ground for finding good friends who will encourage us to cultivate compassion and wisdom, and reduce our defilements. Actually, the kind of friends we are more likely to find in modern educational establishments are what we call papamitra, meaning false friends or foes in the guise of friends. So it is very important for those who want to seek spiritual education to look for good friends and remember that the definition of kalydnamitta is wider than that of the personal teacher, albeit personal teachers arevery,veryimportant. In the age of the information highway,a lot of information can be sent across the globeinstantly, but all this information put together cannot replace a good spiritual teacher who interacts with us in person. Many important things in life are not learnt through written or even verbalcommunication. When you have a personal teacher, the very relationship is ongoing education. The other essential factor in a Buddhist education is the development of critical self-awareness.This is the freedom to question and doubt all kinds of proclaimed truths, including what our teachers teach. The Buddha warned his followers not to blindly follow what he said. Before belief, there should be real experimentationand observationof how the teachings,and indeed howeverything, affect our lives.We must examinewhether the teachingshelp us reduceour greed, narrow-mindedness, endless ambition, hatred and self-centredness and instead make us more content, open-minded, compassionate and forgiving.In this sense, spiritual education is a lifelongprocess of training under the guidance of external and internal teachers, good friends and critical self-awareness. A Model of Buddhist Education The Content of Buddhist Education Can Buddhist education occur in the present schooling system?My answer is yes, but with a big iJ In general, I agree with Ivan Illich that the present schooling system is doing more harm than good to individuals and society. I prefer the idea of diverseand multilayeredlearningcentres organized byvarioussocialinstitutions such as temples, communities, families, factories, companies, cooperatives, hospitals, policedepartments, etc. This can happen at the local, re ional, national g and international levels to supplement the educational needs of society, bearing in mind that the whole society itself needs to be educationally reor anized g accordin to the mentioned glidelines. Many people, however, will see this as g being far off in the future. Ifwe have to get by with the present schooling system for a while, what can we do?Bearingin mind that the aim of our education is to enhance the healthy or wholesome (kusala)components of life and of a healthy society; the learning environment, the process oflearningand educational content 58 Pracha Hutanuwatr must work together toward this same goal. One of the weaknesses of the present education system is that the moral teaching in the textbooks says one thing while the learning environment and teaching methods communicate another. A Buddhist social change and educational organization that I work with, the Spirit in Education Movement, has developed the followingset ofsix basiccontent areas to be coveredin ensuring a holisticeducation. To developwholesomequalities in individuals and society, the schooling system has to provide an educational environment where the student can come to critically - Understand herselflhimself - Understandsociety - Understandnature - Understandbeauty - Develop skills in healthy interpersonal relations - Develop skills in searching for needed knowledge These six aims cover the basicsfor becominga mature, fully-cultivated person. Along with these basics, the student can gadually learn other skills that will be useful for earning her or his livelihood. With our sister organizations, the Thai Interreligious Commission for Development and Wongsanit Ashram, we are working to develop and pilot modules in these six areas. I will brieflydiscuss each of the areas to explain what we do. Understandthese& Each of us is born different, with different temperaments, characters, hidden potentials, moral strengths and weaknesses, hidden skills, etc. Some are more lustful, others more angry, some compassionate, others intellectual, some are pragmatic, some are good at music, while others like painting. To be aware of who we are and accept, love and respect ourselves while concurrently directing ourselves toward a more healthy path is the aim of this aspect ofeducation, which includes the ability to look after our mental and physical health. Meditation, contemplation, yoga, tai chi,silence,prayer and other forms of traditional spiritual practice can be applied skilfully. New approaches can be developed. Drama and novels can be helpful. Group work, vision quests, astrology,anagram and modern psychology can all be used if applied properly. In fact, all educational activities should help in understanding oneself if the student learns how to draw lessons from them. The teacher who is highly self-actualizedwill be able to facilitate this very important aspect of learning. Understand society.Society today is very complex and it is difficult to see the big picture and the interrelation of different factors that affect our lives. Decisions made by a small group of people in one corner of the world can easily affect a vast majority of people elsewhere. Within one national boundary, there are different Secular Education, Development and Values 59 sorts of communities existing together, sometimes with little understanding of or even communication with one another, not to mention the different schools of thought and ideologies that operate in the world today. Learning to understand society, therefore, should not be confined to intellectual learning. It should include visiting and spending time with different communities, improving our understanding by developing our hearts to be compassionate and sympathetic, as well as increasing our ability to analyze injustice and the causes and mechanisms of exploitation. This module of our curriculum includes exposure to alternative initiatives and tools to dream of and envision a different, better world. Understand nature.To understand nature is to understand that one's own life, and human life, in general, are part of an ecosystemthat is holisticallyinterrelated. To harm nature is to harm oneself and vice versa. Besides learning how the ecosystem works, we need to emphasize the ecological crises that we are facing, both at the local and global levels, and be able to relate those environmental problems to our waysofproducing, consuming and wasting.Introducingstudents to successful ongoing sustainable initiatives can provide great inspiration and a sign of hope for a more nature-friendly world. Taking the students to forests and asea bonds them to nature and creates the love that is neededfor livingin harmony with nature. Moreover, exposure to the wildernesscan be a great way of learning to know ourselves better. Many spiritual cultures have developed rituals and practices that help them know themselves by being one with nature, such as the ritesof passageof the NativeAmericansand the tudong(forestwandering)tradition of the Buddhist forest monks. These are tools that can be developed or applied for educational purposes. Understand beauty. Industrial and commercial development in the past half- century has destroyed our taste for traditional beauty without replacing it with something equal or better. This is very sad as the ensuing u liness plays an g important role in polluting the minds of our people. Our traditional ideas of beauty may be 'simple,' but they are very much in tune with nature and enhance the cultivation of a healthy quality of life or at least, do not endorse an unhealthy one. Yet presently,in the nameof modernization and with commercialadvertisin , g our homes are full of throwaway junk, such as posters of film or televisionstars. Handcrafted bamboo and rattan baskets and simple cane furniture are replaced by mass produced plastic. Even the Buddha shrines are decorated with plastic flowers and electric 'auras.' Houses are inappropriately designed and coloured with modern materials (some ofwhich are very harmful, like asbestos).These are used in our villages with a sense of superiority. Our towns and cities are built to be modern (Western)without consideration for the local climate and the natural 60 Pracha Hutanuwacr environment. Bangkok, once known as the "Venice of the East," has become a city of sex, sin and gloomy concrete, full of billboard advertisements by transnational corporations. If you do not know what hell looks like, you can visit parts of downtown Bangkok like Silom or Sukhumvit. Then, there is the pollution of the mental environment through the junk television programmes full of advertising, plus talk shows and sensational movies, most of which stimulate akusala. It is, therefore, crucial to help our youngsters rediscover a sense of beauty beyond the commercial and junk arts dominating our society. While it is of prime importance to go back to our traditional arts and develop from there to ground ourselvesin our own roots, we can definitely enrich ourselvesand our culture by being receptive to beauty from other cultures - East and West, North and South, new and old, classical, modern and postmodern. People preoccupied with good art will definitely enhance our healthy quality of life, and this is a sign of a good society. Develop skills in healthy inte~ersonalrelationships. Buddhism is all about relationships. Relationships with our fellow human beings are an important factor in determining whether we are happy and healthy people. More than a hundred years of the modernization project in the country has weakened our ability to relate well to one another, even to close kin and friends. It is vital to reclaim this ability; we can draw on our indigenous wisdom, Buddhist teaching and other relevant teachingsfor this.Again, this is not done bylistening to lectures but byactually having relationshipswith a healthy teacher and with friends in the learning group, by working together, learning together, playing together, living together,travellingtogether.Then thereshould be properdebriefafter the activities. Proper consideration should be given to the time that the student and teacher spend together. It must be long enough to deepen the relationshipbut, at the same time, not rob them of opportunities to form other good friendships. Again, we should emphasize that healthyrelationshipswith fellowhuman beingsinterdepend on our relationship with ourself and with nature. They cannot be separated. Develop skills in searchingfor needed knowledge. As education is ongoing and lifelong, it is crucial to develop the skills needed to seek knowledge when and where it is needed. This includes the ability to catch the main points of a talk, conversation, paper or book and summarize and articulate them in variousways; skills in basic social research; skills in using libraries and the Internet; skills in asking good questions and probing deep into issues; the ability to analyze and synthesize; and the ability to look at and think of an issue from different perspectives. Also emphasized is the skill to meditate and contemplate in finding an understanding that is deeper than what the intellect can fathom. Other Secular Education, Development and Values 61 indi enous waysofseekingknowledgeshould also be used,such as the walkabout, g shamanism, the tudong,and the vision quest. The Environment and Process of Buddhist Education The learning environment. Teachers form the most important factor in creating a successful learning environment. Even if we have all the most effective and modern teachin aids, the compassionate, fair, respectful and long-lasting g relationship between teachers and students is vital for success in this kind of education. All the key values we aspire to will be cultivated through this relationship. Both students and teachers grow together, as no one can be perfect in right relationships. Thus, the selection and training of teachers is of prime importance. Here, I agree with Helena Norberg-Hodge's view that putting students of the same age together in a classroom can create a competitive atmosphere.Weshould minimizethis possibilityand balance the classwithstudents of different ages in the same learning group, where older students can help the younger ones. The whole learning group must have group learning projects, which are balanced by each individual having his or her own learning project, under the guidance of one or more teachers. The learning project should be something that is fun, exciting and relevant to real-life situations; for example, crafting a table together, cleaning a canal nearby, interviewing a community elder, growing a bed of vegetables, rehearsingand performing plays, walking or cycling together, and learning about the ecosystem or social systems of the community along the way. To finish one project, students may need to learn many related subjects as well as learn how to work and play together in a group. The reflection or debriefing at various stages of the project should be done in such a way that each student participates fully, creating an atmosphere of team learning in balance with individual learning as well as critical and analytical thinking with respect to other people's opinions. The teacher needs to be skilful and non-judgemental, acting like a good friend (kalyanamitta)who facilitates the learning process. The learningprocess.The learning processis crucial to the success or failure of this kind ofeducation. Givinga teacher the role of a centreoflearningthat lectures a lot does not create the kind of results we want. The most important part of the learning process is that thestudents need manyopportunities to make meaningful decisions and draw on the lessons to be learnt from them. This is the crux of holisticeducation. Decision-makingon important issueswill makestudents learn activelyand take responsibilityfor theiractions.This is verydifferentfromlistening, copying and memorizing subjects, many of which are not at all relevant to real-life situations. It is for this reason that we also emphasize learning by 62 Pracha Hutanuwatr undertaking projects relevant to life, which is multidisciplinary by nature. This way of learning is very similar to real-life situations where decisions, including wrong decisions, are made. It is in learning from them that we mature in life. From this perspective, sitting in a classroom for twelve or fourteen years or more without making enough relevant decisions is such a waste of our time. To carry out a project, either as an individual or in a group, the student must participate in the decision-making process from beginning to end. Students have the right to make decisions which are different from the teacher's; in other words, they are allowed to make possible wrong decisions and learn from them. Basicliteracyskills necessaryfor carryingout projects, such as reading,writing, arithmetic, summarizing, speaking, etc., are provided by the teacher. Through the project approach, students gain a lot of self-motivation for learning these basicskills.For a person to grow up with an awarenessof the necessityof balancing individualand communityneeds,therehas to beagood balance betweenindividual and group decision-making, so that each person learns both personal and community responsibility. Likewise, the processof drawing lessons involves both the individual and the group, so that one can learn to balance personal opinion and group and wisdom. The differences between Buddhist and secular education are summarized in the following table: I Secular Education I Buddhist Education l a. Head-oriented; compartmentalized; a. Holistic; interrelated; over-emphasison intellectual interdisciplinary; head, heart and development at the expense of other hands are taken seriouslyinto human potential. consideration, so hidden potential is revealed and can blossom. b. Authoritarian; teacher-centred; b. Dialo ic; student-centred; subjects g teachers know all and talk a lot; are relevant to students' needs; subjects are decided by a central students actively participate in authority; students are passive. learning and making important decisions. c. Individualism; competition; c. Team learning; cooperation; selfishness. generosity. Secular Education, Development and Values 63 Secular Education Buddhist Education d. Uprooted from traditional culture d.Traditional culture and spirituality and spirituality. are important parts of education. e. Inflicts an inferiority complex, false e. Brings empowerment, healthy pride and fake confidence;ambitious; confidence and humility; teaches provokes discontentment with life; contentment; ready to serve others; always climbing social ladders; is hopeful and happy. engenders hopelessness and despair. f. Primary aim to produce employees, f. Primary aim to promote the growth technicians. of healthy human qualities. g. Education confined mostly to g. Self-education in real experiences classroom and youth. of life; lifelong learning. Conclusion I began my paper by looking at the problems of social injustice, environmental destruction and cultural alienation created bysecular education and development in my society, which makes both the rich aid the poor unhappy. I then analyzed the cause of these problems by pointing out the wrong assumptions or beliefs on which this type of development and education is based, according to a Buddhist perspective.The most prominent wrong assumption is that people can become happier by satisfying their endless desires.There is also the problematic belief in the superiority of Westernization, in science as the superior way of knowledge,in linear progress, and in human supremacy over nature. Next, I explained that Buddhist education is a lifelong process and covers all aspects of life in a holistic way. This form of education, known as sikkha, is based on the Eightfold Path, which in turn relies on the two basic and essential preconditions of effective education, namely, critical self-awarenessand good spiritual friends. The last point highlights that in order for this kind of education to work, the whole societyneeds to be structured as a place for lifelongand positive education, and the direction of development has to change dra~ticall.~,awayfrom the present trend. I do not have faith in the current schooling system. If we must use the schooling system, however, at leastfor the time being, then we need to change the content of education, and the learning environment and process so that schools 64 Pracha Hutanuwatr can encourage the growth of positive human potential, rather than repress it as they do presently. Finally,if development policyis goingto makea much overdue changetoward a more Buddhist and humane direction, education can playa vital role- but only on the condition that there is a politicalwill to serious reform. Where such will is lacking, Buddhist educational principlesand practicescan still be used creatively, to provide an innovativeand excitingframe of referencefor alternative education and other non-mainstream movements. In this way, sikkha both challenges the present mindset and system, and offers a practical means of achievinglong-term change. References Bello,Walden and Rosenfeld, Stephanie (1990).Dragonsin Distress:Rria?Miracle Economies in Crisis. San Francisco: Food First, Institute for Food & Development Policy. Buddhadasa Bhikkhu (1985). Heart Woodfiom Bo Tree. Bangkok: Suan Usom Foundation. (1989). Anapanasati: Mindfulness in Breathing. Translated by Santikaro Bhikkhu, ZndEd., Bangkok: Dhamma Study and Practice Group. (1993).Dhammic Socialism.Edited by Donald K. Swearer, ZndEd., Bangkok: Thai Interreli ious Commission for Development. g Capra, Fritjof (1982). The Turning Point. New York: Simon and Schuster. Daly, Herman E. and Cobb, John B. (1989 & 1994). For the Common Good. Boston: Beacon Press. Galtung,Johan (1988).Buddhism:A QuestforUnity and Peace. Hawaii: Da Won Sa Buddhist Temple of Hawaii. Macy, Joanna (1991). World a Lover,World a Self:Berkeley, California: Parallax Press. (1998). Coming Back to Life. British Columbia: New Society Publishers. Schumacher, E.F. (1973). Smallis Beautz&l. London: Abacus. Sulak Sivaraksa (1985). Sidmese Resurgence. Bangkok: Asian Cultural Forum on Development. (1987). Religion and Development. Bangkok: Thai Interreligious Commission for Development. (1992). Seeds of Peace. Berkeley: Parallax Press. (1999).SociallyEngagedBuddhismfor theNewMillennium.Bangkok: Foundation for Children and Sathirakoses-Nagapradipa Foundation. Secular Education, Development and Values 65 (2001). Santi Pracha Dhamma: Essays in Hounour of the late Puey Ungphakon. Bangkok: Santi Pracha Dhamma Institute, Foundation for Children and the Sathirakoses-Nagapradipa Foundation. Sulak Sivaraksa et al, eds. (1990). Radical Conservatism: Buddhism in the ContemporaryWorld. Thailand: Sathirakoses-Nagapradipa Foundation. 4 SecularEducation,Values and Developmentin the Context of Islam inThailand:An Outlook on Muslim Attitudes towardThai EducationalPolicy Hasan Madmarn Abstract T he question of the purpose of education seems to be a normal clicht, and f~ndingresponsesto it provokesdebatablediscussion,especiallyamongst the educated. In this category, I mean the educated Muslims ofThailand, in general, and the Southerners, in particular. Whatever form the education policy of the Thai government takes, due to inner consciousness, Muslims in Thailand are always on thealert, especiallywhen the word 'secular' is associated with 'education.' The process of institutional change taken by the Thai government toward traditional Muslim institutions in the South, from pondok to madrdsdh and from mad~asahto the so-called Islamic private school, has made Muslims aware of the modern trends that are encroaching into their traditional institutions (pondok).'Modern trends' have caused Muslim religious leaders to wonder about what will happen if such terms carry the meaning they seem to. Besides not being well-prepared with modern fields of education, traditional Muslims also know that Islamic education is totally different from the secularists' notion of education. The Muslims inThailand are not in opposition toThai policy makers on the subject of education. They are, in fact, co-policy makers and share-partners in the education process that is in compliance with the new constitution. The Muslim community participates in all educational agendas proposed by the government so as to create harmony between itself and the process of nation building. Introduction This paper touches on the general phenomenon of Muslimeducation inThailand, with emphasis on the four southern provinces of Pattani, Yala, Narathiwat and Satun-the Malay-speakingareas in particular.This paper alsoexplores the process of involvement of government policy in the nature of the curriculum of Islamic education, in the hope that the Islamiceducation should be adjusted in line with the new modern system ofThai education. Secular Education, Values and Development in the Context of Islam 67 The value of Thai education and its development will be discussed to find out how much of the attitudes of Muslims and Thai policy makers are finally compromised. The Muslims and their religious leaders believe that a proper educationalprocessis the sourcefor a harmonious life, if it carriesthe right message. That is to say, a proper educational process will serve as a real problem solver if it can properly nourish seekers of knowledge in both mental-physical and spiritual needs. Secular Education and Muslim Attitude Beforediscussing the topic in detail, it is worthwhile to mention seculareducation, as it embodies a negative notion for the Muslim community in Thailand. The Muslim community believesthat any educational policyembellishedwith secular processesand unIslamicpracticesshould be rejected, whether or not it is an official form of education offered in Arab or Muslim countries. Muslims consider secular education a dan eroustool aimedat eradicatin the grassrootsoffaith, and invisibly g g destroying the structure of nation building. Dr Mohammad Abdulkadir expresses this: The existence of these problems is due to the fact that, until very recently,no effective, sincere and proper attempt had been made to facilitate communications. Moral instruction, based on Buddhist doctrine, which forms an important part of the curriculum in all categories of academic schools, imposes unacceptable value on people of the Islamic faith (Mohammad Abdulkadir, 1980). Webster's New WorldDictionary (1968: 1318) gives a clear explanation of the word 'secular' by stating that it is used in reference to the world and worldly things, as distinguished from the church and religious affairs. And 'secularism' is the belief that religionand ecclesiasticalaffairsshould not interferein the functions of the state, especiallypublicschooling. In reading the above passage, the Muslim community is alert to the aim of the secular education policy and aware of the dangerit poses in demolishingthe Islamicfaith. In this matter,Muhammad Hamid al-Afendi and Nabi Ahmed Baloch say: Islamic education does not regard life as an end in itself. Life on earth is but a bridge which man must cross before he enters into spiritual life after death. Herein lies a fundamental difference between modern and Islamic education. Modern education merely considers happiness in this world as its final goal, whereas Islamic education regards life as only a means of achieving happiness in the hereafter. This basic difference in the aims and objectives of modern and Islamic education leads to differences in the methods by which these aims and objectives are achieved ... On the other hand, Islamic education sees the happiness of man as fundamentally based on intellectual, emotional, and spiritual convictions...In Islam there is no segregation 68 Hasan Madmarn between religiousand seculareducation.They are inseparableand indivisible. Neither aspect should be over-emphasizedat the expense of the other (al-Afendiand Baloch, 1980: 4). Due to the processof institutional changeinThaigovernment policy,Muslims in Thailand are aware of the modern trends encroaching into their traditional institutions. 'Modern trends' have caused Muslim leaders to wonder about what will happen if such terms carry the meaning they seem to. In order to face the new challenges of government educational policy, the Muslims of Pattani and its environs started to think up ways to maintain their traditional Islamic herita e g while, at the same time, adjust to the national policy. The goal of the national policy is to ensure adequate education for modern life, and to integrate ethnic groupsin the country. Muslims inThailand reacted peacefullyagainst government policyby proposing certain criteria on the policyof education.They feared that if the policy endorsed by the government did not fit in with the Muslim faith, the latter would be rejected; this offends Muslims as it disturbs the learning of Islam. Muslims are always the negotiating party to have the policy reasonably adjusted. AstriSuhrke describes the schoolingsituation for Muslimchildren in foursouthern provinces in Thailand: TheThai government has continuously emphasized that the Muslim must learn the Thai languageand receivesecular education. Indeed, there is a tendencyin Bangkok and among the local government officials to regard education as a panacea [dawa' yashj minjami'al-i'lal wa al-asqam:Concise Oxford] for [the] peaceful integration of the Muslims. But the response of the Muslim community to secular education has been mixed (Suhrke, 1977: 238). This is due to Muslimattitudes towardThai education. Some Muslimsoppose it because it contradicts their traditional values; they firmly hold that religious education is more important than Thai education. Muslims fear that "the Thai government is using secular education to assimilate the Muslims, to make them eventually deny their religion, history, race and custom" (Suhrke, 1977: 238). Nantawan Haemindra adds: Like other cultural groups, the Muslims are interested in retaining the essence of their traditional culture and fear that the Thai government is trying to assimilate them by changing their local custom [Islamic], institutions, language and perhaps also religion (Haemindra, 1977: 91). One important notion that should be identified here is that Muslims fear that their local customs, that is, local Islamic practices, might be eradicated from their Islamic heritage, which always becomes an issue where opposition to Thai government policy in education is concerned. Yet, ifwe examine the minds of the Muslims carefully, we realize that the Muslim community in Thailand does not Secular Education, Values and Development in the Context of Islam 69 reject any system of education so long as its aimsdo not interferewith or interrupt the basic beliefs of the Muslims.Attempts to bring this unacceptable notion into the Muslim community, however, meet with failure. Wolf Donner in his book The Five Faces of Thailand confirms that "the Thai policy of assimilating minorities has not succeeded with the Muslims, because they have nothing in common: lan uage script, religion,way ofliving, education, and attitude towards g the centralgovernmentarecompletelydifferent from thoseof theThai population" (Donner, 1987: 467). From what has been mentioned, we are aware that Thai Muslims know that the education policy of the Thai government makes them feel that their cultural backgrounds are always being disturbed. This also makes them suspicious of the government's sincerity in the educational reform carried out in their community. It is for this reason that government policy has continually and increasinglyfaced negative reaction and resistance from the Muslims.This is confirmed byStephen I. Alpern: Any assimilationist policy would focus on educating the Malays in Thai language and culture. But the existing geographical factors, psychological characteristics, ... cultural and racialaffinitiesof the Malaysareconsolidated behind barriersof resistance too strong to overcome in the space of a few generations (Alpern, 1974: 254). Muslim Education and Social Change Muslims in Thailand are aware of the importance of education; only through a proper education can a person survive. In other words, modern education is a certified document to be carried wherever one goes. Through this notion, the Muslims of Thailand and of the four southern border provinces, in particular, learn how to cope with their notion of education in the face of the 'modern system,' which usually has nothing to do with Islam. Moreover, in secular states or a non-religious government, the word 'Islam' might have been observed to be a useless panacea to society. Due to this fact, Muslims in Thailand have taken on various roles in nation building; be it the political activities, social functions, religious affairs, or educational processes of the Thai government. In fact, the philosophy of lslamic education lies beyond the term 'education' itself.A properlyset up education system is needed to bring mankind to the right path. Propereducation offers correct notions to mankind by making them realize the real objective and the right purpose of the Creator, the Almighty God. "Educationshould berelatedto the ultimateaimsofhuman life,such as happiness, altruism,serviceto God and so on" (Hasan Langgulung,1988).The divineIslamic message that appears among the Arab community in the Arabian peninsula asks 70 Hasan Madmarn man to read or recite with a careful observation to the Wisdom of the Lord, the Creator of the world. This could be traced back to the first Surab (chapter) of the al-Qur'an, the al-Xhq, which reads: Bismilhh aGRabmmanal-Rahim 1 - Proclaim! (or Read!) In the name Of thy Lord and Cherisher Who created - 2- Created man, out of A leech-like clot 3 - Proclaim! And thy Lord Is Most Bountiful 4 - He Who taught [the use of] the Pen, 5 - Taught man that Which he knew not. The commentary of the holy Qur'an (King Fahd Holy Qur'an Printing Complex, al-Nadinah) explains that the word Iqra may mean 'read' or 'recite' or 'rehearse' or 'proclaim aloud.' This declaration or proclamation was to be in the name of Allah the Creator. It was not for any personal benefit to the Prophet; to him there was to come bitter persecution, sorrow, suffering and the need to change the attitudes of the people of Makkah towards worldly life and use it as a means to the Hereafter. Islam emphasizes this matter by asking Muslims to think and realize that what has been performed in this world must be related to the Creator, the Lord of the world. Thus, the Sumh Iqra asks man to adhere himself to the Lord, especially when seeking knowledge, whatever knowledge it will be. All these indicate that man should not only run his life in pursuit of worldly desires, but should also gear his work for the Hereafter. Those educated in the true Islamicwaycan stand firmlyon the right path and proceedwith life complying with what Islam calls for. Muhammad 'Abduh, an Egyptian modern thinker of the lgthcentury, sees that the adequate system of balance in education brings change to society. His real interest lies in educational reform. 'Abduh emphasizes that proper education must cover two academic aspects- general education and religious education. Man must speculate about life through reason to find the truth, and should shun away from blind imitation (al-taqlid al-'dm). However, reason should not take over the revelation (al-waby). ShaykhMuhammad 'Abduh (HasanMadmarn, 1997)wants to see the Muslim community free from bondage. He encourages his people to investigate all Secular Education, Values and Development in the Context of Islam 71 phenomena in the world, for he believes that these phenomena will bring benefit to mankind, and the contemplation of God's creation does not contradict the teachingsof Islam. Shaykh 'Abduh says that God has sent down two books: one that is created (nature) and one that is revealed (the Qur'an).The latter leads us to investigate theformer bymeans of intelligencewhichwasgivento usso that we can understand wonderful creation in a true sense. In fact, there is no contradiction between Islamic teaching and the sciences. Shaykh 'Abduh believes that those who are entrusted with the education of people and the training of their morals are "physicians of souls and spirits" and should be familiar with the Islamic principles of moral health, as physicians are with physical health (Hasan Madmarn, 1997). Education, Its IslamicValues and Development Examining the first word Iqra in Surah aG2laq makes us feel that it acquires its object, for it is the word of 'command' or aGamrin Arabic. It is a normal rule in Arabicsyntax that when a transitiveverb appears in a sentence, the object of the verb must be included, and if the object does not show itself in the sentence, the omitted object (mafuul bihi) is implied and understood. Here, when the Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) was asked to read by the Gibrel, the Prophet repeated after listening to the Gibrel for the fourth time, not the first three, and we find that the object of the verb is not mentioned.This implies that there must be a hidden notion understood from the word Iqra, and this word reminds us that man should read or learn everything that is necessary. In other words, man should read and learn all the sciences that are important in order to make himself a qualified and righteous person. Readingall the sciences,in fact, is consideredto be the development of oneself. Ziauddin Sardar, in his article"The Future of IslamicStudies,"mentions that the twentieth century Muslim philosopher Muhammad Iqbal had noted and clarified that the purposeof Islamicstudiesis to (1)educateand train well-qualified theologians; (2) produce scholars who may, by their researches in the various branches of Muslim literature and thought, be able to trace genetically the continuity of intellectual life between Muslim culture and 'modern' knowledge; (3)turn out Muslimscholarswell-versed in the variousaspectsof Muslim history, art, general culture and civilization;and (4) produce scholars who may be able to carry out researches in the legalliterature of Islam.' Muhammad Iqbal goes on to saythat the training ofwell-qualifiedtheologiansis necessarytosatisfythe spiritual needs of the community, "but the spiritual needs of a community change with 72 Hasan Madmarn the expansion of that community's outlook on life." Iqbal wants to see a new and more innovative way of teaching Islam. Ibn Sina, as a practitioner in the field of education, has given a guideline on how Muslim children should be brought up to achieve the aims of their lives according to his philosophy. His views on education were recorded in his book Kitab al-Seasah (The Book ofPolitics): It is necessary that children start learning al-Qur'an as soon as they are physically and intellectually ready. At the same time they have to begin learning alphabets, they are also learning to memorize the Tambus as well as the poems. It is because to memorize the Tambus is easier, shorter, and the tones are lighter. It is necessary to choose poems which are related to the virtue of morality, knowledge and to avoid ignorance, to encourage righteousnesstowards parents and doing favours,and respect the guest. When they already memorized al-Qur'an and mastered the principles of the (Arabic)language, they are then directed towards which is relevant to their natures and aptitudes (Ibn Sina, 1911). Concerning education for life, which is known today as vocational education, Ibn Sina stresses: When the child is through from learning al-Qur'an and the principles of the language, he is then to choose on what his vocation will be, and he is instructed accordingly. And it is important that the teacher or the manager of the child knows that not all the vocations aimed at by the child are relevant or available for him, instead he has to choose the one which is relevant to his nature. If he wants to be a writer, he has to learn, in addition, language, correspondence, speeches, communication, dialogue and so forth. He is also to learn arithmetic, to practisein officesand learn calligraphy. If he wants others he will then be directed to those areas. This, according to Ibn Sina, indicated that one of the aims of education is to prepare children for certain jobs, for a job literally means life and happiness. Muslims in Thailand also want to see new and fresh approaches on how new Islamic education should be taught in the Thai curriculum, so that the demands of the Muslim community in education are properly adjusted. A Bargaining Policy The government, with its education policy, tries to regulatethe traditional Islamic institutions in the four southern border provinces of Thailand, and transform them into Islamic private schools. In previous decades, these institutions were more or less ignored by the government. Stepping into the arena of bargaining over the policy, the Muslims in Thailand have learnt how to play the game.That is to say, the Malay Muslims of the four southern border provinces of Thailand, Secular Education, Values and Development in the Context of Islam 73 reli ious teachers in ~articular,accepted the government's ~olicieswith a careful g eye on their own concerns. The Muslims go along with whatever is done to serve their needs in general without deviating from the fundamentals of Islam. If any policy appears to lead in the opposite direction, they do their best to set the proposed aims on the right course.To this end, they keep up negotiations with the authorities until they can agree on how to handle the issues in a way that will serve the common interest. Their watchful attitude makes the government realize that to make a national policy acceptable,it must cope with the Muslim perspective.Any policy must be acceptable to both sides in its merits,and acceptanceshould not have to be bought through financial inducements. That the government has attempted to do so can be seen in the remarks of Ladd M. Thomas: In the late 1950s the government began to rethink its policy toward these schools, and adecisionwas eventuallyreached toencouragethem through monetaryincentives to first registerwith the authoritiesand laterconvert to privateschoolstatus (Thomas, 1969: 7). In fact, in trying to bring Muslim education in line with the national policy, the government uses every method it can, including support from local agencies and villageleaders, to fulfilits plans. District and provincial officers are important agents in the implementation of education programmes.The officerswho involve themselves in Muslim education in southern Thailand believe that they are confronting non-violent reactions that manifest in the form of practices. These non-violent actions express the Islamic outlook more than any consideration of national needs. The government believes that the Muslims' dissatisfactionwith national policy must be solved through various aids. Stephen I. Alpern writes: In confronting national problem, the Thai government has attempted to persuade Malayreligiousleadersto aligntheirschoolswithThai national educationalstandards through the use ofvarious forms of inducement, including financialaid, books and other educational materials (Alpern,1974: 249). At present,after thepondokhave been transformed through variouseducational equipment and financial support, the educational problems do not end the complicated demands from Muslim religiousleaders. Financialaid is not the real need of the people. Rather, the real need ofsouthern Muslims is as fundamentally simple as that found in any Muslim community, which is, education must be carried out in accordance with the need of the Islamic population. It must not disturb the culture, language and religiousidentity of the people.That is why, "in spite of theseattempts to accommodate the needs ofThai Muslims,there remains a strong popular resistance to government education" (Alpern, 1974:249). 74 Hasan Madmarn Thai Practice under the New Regulation Presently, the Thais, in general, and the Muslims, in particular, are living under the new constitution. The new regulation on education provides more chances and more facilities for common practices and religious beliefs. Concerning education, Thai citizens have complete freedom to run any educational programme, be it a formal or informal system. The new constitution, Act 38, states: A person preservesa complete freedom in religion, sect, and has freedom to practise in religious faith, as far as it does not go against the civil conduct, nor it goes in opposition to the peacefulness, or the moral judgement of the people. The Malay version, Fasal38, runs like this: Seseorangmempunyaikebibmnyangsemperna dalam memuluk agama, mazhabagama ataupegangan keagamaan dan mempunyai kebibasan dalam beramalmenurut ajaran agama atau mengambilupacara mengikut kepercayaan masing-masingsekiranya tidak bercanggahdengan kewajipan rakyatdan tidak menjadi halangan terhadap keamanan atau moralyang baik bagi rakyat. Act 42 runs as: A person has total freedom in academic process, training, teaching and learning. The distribution of the outcome of the research based on academic process must be protected as far as the function does not go against the civil conduct and moral ethics of the people. The Malay version, Fasal42, runs: Seseorang mempunyai kebibasan dalam bidang ilmiah, kursus, pembelajaran dan penyebaran kerya kajian secara ilmiah mesti mendapat perlindungan, namun selama mana tidak bercanggahdengan kewajipan rakyat atau akhlakyang baik bagi rakyat. Through the new regulation under the Pe~lemba~aanKerajaan Thai Ehun B.E. 2540 (1997),the Muslims ofThailand have the chance to develop their religious practices and educational functioning, which eventuallylead them to adapt their cultural background with the modern system of Islamic weltdnschauun. and also gives them room to adjust their identities according to their ethnic background. Government Policy toward Muslim Educationin Thailand In order to make national policy more effective, the government established in the early1950s a General Education Development Centre in Yala (Alpern,1974: 249) known as Education Region Two. The main objective of establishing this centre is "the need for good (Thai) language instruction programmes," and to Secular Education, Values and Development in the Context of Islam 75 give it the function of a cooperativeagency that links the government to Muslim institutions of Thailand's southern provinces. The efforts of the centre have met with a somewhat positive but cautious reactionfrom Muslim communities in the Malay-speakingareas. The General Education Development Centre located in the town of Yala "began to pay special attention to the Thai-Islam [sic] by the end of that decade and by the mid-1960s was heavily preoccupied with devising means for getting more of them into primary school" (Thomas, 1969: 8). The aim of this centre, through the use of several devices, is to bring MalayIMuslim children into the Thai education system. In the first stage of its work, it hopes to "turn one of the Islamic religious schools (now a private school) into a model for others by improving Thai language and other secular instruction" (Thomas, 1969: 8). As I mentioned earlier, neither secular education nor Thai education policy has anything to do with Islamic practices. This is why Muslim parents prefer to school their children at the more Islamic-oriented institutions, in the hope that they will become leaders in their own community or, at least, learn how to take responsibilityas good Muslims toward their families (see Hasan Madmarn, 1990b:122). Muslim Parents and Educational Institutions The positive attitude of Muslim parents toward private Islamic schools, even presently, is clearlyshown in the charts below.The number ofstudents completing primary level and moving on to the lower secondary levels of public schools, private schools and the Islamic private schools, in the academic year 2543 B.E. (ZOOO),are shown here:2 1 1 Islamic Private NO. province private schools Public Schools Schools 1 I 1 Yala ( 146 students I 6,450 students I2,094 students 1 2 Pattani ----students 6,183 students 2,409 students 3 Narathiwat 20 students 4,483 students 2,421 students 1 4 1 Satun I -students I 1,465 students 12,119 students 1 1 5 1 Songkhla ( 2,156 students 1 2,157 students 110,533 students I The figures above show that Muslim parents living in the Yala, Pattani, Narathiwat, Satun and Songkhla provinces prefer to send their children to Islamic private schools rather than private and public schools. At the Higher Secondary 76 Hasan Madmarn level, Muslim students completing their Lower Secondary level prefer to study at Islamic private schools.The number of students enrolled are clearly shown here: 1 1 1 Islamic Private No. Province PublicSchools Schools I Yala -students 3,952 students 1,317students 2 Pattani -students 3,722 students 1,656 students 3 Narathiwat -students 2,421 students 1,680 students 4 Satun -students 692 students 1,735 students 5 Songkhla 585 students 637 students 6 , 7 5 4 1 Conclusion Muslims inThailand rejectan educational policyembellished withsecularfactors. They hope to see their fellow citizens firmly embrace their customs and cultures, . - whichlead their communities to build aso-called 'moral ethics.' Education without moral judgement will sooner or later consume nation building. With this assumption, the Muslim community in Thailand plays a concrete function in building the new generation at an early age. Fearing that their customs and cultural backgrounds will be disturbed by a secular system of education, Muslim communities in Thailand cooperatively establish kindergartens - Islamic-based institutions - in every village. They carry different names such as Rawdah School, Amanah Sak School, Sekolah Tadika and Gurusamphan in Thai. These institutions are mostly built attached to the masjid, and they are under the supervision of the imam of each masjid. From academic models based on inoral judgement, Muslims in Thailand . - believe that the new generation will grow up to be qualified persons capable of handling their own societies and participating in nation building as well. Notes 1. Allama Muhammad Iqbal (1964),"Some Thoughts on IslamicStudies,"in Syed Abdul Vahid Ashraf, ed. Thoughts and Reflections of lqbal. Lahore: Sheikh Muhammad Ashraf, quoted in Ziauddin Sardar (1983):194. 2. These figures are taken from "A Brief Report on Development of the Islamic Private Schools in Regions 2, 3 and 4 in the Fiscal Year 2543 B.E. (2000)," Office of Private Education Committee, Ministryof Education (Officeof DevelopmentforEducation, Religion and Culture, Region 2). Secular Education, Values and Development in the Context of Islam 77 References al-Afendi, Muhammad Hamid and Baloch, NabiAhmed,eds. (1980). Curriculum and TeacherEahcation.Jeddah: King Abdulaziz University. Alpern, Stephen I. (1974). "The Thai Muslim," Asian Affairs, 1. Donner, Wolf (1987). The Five Faces of Thaihnd. New York: St. Martin's Press. Haemindra, Nantawan (1977). "The Problem of the Thai-Muslims in the Four Southern Provinces ofThailand, Part 2,"JournalofSoutheastAsian Studies,8, 1, March. Hasan Langgulung (1988). "Ibn Sina as an Educationist," The Ishmic Quarterly, XXXII, 2, London: The Islamic Culture Centre. Hasan Madmarn (1989). "Pondok and Change in South Thailand," Aspect of Development: Islamic Education in Thailand and Malaysia. Bangi: Institut Bahasa, Kesusasteraan dan Kebudayaan Melayu, Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia. (1990a).Pondok andMadrdsdh in Patani.Bangi: PenerbitUniversiti Kebangsaan Malaysia. (1990b). "Traditional Muslim Institutions in SouthernThailand:A Critical Study of Islamic Education and Arabic Influence in the Pondok and Madrasah Systems of Patani," Ph.D. dissertation, Universityof Utah. (1997a). "Islam and Educational Development," Songklanakarin Journal of Social Science &Humanities, 3, 1, January. (1997b). "Islam and Educational Development: The Concept of Muhammad 'Abduh (1849-1905),"SongklanakrinJournalof SocialScience & Humanities, 3, 1, January-April. (2001). Pondok dan Madraah di P a ~ n iBangi: Penerbit Universiti . Kebangsaan Malaysia. Mohammad Abdulkadir (1980). "A Southerner Speaks Out," The Nation, Bangkok: 15 December. Suhrke, Astri (1977). "Loyalists and Separatists: The Muslims in Southern Thailand," Asian Survey, 17, 3, March. Thomas, M. Ladd (1967). Socio-EconomicApproach to Political Integration of the Thai-Islam:AnAppraisal. DeKalb, Illinois:Center forSoutheastAsianStudies, Northern Illinois University. Ziauddin Sardar (1983). "The Future of Islamic Studies," Islamic Culture, 57, LWI, 1,January, Hyderabad, India: The lslamic Culture Board. 5 Tagore, Education, Cosmopolitanism Saranindranath Tagore Introduction abindranath Tagore was one of the first thinkers in the modern world to rgue for the value of a cosmopolitan education. He wrote: Now the problem before us is of one single country, which is this earth, where the races as individuals must find both their freedom of self-expressionand their bond of federation. Mankind must realize a unity, wider in range, deeper in sentiment, stronger in power than ever before (Tagore, 1980: 171). ForTagore,the unity of mankind pivotson "differences in man that are real,"and at the same time on "consciousness of our unity." He continues to state that the "perfection of unity is not in uniformity, but in harmony." In this paper, I will focus on elucidating some of the philosophical ramifications of this notion of 'unity as harmony' as distinguished from 'unity as uniformity,' with special attention to a theoretical framework that has recently been called 'cosmopolitanism.' I will also comment on a philosophy of education that can be drawn on cosmopolitan lines. Two Senses of Unity Tagore's distinction between the two forms of unity may be elaborated in the context of certain contemporary philosophical concerns. The postmodern contestation of modernity is a well-known episode in recent theoretical developments. To avoid confusion, it is best not to take the notions of modern and postmodern as historical periods; rather, it is helpful to understand these notions as consolidating and indexing a nest of philosophical positions. Though these nests harbour a wide variety of conceptual species, the fundamental note of disagreement between the two is focused on the issue of foundations. According to postmodern theorists, modernist discourses rely on a singular system of legitimation that disrupts the playof plurality.To invoke a philosophical example, Hegel's account of history is deeply modernist in its orientation because for him, the time of history is the medium in which the world-spirit realizesitself. Indeed, Tagore, Education, Cosmopolitanism 79 Hegel claimsas a corollaryof this thesis that at each point in time, a given culture has a status of superiority because in it, spirit is more self-realized than in others. Thus, Hegel,in his historicallectures, was able to claim that Greek civilization is more developed than Indian or Chinese civilizations. For postmodern thinkers, the subversionof plurality is taken to be a defining characteristicof modernity, and is the focus of relentless attack. In the domain of such debates, 'unity as uniformity' emerges as a modernist notion. Evocations of the unity of man or the unity of cultures are targets of postmodern critiques, which see these conceptual shapes in Hegelian terms, namely, in terms of the construction of unities through strategies of exclusioncouched in the language of developmental progression. Such narratives of progress constitute what Lyotard, a leading postmodern theorist, has called terror. In the postmodern landscape, the languageof unityis replaced by, again in the wordsof Lyotard,"manydifferent language games- a heterogeneity of elements."These "give rise to institution in patches - local determinism" (Lyotard, 1993: xxiv). The sense of unity that is attacked by postmodern theory may be termed, after Tagore,'unity as uniformity' because unity is achieved through strategies of exclusion. In this account, unity is - achieved through a reductive move whereby an attempt is made to exclude difference from the cultural sphere. Lyotard profiles the move in the dictum: "Adapt your aspirations to our ends - or else," and characterizes it as a terrorist utterance. The postmodern quest for plurality is mounted on a sustained effort at fragmentingthe exclusionaryaccount of unityas uniformity. Fragmentation,while it can halt the terroristicimplications of unity, however, cannot providea positive account of how cultures can open dialoguesacrossdivides. In overprivilegingthe view that cultures are fragments, where unity is artificial and can only be constructed and imposed, postmodernism has precious little to say about intercultural conversations,which seek unities without disrespectingdifferences. The postmodern construction of unity as uniformity fortunately, does not exhaust the various philosophicalsenses of unity. There is another senseof unity - the sense endorsed by Tagore- that pivots on a respect for difference. This is the notion of unity as harmony. Explicitly appealing to the writings of Tagore, Martha Nussbaum has recently developed a view of cosmopolitanism, which is neither modern nor postmodernin its implications.Afewwordsabout Nussbaum's reflectionson the concept of cosmopolitanism may be helpful in coming to grips with the counter-modern notion of unity as harmony. In developingher notion of cosmopolitanism, IVussbaum provides a detailed discussion of Tagore's novel, The Home and T h e World. The plot of the novel, featuring the three main characters of Nikhil, Nikhil's wife Bimala, and Nikhil's 80 Saranindranath Tagore friend Sandip, takes place during the playing out of the Swadeshi movement of 1905 when Bengalis staged a movement against the colonial power, protesting the political division of Bengal. Tagore himself was an active participant in the movement, though, in disagreement with the adoption of strategiesof violence, he retired from the movement. The novel, then, reflects, in part, his own experiences and contributions to the movement. The difference between Sandip and Nikhil, in Nusssbaum's treatment of the novel, providesa rich literaryaccount of her own distinction between the patriot and the cosmopolitan. Sandip is a nationalist whose patriotic fervour translates into the burning of foreign goods and the call for violence. Nikhil is the critic of unchecked nationalism, and stands for cosmopolitan virtues that transcend what Nussbaum calls ethnocentric particulars. In the novel, Bimala is attracted by Sandip's nationalist passions, but tragically realizes too late, after Nikhil is killed, that her husband's cosmopolitan moral position is more sensible than the narrow nationalism advanced by Sandip. Martha Nussbaum argues that, in the character of NilAil, Tagore is charting out a position where the absolute privilegingof national identity at the expense of broader forms of identity is morally blameworthy.Indeed, she argues that narrow nationalism subverts the very virtues that hold a nation together: I believe Tagore sees deeply when he observes that, at bottom, nationalism and ethnocentric particularism are not alien to one another, but akin - that to givesupport to nationalist sentiments subverts, ultimately, even the values that hold a nation together, because it substitutes a colourful idol for the substantive universal values of justice and rights (Nussbaum, 1996: 5). Much of Tagore1ssocial philosophy was developed in the 1920s, in the cusp between the two World Wars. Further, he was a major actor in India's decolonizing process. Thus, his critique of nationalism should be understood in terms of the concrete manifestations of violence and domination. He argued in a series of - lectures in Japan and the United States that the martial effectsof nationalism can be checked through the reprivilegingof other forms of human identity that can be found in civil life (see Tagore, 1950). It is in these other forms of identity - broadly, cultural identity - that overlapping patterns can be found. Though a detailed analysis ofTagore's views on nationalism and internationalism is outside the scope of this paper, it is important, nonetheless, to recall the great historian E.P.Thompson's remark:"More than any other thinker of his time, Tagore had a clear conception of civil society, as something distinct from and of more personal texture than political or economic structures" (seeThomson's Pveface in Tagore, 1950). Nussbaum's account of cosmopolitanism is anchored in the cultural dimensions of civil life. Tagore, Education, Cosmopolitanism 81 Nussbaum understands cosmopolitanism in terms ofworldcitizenship,where the world citizen is a person situated in one nation but, nonetheless, has to share the worldwith citizensofother countries. MichaelWalzerand others havecriticized Nussbaum's conception of world citizenship by claiming that in so far as the notion is a legal notion, a person can only be a citizen of a nation; in other words, the concept of world citizenship is incoherent (Walzer, 1996: 125). In my jud ement,thiscriticism fiilsto take into account adistinction between citizenship g as a legal notion, and citizenship, in Martha Nussbaum's usage, as a cultural or a civil notion. Of course, one might claim, following Walzer, that as a matter of definition, citizenshipis a legal notion. Yet, we do not have asubstantive objection, merely a semantic disagreement. Nussbaum could use a different term such as 'world-belonging' or some such descriptor. Thus, in the political vocabulary of nation states, we all are citizens of a nation, but in the cultural sense we are (or perhaps ought to be) citizens of the world. Hilary Putnam understands this distinction but objects to Nussbaum, in a different trajectory, by claiming that, morally speakin , the best kind of patriotism entails a loyalty to what is best in g the traditions one has inherited. Indeed, for Putnam, loyalty to inheritance is indispensable(Putnam,1996: 96).This objectioncan beeasilydiffusedbyclaiming - as does Amartya Sen in his defence ofNussbaum's thesis-thatworld citizenship does not logicallyeschew loyalty to what is best in one's culture. Sisela Bok makes the point that inheritance is important for cosmopolitanism by appealing to Tagore's philosophy of education. For Tagore, Bok writes, "children learn from the diffuseatmosphere of culture-one which keeps their minds sensitiveto their inheritance and to the current that comes from tradition, and which makes it easy for them, to imbibe the wisdom of ages" (Bok, 1996: 43).At the same time, inheritance is balanced by an outward-looking attitude where the student, in Tagore's view of cosmopolitan education, must be so equipped as no longer to be anxious about his own self-preservation; only through his capacity to understand and to sympathize with his neighbour can he function as a decent member of human societyand as a responsiblecitizen (Tagore, 1961: 63-64). Note Tagore's conceptual distinction here between "member of human society" (a civil conception) and "citizen" (a political conception), and his insistence that the two complement each other. The achievement of a balance between inheritance and world - the flesh of the cosmopolitan citizen- is the construction of unity as harmony. I provide the following rather long and clumsy definition of unity as harmony: it is, somewhat following Kant, a regulativeidea that allows for cultural empathy, generating the capacity of incorporating elements of cultural alterity (otherness) whereby one's 82 Saranindranath Tagore world view is inaugurated by inheritance but is continually shaped by other absorptions. Unity here is an ideal that is never achieved as a final closure but is always in the process of being formed. I venture to suggest that unity as harmony forms the philosophicalbasisof dialog-ueacross culturesand faiths.As I understand the notion, dialogue is not mere conversation, but has a transformative power, which can generate an empathiclink between the dialogue partners.This dialogic link of empathy is a cosmopolitan virtue. Such a virtue is illustrated in Tagore's words:"whateverwe understand and enjoy in human products instantly becomes ours, wherever they might have their origin. I am proud of my humanity when I can acknowledgethe poets and artists of other culturesas my own" (Tagore,1928). This attitude of empathic identification, the seeking of unity through harmony, transcends Walzer's legal definition of citizenship and embraces the world in a cultural understanding of belonging. Interfaith dialogueor intercultural dialogue, in general, is to be understood in the context of facilitating cosmopolitanism. Moreover, it ought to be clear as well that the notion of unity as harmony rejects the postmodern claim that the concept of unity has to be displaced if plurality is to be saved. Cosmopolitanism allows for a nuanced understanding of unity, which allows for the play of difference. Cosmopolitanismand Education The educational missionof the cosmopolitan is to help developdialogiccapacities, which enable persons to seek unity in diversityeven in the recognition that a final and absolute unity is not a possibility.The great Moghul emperor Akbar provides us with an example of a dialogic character. He thought deeply about the issue of religious harmony in the context of the religiously diverse landscape of northern India. He was probably the first political leader to actively facilitate a dialogue across religiousdiscourseswhen he invited Hindu, Muslim, Sikh, Jain, Christian, Jewish and Zoroastrian scholars to debate theological issues and hammer out common tenets across faiths. Such an effort, on the part of Akbar, was directed toward the consolidation of what I have earlier termed 'cultural empathy.' Such efforts were part of the deep cultural exchanges between Hindu and Islamic civilizations. A very good example of a product of cultural empathy is the develo ment of North Indian classical music, which continues to be a vibrant p musical tradition in India and internationally. North Indian classical music followed a developmental pattern that seamlessly wed Hindu and Islamic (specifically, Persian) traditions in creating one of the great musical cultures of the world. Civilizational accomplishments of this nature nourish Akbar's cosmopolitan argument that our future turns on dialogic harmony and on the Tagore, Education, Cosmopolitanism 83 shunning of unity that pivots on exclusion. Arnartya Sen explicitly appeals to Akbar in arguing for cosmopolita~~ismin education: In dealing with controversies in US universities about confining core readings to the 'great books' of the Western world, Akbar's line of reasoning would suggest that the crucial weaknessof this proposal is not so much that students from other backrounds should not have to read Western classics, as that confining one's readings only to the books of one's civilization reduces one's freedom to learn about and choose ideas from different cultures in the world (Sen, 2000). Tagoreanticipated the cosmopolitan broadening of the curriculum, thankfully a contemporary trend in many educational systems both in the East and the West, in his educational institution in Shantiniketan whereSen spent his formative years.Suggestiveof the cosmopolitan spirit,Tagoreadopted the motto "theworld in one nest" for his Visva-Bharati University. He inaugurated institutes for the study of foreign cultures, placed emphasis on foreign language education, and used his worldwide influence to attract an international faculty and students. Needless to say, these efforts were visionary for their time, when international cooperation in education was not a matter of courseas it is now. Deeplycommitted to the practical implementation of his educational ideals, the money from the Nobel Prize and substantial book royalties were used in the early development of the institution. Amartya Sen, who was for many years a student in Tagore's school, vividly recalls the cosmopolitan experience of his formative experience: I am partial to seeing Tagore as an educator, having myself been educated at Santiniketan. The school was unusual in many different ways, such as the oddity that classes, excepting those requiring a laboratory, were held outdoors (whenever the weather permitted) ... There was something remarkable about the ease with which classdiscussions could move from Indian traditional literature to contemporary as well as classicalWestern thought, and then to the culture of China and Japan or elsewhere (Sen, 1997). Another famous alumnus of Tagore's educational institution, Satyajit Ray, universally acknowledged as one of the great masters of world cinema, also comments on the cosmopolitanism of Tagore's educational vision: I consider the three years I spent in Shantiniketan as the most fruitful of my life ... Shantiniketan opened my eyes for the first time to the splendours of Indian and Far Eastern art. Until then I was completely under the sway of Western art, music and literature. Shantiniketan made me the combined product of East and West that I am (The Guardirtn, 1August 1991). These remarks hint at an educational process that is itself a dialogue acrosscultures. Moreover, these comments lend concrete shape to a philosophy of education that 84 Saranindranath Tagore prioritizes the virtue of cosmopolitanism. The philosophy claims that worthwhile education makes possiblea life, navigating under the sign of an ideal unity, that is capable of cultural empathy. Cosmopolitan education educates neither the modern nor the postmodern person. As noted earlier, the postmodern notion of cultures as incommensurate fragments is flaggedin order to critique the modernist notion of unity as exclusion. To be educated as world citizens, regulated by the idealof thealternativeconception of unity as harmony, eschews modernist terror ("Adapt your aspirations to our end - or else"). At the same time, it does not subscribe to the view that persons are wholly determined by local inheritance. To make the same point in another way, neither modernity nor postmodernity can adopt the dialogic posture. So far I have considered, following Tagore,some of the philosophical issuesat stake in developinga cosmopolitan philosophy of education. Given the theme of this volume, I have attempted to profile the theoretical connections between the philosophy of education, and the dialogic encounter among cultures, religious and otherwise. The comments are inspired by a recognition that now more than ever, we need to extend ourselves through dialogue with our fellowhuman beings. Cosmopolitan education is a good place to start. Now, some practical issues need to be considered. Deep Cosmopolitanismand Some CurricularConsiderations The philosophical sense of cosmopolitanism developed in the previous section needs to be distinguished from "shallow cosmopolitanism" in order to sharpen the curricular implications of a cosmopolitan philosophy of education. In a famous essay on Tagore, Isaiah Berlin hinted at a distinction between shallow and deep cosmopolitanisms when he attempted to situate the poet's internationalist ethos between "shallow internationalism" that advocated the abolishment of national traditions and "gloomy traditionalism" that overemphasized inherited cultural constraints (see Berlin, 1996: 260, 264). The grammar of Berlin's distinction - may be translated into the discussionof cosmopolitanism and education: a shallow cosmopolitan curriculum or course design would opt for a broadly rendered multicultural syllabus without paying special attention to one's own tradition. Hilary Putnam, in his rejoinder to Nussbaum, unjustifiably accuses her of being a shallow cosmopolitan when he writes that the defence of cosmopolitanism amounts to the claim that "each national tradition that tries to keep the national traditions alive ... should be discouraged, indeed scrapped (Putnam, 1996: 92). Within the philosophy of education, Putnam's politicalworries would complement the general claim that an educational edifice which ignores cultural inheritance is Tagore, Education, Cosmopolitanism 85 deeply impoverished. Berlin's careful account of the political ramifications of Tagore's internationalism, which is in broad agreement with Nussbaum, blunts Putnam's objection by showing that cosmopolitanism and patriotism are not necessarilyphilosophical antinomies.The deep cosmopolitan can be a patriot. Putnam's worry in the context of education is indeed well-founded; it would indeed be peculiar at best and a travesty at worst for an education system to introduce astudent to multiple cultures without a proper grounding in one's own inheritance. Such an observation, however, is not sufficient in establishing the normative undesirability of cosmopolitan education sedimented in multicultural syllabi.Thereis amplespace between the two extremesofshallowcosmopolitanism and gloomy traditionalism, and deep cosmopolitanism is anchored in that mediatingspace. Curriculum ought to be designedfrom the material provided by the tension between the other and the own. Before proceeding to curricular concerns, an objection needs to be considered at this juncture. One could argue that in multicultural societies, the deep cosmopolitan agenda is questionable because no clear-cut dividing line can be drawn between the other and the own in a population for which an educational system is designed. In order to meet this objection, the philosophical resonance of inheritance and world in a deep cosmopolitan philosophy of education needs to be further explored.To make a very complicated matter easier to handle, let us take the case of religion, since most profess a particular religion and even those who do not usually would have a view concerning religion. In teaching a course on world religions,the deep cosmopolitan will argue that a certain relation has to be established between inherited religious frameworks and world religions that one does not profess to. Here, the contours of the objection against deep cosmopolitanism become clearer when one sees that in a multicultural, multireligioussociety,the population of students will not lhavea uniform religious inheritance. We shall return to this point later. For now we proceed by noting that the deep cosmopolitan has to specify the nature of the relationship which is obtained between inherited and world religions within a pedagogical enterprise. A fruitful approach to course formulations and curricular innovations would do well to summon the hermeneutic insight that understanding hinges upon interpretation, and that the interpreting event requires a background horizon. In other words, the processof learning can occur and new knowledge can form only when an internal cipher is allowed to organize the material according to its structure. Heidegger called these ciphers the fore-structure of the understanding; and Gadamer, followingHeidegger,termed them prejudices.For both Heidegger and Gadamer, thesestructures of the knowing mind are ontologicallyconstitutive of the human condition (for Heidegger and Gadamer on hermeneutic, see, 86 Saranindranath Tagore respectively, Heidegger, 1962 and Gadamer, 1990). If a hypothetical Christian, unaware ofworld religions, is told that for a Hindu, Krishna is an incarnation of the absolute, the person's initial access into the Hindu belief will be determined to a certain extent by the doctrine of the Trinity. A hermeneutically charged philosophy of education would be sensitive to this inevitability. The initial interpretive event, though mistaken if the two doctrines are taken to be identical, would nonetheless limn an overlapping space between the two religious frameworks. The educator can now proceed to bring clarity to the nature of the overlapping space by rendering the similarities and pointing out the differences. The hermeneutic insight that registers is precisely the point that no access to the other is possible without bringing into relief at least one point of intersection between the own and the other, inheritance and world. If this view of the learnin g process is correct, it would followthat a cosmopolitan education, which justifiably nurtures the knowledge of the wider world, cannot ignore inherited traditions. The point runs deeper than the claim that knowledge of inherited tradition is necessary;the hermeneutic insightspecifiesexactlywhy such knowledgeis required. If inherited tradition comprises the initial layer of interpretive fore-structures, then this original moment needs to be enriched. The acknowledgement of the connection between tradition and fore-structures of the understanding by deep cosmopolitanism makes it significantly different from shallow cosmopolitanism. The shallow cosmopolitan, in devaluing the importance of tradition, does not sufficiently thematize the problem of access. It is important to note that the deep cosmopolitan is not committed to a static fore-structure; the learning process would expand, modify and enrich the hermeneutic possibilitiesfor the students. Thus, in the deep cosmopolitan educational design, premium is placed on movement toward world from tradition in the constitution of the fore-structures. The deep cosmopolitan only insists that the original moment of the movement of learning needs to be anchored in an enriched sense of inheritance. Tagore's claim quoted earlier that whatever we understand and enjoy in human products instantly becomes ours; wherever they might have their origin, it is rooted in a deep cosmopolitan sensibility and is not founded on a shallow tradition-eschewing cosmopolitanism. Cosmopolitan pedagogyis impossiblewithout the fore-structure of tradition; such is the lesson of hermeneutics extended to the philosophy of education. Now we may return to the objection raised earlier. In an educational setting where inheritance and tradition cannot bespecifiedwith some degreeof accuracy, how can the deep cosmopolitan educationist proceed?The first point to note is that even in multicultural settings,a dominant tradition can bespecified. However, having said that, immediate note must be made to the effect that a philosophy of Tagore, Education, Cosmopolitanism 87 education must be universal enough to include minority concerns. We have noted, inspired by hermeneutic insights, that deep cosmopolitan education ought to be sensitive to the interpretive dimensions embedded in the learning process. According to this view, relying on the ontology of fore-structures of the understanding providesaccessto the other pivotson points of intersectionbetween discursive structures. Thus, a deep cosmopolitan syllabus must pay special heed to mapping and exploring plottings of intersection across the elements of the syllabus,where the algebraof intersection profilesconceptual similaritieswithout glossingover texturesof difference. Considerationof theintersectionwould provide the context for the fore-structures,which are constructs of inheritance. In such a course, regulated by a syllabus of intersection, the problem of specification of tradition and inheritancewould be overcome.The cultural breadth of thesyllabus, surely a basic requirement of a cosmopolitan education deep or shallow, would ensure that each student has the material necessary for hermeneutic access to the material presented in the course. More crucial, the mapping of the points of intersection(examplesto follow) would usherin the hermeneuticsensibilityneeded to solve the problem of access. Moreover, in deployingsuch a strategyand freeing up the interpretive capacities of the students, a plurality of ways is effected in which learning will occur in the classroom. Finally, the syllabus need not adopt any particular standpoint as the tradition in the syllabus. The standpoint of tradition would be centred on the student, allowingfor a wide rangeof difference. In other words, the breadth constraint provides the necessarybut not thesufficient condition for the cosmopolitan syllabus. My thesis implies that the intersection criterion would supply the sufficiency condition. Let us consider the intersection criterion within the context of a hypothetical course. Givenmy ownspecialareaof expertise,Iwilldiscussa coursein philosophy. The course is designed for a first year baccalaureate student, and is entitled "Introduction to Philosophy." The main purpose of this exercise will be to illuminate the intersection criterion, and its importance for a hermeneutically chargedcosmopolitaneducation.Further,weareassumingthat though the example given involves a discussion of a course in philosophy, the underlying ideas are relevant for other cultural areas of study as well. The first lecture is crucial. The entire lecture ought to be devoted to an elucidation of the philosophical underpinnings of deep cosmopolitan education. The point needs to be made that the students in the course bring to the study material interpretive capacities that may overlap in some areas but willalso mark difference in other areas. Here, the main issues that need to be raised have been discussedearlier in this paper. Most importantly, it should be made explicit at the outset that, depending on the structures of one's own inherited traditions, some 88 Saranindranath Tagore parts of the course will initially resonate more than others. The course assumes to profitfrom thesevaryingresonancesbecausethe pedagogyhas the goal of initiating a deep cosmopolitan philosophical experience. As the course proceeds through the mappings of intersections, the less resonant should become more familiar, and in the process, ought to enrich the system of inheritance. Indeed, the whole purpose ofdeep cosmopolitaneducation is toenfold theworld in thehome through the processof multiculturally expanding the fore-structuresof the understanding. The design of the course should take seriously, and not dismiss as some do, the similarities between philosophies across cultures, which have been ferreted out by comparative philosophers. Indeed, comparative philosophy continues to be a vibrant subtradition within the academic discipline of philosophy. Comparative philosophy,when worked out in asophisticated fashion, is sensitive to differenceeven when in pursuit ofsimilarity;thus, intersectionsthat are profiled in such texts are born out of nuanced readings of the primary texts and do not appear forced and artificial.' Parenthetically, it ought to be mentioned at this juncture that comparative research cutting across cultural boundaries is well- developedin most of thearts andsocial sciencedisciplines.Asa practicalsuggestion, the designer of a deep cosmopolitan syllabus will do well to consider theseworks. The following areas may be fruitfully discussed in the course: (a) In a famous argument, the Scottish philosopher, David Hume, called into question the justification of an abiding self over time. The great Indian Buddhist philosopher, Nagarjuna, also raised philosophicalobjections against the belief in the self. What are the similarities and differences in the two approaches?The philosophical theme concerning the self can be related to more contemporary debates in European philosophy concerning the decentring of the Cartesian conception of the self. (b) Thomas Hobbes, the 1Thcentury Englishphilosopher,and Xunzi (310 BCE), a Chinese politicaland social philosopher, developed influential theories built on the fundamental shared assumption that human nature is not altruistic. A section in the course devoted to political philosophy may leverage on this intriguing point of intersection. (c) A significant movement in European philosophy, inaugurated in the 181h century by the German philosopher Immanuel Kant, saw the necessity of postulating (partly as a response to Hume) alayer of consciousness to account for the unity of consciousness.A tantalizingly similar move is made by the classical Indian system ofAdvaita Kdanta and its main philosopher Sankara in the analysisof Sakshin or witness consciousness.A rich deep cosmopolitan narrative, sensitive to identity and difference, can be woven around the Tagore, Education, Cosmopolitanism 89 intersecting concepts of Sakshin and Kant's and Husserl's notions of transcendental subjectivity. (A good resource for this is Gupta, 1998). (d) It is well-known that neo-Confucianism attempts to harmonize Buddhism and Confucianism. Here, a fruitful node of intersection may be located between Indian and Chinese philosophical cultures through the study of the metaphysics of Chou Tun-I (1017-1073), Ch'eng Hao (1032-1085) and Ch'eng I (1033-1107) (these thinkers are collectively called the Ch'eng Brothers) and Chu Hsi (1130-1200).There is a relative paucity ofworks that compare the philosophiesof India and China. In this regard, though, I suspect that Neo-Confucianism would provide a wealth of material. (e) Japanese philosophyalso providesillustrationsof intersection. Nishida Kitaro, the great 20th century lapanese philosopher, formulated an original philosophical vision by combing the insights of Zen Buddhism and Western phenomenology. The study of Nishida's philosophy in bringing in a fourth philosophical tradition can provide nuance and complexity to the deep cosmopolitan agenda of the course. The above is by no means an exhaustive list of all possible intersections that can be plotted across philosophical cultures. The list is designed just to hint, through concrete illustrations, at the sorts of issues that need to be included in a - syllabussensitiveto deep cosmopolitanism. It is worth repeatingthat the curricular implications of deep cosmopolitanism, as opposed to shallow cosmopolitanism, suggest that it is not sufficient to make students take separate courses in different cultural traditions. This cafeteria approach to multicultural education has been justifiably criticized on the grounds that it is not sensitive to inherited traditions. The model being defended here calls for curriculum to be designed such that each course (or at least a good number of them) is internally regulated through what I have been calling mappings of intersection. It is also important to note as a point of clarification that intersection, while traffickingin identity,cannot afford to ignoredifference.A deep cosmopolitan search for similarity,shaped byevolvin g fore-structures, seeks shapes of identity textured by the nuances of difference. The discussion so far supports the important claim that deep cosmopolitan education privile es the development of capacity over content.While discussin g g Tagore's vision ofcosmopolitanism,the point was madeearlier that the achievement of a balance between inheritance and world alone can facilitate the achievement of unity as harmony. Further, it was noted that the idea of unity as harmony, when used regulatively, generates the capacig of incorporating cultural alterity (otherness), whereby one's world view is inaugurated by inheritance but is continuallyshaped byother formsof inheritances.This ratherabstractformulation can now be given a more concrete shape. An educational experience of 90 Saranindranath Tagore cosmopolitan design, developed through mappings of intersection, will of course specify material that will disclose systems of similarities and differences across cultures. Such disclosures are infinitely important because, as noted earlier, they help in negotiating the problem of access. Utterly incommensurate differences from inheritance cannot be learned and retained in a meanin ful fashion. More g importantly, though, exposureto deep cosmopolitan education nurtures a capacig for the achievement of unity as harmony which, as noted earlier,is never found as a final closure but is always in the process of being formed. Unity as harmony opposes the modernist alternative of unity as uniformity with its attendant exclusionaryterror. Within the context of the educationalenterprise, the followin g problem with the notion of unity as harmony remains: surely, one can object that a conception of unity cannot harbour contradictory beliefs. In other words, how is it possible to unify in harmony beliefs or proposals that cannot be held jointly? In order to diffuse this objection, we need to note that unity in the sense of harmony, unlike unity as uniformity, is not being treated as a closure; rather, unity as harmony is an ideal that ought to nurture the capacityfor cultural empathy. Neither all beliefs nor all proposals can ever be included within a final unifying synthesis;nonetheless, a deep cosmopolitan education, by disclosingpossibleways in which intersections can be mapped without losing sight of difference, hones the capacities required for making the other one's own, of allowing the world to enter the home.Thehermeneutic readingof cosmopolitan educationwould suggest that the fore-structures of the understanding are interpretive capacities that need to be attended to in a philosophical understanding of education. In the context of deep cosmopolitan education, the fore-structures -which in the hermeneutic tradition have ontolo ical resonance - are to be taken as inherited structures. g Consequently, in a deep cosmopolitan setting, the design of a course needs to be sensitive to the cultural context of itsstudents. In relativelyhomogeneous societies, the problem of specifyin inheritance is easilyenough solved.In more multicultural g classrooms, the net has to be more widely cast to enable the inclusion of a greater variety of cultural inheritances. The philosophical reflections presented here do not admit to an easy formula that can help in the design of a deep cosmopolitan syllabus.These remarks, however, can suggestdirections in which one can proceed in designing such courses. Conclusion Though I have been thinking primarily about university education in this paper, there is no reason to believe that the deep cosmopolitan educationalagenda cannot be extended to pre-university/college education, at least at the level of high school. Tagore, Education, Cosmopolitanism 91 It is worthwhile to note that Tagore's educational philosophy and practice of cosmopolitanismincluded the pre-universityclassroom.His educational thinking and the institution in Shantiniketan covered the entire pedagogic range from preschool to postgraduate education. Indeed, Amartya Sen's rich recollection (quoted earlier) of his cosmopolitan educational experience in Shantiniketan concerned his pre-universityeducation. The guiding belief behind this essay is that the institution of dialogues across cultures is of utmost importance. The possibilityofsuch dialogues, however, rides on the cultivation of a kind of intellect that is open to transformativeencounters with other cultures, on the wisdom of not shutting off the world while gathering sustenance from one's own cultural inheritance. The writings of Rabindranath Tagoresteadfastlyendorseand explore the ramificationsof thisfundamental belief. Following Tagore, I have submitted the idea that the question of dialogue, in a mostfundamental sense,hinges on a philosophyof education. It is in theeducation process that openness can be nurtured, not through rote learning, but through the development of capacities.I have attempted to give shape to a philosophy of education, which can best serve the purposes of dialogicencounters through the notion of deep cosmopolitanism. Dialogueas a processought not to be limited to formal institutional gatherings, but ought to be a formativestructure of a person's world view. Deep cosmopolitanism argues for a form of education that is itself dialogic in structure. Differences between cultures cannot be removed - indeed, removal is not desirable as pluralism is good - but they can be negotiated in a movement toward an ideal unity, which Tagore sought in harmony and not in uniformity. Today, in the midst of uncertainties engendered by divisions, deep cosmopolitan ideals need to be considered anew. The future demands it. Notes 1. For an engagingdefenseof the comparative agenda in philosophy againstcharges from modernist and postmodernist camps, seeJ.N. Mohanty (1993). Especiallygermane is Mohanty's rebuttal of Husserl's and Rorty's criticisms of the philosophical assumptions of comparative philosophy. References Berlin,Isaiah (1996). "RabindranathTagoreand the Consciousnessof Rationality," in Henry Hardy, ed. The Sense ofReality.New York: Farrar, Straus &Giroux. Bok, Sisela (1996). "From Part to Whole," in Martha Nussbaum. For Love of Country. Edited by Joshua Cohen, Boston: Beacon Press, pp. 38-44. Gadamer, Hans-Georg (1990). Tmtband Method. New York: Crossroad. Gupta, Bina (1998). Tbe Disinterested Witness: A Fragment of Aduaita Vedanta Pbenomenology. Evanston: Northwestern UniversityPress. 92 Saranindranath Tagore Heideger, Martin (1962). Being and Time. San Francisco: Harper Collins. Lyotard,Jean-Fran~ois(1993). ThePostmodern Condition.Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Mohanty,J.N. (1993)."Are Indian and Western Philosophy Radically Different?" in Purushottama Bilimoria, ed. Essays on Indian Philosophy. Delhi: Oxford UniversityPress, pp. 313-330. Nussbaum, Martha (1996). "Patriotism and Cosmopolitanism," in Martha Nussbaum. For Love of Country. Edited by Joshua Cohen, Boston: Beacon Press, pp. 2-20. Putnam, Hilary (1996). "Must We Choose Between Patriotism and Universal Reason?"in Martha Nussbaum. For Love ofCountry.Edited byJoshuaCohen, Boston: Beacon Press, pp. 91-97. Sen, Amartya (1997). "Tagore and His India," The New YorkReview ofBooks,44, 11,26 July. (2000)."East andWest:The Reach of Reason," The New YorkReview of Books, 47, 12, 20 July. Tagore, Rabindranath (1928). Letters to a Friend. London: G. Allen & Unwin. (1950). Nationalism.Delhi: Macmillan. (1961). "A Poet's School," in his Rabindranath Tdgore, Pioneer in Education: Essays and Exchanges between Rabindranath Tdgore and L.K. Elmhirst. London: John Murray. (1980). Creative Unity. Delhi: Macmillan. The Guardian,1 August 1991. Walzer, Michael (1996). "Spheres of Affection," in Martha Nussbaum. For Love of Country. Edited byJoshua Cohen, Boston: Beacon Press. Part I1 Religion, EducationandWomen 6 ReligiousEducationand Gender Issues:Difficulties of Female Ordination inThailand Parichart Suwanbubbha Abstract A n official acceptance of ordained women challengesThai society at present. This chapter addresses the historical and social reasons for this reality and proposes a possible solution. It is necessary to have an attitudinal change in Thai sociocultural sensitivity to female ordination. The difficulties do not, of course, stem from Buddhist eternal principles, instead they are grounded in the cultural values of 'hierarchy' and 'gender difference.' Empowerment of this group ofwomen is well overdue.This chapter proposes "Buddhist Feminism of the Middle Path as a pragmatic tool to increase self- esteem and opportunity for this group in Thailand. Through intrareligious dialogue, it is hoped the burden that women encounter in Thai society may be eased. The possible solution should be based on a reconsideration of monastic rules andThai cultural values.The 'equal value' of women inThailand is a central theme in this chapter, and may in time ensure that this group of women receive acceptance. Acceptance would be le itimate when the majority of Thai g society approvingly support these changes. Acceptance would, ultimately, result in a more equitable society that brings spirituality into the realm of lived experience. Introduction This chapter aspires to discuss the situation of Buddhist education in Thailand by focusingon the limited opportunity forThai women to be ordained at present. Female monks (Bhikkhuni)have never been accepted in Thailand. The push for a revival of full ordination is vital, and is a sensitive topic in the country at present. It is true that we have a group of Mae Chee (women in white) who look like ordained women, but in reality are not; generally, they do not have an accepted status among the Sangha (monk community) and in society. The unofficial acceptance of these two groups of Thai ordained women does not derive from their spiritual disability as women. The limitation is hidden deep in the 96 Parichart Suwanbubbha understanding and expectation of people related to 'hierarchy' and 'gender difference' in Thai society.This may well be related to socioeconomic factors and the distribution of social funds. To my knowledge, there is no hard evidence to support this limitation. It is, however, more related to the role of this group in the lack of recognition accorded to them by society and the Buddhist community at large. Ultimately, however, it involves Theravada monastic rules. This chapter, then, attempts to analyzesome conditions and factors, both positiveand negative, forThai women in their fulfilment of theseroles. In exploring this theme, however, some observations from western feminism are useful and will be utilized to understand the situation in accordance with Buddhist teachings. In other words, "Buddhist Feminism of the Middle Path' will be interwoven to propose a new perspective from which to understand and ease some difficulties encountered in women's religious education in Thai society. Buddhist Education In Buddhism, ultimate reality (nibbana) is beyond the cycle of birth, decay and death. Buddhist liberation is sought throughan effort to practiseinsight meditation (vipmsana).When we talk of Buddhist education, we are then concerned with a process of learning to reach this highest goal. Buddhist education emphasizes mental development.The "ultimateobjectiveof Buddhist education and its process of mental development is the liberation of the individual from all types of bondages" (Guruge, 1990: 32).The underlying truth of Buddhist teaching is (1) not to do evil; (2) do good; and (3) purify one's mind. These core teachings include moral discipline (sila), concentration of mind (samadhi)and the wisdom gained through the realization of the true nature of life (panna).Therefore, being good by paying attention to ethical sensitivity and moral principles is not enough in itself. Good Buddhists need to cultivate spiritual training by concentration and insights gained through meditation. Accordingly, "to know just enough to set one's self on the path of mental training has been the primary objective of Buddhist education" (Guruge, 1990: 32). It is expected, therefore, that Buddhists - both ordained and laypersons, both men and women - undertake mind de~elopment.~ A Buddhist society (A., 11:132) requires four groups of people. Presently in Thailand, we have only three groups: Bhikkhu (male monks), Upmaka (laymen) and Upasika (laywomen). Bhikkhuni or female monks are not included; traditionally, they are not part ofThai Buddhist society.Thai women who would like to live their lives as ordained monks become Mae Chee. It is true that both the laity and the ordained can achieve the highest goal if they make an effort and Religious Education and Gender Issues 97 practise insight meditation. Byway ofspiritual practice, they can become involved in religious education. Owing to the fact that there are no official Theravada Bhikkhuniaccepted by the Sangha? however,Thai women have more or less limited opportunity in the Buddhist educational sphere. The Sangha is considered the community of learning. Having a formal Bhikkhuni community in the Sangha is another important factor and environment to encourage women to fulfil the goal more easily, rather than practising Dhamma at home as part of the laity. Leaving home physically and in heart seems to be the direct and only way to pursue the religious goal of this group. Categories of ordained women are, of course, not always clear-cut or uncontested. In terms of the laity, we have (1) pious laywomen who have been supporting Buddhist monks; (2) laywomen as devotees who have been studying and practising Dhamma; and (3) a group of female meditation teacherswho have been unexpectedly teaching Abidhamma and meditation. Here, we will concentrate only on ordained women as (I) Mae Chee who have been struggling for proper status in this Buddhist community and (2) female monks striving for acceptance as Samaneri and Bhikkhuni, and who are making a great effort to effect a full ordination. Thai Mae Chee Thailand is a TheravadaBuddhist nation in Southeast Asia, with 92.95 per cent of its population composed of Buddhists (Office of the Committee of National Education, 2000: 41). In this figure, Mae Chee are women in white robes with shaven heads; they leave their homes and take up the eight precepts. Although they adopt the appearance and lifestyle of ordained women, their uncertain status is placed somewhere between laywomen and ordained nuns. In fact, they are laywomen as Upasika,taking up the eight precepts4In reality, there is no such word as Mae Chee in the w i t a k a (Buddhist scriptures). This group does not have the privileges of monks (ordained men) and do not derive benefits such as - reduction of bus, train and airplane fares, and medical expenses at government hospitals. The extent to which they are considered ordained is, in terms, in name alone. In real terms, they cannot vote and take part in any political activities.Theyareexpected to be quiet and work in the temples,and be responsible for the care of activitiesin monasteriessuch as cleaning, serving monks and feeding stray animals. Most of them become Mae Chee for a variety of reasons such as escapingfrom worldly problems, repayingsuccessfulprayers, etc. A few havestrong conviction to become Mae Chee in order to study Dhamma as anakarika (a wandering person), but Mae Cheeas a rule never leavetheir laitylives to be ordained because ofThai customs. Thai Mae Chee are under the umbrella of theThai Mae 98 Parichart Suwanbubbha Chee Institute. Theyare not officiallyaccepted by the government and, therefore, lack the opportunities monks have, and do not receivefinancial support from the Department of Religious Affairs. They are different from D m SilMata in Sri Lanka because the latter is taken care of by the All Sri Lanka Union of Dasa Sil Mata founded by the government (Barnes, 1996: 266). Due to the Thai Mae Chee's uncertain status, the Sangha and the Thai government did not officiallyprovide university opportunities for the Mae Chee, as they did for monks. Their formal education began when a group of Mae Chee and some monks cooperated with a Buddhist university to found the Mae Chee Collegewith the aim of teaching both Buddhist studies and other secularacademic subject^.^ This college, however, is just a pilot project under the Facultyof Religion and Philosophy at Mahamak~trajavidh~alaiBuddhist University.Fortunately,Mae Chee have recently been allowed to study Palisuksa (Buddhist language study), Dhammasuksa (dhammastudy) and Abidhammasuksa (Buddhist higher doctrine). Nevertheless, this represents a small number of Thai women when compared to the overall population. Most Mae Chee prefer to live their lives peacefully and practise meditation (vipdssdna-dhura)rather than concentrate on the processes of studying, remembering and teaching (gantha-dhura). With regard to the weak points of the learning process in Buddhist education, we haveseen evidenceof unsuccessfulmethods of learning.These focus too much on memorizing the Dhamma, and in not applying Dhamma knowledge to the present day context and daily life experience. Ordained people should be encouraged to apply the grounded theory of Buddhism in analyzing the real causes of problems6and then formulate appropriate solutions. In this chapter, however, our scope only covers Buddhist education related to gender issues. In spite of Mae Chee's lack of support from society,' they still play a lot of important roles in society. It is unfortunate that Thais hardly recognize their contributions. Most Thais have failed to realize that Mae Chee's work has been related to teaching both Dhamma and worldly knowledge.Their educational responsibilities cover all three aspects of the educational system - informal, non-formal and formal. Their informal education also extends to social welfare for children and the poor.*Although there are claims that Mae Chee play many roles in Thai society, these roles are only limited to some groups ofMae Cheewho havefinancial support and are able to perform these activities.The success of activities depends on an individual and not the institutional base. Mae Chee, it is felt, need official support in terms of raising their status in society so that they may play more active roles and receive autonomy in Thai society. Mae Chee, therefore, need official monastic establishments in order to be the institutional base for Religious Education and Gender Issues 99 Buddhist education. This will be explored in more detail when we deal with Bhikkhuni. Recently, the religious roles played by Thai women have been as Samaneri and Bhikkhuni. In fact, we can say that the Buddhist community ofThailand has recently been challenged by a revival in the call for full ordination of women as Samaneri(femalenovices)and Bhikkhuni(femalemonks).We return to this revival movement in our discussion on Buddhist teachings on women's rights and issues of feminism in the Thai context. ThaiWomen as Samaneri and Bhikkhuni It is true that Thailand is a Theravadz Buddhist nation in the same way that Sri Lanka is but in Sri Lanka, people believe that there were Bhikkhuni for some time, and they then disappeared. In Thailand, however, there have never been any official Bhikkhuni. When some women aspire to become female monks in Thailand, therefore, there are strong reactions against them, both positive and negative. The Buddha, however, never suspected women's spiritual ability. According to the Buddha, "man is not always the only wise one, woman is also wise" (Dhs. A., Vol. ii: 119). The Buddha continues by affirming the spiritual strength of women: 0Gotami, performamiracletodispelthewrongviewsofthosefoolishmenwhoare in doubt with regard to the spiritual potentialities of women (Apadana, 11: 535). The main opposition to Bhikkhuni does not relate to Buddhist eternal principles but is derived from human cultural expression as the Theravada Bhikkhuni lineage had died out. The revival of ordination is considered to be in opposition to monastic rules (vinaya), that is, authentic ordination must be composed of a committee of both male and female monks. This chapter does not argue whether these reasons are right or wrong, but is interested instead in why some Thais are likely to oppose it. Generally speaking, Thai women are often expected]to be neat at household chores, as echokd in the sentiment that women should be "the hind legs of the elephant."This implies that Thai values prefer to see women obeying men. This is also reflected in the hierarchy of Thai society, as elaborated in the following observation: Hierarchy inThailand is based on a variety of overlapping vertical axes, wherein, for example, royalty are considered superordinate to commoners, religious specialists have superiority over laity, urban dwellers are thought more advanced than rural folk, seniors take precedence over juniors, and men are normatively superior to females (Cook and Jackson, 1999: 9). 100 Patichart Suwanbubbha By broad implication, therefore, it should not be surprising to experience the movementagainst womenwhen they try to becomefemalemonks. Opportunities for Thai women to be involved in Buddhist education are limited in terms of achievingfull ordination. It is possibleto argue that women aslaypersons are able to develop themselves in terms of Buddhist spiritual education. Yet, official acceptance by monks and people of a community of ordained women is also important. Hierarchy, however, seems to be the base for this gender difference. Gender may be defined as: ... patterns of power, norms and roles, the cultural representation of women and men, customs, legislation and the sexual division of labout; how material opportunities and rewards are distributed between women and men; differentials of power and influence accordin to genders (Graham, 1996: 78). g From this definition, gender implies the division of labour, status and roles between men and women. With regard to Mae Chee,it is clear that "status matters more than gender" (Tannenbaum, 1999: 254).9Thais are accustomed to envisioning male monks as having respectful power, but they hesitate to earn merit with Mae Chee on account of the fewer precepts the Mae Chee adopt1'and, accordingly,the less respectful power they have. An officialstatus from the Sangha community may, therefore, be the start to graduallychanging the image ofThai Mae Chee as legally ordained women, and changing the views of Thai society. There has been opposition to the notion of women's rights and feminism in the move to raise Mae Chee's status and revive fully ordination for Bhikkhuni in Thailand. Women's Rights and Feminismin theThai Buddhist Context It isworth consideringthe idea ofwomen's rights and feminism from the Buddhist perspective. Buddhism emphasizes analysis and investigation of its applicability in contemporarycontextsandsocial themes.In this regard, the conceptofwomen's rights and feminism appears to be imported from western civilization; in fact, these ideas are clearly expounded in Buddhism: "The freedom of analysis and investigation, while subjecting the Buddha's teachings to dissent, innovation, reinterpretation and even misinterpretation, promoted a spirit of tolerancewhich permeated the Buddhist educational system" (Guruge, 1990: 28). With regard to women's rights and feminism, Buddhist teachingleans toward supporting women's rights and the well-beingof women. Accordingto Buddhist teaching, men and women have to depend on one another. Their roles are complementary" and both are important in their own right. By this we mean that both men and women are human beings born into the cycle of birth, decay Religious Education and Gender Issues101 and death. They are equal under the processes of change (anicca), suffering or dissatisfaction (dukkha) and are not the real self (anam). Moreover, men and women are subject to the samelaw of cause and effect (lawof kamma), and neither can escape from retribution for their deeds. This natural law is seen as being fair for both men and women, because it permits everyone to have the right to act according to their intentions. At the same time, he or she needs to be prepared in accepting the responsibility of having different results according to causes. By considering these teachings, it is ~ossibleto conclude that both men and women haveequal rights, and no one should dominate over the other; each has his or her own dignity as a person.This is not dissimilarto the claim bymainstream feminism "that women reallydo inhabit the human realm and are not 'other,' not aseparate species" (Gross, 1996: 17). Both men and women are, therefore, entities under the same natural law and possess the same human rights, according to the Buddhist - perspectiveand mainstream feminism alike. - According to Buddhism, another explanation for human rights includes the right to havea life beyond suffering (Intharakarnhaeng,1984: 10).This argument attempts to link the ultimate reality in Buddhism which is nibbana or the end of suffering. No matter the quality of life people possess and their claims to rights, they are still suffering. They do not, in fact, have authentic rights in a real sense. Through this explanation, those men and women in Thailand who are poor and oppressed are still far from the category of having rights. This understanding of rights in a Buddhist sense is, according to language, still related to the individual self. In the Dhamma meaning or in absolutelanguage, everythingis no-self (anattd). One is always expected to detach from 'self,' from 'myself' and even from 'my rights.' Pushing for women's rightsand callingfor the officialacceptance ofBhikkhuni in Thailand has been ill-received because people have referred to the concept of getting rid of the 'egoistic presence' of Bhikkhuni. In fact, the proper way of thinking for both men and women should be the awareness of the expression of self in dealing with Mae Cheeand Bhikkhunz's existence because, in reality, nothing exists that can be claimed to be 'my rights' and not 'your rights.' Moreover, it may well be that the expectation of the public that those ordained should aim at practising Dhamma and contemplative life, rather than involving themselves in activities in society, even if it is to ask for their 'own rights.' This may well be - another reason why some Mae Chee have felt that they should keep quiet and perform only monastic work, in spite of their uncertain status and the few privileges accorded them by society. With respect to the concept of hierarchy,it is to be understood that men have power over women in traditional Thai society. Feminist groups, however, pursue 102 ParichartSuwanbubbha egalitarianismL2 and ask for the same rights as men to become monks, so that women should also have the right to be ;rdained. It is true that equality does not work well in every singlecase; equalityis important, but may not work wellwhen it is used to push for female ordination. As Rita Gross, a well-known Western Buddhistfeministhas rightlystated,"thedifferencebetween'freedom from gender roles' and 'gender equality' is profound (Gross,1996: 24). Likewise,a frequently cited alternative meaning of equality is appropriate here: "that what women do should be regarded as of equal value with what men do - a version of separate- but-equal thinking that is often advocated as a conservative alternative to patriarchy" (Gross,1996: 24). The concept of equal value between men and women is taught in Buddhism. According to the law of kamma, men and women are equal under this kammic energy, and neither men nor women can escape this natural law. The Buddha's teachingon Brabma WJLZT~ (FourSublime States) clarifies mudita as sympathetic joy by sharing in the happiness of others and their progress without jealousy (A., ii). That is, if Mae Cbee are able to study and finish the Pali knowledge at level nine, theyshould be treated in the same way as monks bythe government and by the Sangba. The public needs to appreciate the equal value of their effort and hardworkin the sameway theydo monks. In practice,thisshould also be reflected in terms of titles and other privilegessuch as thegraduationceremonyand financial support each month. It may be considered too much for Mae Cbee to ask for these things, but it is in accordancewith Buddhist teachingthat if one has behaved well, one should be appreciated and receivesympathetic joys from society in the wayofa sincereheart and concreteactions.In fact, the reasonsbehind this unequal treatment of Mae Cbeeare related to their uncertain status of not beingordained. - Their rights are not appropriatewithin the context of the expectationsThai society has of them. In their situation, it is more appropriate to use the concept of equal value of action (kamma) to their gender roles as men or women. Here, kamma in terms ofwork, action and moralityshould bea criterion for classifying the degree of good humanity rather than the concept of masculineor feminine. In terms of ~uddhisteducation, it is more useful td use the life of the Buddha as a model, with the presupposition that both men and women have Buddha-nature, that is, "education that takes refuge in the Buddha is an education that introduces us to and confronts us with ~iddha-nature,the nature of the mind and of all life" (Santikaro, 1999:417).Therefore, men and women's spiritual abilities need to be recognized, sketched out, appreciated, encouraged, nurtured, challenged, and so on, in order to appreciatethe differentbut complementaryroles of men and women. This Buddhist perspective toward men and women's actions (kamma) is not dissimilar to the teachings of the radical transformists,another branch of western Religious Education and Gender Issues 103 feminism. This group would like to "emphasize the need for forming newvisions of being human and new visions of the social orders" (Chopp, 1992: 191). According to them, there should be no more habitual stereotypes, so that we "praisemen with valuesof autonomy and objectivitywhile of emotion as female" (Chopp, 1992: 191). Buddhist laywomen and ordained women are calling for the opportunity to be evaluated according to their moral behaviour and actions, - - rather than from a gender perspectiveof being born and having the characteristics of being male or female. The difficultiesconfronting Mae Cheeand Bhikkhuniin termsof theirexistence and their acceptance in Buddhist society are not related to suspicion of their spiritual potentiality. According to the Dhamma V-inaya,the Buddha ensures the possibilityof spiritual development among women; this is one of the eternal facts. The real problem can be said to originate from cultural expression. Hierarchy and gender differences have been a central feature that has influencedThai society - for some time. The word hierarchy is not only used in its negative sense. In fact, hierarchy has a positive side in maintaining good Thai manners of paying respect to elders and so on. According to Gross, "proper hierarchy" is important as it "connotes the proper use of power that has been properly earned" (Gross, 1996: 25-6). Proper hierarchy may well provide a solution for the predicament of Mae Chee and Bhikkhuni. Both groups possess the ascribed status of women in Thai hierarchical society.This status has been related to different sets of rights, duties, - honour, prestige and responsibilitiesdiffering between men and women. Although Mae Chee play a central role in organizing centres for pre-school education, they have never been given the right to do so in their own names. They continuallyneed to gain permission from the authorities to found such pre- schools, despite being the ones to fully initiate, administer and participate in this endeavour (only an Abbot has rights to found these centres). he ~ aCheehave e been handicapped by their ascribed status as laywomen who are not traditionally regarded as ordained women in a TheravadasocietylikeThailand. The same may be said of Bhikkhuni. Due to Thai cultural expression and the ascribed status of women, Thai women are not officially supported in gaining full ordination and may even be faulted with shortening the life of Buddhism. Nevertheless, Thai Mae Chee themselves do not mind whatever status the public assigns to them and how the public views them; they continue practising Dhamma and are a good example of spiritual practitioners who contribute and help the needy and the poor, and take care of oppressedwomen and children. In doing so, they may be said to have changed their ascribed status into an achieved status. It is felt that theyshould continue their good performanceand contribution both in religious and secular activities, and continue to demonstrate that they 104 Parichart Suwanbubbha have thrown away their egoistic ambitions and devoted their lives to studying and practising Dhamma peacefully. It is hoped that people will come to respect the Mae Chee and unofficial Bhikkhuni for their good work, and they will then get the moral support they justly deserve from Thai society.Their achieved status will, in time, become a source of power, which will lead them back to proper - - hierarchy. The achieved status proposed depends on the proper use of power (positive power) and, according to their own personal qualities and activities, properly earned by Thai women in their roles as Mae Chee and Bhikkhuni. This may sound idealistic and hard to fulfil, but it is felt to be one among several - possible solutions that must be exercised to improve the religious status and role of Thai women at present. Some SuggestedSolutions Buddhists who realize the difficulties confronting Buddhist women should try to exerciseloving kindness (mettaand karuna)toward them. Otherwise, it is possible that both men and women alikemay miss the central teachingsof Buddhist kamma. The kammaconcept gives hope to people, becausein every minute, one is creating a new kamma. At the very least, we should try to affirm the concept of kamma in practice, to an equality of opportunityfor everyone in everydaylife.Through this approach, it is possible for both women themselves and the holistic organs of Thai societyto havesincerecooperation in solvingproblems in any given situation. One of the most efficient tools for overcoming and easing such problems is dialogue. The intrareligious dialogue proposed here among Thai Buddhists is necessary for groups that hold different convictions but realize that theyshare the sensitive details of a given issue as a whole. Generally speaking, Thais usually avoid conflict and confrontation. They may have their own strong opinions but not as partners in a dialogue. If one realizes the benefit of dialogue in terms of mutual understanding and solving problems, however, one may be willing to cooperate for mutual gain. It is possible to learn from similar situations that confront followers of other religions. Here, it is the dialogue of life that aids in the consideration of the problems of women and gender issues. For example, in Roman Catholicism, there are no female priests. We can learn from the way Christian women deal with issues that similarly confront Thai Buddhist women. With respect to Mae Chee, their situation might be easier to solve than that of Bhikkhuni,sinceMae Cheehave been part ofThai societyfor along time.According to the statistical records of the Religious Affairs Department, there are 13,258 Mae Chee in Thailand (Office of the Committee of National Education 2000: 35). It is felt that Sangha and government officials should raise the issue of Mae Reli ious Education and Gender Issues 105 g Chee's status to be included in the present Sangha Act. The question that should be asked is: "what is their official position in the Sangha community?"We can also ask "how should people treat and support them properly?"Is it possible to permit Mae Cheeto take the ten precepts?They may then be officiallyconsidered female novices by the Sangha. It is time to consider their existence seriously and officially. Dialogues and public hearings should be an urgent priority in raising people's awareness and making them think carefully and properly for the benefit of Buddhism in general. With respect to the ordination of Bhikkhuni, there are two groups of people that need to engage in dialogue.Those that argue for the continuity of Theravada Bhikkhunilineage need to present authentic religious documents to reassurepeople that the revival of ordination is in accordance with the Dhamma Vznaya. The other group that needs to engage in ongoing dialogue should be composed of those in society who are afraid of the negative consequences of ordination. It is possible that these people may not be aware of the possibility of reformulating Buddhist feminism. It is necessary to keep in mind that having Bhikkhuni in Thailand does not mean that women would like to dominate over or separate themselves from men in order to have their own domain. This is not a case of western sectarian separateness. Buddhist feminism is different and that should be stressed. The doctrine ofpaticca samuppada, where everything is interconnected (M. ii: 32),is very appropriate. Bhikkhu and Bhikkhuni should, in playing out their roles, be complementary to society. In some situations related to women and children, Bhikkhuni may be more suited to the task than Bhikkhu. There are benefits of civiceducation, where learning to live together is a priority: "Sanghais in the community of right understanding and right action; they live out the path of peace without clinging to conventional distinctions between individual, or between the personal and the collective"(Santikaro, 1999:420-1).A true monastic community needs to treat Bhikkhuni as co-partner monks, and be accepting and kind to the newcomers. In applying the Middle Path (the Buddhist concept of not having extreme opinions), the controversy of Bhikkhuni's ordination may be eased. ~ b o v eall, it is-not unusual to have difficulties in dialogue between these two groups; difficulties exist among many groups in society. When one aspires to do everything for the sake of Buddhism, however,one has to usepunnu (wisdom) and skilful means together with intention for the common good. This is especiallyso when one needs to think about the nature of Thai society and Thai culture, which are unique and sensitive toward women's issues and the question of hierarchy. 106 Parichart Suwanbubbha Conclusion As a core idea, Buddhist teachings offer us many tools with which to understand cultural realities. Why then do women and others still suffer in spite of a combination of good teachings?One responsemight be that we are only Buddhists in name who do not practise seriously in accordance with the teachings of the Buddha. The Thai Theravada monk, Buddhadasa Bhikkhu (n.d.: 4), however, stressed three valuable heritages for us to keep in mind: (1) weshould learn, practiseand experiencethe authentic teachings of our religion; (2) we should escape from materialism's influences; (3) we should make an effort to have mutual understanding among followers of each religion. The words above serve as motivation for new Theravaddspirits in response to the threatening materialistic development and technology. They encourage us to become Buddhists in practice and to cooperate and live peacefully by way of interreligious dialogue in the pluralistic present age. As to gender and religious education for ordained women, we find that Buddhism includes feminist resources and women's rights to ease potential problems. Technology and development also both liberate and threaten us simultaneously.Buddhist education may help to reduce the dehumanizing concept of technology and the modern world education and regard them as spiritual development. When we talk about human value then, we include human dignity and women's rights. Each religion ought to cooperate through interfaith dialogue in order to learn, grow and change with regard to misunderstandings and difficulties, especially those confronting women. Thai women have a lot to contribute to in the future prosperity of Buddhism in terms of earning merit and practising meditation as laywomen (Upasika). As ordained women, they still challenge society and sensitive issues for both Mae Chee and Bhikkhuni. In confronting these issues, one needs to enter with a Buddhist attitude in heart, head and hand. Thai society has difficulties in accepting extreme feminist ideas from the outside, but "Buddhist Feminism of the Middle Path" (composed of the concept of kamma, loving kindness, wisdom and interconnectedness of both men and women, Bhikkhu and Bhikkhuni, and the laity and the ordained) might be easier to accept. The Buddhist community needs to realize that this intellectual liberation is an intensive educational development. Dialogue is the answer to finding proper actions which should go hand in hand with Buddhist eternal principles and vinaya.What we need to keep in mind, however, is that any change should also be suitable to Thailand's unique culture, Religious Education and Gender Issues 107 so that the change might be good for the sake of Buddhism and the world community as a whole. Notes 1. This concept is developed using Buddhist teachings that relate to the idea of human beings and women. 2. Undertaking mind development also means 'mindfulness in action.' Work or social action practises Dhamma and exercises inner development as well. 3. There are three Thai women from Sri Lanka who were ordained. Two of them are Samaneri (female novices). One of them is a Bhikkhttni. We also have a number of Bhikkhuni ordained from Mdhayana Buddhist countries. All of them are not officially accepted by Therauadd Buddhist monks in Thailand. 4. There is one group of Thai Mae Chee who take the ten precepts. They are at Sdtheindhammdsathan in Bangkok.- 5. According to officialunderstanding, Mae Cheeas laywomen are sup osed to attend educational p institutions according to their abilities. In actual fact, they can attend only some governmental and private universities because, generally,ordained people are not supposed to study together with the laity. 6. Some urgent problems are drug addiction, child abuse, prostitution and violence, etc. 7. People usually earn merit with monks by offering them food, money and other necessary things because these are considered "fields of merit." Mae Chee, on the other hand, are seldom included in these activities; their financial support comes from their own families. 8. More detailed research in"Mae Cheesand Educational ResponsibilitiesinThailand by Parichart Suwanbubbha is to be published by the Office of the Committee of National Education. 9. Tannenbaum refers to the study by Hanks and Hanks; please see Lucien Hanks and Jane R. Hanks (1963). "Thailand: Equality between the Sexes," in Barbara Ward, ed. Women in the New Asia. Paris: Unesco, pp. 424-451. 10. Monks take the 227 precepts, while Mae Chee take only the eight precepts. 11. See Disa 6 (D. 111: 190), a teaching on ideal relationships with others, including duties of husband to his wife, and ofwife to her husband. This relationship is always reciprocal. 12.According to feminist theology, there arefour typesof feminism: liberalegalitarianism, romantic expressivism, sectarian separateness and radical transformism. For details, please see Rebecca A. Chopp (1992). "Feminist Theology," in Donald W Musser andJoseph L. Price,eds. A New Hdndbook of Christian Theology. Nashville:Abingdon Press. References Barnes, Nancy J. (1996). "Buddhist Women and the Nuns' Order in Asia," in Christopher Queen and Sallie B. King, eds. Engaged Buddhism: Buddhist Liberation Movements in Asia. Albany: State University of New York Press. BuddhadasaBhikkhu (undated). Moradok thee hkoophak wai (Lef2Heritage). No publisher information. Chopp, RebeccaA. (1992)."FeministTheology," in Donald W. Musser andJoseph L. Price, eds. A New Handbook of Christian Theology. Nashville: Abingdon Press. 108 Parichart Suwanbubbha Cook, Nerida M. and Jackson, Peter A. (1999). "Desiring Constructs: Transforming SexIGender Orders in the Twentieth Century," in Peter A. Jacksonand Nerida M. Cook, eds.GendersandSexualitiesin ModernThailand. Bangkok:Silkworm Books. Dhammananda, K. Sri (1994). Treasureofthe Dhamma. KualaLumpur: Buddhist Missionary Society. Esterik,John Van (1996)."Women Meditation Teachers in Thailand," in Penny Van Esterik, ed. Women of SoutheastAsia. USA: Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Northern Illinois University. Graham, Elaine (1996). "Gender," in Lisa Ishenvood and Dorothea McEwan, eds. An A to Z of Feminist Theology.Sheffield: Academic Press. Gross, Rita M. (1996). Feminism and Religion. Boston: Beacon Press. Guruge,AnandaW.E (1990)."BuddhistEducation,"in EncyclopaediaofBuddhism. Vol. V, Sri Lanka:The State Printing Cooperation. Intharakamhaeng, Runjuan (1984). "Meeting Points of Creative Cooperation for the Proper Human Rights," in Sompong Bhramapaim, ed. Women:Rights: A Buddhist Way (inThai). Bangkok: Gender Press. Office of the Committee of National Education (2000). Religious Statistics of Thailand in 1999. Bangkok: Center of National Statistic Bureau for Educational Reform. Santikaro, Bhikkhu (1999)."Educationas Refuge,"in SociallyEngagedBuddhism for the New Millennium. Bangkok:Sathirakoses-NagapradipaFoundation and Foundation for Children. Voramunee, Phraraj (1975). Dictionary of Buddhism. Bangkok: Mahachulalongkornrajavidhayalaya. 7 Woman, Religion and Spirituality: Religious Education and Gender Issues Mary John Mananzan, OSB Introduction R eligion is an important aspect in many people's lives. It tries to answer the existential questions that arise in every human heart such as: Why do I exist? Why is there sufferin ?Why do I have to die?What is the meaning of life? It g promises salvation, liberation and enli htenment in one form or another. It is, g therefore,appallingthat thisimportant aspectof human lifecan becomeoppressive. The essence and starting point of all religions is an experience of something tremendous, of some transcendence that is then interpreted as an experience of God. Such an experiencecriesout to be shared and, soon, the person who has the experiencegathers disciples. A community is formed. Structures, rulesof conduct and even a list of beliefs begin to develop. Some groups that claim closenesswith the founder of a religionassume the power to interpret the founder's words,actions and mission.Soon, there develop power relations.Assoon as such power relations appear, oppression becomes a possibility, and then a reality. This chapter aims to describe the role of religious education in women's lives, by identifying the oppressive as well as the liberativeelements that may coexist in institutional reli ion. It will focus on Christianity, although its conclusions may g also be true of other institutionalized religions. Herstory Let me begin with a woman's story. Linda is a helper in the kitchen of a seminar house.At the age of 13,a married man seduced her. To escape a court case filed by Linda's employer, the man persuaded her to come and live with him. As she was no longer a virgin and felt that she had no future, Linda went and lived with him. The man was so jealous that when he went out to work, he would lock Linda up in the house. She was pregnant with her second child when, in a fit of jealousy,he knocked her head on the floor so hard that she lost four of her front teeth. On another occasion, he threatened her with an air pistol that exploded, burying nine pellets in her thigh. 110 Mary John Mananzan, OSB Seven were taken out through surgery, but two remained embedded in her thighbone. That was when Linda went to the Women's Crisis Center with her three children. As she had no permanent job, when the man persuaded her to go back to him, she did. She never could refuse him when he wanted her, so at the age of 25, she had five children. She had to give away one of her children. Also, she almost died during the birth of her fifth child, and later, she had a miscarriage. The question now is, at the age of 30, how many children would she have?And how in the world can she feed them all? Why did Linda feel she had to live with her seducer?How could shestaywith him for such a long time?Much of Linda's actions or inactions will be clarified in the later part of this chapter. Religion as a Socializing Factor in the Woman Question In order to understand the role of religion in the Woman Question, we have to - understand what the Woman Question is. Linda's story is an exampleof so-called women's issues, which can be classified into: 1. Inequality, discrimination and subordination of women; 2. Violence against women in the form of rape, incest and battering; 3. Trafficking of women in the form of prostitution, mail-order brides and overseas women contract workers. These women issues happen, in wholeor in part, in all races, cultures, religions and nationalities; whether women live in the First World or Third World; in the East or in the West; in the North or in the South. I think that these are just externalmanifestationsor symptoms of the real problem, which I call the 'Woman Question.' This brings us to the definition of the Woman Question. The Woman Question is a fact or phenomenon, not a thesis or hypothesis; that thereis discrimination, subordination, exploitation and oppressionofwomen - - as women, differing in degrees or extent, but which cuts across class, race, creed and nationality, is a global, systemicand ideologicalquestion. The ideology behind the Woman Question is patriarchy. The root word is patriarch, meaning father. Patriarchy denotes the absolute rule or power of the father.This may be traced to societies,for example, the Hebrewsand the Romans, where the father was not only the head of the household; he was the owner not only of the material property of the family such as the house, land, animals, etc., but also of the members of his household: slaves, children, concubines, wives. Although thereis no longer anylegal justificationfor the ruleof the father,centuries of the practice of patriarchy has left a collective memory that gives men a Woman, Religion and Spirituality 111 proprietary attitude toward women. This is what makes rape, incest and wife battering possible. The Woman Question is not only a personal question (although it is very much so), it is also a social question. It has been going on from one generation to the next because of three important socializing forces or institutions, namely, education, religion and mass media. In this chapter, I will focus on the role of religious education in the perpetuation of the Woman Question. In this connection, I will discuss the interpretation of the Bible, the facts of Church history, and the present structure, teachings and practices of the Church. Women and the Bible Throughout the history of the Church, the Bible has been used to justify the subordination and discrimination of women; yet women, not men, are the most constant believersof the Bible or God's word. First, it has to be noted that the Bible was written in a patriarchal society. Although its authors are unknown, the books of the Biblehave been attributed to men writers, have been interpreted by men, and have been taught for the last two thousand years by men. In the monotheistic patriarchal Hebrew society, God was considered a patriarch. There was a pronounced male domination over women that had a double standard of morality favourable to men. Women were considered the property of their fathers or husbands. The woman's main contribution was in bearing children. That was why to be barren was a curse. Needless to say, they were excluded from cultic participation except as spectators.They had to observe ritual purification for menstruation and childbirth. The movement that Jesus of Nazareth initiated was a movement critical of the then prevailingJewish society. Elizabeth Fiorenza writes: As a renewal movement theJesus movement stands in conflict with itsJewish society and is 'heretical' with respect to the Jewish religious community. The earliestJesus traditions expect a reversal of all social conditions through the eschatological intervention of God: this is initially realized in the ministry of Jesus. Therefore the Jesus movement can acceptall thosewho according to contemporary socialstandards are marginal people and who are, according to the Torah, 'unclean': the poor, the exploited, the public sinners, the publicans, the maimed and the sick, and last but not the least, the women (Fiorenza,1979: 315). Therefore, it is not surprising that Jesus' treatment of women went against the accustomed attitude of the people of his time. Jesus took women seriously and chose them as disciples and primarywitnesses, for example, Mary Magdalene and three women who witnessed the empty tomb. Jesus not only spoke in public 112 Mary John Mananzan, OSB with the Samaritan woman, he even engaged her in a theological discussion and revealed his mission to her. He was forgiving of the woman taken into adultery and put up the Syro-Phoenician woman as a model of faith. He gave his Mother, Mary, a significant role in his mission. - In early Christian communities, the character of the Jesus movement found expression in the abolition of social distinctions of class, religion, raceand gender (Gal.3:28). Gentiles,slavesand women assumedleadershipfunctionsin missionary activities. For example, Prisca together with her husband Aquilles played an important role equal to St. Paul's. So did Thecla and Lydia, and other women who played prominent roles in the development of the early Christian communities. Unfortunately, the egalitarian elements in the Jesus movement gradually got eliminated in what Fiorenza calls "ecclesiastical patriarchalization." This was a part of the "apologetic development of cultural adaptation that was necessary because the early Christian missionary movement, like the Jesus movement in Palestine, was acounterculturalconflict movementthat undermined the patriarchal structure of the Graeco-Roman politeia" (Fiorenza, 1979: 316). This ecclesiasticalpatriarchalizationled to the exclusion ofwomen from church offices; women had to conform to their stereotyped roles in patriarchal culture. It was no longer awoman's call to discipleshipthat wrought out her salvation but to her prescribed role as wife and mother. In this patriarchal context, some interpretations of Bible passages can really rationalize the subordination of women, for example, in the interpretation of the creation story where woman is taken from the rib of man. This has actually caused women to feel inferior because they are made to feel that they are only derived beings. The male is the important one and the woman is merely formed from him. Second, a woman seems to have been created only for the sake of the man. She is made to feel that she has no significance in herself except in a relationship of service to a man. And worse still, she is made to feel guilty of the sin of man. She is supposed to be the seductive temptress that brings about man's downfall. Womenin ChzcrchHistory Ecclesiasticalpatriarchalization went on relentlessly throughout Church history. In reacting against Gnosticism, which allowed the female principle in its concept of the godhead, the Fathers of the Church became increasing misogynistic in their writings. The writings and teachings of the Fathers of the Church are of utmost importance in the creation of normative principles and attitudes in the new Woman, Religion and Spirituality 113 Church. Unfortunately, these supposedly holy and intelligent men had such low opinions of women that their misogynistic attitude became the foundation for the way women would be thought of and treated in the course of centuries. Some exam les of their misogynism: p St. Paul: "Wives should submit to their husbands in everything" (Ep. 5:24). Tertullian:"You are the Devil's gateway. You are the unsealer of that forbidden tree. You are the first deserter of the divine Law. You are she who persuaded him whom the Devil was not valiant enough to attack. You destroyed so easily God's image of man. On account of your desert, that is death, even the Son of God had to die" (Tertullian, De Cultu Fem., 1, 1). Augustine: "We are men, you are women, we are the head, you are the members, we are masters, you are slaves" (quoted in Julia Kelly, 1975: 500). "I know nothing which brings the manly mind down from the height more than a woman's caressesand that joiningof bodies without which one cannot have a wife" (quoted in Kelly, 1975: 500). Jerome: "As long- as woman is for birth and children, she is different from man as body is from soul. But when she wishes to serve Christ more than the world, then shewillcease to beawoman and will becalledman" (Commentary to the Epistle to the Ephesians, 111,5). Gracian wrote: Different kinds of temptations make war on man in his various ages, some when he is young and others when he is old: but woman threatens him perpetually. Neither the youth, nor the adult, nor the old man, nor the wise, nor the brave, nor even the saint is ever safe from woman (quoted in C.R. Boxer, 1975: 100). The later Doctors of the Church were no better. The active force in the male, Jerome writes, "tends to the production of perfect likeness in the masculine sex, while the production of woman comes from defect in the active force or from some materialindisposition, or fromsome external influence" (Summa T.,Q.92, art. 1). Woman is, therefore, a misbegotten male. One can give countless examples. The point is that there is a long and continuous historyof misogynismin Church historythat accountsfor the tenacity of the interiorization, among both of men and women, of the inferiority subordination, and all other stereotyped ideas about women tbat contribute to their susceptibility to victimization. As a result of this, there was a significant stress on vowed celibacy for both men and women. With the establishment of monasteries,a communal life of celibates under the vows of poverty, chastity and obedience took form. In time, convent life became circumscribed by the rules imposed byclericalauthorities who are, of course, male. In the sixth century, they prescribed the cloister of all nuns which was to be kept strictly. 114 MaryJohn Mananzan, OSB It is not only the misogynistic writings in Church history that are so reprehensible.Therearedocumentedactsofviolencetowardwomen by the Church through the instrumentalityof the Inquisition.Women mystics, healers,or women who did not quite fit the categories allotted to them were persecuted, hunted down, and even burned at the stake. In 1484, the book Malleus Malificarum classified all the supposedly foul activities ofthese'witches.' The most modest estimatestatesthat about two million women, including Joan of Arc, were killed after being tortured between the 1Zth and lThcenturies. Women who gave birth without screaming might have been regarded as 'not saved' by the pangs of childbirth, which was supposed to be retribution for Eve's sin in "tempting"Adam. It could beinterpretedthat a woman's childbirth was aided by the Devil, thus, making her a likelycandidate for a witch hunt. Canon Law itself justified wife-beating: In the Middle Ages, the Church as well as the state gave husbands the legal right to inflict corporal punishment. There were laws, which specified in which cases of bad conduct women could be severely beaten with a whip or a stick, and in which cases moderate chastisement was in order. Some within the Church went so far as to demand that this be done with dignity (TheSocialAffairsCommitteeof thehsembly of Quebec Bishops,1989: 31). The Protestant Revolution, which did much to promote the role of the laity, failed to do the same for women. In fact, by restrainingdevotion to Mary and by suppressing the convents, the Reformation removed a number of women's safety valves. Even Martin Luther was ambivalent about women. He failed to see the sexism in biblical patriarchy; he still preached that the role of women was in procreation and nurturing. Women in Philippine Church History Pre-Spanish Filipino society cannot be called matriarchal, but Filipino women did enjoy equal status with men. The mujer indigena received equal inheritance; her training was the same as her male counterpart. The wife enjoyed the same right as the husband in marriage, includin the right to divorce. She participated g in managing the domestic economy as well as in a ricultural production. g She could be a 'pact holder,' which shows equality in political leadership opportunities. She had a pre-eminent rolein the religiouscult, being the priestess or babaylan who offered sacrifices in all the important events celebrated by the community. In the lGh century,Spain brought Christianity and Westerncivilization,with its patriarchalstructure, to the Philippines.The same misogynistic trend that was Woman, Religion and Spirituality 115 present in the Western Church was, of course, brought to the islands, as shown in the following instruction to parish priests in the colony: Woman is the most monstrous animal in the whole of nature, bad tempered, and worse spoken. To have this animal in the house is asking for trouble in the way of tattling, tale bearing, malicious gossip, and controversies, for wherever a man is, it would seem to be impossible to have peace and quiet. However, even this might be tolerated if it were not for the danger of unchastity. Not only should the parish priest of Indians abstain from employing any woman in his house, but he should not allow them to enter it, even if they are only paying a call (Casimiro Diaz, quoted in Mary John Mananzan, 1988: 27). The friars spared no effort in moulding Filipino women to the image and likeness of Spanish women of the Iberian society at the time; their lifestyles did not differ much from those of contemplative nuns of today.Schools for girls were established, and manuals for young girls were translated into the values, concept and prescriptions that the friars ingrained in young girls. The cult of the Blessed Virgin Mary was introduced to complete their domestication (there is, of course, a liberating way of honouring Mary). The product of this friar education was later personified in the sweet, shy, docile and pious Maria Clara, the heroine of Jose Rizal's novel, Noli Me Tangere. Later, during the Propaganda movement, the ilustrddoswho were trying to awaken the national consciousness of the people denounced the friars' exploitation of Filipino women, and their domestication that had been effected by Spanish religious education. Women in the Church Today This section will treat separately the Protestant and Catholic Churches. It will also discuss the matter by taking into consideration the teachings, practices, structure and rituals of the Churches. The Catholic Church still holds a conservative view of women. Church teachings on family life still emphasize the "obey your husband dictum. It allows only natural methods of family planning and has not lifted its ban on divorce. Many so-called 'happy' marriages are built on the subordination of women who simply keep quiet "so there will be no trouble." In marital conflicts, confessors advise a too-early reconciliation without a serious analysis of the conflict. The wife has an almost exclusive burden of keeping the marriage intact and very often, battered women continue staying on in marriages so as not to have a 'broken family.' The Catholic Church's moral theology still focuses on the 'sins of the flesh,' with a certain bias against women as 'Eve the temptress.' It offers the model of 116 MaryJohn Mananzan, OSB Mary as Virgin-Mother, which is almost impossible for Catholic women to emulate. The cult of virginity that prevails makes women who lose their virginity, even if not through their own doing, feel like garbage. Many prostituted women make a plunge into prostitution because they lost their virginity either through rape or incest. Putting up an ideal of woman as one who is self-sacrificing, long- suffering, patient, meek, etc. is actually a conditioning of a victim consciousness in women. It is no wonder there are so many women victims of violence. In the liturgy, there is still a sexist tone when addressing the assembly as 'brethren,' praying for the salvation of 'mankind,' and exhorting to love one's 'fellowmen.' Women are given minor roles in the liturgy, but they shoulder the more burdensome preparations behind the scenes and the "making order" after each celebration. Although women are the most active in Church functions and activities,they are deprived of participation in the major decision-makingprocessesand aredenied full ministry in the Church. Celibate priests continue, in fact, to make the rules and prescriptions governing marriage and family life.The structure is hierarchical and clerical, and women have no part in both. There is also the sad reality of sexual abuse and sexual harassment of women and children within the church. These issues are not seriouslyconfronted,and the onlysolution usedis the transfer of the erring clergyman. Thestructureof ProtestantChurches is less hierarchical than that of the Roman Catholic Church. Bishops are elected and pastors are petitioned by parishioners. There is usuallya national conferencewhere the laityis representedin the decision- making process. In some Protestant denominations, there is alreadyan ordination of women pastors and there are also women bishops. In actual church practice, however, there is still much to be desired. I will let Protestant women speak for themselves. Ruth Kao writes: There is a Women's Department Secretary working in the main assembly of the Church ... In the local Church we have women deaconesses and for about fifty years we have had women ministers. But there are veryfew women in the decision-making bodies of the Presbytery or the Assembly. But we are now educating ourselves to be more self-reliant and to encourage our women to take part in these activities (quoted in Ranjini Rebera, 198511986: 15-16). Saramma Jacob of the Syrian Orthodox Church of India pinpoints the problems of women in her Church: Women in our Church have two urgent problems. They are: 1) to have voting rights in the Church, 2) to be admitted to theological seminaries. Though women are faithful in worship, they do not have equal rights with men in the Church. Men Woman, Religion and Spirituality 117 believe that they represent women as well. Regarding entering seminaries, there is a belief that women do not need theology (quoted in Rebera, 198511986: 22). Cynthia Lam, women's secretary of the Hong Kong Christian Council, laments: In the Church, women playa traditional role, preparing Holy Communion. Women's opinions are not respected. They are not taken into consideration. Women are expected to be obedient to the leaders and not to speak up. But it is the women who teach Sundayschool, prepare the worship, and do home visitations. Although there are more women than men in most congregations, there are more men than women in decision-making bodies. So in practice the minority lead the majority (quoted in Rebera, 198511986: 24). We come back to the story cited at the beginning of this chapter. It is clear why Linda acted and decided as she did. First of all, she went along with the man who seduced her because she felt "she was no longer a virgin" and will have no future with anyone else. She had no choice but to give in to her husband every time he wanted her, and since contraception is not allowed her, at the age of 25, she found herself with five children she could not afford to raise.She put up with the battering of her husband because she was made to believe that whatever happens, she must not break up with him. She was also conditioned to be subservient and long-suffering.She felt it would be better to havea husband even if he battered her than to have no husband at all. Even if Linda was not a religious woman, the factors that influenced her decisions and actions stemmed from the religious values that have become a part of the Filipino culture. The Power of Religious Language When feminists insist on the use of inclusive language, some think it a trivial concern, yet, one cannot underestimate the importa.nce of language in the formation of our consciousness and perspective. Ordinary grammar rules that the words 'man' and 'he' are generic and that they include women. So when the priest says at Mass, "My dear brothers, let us pray for the salvation of all men," women should feel that they are included. Psychologically,however, there is a feelingof exclusion and subordination that is subconsciously felt by women in being thus included in a generic term. It is the "taken from Adam's rib feeling all over again. More fundamental than this is the use of 'He' for God. Everyone will agree that God is a spirit and, therefore, has no sex or gender. Yet, when one calls on God, the ordinary image that comes to the mind of an ordinary person is that of a male being, most often old and with a. beard. This has justified patriarchy and 118 MaryJohn Mananzan,OSB hierarchyin the Church and in society. Conversely,one's relationship with a human father does colour one's perception of God - as being stern, strict, judgemental, and waiting for us to commit sin so that we can plunge into hell, etc. That one needs to anthropomorphize when speaking about God is understandable because we have to talk to human beings, but then the anthropomorphism of God must be the complete human experience, and maleness or fatherhood is just one aspect of being human. To completely exclude femalenessor motherhood when talking about God is to be inadequate and give a very false image of God. As a result of woman's immersion in male names and images of God, she has been excluded from the divine. God and Mankind are male. Therefore, men are considered representative of a full and complete humanity; their experience is normative, while a woman's is peripheral. From this immersion in male names and images of God, the girl-child becomes convinced that masculine qualities are more valuable than feminine ones. She develops a deep sense of inferiority and feels second-rate. The images of saviour are male and, therefore, the girl-child becomes convinced of her inability to save herself and of her need of a male saviour (Prince Charming in fairy tales). When the @l-child becomes a woman conditioned to think that God is male and men are his representatives, she is conditioned: to defer to men in work situations; to censor herself so husbands and lovers will not be threatened by her; to put first and foremost a man's needs and subordinate her own; to set aside her own life to serve men and consider it her duty to meet all their needs - sexual, emotional and physical; . . to consider men's interests more important than hers - their conversations, careers and decisions carry more weight than hers; to become dependent due to her sense of inferiority and become convinced that she is incapable of taking care of herself. Effortsat Renewal:The FeministTheology of Liberation It is not enough to analyzethesituation ofwomen in the Churches or to pinpoint the roots ofwomen's oppression in religion. It is imperative that out of this analysis, efforts must be exerted to remedy the situation through participation in women's movements. Women trained in theology must also rethink the discipline itself and bring about a transformation within the Churches; hence, the feminist theology of liberation. Ruether delineates the critical principles of such a theology: Woman, Reli ion and Spirituality g 119 The critical principle of feminist theology is the promotion of the full humanity of women: whatever denies, diminishes, distorts the full humanity of women, and is, therefore, appraised as not redemptive.Theologically spealung, whatever diminishes or denies the full humanity ofwoman must be presumed not to reflect the divine or an authentic relation to the divine nor to reflect the authentic nature of things, nor to be the message or work of an authentic redeemer or the community of redemption. This negative principle also implies the positive principle: What does promote the full humanity of women is of the Holy, it does reflect true relation to the divine, it is the true nature of the thing, the authentic message of redemption, and the mission of redemptive community (Ruether, 1983: 48). The agenda of renewal must include all aspects of theology: from the reinterpretation ofscripturesto the historical-critical reflection of Church doctrine from the woman's point of view; to the rediscoveryof the greatwomen in Church history;and to the fundamental questioning of the Church's hierarchical structure, its constricting prescriptions, its discriminatory practices,and the sexist language of its liturgy. This will lead to the stripping away of women's false consciousness, freeing them to discover themselves and their potential. This theologyfrom the perspectiveofwomen has also developed aspirituality that women have to develop in order to arrive at their full humanity. The characteristics of this emerging women spirituality are: 1. It is self-afirming.In contrast to the self-denyingcharacteristicsof traditional spirituality, the emerging spirituality enableswomen to affirm themselves, to value their strengths, to nourish their self-esteem, and to strive for self- fulfilment as the only genuine basis for helping others. They exorcize themselves of useless guilt-feelingsand allow themselves to bloom. 2. It is empowering. Women have realized that there is within them a wellspring of limitlesspossibilitiesof growth and development, an inner source of power and strength that goes beyond their wildest dreams. Realization of their situation and renewed self-esteem have made them tap this inner source, making them rise up from their status as victims not only to the status of survivors, but to that of agents of change capable of empowering others to bring about societal changes toward a more humane world. 3. It is integral. Women living this spirituality transcend the dichotomies and dualisms of the more traditional form of patriarchal spirituality. Matter and spirit, sacred and profane, contemplation and action are necessary elements of life. Women flow with their positiveand negative experiences,livinglife to the full and with vibrant intensity. 4. It is liberating. Having gained self-knowledge and acceptance, women experience an inner liberation especiallyfrom fear, guilt and idols, and from bitternessand resentment. Not that theydo not feelfear, but they havelearned 120 Mary John Mananzan, OSB to distinguish between substantiated and unsubstantiated fear and to act in spite of justified fear.They have transcended neuroticguilt and self-flagellation every time anything untoward happens to them or to their families. They have been freed from the shackles of people's opinions - of people they have been enslaved to in the past from too much love, and of critical people who have paralyzed them into inaction. Having experienced and not denying feelings of bitterness and resentment, they have opted to eliminate these poisonous emotions from their hearts to set themselvesfreefor creative actions. 5. Itis contemphtive.Women see the importanceof moments ofsilence, reflection and contemplation to give themselves a better perspective, a certain distance to evaluatewhat is happening, to keep in touch with their inner source of life, and to retain their sense of humour amidst difficulties, thus, acquiring an attitude of 'committed carefreeness.' 6. It is healing. Women who try to live this way are healed from their psychic wounds. Having gotten in touch with themselves and having gained self-esteem, women transcend their traumas, regaining their spiritual health and vigour. And because of the integrality of matter and spirit, they find that even their physical ailments are alleviated. Like wounded healers, they are able to, likewise, heal others with compassion and empathy. 7. It is easterly. It is a spirituality that is exuberant rather than austere, active rather than passive, joyful rather than mournful. It feasts more than it fasts. It is not cold asceticism but a glorious celebration of life. It does not remain with thesadnessof Good Friday, but goes on to the triumph of Easter Sunday. 8. It is a continuowprocess.It is not achieved once and for all. It is not even a smooth progressivegowth. It has its peaks and abysses. It has its agonies and ecstasies. It can retrogress, but it can also enjoy quantum leaps. It is open to great possibilities of life and freedom and, therefore, to more and more opportunities to be truly, intensely, and wholly alive. This emerging women spiritualiry can be summarized in a phrase: it is a passionate and compassionatespirituality. Conclusion:A Call to Solidarity In this symposium, I have tried to share with women theologians of other religious traditions about our efforts in the Catholic Church to ensure that religion contributes to the upliftment ofwomen,and not to their continued subordination. As we have seen, there are both liberating and oppressive factors in all religions. I think the task is to deconstruct those that rationalize and justify the continued oppression or subservience of women, and to emphasize those that contribute to Woman, Religion and Spirituality121 a woman's full humanity. I would like to work hand in hand with women in other religious traditions to manifest this. References Boxer, C.R. (1975). Mary and Misogyny. London: Duchworth. Fiorenza,ElizabethS. (1979). "You Are Not to Be Called Father:EarlyHistory in a Feminist Perspective," Cross Currents,29, 3. Kelly, Julia (1975). "Women in 1Gth Century Spain," Revue Hispanique, LXX. Mananzan, Mary John (1988). Essays on Women. Manila: Institute of Women's Studies. Rebera, Ranjini (198511986)."Emerging Patterns in the Women's Movement in Asia," In Go& Image, DecemberIFebr~ar~. Ruether, Rosemary (1983). Sexism and God-Elk: Towards a Feminist Theology. Boston: Beacon Press. The Social Affairs Committee of the Assembly of Quebec Bishops (1989). A Heritage of l4olence:A Pastoral Rejection on Conjugal Eolence. Quebec: The Social Affairs Committee. 8 Womenand InterfaithDialogue in Indonesia: W5erewere the Women? Lies Marcoes-Natsir An Expected Surprise T he downfall of Suharto in May 1998 gave rise to the theoretical prediction that Indonesia would be facing an unstable period of transition. The mass media frequently presented interviews with various influential political, social and economicexperts,particularlyafter theviolentoutbreaks that shook the nation in 1998. Notwithstanding their different backgrounds, the various experts predicted almost unanimously that Indonesia would see many more outbreaks of violence resulting from the government's lack of authority and loss of legitimacy. At the same time, it was said that numerous locally or regionally organized civil initiatives would develop, some of which hoped to achieve nothing less than a complete takeover of power and authority (see Emmerson, 2001). Paradoxically,within theIndonesian religiouscontext, this periodof transition gave rise to two different types of development. On the one hand, the country faced social anarchy and the development of relig-ious conflict, mainly as a result of the state's complete loss of power. The legal system, having lost its authority, was consideredineffectiveand plaguedbycorruption and mismanagement, which resulted in questions about the system itself;whether it was fair and transparent, or conducive to a strongsense of lawlessness.This has given rise to strong feelings of suspicion and distrust among the various religious groups, particularly, with regard to the more expansive religious projectsand missions, together with some of the repressive measures taken by the government. Until the 1980s, Islamic groups and organizations in Indonesia experienced an unfavourable political climate. This was mostly a reaction to fears that they would try to establish an Islamic state. On the other hand, the government's measuresof repressionwere imposedalsoas a reaction to variousviolent incidents, revoltseven, that occurred under the "legitimizing"banner of Islam in the 1970s, 1980s and 1990s.The most infamous incident was, perhaps, the uprising of DII TII; some of the less well-known incidents include the violence in Tanjung Priok (and the death ofArnmir Bikkyin 1984),the Warsidiaffair in Lampung in 1993, and the Haur Koneng affair in West Java in 1995. All of these cases, however, Women and Interfaith Dialogue in Indonesia: Where were the Women? 123 should be investi ated further since many believe they were provoked by pro- g government elements in an effort to provide an excuse for the continuous em lo ment of excessive government control over the Islamic organizations. p y Yet in the 1990s, the political climate changed and government policieswere directed at befriending supporting and seeking cooperation with some of the Islamicgroups and organizations.This move,in turn, came to bestronglyresented by many who felt that these groups were then receiving too much government support. On the other hand, the recent period of transition has also provided many more possibilies to develop locally or anized initiatives. These can, first of all, g formulate more suitable social structures and, second, put the ideas for genuine and fair social change into practice, hence, leading to civil action in order to attain these aims. These initiatives are not only possible as a result of the aforementioned loss of power (and, hence, control) by the state, but also aim at fulfilling local/regional needs that are no longer dictated by the interests of the state, as has been the case for such a long time. This chapterwilldescribethe initiativesofsomeof thesegroups-inparticular, the peace-seekingefforts ofwomen with different religious backgrounds- as part of the process of developing and establishing a civil society. Paradoxically, the efforts displayed by women - in this case, concerning the peace-seekingprocess- are extremelysignificant but receive very little public attention.' RegionalViolence and theWomen's Movement The aforementioned theoretical predictions have, at least partially, come true. Religious conflict has sprung up in a number of regions, like Ambon (in the Moluccas) and Poso (in Central Sulawesi).This usuallyinvolvesthe burning down of laces ofworship, both churches (ofall Christian denominations) and mosques. Ethnic conflicts, too, have erupted and are often rooted in social and religious differences,like in Sampit (Kalimantan). Extremely violent incidents, including the burning down of places of worship and subsequent looting and plundering, have taken lace inSitubondo (in EastJava in 1995). A quarrel over a seemingly insignificant issue- in this case, a parking space- between parking attendants in Ketapang (Jakarta)in 1996 evolved into the burning down of a Protestant church and an educational centre. Bombs have exploded at both the Istiqlal Mosque and the Catholic cathedral in Jakarta in 1997, and many other incidents have also occurred. Yet, on a different level, there are the initiatives of concerned citizens and civil society,which hope to attain some form of communication and, eventually, 124 Lies Marcoes-Natsir peace. In some cases,this is done by directly interfering with government policies, as in the case of the Malino-2 peace talks in Malino, Sulawesi, in 2002. In other cases, peace initiatives are taken by the former victims of the violence, in cooperation with other concerned civilians and civil organizations that set up forums, discussion groups and other forms of direct communication in order to put an end to the violence in the region. An example of this is Forum Indonesia Damai, which was established in 2000 one day after the bombing of the Catholic cathedral and one day before the celebrations at the end of the fasting month, IdulFitri.' Various observers have aptly noticed the fragmentation of the women's movement during this reformation period. Many different issues are being addressed bya myriad of different women's groups and organizations, some locally active,and others with a more national scope and interest. These differencesmake it complicated to find a common basis that might serve as a theoretical framework for defining the form/structure and model of the women's movement. The same assumption might underlie the women's efforts in the peace-seeking process, for there are so many different, seemingly unrelated and invisible initiatives being developed. In fact, the issues and activities of the women's movement that have developed during this reformation period, which do not explicitly centre around women's issues, are perhaps as fragmented. This can be seen from their relative "invisibility"and place withintas part of the general political movement. Thus, student activistsare or anized in Badan EksekutifMdhasiswa(Students' g Executive BodytBEM) and certain NGOs like Forum Kota (City ForumtForKot), and these organizations are often mentioned as having contributed heavily to Suharto's downfall and the subsequent disposing of theformer Orde Baru (New Order) government. Hardly anyone, however, acknowledges the role of women, who wereequally involved in bringing down the former Suharto regime.Women, organized in NGOs like Suara Ibu Peduli (TheVoice of Concerned MotherstSIP) led by Karlina Leksono Supeli, organized rallies protesting against the high prices of daily !goods,although the SIP is usually mentioned in connection with charity, where one of their projects was the distribution of cheap milk and food parcels (of rice) to demonstrating students. Some writers involved in the women's - movement have tried to providea theoretical background to thesewomen's political roles and the relevance of their actions - the story "behind the rice parcels"so to speak - among them Gadis Arivia (Jurnal Perempuan, 1999), Melani Budianta (to be published), and Maria Hartiningsih (Swara-Kompas, 2002) (see Budianta, forthcoming). The relevant"invisibility"of the role ofwomenin theoverthrowof theSuharto regime and in the peace-seekingprocess during this period of social and political Women and Interfaith Dialogue in Indonesia125 reformation is, as I see it, the result of two different patterns. First, the women's involvement in the peace-seeking process is re arded as a non-political, thus g humanitarian, effort.Second, it takesplaceon an informal level, becausewomen's activitiesare often seen as taking place at a domestic level. Third, many of their activities take placewithout anygovernmentinterference.This isin strongcontrast to some of the other activities in the peace process.The documentation of history usuallydescribestheformal activities (ofcommittees, meetings, treaties) that take place in the public sphere and are covered by the media; this often involves interference by the government, formal organizations and powerful leaders (that is, public figures, government members and opposition leaders). In fact,one of the oldest theoreticalframeworks for describingwomen's roles, lives and activities is the well-documented binary division between the private and the publicspheres,wherewomen are supposedto be moreactive in the private sphere (of home, family, children), while men are supposed to be involved in the public sphere, including decision-making processes, careers and the like. Mary Wollstonecraft(1759-1797)was one of the first feminist thinkerswho formulated the way in which women are "domesticated" and raised to be kept inside the house(ho1d).She describesthis as a result of the division of labour and the division within the work sphere that she saw occurring on a massivescalein the earlyyears of the capitalist-industrialist mode of production (Wollstonecraft,179211975). Indonesia: A Multiethnic Country with Many Different Cultures and Religions Once we realize that Indonesia is a country made up of more than 17,500 larger and smaller islands scattered over 3,200 miles of ocean, it is easy to understand the enormous varietyof cultures, ethnic groups, languages and religions it hosts. It has over 210 million inhabitants, the majority being Muslim. One should not, however, call Indonesia an Islamic state or nation, because there are at least four officially recognized religious denominations (and many others that are often ethnically and locally organized, ranging- from animism to different variationsof - Islamic thought and practice). Based on archaeological findings and literary references, it has been established that Hinduism spread all over these islands until the 14¢ury. Now, only two per cent of Indonesia's inhabitants consider themselves Hindus, and the majority of this group is limited to the island of Bali and some remote areas in East Java (notably, the mountainous Tengger region). Christians, be they Protestants or Roman Catholics, make up about eight per cent of Indonesia's inhabitants. Most Protestants can be found on the large but sparsely populated island of Papua in North Sulawesi and North Sumatra (which 126 Lies Marcoes-Natsir borders directly on the Islamic province of Aceh, in Sumatra's most northern part), in the central and southeastern parts of the Moluccas, and on the island of Timor. Most Catholics can be found in the eastern parts of Indonesia, notably the island of Flores, the Kei Islands (which are part of the Moluccas) and Java, particularly, Central Java. Budhism and Taoism, or Kong Hu Cu, are also recognized as major denominations and are mostly practised by the country's Chinese minority,who live in the larger cities and in some regionsof Kalimantan. From an ethnic point ofview,one could say that thereare about 300 different ethnic groups. Of these, the Javanese,including the West Javanese or Sundanese and EastJavanese or Madurese,eachwith their own language,is the largestgroup. They make up about half the country's population. Other influentialethnicgroups include the Malays, whose own language, Malay, developed into what is now known as Indonesian. There are also the Balinese; the Bataks, Minangs and Acehnesein Sumatra; the Dayaksand Banjaresein Kalimantan;the Dani in Papua; and the Makasarese, Toraja and sea-faring Buginese in Sulawesi. Unityunder Pressure It was not until the 1970s that massive, violent and extensively covered ethnic and religious conflicts were often heard of in Indonesia.The most infamous ones were the sometimesviolent racial conflicts between Indonesians and Chinese. In the late 1970sand early 1980s,there werea number of these conflicts in the cities of Tasikrnalaya, Solo, Pekalongan, Medan, and in South Sulawesi. In 1974 in Jakarta, violent anti-Chinese demonstrations erupted and went out of control, resulting- in what is now known as the Malari affair. Students and other activists protested against the domination of foreign capital, notably from the Japanese. Other violent anti-Chinese incidents occurred in Sukabumi in 1963, not long before the establishment of Suharto's military-led Orde Baru regime. According to leading, originally Dutch theologian Steenbrink, who has worked for many years at an Indonesian Islamic university,a very serious outbreak of anti-Chinese violence occurred in the late 1940s during the struggle for independence in Tangerang (near Jakarta). At least 653 people of Chinese descent were killed, including 136 women and 36 children (see Widjaya, 2002).Since most Chinese are non-Muslims, anti-Chinese sentiments could probably be labelled as havinga reli ious basis; yet, it is generally acknowledged that underlying the violence, g there are strong feelings of social envy fueled by and based on economic considerations. The apparent lack of religious conflict during the first decades of Suharto's New Order regime has impressed many observers, who have generally labelled Women and Interfaith Dialogue in Indonesia 127 this as an enormously positiveachievement.The country has, subsequently, been characterized as a successful example of religious pluralism (Bush, 2000: 199). It has elicited the following comment from Steenbrink: For the past 45 years there has been an unprecedented religious tolerance, almost without any serious conflict. This is considered to be an enormous achievement, and an unthinkable development anywhere else (Steenbrink, 1995: 217). Accordin to Soetrisno (editor of MeretasHorison Dialog), many Indonesian g religious leaders have regarded this harmony as the result of the successful implementation of Indonesia's state ideology known as Pancasila, particularly, the principle of "unity in diversity"or Bhineka T~nygalIka.~In another part of his article, Steenbrink admits that in many instances where religious leaders have been engaged in interreligious dialogue, the inspiration for this wadis not so much from searchingfor ways of understandingone another's theologicalprinciples and addressing pressing social problems but is rather a reaction to the idea of mutual respect and care in not treading on the other's turf. In order to successfullyachieve the aims of national development, the leaders of Suharto's New Order government implemented and maintained strict means of control over society, including control on relationsbetween the various religious denominations. It is clear that the government feared that the multicultural character of the countrywould and could potentiallyfuel conflicts.Astrict policy known asSARA (an Indonesian abbreviationforethnicity [suku],religion [agama], race [ras],and social stratalgroup [antargolongan])wasimplemented.This provided a much fearedand abused legitimationfor strict measuresof control and separation for all groups in society.The obvious differences between the various groups were impossible to discuss openly, and possible moments for dialogue were stifled in internal discussions. As a result, there developed a complex of extremely biased minsunderstandings, based on hearsay and provocation. All over Indonesia, we were forced to hide our curiosity about others and about the many elements in our own cultural, or rather, subcultural identity; instead, we were presented with an extremely one-sided view of national unity as issued by the state. To make things worse, this view was unknowingly supported by the favourable comments of foreign researchers. During the same period, Indonesian religious organizations, in particular, Islamicones, experienceda complete depoliticization. Political organizationswere restricted from having a religious basis, and vice versa. Islamic political parties could not express any religious views in the political arena and, for instance, the use of religioussymbolswas banned absolutely.This led the eminent Dutch social scientist, Wertheim (as paraphrased by Steenbrink, 1995: 212), to say that 128 Lies Marcoes-Natsir Just like in the colonial era, the government did not allow the Islamic parties to be very visible or active in the political arena, restricting themselves instead to purely religious affairs ... In the same period, many Muslims believed that Suharto was on better terms, both economically and politically, with the non-Muslim Chinese businessmen rather than with the Muslims.They also suspected that Suharto, at the expenseof and contrary to the Islamic parties, allowed the non-Islamic groups to spread their religion. This belief was fuelled by the construction of many Christian churches, which was seen as proof of a process of "Christianization." The Islamic groups reacted by disallowing mixed marriages (that is, between partners with differentreligious backgrounds)from taking place.There was alsoastrong reaction towards the overwhelming majority of Muslims in state institutions and the bureaucracy.Some Islamic groups believed that the government tried to create in East Timor a place designated for Christians only, even though the Timorese formerly adhered only to their own, local belief system. This situation, however,seemed to turn around completelywhen the national development policies- as implemented by the successive Suharto-led cabinets- started to receive criticism, particularly, in view of the corruption and nepotism that characterized many of the New Order development schemes. Strangely enough, and cleverlyso, Suharto reacted to the criticism not so much by trying to improve the situation, but by drawing nearer to the various Islamic groups, particularly, Islamic businessmen. As leader of the nation, he (and the members of the government) began to accommodate the interests of the Islamic groups. Suharto even went so far as to bring his family to Mecca, followed by regular public expression of their adherence to Islam.Various Islamicgroups, such as the Islamic intellectuals united in ICMI (Association of Indonesian Islamic Intellectuals),obtained direct funding. Many Islamicnewsgroups,magazinesand other publications also started to appear, and funding was made readily available for the construction of many mosques. Besides Nuzulul Quv'dnat the Presidentialpalace, and hva Mi'mj and Maulid Nabi at the gand, national Istiqlal Mosque, other Islamic holidays and religious festivities began to be publicly celebrated. Foreign guests and dignitaries from befriended Islamiccountries were invited to attend other festive or officialIslamic events, such as the celebration of Idul Fitvi (at the end of the fasting month or Ramadzn).Suharto himselfled the ceremonies, playing the great bedug (religious drum in front of the mosque) and reciting the takbiv (laudation that "God is great") in public at the national square in the capital. Previously, such actions were unthinkable. Women and Interfaith Dialogue in Indonesia129 Suharto's closer association to the Islamicgroups in societyevoked a particular reaction byand in the country's bureaucraticinstitutions. From then on, a person's religious background became a means to measure eligibility for public office, with Muslims being- favoured (somewhatlater, ethnic background became a factor as well).This was bound to be problematic; outside Java, in particular, a position in the bureaucracy was the only means to obtain some form of economic and political power and influence. As a result, a fierce and humiliating scramble for positions within the bureaucracy began. A well-known Indonesian Muslim scholar gave a lecture in Amsterdam (in - 1999) and, upon finishing his lecture, commented on this phenomenon. He admitted that friends and colleagues from an Islamic student organization used - to triumphantly report that they managed to obtain important positions in the bureaucracy, successfully ousting the non-Muslims who had formerly occupied these positions. Usingwordplay, they called the non-Muslims "Palangists,"which referred to the word Phalangist (Middle Eastern Islamic extremists) and to the Indonesianpabng, meaning (Christian) cross.Since this particular event happened in a predominantly Protestant region, the researcher could only express his disagreement, being aware that in the long-run, this would certainly fuel possible conflict; yet, he felt powerless to change his former friends' attitudes.* Subsequently, it was the state - in this case, Suharto- that became the only party that defined the relationship between the state and religion. This was the case when relations between the state and Islamic groups were close or, conversely, distant. This policy of "push and pull" was implemented by the Department of Religious Affairs, which also wholly controlled the (non)development of any meaningful religiousdialogue among the various religiousgroups. Under the New Order, each time an initiative for an interreligious dialogue was formulated by any one of Indonesids religious groups, the directorate for Social and Political Affairs in the Department of Internal Affairs would interfere. Approval from this .. department had to be given before such meetings could be organized. Suharto, however, was aware of the potential for interreligious conflict. This was why he wished to be seen as supporting programmes for the development of interreligious dialogue. According to Steenbrink (1995: 212), the first formal initiative for such a meeting, known as "Interreligious Consultation," was held in - 1976, shortlyafter violent anti-religious incidents occurred in South Kalimantan. One of the outcomes was that the representatives of all the major religious denominations, particularly Islamic and Protestant ones, were told to minimize efforts at spreading their religions. This decision later received a legal basis by means of an official policy de~ision,~which was subsequently supported by three State Ministers, namely the Minister for Religion (Agama),Internal Affairs (Dalam 130 Lies Marcoes-Natsir Negerz], and Education and Culture (Mendikb~d).~In short, the articlestates that missionary endeavours were only permitted in areas where the inhabitants "do not have" or "do not yet have" any religion. Another initiative was the formation in 1980 of the "Place for Interreligious Discussion,"a forum to stimulate interreligiousconsultation. Yet, from the start, it was clear that this forum served the interests of the government, and not of the - religious groups. This, and a number of other so-called projects to "harmonize relations," was the Department of Religion's contribution to government efforts in seeking enough popular support for its national development schemes. The recent publication, Catatan dari Empat Daerah (Notes from Four Regions), mentions that this forum did not serve the purpose of exploring or creating possibilities for more intimate relations between the various religious groups, whether from a theological or any other point of view (MADIA, 2002: 33).On the part of the Ministryof Religion, there did not seem to be any interest in advocating or supporting efforts to better interreligious understanding. This is not to say, however, that some of the other initiatives developed in this period were not important. Some of the more genuine efforts that did touch upon theologicalmatters,in fact, occurredunder theauspicesof the Ministryof Religion, particularly in the 1970s, and led by Mukti Ali. Another initiative undertaken by the Ministry was the organization of local meetings for youth and students. In the Ciawai area (near Bogor, West Java), some 30 universitystudents were involved in these meetings. They consisted of Catholics, Muslimsand Protestants.Besides havingregulardiscussions, this group alsoorganizeda number of socialactivities. Informally, this group became known as the Ciawaigroup. It remainsa fact, substantiated byinformation in the MADIA team's publication (2002), that most other religious meetings held under the auspices of the Ministry of Religion served the sole purpose of discussingsocial and other problemsencountered by the government.To the Ministry of Religion, the terms "meetings,""discussions,""forum,"and "formal and informal talks" all - meant the same thing. None of these, it must be admitted, seemed to be aimed at providing conducive conditions for the development of a meaningful form of interreligious dialogue. Women and Interfaith Dialogue Based on this outline, we should ask ourselveswhere the women were while these New Order dialogues were being organized. Part of the answer may be found in the form theseefforts took. These effortswere held in public (the public sphere is not easily accessible to women), organized for religious leaders (who are mostly Women and Interfaith Dialogue in Indonesia 131 men), and were of a highly political/politicized nature. Not many women were considered or would consider themselves comfortable enough to voice their opinions in such a format. The women who are known to have been engaged in efforts at interreligious dialogueinclude Ibu Gedong Oka (who comes from a Hindu-Bali background); Musda Mulia, Sinta Nuriyah and Farha Ciciek (all active in Islam); Marianne Kattopo, Sylvana, Lies Marantika and Elga Sarapung (Protestants); Nunuk E Murniati (awell-known Catholic activist);and ParwatiSupangkat (who is from a Budhist background). For the past 10 years, most of these women have preferred to work through women's NGOs or religiouswomen's organizations,and most of their activities centre on seminars, workshops and other forms of (in)formal meetings, most of which have been organized under the auspices of the National Commission on Women's Rights (KOMNASPerempuan). While the one-sided, state-sponsored dialogues organized by the Ministry of Religion took place,several other more genuine forumsfor interreligiousdialope appeared. These were held without state intervention and were aimed at the development of interreligious understanding and tolerance. Some of these subsequently developed into more formal organizationsor NGOs, two ofwhich are DIANIInterfidei and MADIA. DIANIInterfidei was established in Yogyakartain 1992 byTh. Sumarthana, a Protestant, with Farid Wajidi, Khairus Salim and Ahmad Suaedy (who are Muslims),and St. Sunardi (a Catholic).The women involved in this organization are Farha Ciciek (Muslim) and Elga Sarapung (Protestant), and they have all successfully introduced women's issues and religion. The latter two have also published a number of books based on meetings,workshopsand discussionsheld by their organi~ation.~ In Jakarta, too, two different organizationsdeveloped long beforethe general public began to understand the need for interreligiousdialogueand understanding. These are MADIA and Paramadina. The latter is headed by Islamic leader Nurcholish Majid, who has been actively involved in holding religious courses. These courses are not only attended by Muslims, but have attracted others who feel that there should be more efforts at creatinga genuine understanding among the various religious denominations, particularly at a grassroots level in society. They are worried, for instance, about a recent religious decree (fatwa) by the Indonesian National Council of Islamic Religious Leaders (MUI) that forbids Muslims to exchangegreetings with Catholics and Protestants during Christmas. This denies the reality of a plural society, and defies feelings of mutual respect that are necessary for living side by side in an often overcrowded metropolitan environment. Some also feared that thefatwa might be interpreted as a reli iousg 132 Lies Marcoes-Natsir doctrine. In trying to come to terms with this, various meetings took place. These subsequently developed into a more formal organization, known as AMDIA (M~~symzk~~tDidlogAntarAgdmd) formed in Jakarta in 1994. Headed byAmanda Soeharnoko - who was also involved in setting up MADIA - the organization includes representatives from various religious groups, such as Budi Munawar Rahman, Djohan Effendi, Ulil Abshar Abdalla and the author (who are all Muslims);Sutrisno, Lies Marantika, Sylvanaand Martin Sinaga (all Protestants); - Romo Ismartono and Romo Muji Sutrisno (whoare Catholics); and many others. One characteristic that unites these organizations is the fact that they function without government interference, and without guidance from any government institution. The discussions held by these organizations are far from formal, and are based on a willingness and readiness to acknowledge mutual differences and open up to "the other." This is not done as a means of polite conversation, but is based on religious (and, therefore, subjective) experiences. The idea to includewomen's experiences as a basisfor dialogue did not develop n until the government's efforts at organizing "dialogues finally ground to an inevitable halt. It was, however, the celebration of InternationalWomen's Day on 8 March 1998 that became the most important event in bringing women's experiences to the forefront of the dramatic developments that were taking place in Indonesia at that time. O n that day, a women's group known as Seruni (an abbreviation of Serum Pe~empudnAntdr Imm) or "the call of women from different faiths" organized a remarkable meeting in one of Jakarta's Catholic schools, Kanisius. Headed by representatives from various religious backgrounds, the hundreds of men and women assembled were asked to join in a unique prayer session.The atmosphere was solemn and respectful. The most impressive moment came during what has now become known as "the women's prayer," in which certain leading women personalities are presented, each from a different religious context but united in their efforts at attaining peace and understanding. The prayer referred to Asiah, who was married to Lord Firaun, but dared to face him in battle; to Mary, who gave birth to Jesus, the bringer of love and peace to mankind; to Yasodara, Prince Siddharta's wife,who supported his decision to follow the path of enlightenment; and to Fatimah, the Prophet's daughter, whose finger was bitten by her child when she took aseed ofwheat out of its mouth that was not meant for it. According to the well-known Indonesian academician Melani Budianta, this Women's Prayer is read at virtually every event where women gather (Budianta, undated: 15-16).' The situation at the time was very tense. A few days before Seruni's prayer session, two renowned women activists, Karlina Leksono Supeli and Gadis Arivia- who worked together in the women's group S U ~Ibu Peduli (SIP),and M Women and Interfaith Dialogue in Indonesia 133 who actively supported the student demonstrations against the government - were arrested. They were part of a group rallying against the government's price hikes at the famous roundabout in front of Hotel Indonesia (Bundaran Hotel Indonesia or HI) in Jakarta. One of the oustandingfeatures of this rally was the unanimous anger of the women, all of whom were from different religious backgrounds.One of the newspaperphotographstakenof this rallyand transmitted all over the world shows women wearingthe Islamicveil (jilbab) side by side with Catholic nuns in their habits,and allof them wereexpressingtheir genuineconcern for the future of the people and the nation. Theydistributed their concerns, quite literally, to the public by handing out flowers tied to a small parcel containing some powdered milk and a printed card. Followingthe arrest of the two activists, similar rallies took place in other areas, such as Yogyakarta, Solo, Semarang, Surabaya (CentralIEastJava), the island of Lombok and Medan (Sumatra). The rallyat Hotel Indonesia's roundabout continued until the fall of Suharto and his successor, Habibie.The rallies were usually held every Friday, and gained momentum whenever interreligious violence, conflict and murders occurred in Ambon. At the time, Ambon experienced the most serious outbreaks of interreligiousviolence that had occurredin Indonesiafor along time.The rallying women were subsequently known as "Kelompok Perempuan untuk Seruan Perdamaian" or "Women's Pressure Group for Peace." Outside Jakarta - particularly in the areas where people were fighting, murdering, raping and mutilating one another in the name of religion - it was, obviously, not as easy to organizesuch massivegatherings.The state seemed inert and powerless, and it was reported that it was, in fact, a party to the atrocities. It did become clear, although in a terrible manner, that the interreligious meetings previously conducted by men had been unsuccessful. The violence in Ambon and the Moluccaswere proof that interreligiousdialogue, reportedly initiated by the state, had never taken place. In this situation, without any hope of a dialogue taking place, many different women's groups began their activities with very simple means.'They started, for instance, by exchanginggoodsand daily products like oil and foodstuff.Without intervention, notably the state's, they discussed with one another the need for creating a sense of togetherness and unity in order to end the conflicts. They presentedthe aim of searchingforsolutionsto theviolence through variousforums. One of the most well-known of these was the Ambonese Gerakan Perempuan Peduli(Movementof ConcernedWomen).The membersof this group persuaded other women to influence and pressure their husbands, brothers, male relatives and the island's youth to see the futility of the violence directed at one another. This movement later came to be known as Pita Hijdu (Green Ribbon). Some of 134 Lies Marcoes-Natsir the activists united in this group include Laila Suad (Muslim), Sister Brigitta (Catholic), Margareta Hendrik (a Protestant priest) and Sartje Puasa Popoeling. Other women's initiatives at attaining peace were also presented through a number of different forums. One of these is the "Forum Dialog Tokoh Agama Perempuan," organized by the ICRP (Indonesian Conference on Religion and Peace) in Jakarta on 25-27 May 2001. In this forum, it was made clear that the violence in Arnbon was not yet over, and that the end of the fighting, looting and other atrocities was merely the result of a tentative ceasefire. It also became clear that these women acknowledged the need for genuine and open dialogue. Their experience counts as a worthwhile and legitimate basis for further action. Conclusion Thedevelopment of meaningful interreligiousdialoguehas certainly been inspired by women's actions, and is now generally being supported by many - men and women alike. Yet, the situation remains very problematic. There is very little reliable information, there are not enough witnesses who dare to come forward, there is limited time, and a crippled, corrupt legislativesystem. At the same time, the tradition of conductingdialogue, as is being done by the various women's and other groups, is not yet part of mainstream political life. Many would say that when women dare to express their disagreement with certain decisions, it is "too emotional." This was felt, for instance, when a prayerwas read and the texts were read by persons from different religious backgrounds, even though this in itself points to the true meaning of the word "dialogue"! In a true dialogue, religious principles are questioned, and religious (re)interpretationsare presented together with possiblesolutions with a religious basis. In addition, it must be said that not all women dare to, or are able to open themselves up to conduct a true, meaningful dialogue-and the same can be said for men. In particular, Muslim women's groups are often seen as being intolerant, but this may be seen as a mere result of women's subordinate position within most Islamic organizations; they are the victims of their organization's patriarchal and pyramidal set-up and attitudes. Besides, the whole issue of interreligious dialo ue had, previously, always been a matter of their leaders' (that is, men's) g programmes. Second, in being a majority in Indonesia, the men find it hard to engage in any kind of dialogue, for there is no tradition of listening to a minority. Certainly, this element, too, needs to be further explored, and might become one more issue in women's efforts at developing dialogue. Women and Interfaith Dialogue in Indonesia 135 Notes 1. See, for instance, Meretas Horison Dialog: Catatan ddri Empat Daerab. MadiaIISAIlThe Asia Foundation, 2000. 2. Some of its members include well-known leaders and activists like Saparinah Sadli (National Committee on Human RightslKomnasHAM),the journalistGoenawanMohammad, Mayling Oey-Gardiner (activist from one of the well-known NGOs in Indonesia), Hidayat Nur Wahid (politician fromJustice PartylPartai Keadilan),Mari Muhammad, Imam B. Prasojoand others. 3. Interview on 29 August 2002. 4. The author wishes, for the time being, not to reveal the researcher's identity. 5. Pedoman Penyiaran Agama, Ministry of Religion, No. 7011978. 6. SKB (Surat Keputusan Bersama), No. 1/79. 7. For instance, Perempuan Di TengabArm Gelombangby DianIInterfidei in 1995. 8. The author wrote the Women's Prayer. References Budianta, Melani (forthcoming)."The BlessedTragedy:The Making ofWomen's Activism during the ReformasiYears (1998-1999),"in A. Heryanto and S.K. Mandal, eds. Challenging Authoritarianism in Southeast Asia: Comparing Indonesia and Mahysia. London: R~utled~eCurzon. (undated). "The BlessedTragedy:The Making ofWomen's Activism during the ReformasiYears (1998-1999)," draft paper. Bush, Robin L. (2000)."PluralismeAgama,"Penihian Demokratisdsidi Indonesia. Jakarta: Lembaga Internasional untuk Bantuan Demokrasi dan Pemilu (Internasional IDEA). DianIInterfidei (1995). Perempuan Di TengahArus Gelombang. Emmerson, Donald K., ed. (2001). Indonesia Beyond Suharto:Negara, Ekonomi, Mqrakat, Trdnsisi.Jakarta: GramediaIThe Asia Foundation. MADIA (2002). Catatandari Empat Daerah. Meretds Horison Dialog: Catatan dari Empat Daerah. MADIA/ISAI/The Asia Foundation, 2000. Pedoman PenyiaranAgama, Ministry of Religion, No. 7011978. SKB (SuratKeputusan Bersama),No. 1/79. Steenbrink, Karel (1995). &wan dalam Pertikaian: Kdum KolonialBelandadan Islam di Indonesia (1596-1942).Jakarta: Mizan. Widjaya, Yahya (2002). Business, Family, Religion: Public Theology in the Context of the Chinese Indonesian Business Community. Frankfurt: Peter Lang. Wollstonecraft, Mary (1975). A Vindication of the Rights of Woman. Harmondsworth: Penguin Books (a reprint of the original 1792 edition published by J. Johnson, London). 136 Lies Marcoes-Natsir Appendix TheWomen's InterfaithPrayer Lies Marcoes-Natsir (Translated by Melani Budianta) Truly it is men and women who bow down, men and women who are obedient, men and women who are faithful, men and women who are patient, men and women who are pious, men and women who are full of charity, men and women who fast (show chastity), men and women who respect dignity, men and women who always remember God, for them God gives His mercy and His everlasting Grace. (Q.S. A1Azhab: 35) 0 God,who created Eve, grant us, the women of this country Eve's stoical strength to give birth to humane civilization through her sufferingin childbirth. O God, who created Hagar and Sarah, grant us, the women of this country their perseverance, with which they can strengthen Abraham's spirit to lead his people upon the road of salvation. 0 God, who created hiah, the pharaoh'swife, grant us, the women of this country Asiah's strength to fight tyranny, even when the enemy she fought was her own husband. 0 God, who created Masyithah, the pharaoh'sservant, grant us, the women of this country Masyithah's faith, Women and Interfaith Dialogue in Indonesia 137 when she had to fight the King of her country, who was greedy and who idolized himself, and punished Masyithah with the burnin melted tin. g 0God, who created Balqisfrom the countryofSaba, grant us, the women of this country Balqis' ability to lead with which she changed a barren earth into fertile land to lead her people out of starvation. 0God, who createdYasodara,Siddharta'swife, grant us, the women of this country the Queen's generosity in letting her husband choose the path of light leaving her and the throne. 0God, who createdMary the Mother ofJesus, grant us, the women of this country Mary's holiness to accept your decree to give birth to a child who teaches love and peace. Have not your decrees now been used to support power rather than to speak for justice and truth? 0God, whocreatedKhadijah, Mohammed's wife, grant us, the women in this country Khadijah's business ability so that with all the wealth the Prophet could spread his teachings. 0God, who createdAisyahUmmulMu'minin, grant us, the women of this country Aisyah's intelligence in giving meaning to Your presence from her notes on the prophet's exemplary life. How truly does the prophet teach us to empower and respect women. 138 Lies Marcoes-Natsir 0 God, who created Fatimah, Mohammed's daughter, grant us, the women of this country Fatimah's integrity and piety. Although she was the prophet's most beloved daughter and the wife of a Khalifah, she let her hand bleed in taking out one grain of wheat out of the small mouth of her unknowing child, who did not understand yet, that the wheat did not belong to the parents but to the people, that it belonged to the people his father governed. 0 God, who has created MotherTheresa of Calcutta, grant us, the women of this country Mother Theresa's strength and perseverance so that we could warmly greet the poor who are not treated as human beings by their neighbours. O God, who has created Marsinah grant us, the women of this country the courage shown by Marsinah defending the rights of women workers, although she had to pay with her own life. 0 God, who created millionsof other women, grant us, the women of this country their exemplary behaviour in order to continue what they have struggled for. But, 0 Divine Teacher, are we worthy still to ask for more courage for millions of women on the brink of despair torn between suffering and pain between life and death because of all of the violent abuses? Are we worthy still to ask for more patience while cruelty is treated as normalcy, Women and Interfaith Dialogue in Indonesia139 while the will to power, overcomes conscience and common sense, while voicing justice is considered treachery? 0,God,listentoour prayerstonight (lead us through the straight path the paths of those you have enlightened, not the path of those you condemned, not the paths of those in the wrong). Amen Part I11 Religion,Educationand InterfaithDialogue 9 ReligiousTolerationand Beyond C.L. Ten eligious toleration has rightly been regarded as the model for toleration in ural, diverse societies. Certainly, toleration in religious matters was the first area in which the case for toleration was acknowledged. As the nineteenth century British philosopher John Stuart Mill remarked in his essay On Liberty: "The great writers to whom the world owes what religious liberty it possesses, have mostly asserted freedom of conscience as a indefeasible right, and denied absolutely that a human being is accountable to others for his religious belief" (1972:71). But Mill warned that "intolerance in whatever they reallycare about" is "so natural to mankind that religious freedom has not been practicallysecured unless religious indifference prevails (1972: 71). So "even in the most tolerant countries, the duty of toleration is admitted with tacit reserves";religioustoleration is still threatened whenever the feelings of the maiority are "genuine and intense" (Mill, 1972: 71). Today, as in Mill's time, religiousintolerance breaks out-sometimestragically - whenever feelings are "genuine and intense." We are in perpetual danger of losing the toleration that was so difficult to achieve in the first place. There is a need to rediscoverthe gounds for it, and the reasonswe require and value it.This will not in itself eliminate the political, social, economic and psychological conditions that generate intolerance. It will, however, provide us with some - understanding of the basis for toleration, and help to redefine and reshape the !goalswhichwe mustalwaysstruggleforand defendagainst theforces of intolerance, or even the misplacedbenevolenceof those who try to saveour souls bydestroying or maiming-our bodies. - We could do worse than to begin with one of the classics of toleration in the western world, namely John Locke's A Letter Concerning Toleration, which was first published in 1689. Locke's views are particularly interesting because he was himselfa committed Christian, yet he argued passionatelyfor religious toleration. Insofaras this involvestoleratingreligions-some ofwhose beliefsareincompatible with those of Christianity - Locke maintains that toleration requires putting up with those whom he thinks are wrong. The basis of this right to be wrong in matters that do not harm others, is a central element in the case for religious 144 C.L.Ten toleration. So what are Locke's arguments for toleration?We need to distinguish between unsound arguments, however well-meaningtheyare, and those arguments which we can rely on and develop. The argument, which seems to have the most restricted scope, is the one that appeals to the internal demands of Christianity itself. Locke maintains that "no man can be a Christian without charity, and without that faith which works, not by force, but by love" (1955:14).Others have maintained that the gentleness of Christianity is incompatible with religious persecution. Parallel arguments have been used by believers of other religionsto persuade their fellowreligious believers to tolerate religious diversity. Thus, Muslims have appealed to passages in the Quran such as: Let there be no compulsion in religion. Truth stands out clear from Error: whoever rejects Evil and believes in God hath grasped the most trustworthy handhold, that never breaks. And God heareth and knoweth all things (Alhabshi and Hassan, 1994: ix and 51). Tertullian, the Roman who converted to Christianity around the year 197, went further in extending the argument to cover the nature of religions,and not just a particular religion. It is against the nature of religion to force religion; it must be accepted spontaneously and not by force; the offerings demanded, indeed must be made willingly. That is why, if you force us to sacrifice, you give, in fact, nothing to your gods: they have no need for unwilling sacrifices (John-Stevas, 1964: 13). The argument, which is often directed to the members of the dominant religious group, is very powerful if the element of toleration in religion can be established beyond controversy. In fact, there will almost inevitably be members of a dominant religion whose interpretation of their religion, and the relevant holy book or text, will yield a different result.The fate of the argument will then depend on how conflicting interpretations are perceived by influential believers, or by the political authorities who have to implement the relevant policies. Even if it is established that toleration is an element of the religion, there will bedisputes about the relativeweight to be given to it when compared with savingsoulsthrough a common acceptance of the 'true' belief. It is, therefore, not surprising that the argument for toleration, derived from an appeal to the internal values of the religion, has to be supplemented by other arguments. It should also be noted that interpretative disagreements about the most cherished values of a religion are not solelymotivated bya purely disinterested study of the character and authoritative texts of the religion.They are also, in part, a reflection of the different externally gounded values of different true believers.So those who are already convinced of ReligiousToleration and Beyond 145 the importance of reli ious toleration, or of toleration in general, are more likely g to support an interpretation of their religion that gives prominence to toleration. On the other hand, those who are more concerned about sharing the true belief with all or those who unjustly fear the socially destabilizing effect of religious diversity, are more likely to favour an interpretation that supports their aims and values. Then, the internal argument about the true character of a religion does not stand or fall on its own merits, but relies instead on independent arguments about the value of religious toleration. Locke's argument is appealing to those who already have such an independent basis for tolerating different religions, and want their fellowreligious believers to acknowledgethe valueof toleration. Stripped of the external motivation, however, the argument might not be suff~cientl~ convincing. In any case, it will involveincreasingly esoteric textual interpretations among scholars, which will fail to engage the ordinary believers. Locke also invokes a version of the Golden Rule argument: Do not do unto others what you do not want them to do to you. If a Christian magistrate is allowed to eradicate what is regarded as a false and idolatrous religion, then the ruler in another country, where a different religion holds sway, would have the same right to eradicate Christianity. ... what power can be given to the magistrate for the suppression of idolatrous church which may not in time and place be made use of to the ruin of an orthodox one?For it must be remembered that the civil power is the same everywhere, and the religion of every prince is orthodox to himself. If, therefore, such a power be granted unto the civil magistrate in spirituals, as that at Geneva, for example, he may extirpate, by violence and blood, the religion which is there reputed idolatrous; by the same rule another magistrate, in some neighboring country, may oppress the reformed religion, and, in India, the Christian (Locke, 1955: 40). Louis Veuillot is supposed to have said, "When we are in the minority, we demand for ourselves freedom according to your principles; when we are in the majority we refuse you this freedom according to our principles" (John-Stevas, 1964:8). But if it is a principle of justice that justice has to be done andseen to be done, then true believerswho demand to be tolerated when they are in the minority but who refuse to tolerate others when they themselves are in the majority, will be seen as hypocritical and unprincipled. A just society must be based on principles whose social implementation is recognizably fair, and not perceived as involving special pleading. This is a point to which I shall return later. Locke also invokes the fallibility argument, which draws attention to the fact that the state and its agents are no better placed to discover the true religion than are ordinary citizens, who are also better motivated to seek their own salvation. The art of government does not give rulers any special insight into other areas; in 146 C.L. Ten particular,it does not equip them to pronounce the true religion.The absence of such specialinsight isshown by the fact that rulersdisagreegreatlyabout religious matters. Locke argues that while it may be safe to allow the state to dictate to us what to do in matters of trade, it is neversafe to let it dictate in matters concerning the afterlife. In the former case, the state can compensate us for mistakes it makes in its direction, but in the latter case no such compensation is possible. We are no more likely to followthe true religion if the state required that wefollowwhatever a particular church dictates, for churches, too, are fallible. As a general argument against state enforcement of religion, the fallibility argument is weak. The discovery of the true religion requires knowledge of an impersonalkind that does not varywith the particularitiesof each person's interests and personality. The choice of a career or lifestyle needs to be sensitive to the characteristicsand experiencesof each person. Locke does not relativizethe correct religion to the circumstancesof the believer; if a religion is true, then it is true for all. In which case, individuals do not have any special knowledge or perspective that gives them an advantage over the state in the pursuit of truth. On the other hand, it is likely that, as opposed to most individuals, the state has more abundant resourcesand access to more information to helpit in discoveringthe true religion. Locke's claim that the state is incapableof compensating individualsfor aspiritual mistake is odd without some account of the requirementsofsalvation.Whyshould it be assumed that God would punish those who believe in a false religion as a result of state enforcement of religion? So, Locke needs an additional argument to rule out state enforcement of religious belief for the purpose of salvation. That additional argument seems to be an implicit appeal to the value of allowingafree collisionof ideas as a means to discoverin the truth. In tolerating different religiousviews,and in allowingthese g to interact with one another in a free environment, we make it more likelyfor the truth to emerge. No one needs to rely entirely on her or his own intellectual resources, for she or he may, in addition, draw on the pooled resources of others when they present their varied and conflicting ideas for consideration in a public forum. Locke need not think of the free competition of ideas as a sufficient condition for the emergenceof the truth. At most, he has to regard it as a necessary condition. Perhaps, he need merely regard it as a condition which, in the circumstancesof the real world of falliblehuman beings, is the best way of arriving at the truth. As we shall see, the case for toleration is further strengthened if we think of the desirablegoal as not merely acquiring true beliefs, but also as having a proper understanding of the basis and significance of those beliefs, and of the way in which they are to be applied to changing circumstances. Even those who think that theyalready have the truth will benefit from discussion.It is in the free ReligiousTolerationand Beyond 147 exchangeof ideas that we come to have relevant understanding. Those who arrive at a view, even if it is correct, without hearing and discussing alternative or competing viewswill lack the capacity to evaluatedifferent views, their respective stren ths and weaknesses, and the limits of their application. g Another argument advanced by Locke is that toleration provides the ground for peace and stabilityin society.Those who believein intolerance and persecution ... would do well to considerwith themselveshow perniciousaseed of discordand war, how powerful a provocation to endless hatreds, rapines, and slaughters they thereby furnish into mankind. No peace and security, no, not so much as common friendship, can ever be establishedor preservedamongst men so long as this opinion prevails that dominion is founded in grace and that religion is to be propagated by force of arms (Locke, 1955: 27). There is no doubt that Locke's argument carries much force. We have ample evidence, from many countries over different periods of time, of the destructive effects of religious intolerance. Religious civil wars have wrecked many societies. The fierce passions that religious conflicts arouse and the unshakeable belief that God is on their side have led believers to some of the worst excesses. Believers, acting in the name of a higher cause, feel licensed to commit atrocious acts that few of them would think justified if they were done for purely personal benefit. Yet, is the fear of "discord and war" and the "endless hatreds, rapines, and slaughters"sufficient in itself to deter a religious person from intolerance? David Lewis (1997) considersa contest between the orthodoxand the heretical about what will maximizehappiness. Each thinks that the other holds dangerous opinions that should besuppressed.Now,suppose the two sidesare almost equally matched. Each thinks that the best outcome is victory, and the worst is defeat. But each fears that by aiming for victory, it runs a substantial risk of defeat. If orthodoxy triumphs, heresy is suppressed, and vice versa. For various reasons, each might prefer mutual toleration to war: the suppression of their view might bea greater loss than the gain of suppressingthe other side; the chances ofwinning in war might be less desirable than the chances of defeat; each side believes that it has the advantage of saving the most souls under mutual toleration. Under these conditions, both sides might settle for mutual toleration as providing the best hope of maximizing happiness. What each counts as a benefit or loss will, of course, be different, but each has a reason to value mutual toleration (Lewis, 1997: 1-29). With the assumptions he makes, Lewis' argument is persuasive. Indeed, even ifoneside is more powerfulthan the other,victoryin war is not assured.Asustained guerrilla war launched by the weaker side can cause considerable damage and uncertainty over a long period. The cost of war might outweigh the hope for 148 C.L.Ten victory and even if defeat is not feared, the continuation of war over time will taste almost as bad as defeat. In the real world, however, a treaty of toleration is hard to sell because each religious group is likely to believe that, with God and the truth on its side, eventual victory and all the great benefits it brings is certain. Lewis anticipates some of the inadequacies of a treaty of toleration for the defence of toleration in the real world. One such problem is that we believe that the weak should be tolerated but, so far, the considerations that underpin the treaty do not bring the weak within its scope. Lewis' response is to point out that there are many different factions in the real world, and these factions "wax and wane, and split and merge" (1997: 23).For example, the weak may have a strong ally.To cater for changingcircumstances, and to avoid"endlessdoubt and haggling about what the exceptions do and don't cover," it is best to have "one big simple treaty, loose in its terms, prescribing indiscriminate toleration all around" (Lewis, 1997: 25). The trouble is that in the real world, the weak often do not have strong allies, and the weakcan be quite easilyidentified for exclusionfrom a treaty of toleration. The waxing and waning, merging and splitting of factions that Lewis mentions are sometimes themselves the products of toleration. They might not exist with persecution, which prevents the free mingling of different groups, and out of which common interests are discovered and developed, and alliances forged. Sometimes, the allies that the weak gain are external groups that already operate in a tolerant environment. Moreover, Lewis' argument will, at best, deliver toleration only to rival religious groups. For it is group conflict that is sociallymost disruptive and dangerous, and a treaty of toleration among groups will help to prevent harmful conflict. When it is properly grounded, religious toleration must be extended to individuals, to move out of their current group and join another group. No one should remain imprisoned to a group she or he was born in but which she or he no longer wishes to associate with. In incendiary situations, some limits may have to be set - if only temporarily- on proselytism. Yet, individuals should still be free to associate with groups of their own choosing. Locke's argument, which has attracted the most attention among philosophers, is the argument that religious salvation requires true belief, which cannot be obtained through coercion. State persecution is, therefore, useless. Coercion can alter people's behaviour and make them conform to a required pattern of conduct, but it cannot change their beliefs. Salvation, therefore, cannot be effected by forcin people to profess the true reli ion,or by compelling them to attend church, g g or conform to "any outward form of worship." ReligiousToleration and Beyond 149 And such is the nature of understanding that it cannot be compelled to the belief of an thin by outward force. Confiscation of estate, imprisonment, torments, nothing y g ofthat nature can have any such efficacyas to make men change the inward judgment that they have framed of things ... For laws are of no force at all without penalties, and penalties in this case are absolutely impertinent, because they are not proper to convince the mind ... But penalties are no way capable to ptoduce such belief. It is only light and evidence that can work a change in men's opinions; which light can in no manner proceed from corporal sufferings or any other outward penalties (Locke, 1955: 18-19). Here then is an argument for toleration that does not appeal to any higher principle, but rather to the simple claim that coercion is not a proper means for saving souls because it will never succeed in turning the false religious beliefs of heretics into the true belief required for salvation. The argument, even if correct, does not apply to those cases where the intolerance shown is not intended to change beliefs but to enforce a certain standard of conduct, or to contain the spread of false religions by preventing proselytizing, or by asserting the dominance of the favoured religion in the life of the community by ensuring that the symbols and practices of other religions are not visible. Certainly, we have many examples of religious intolerance that are expressed through requirements of conduct rather than throu h attempts to change beliefs. g The burning down of Muslim mosques, Buddhist temples and Christian churches by rival religious groups in different parts of the world are manifestations of religious intolerance that are not designed to change religious beliefs. Furthermore, Locke's claim that "only light and evidence" can change belief is dubious. By"lightand evidence,"Locke presumablymeans reason and argument, revelation and facts. Yet, even when such "light and evidence" are insufficient to produce belief in God, another 17'hcentury thinker, Pascal, maintained in his famous Wager that it is rational to believe in God. The alternatives for him are that God does not exist, in which case we would have suffered some minor disadvantages in believing the contrary; or that God exists, in which case unbelievers would be sent to Hell. Being sent to Hell is far worse than minor disadvantages, so in the face of uncertaintyabout God's existence, it is rational to want to believe that God exists. Pascal then suggests that acting as if we believe in God's existence will, in time, produce that belief. The idea seems to be that by acting as if we believe even though we do not, by doing the things that true believers do, that is, go to church, pray, etc., we might at first act without belief, but belief will come eventually.' If Pascal is right, then Locke is at least partly wrong. He is wrong about what can change belief; it is not only"light and evidence" that can be effective.Although 150 C.L. Ten this shows that there are more effective means of changing beliefs than are dreamt ofin Locke's philosophy,it does notshowthat he iswrongabout the ineffectiveness of coercion. The means of inculcation of true belief that Pascal recommended, namely, acting- as a true believer would, does not involve the use of coercion. There is another reason why the successof Pascal's methods does not undermine Locke's claim about the impossibility of changing belief through coercion. The change, in Pascal's case, is from the state of uncertainty about God's existence to belief that God exists. This is different from the cases Locke had in mind, of trying by coercion to supplant one firmly held religious belief with another. It might, perhaps, be conceded that it is more diff~cultto do so. But is it impossible, as Locke thought? It has been suggested that Locke's argument "fails to rule out the use of force in religious matters because force may be used not instead ofreason, but to bring people to considerreason" (Vernon,1997: 18).This response to Locke was made by Locke's contemporary, Jonas Proast, who acknowledged that the form of religious persecution by "fire and sword" that Locke had in mind would indeed be irrational and even counterproductive. Moderate penalties such as compelling church attendance through fines, however, might be effective in changing belief. More generally, it has been persuasively argued by Jeremy Waldron that although direct coercive means cannot change people's beliefs, indirect coercive means might be successful in doing so (1988: 81). For example, there might be books which, if read by heretics,would incline them to accept the orthodox faith. Forcing them to read these books could, thereby, change their beliefs. On the other hand, there might be other books which, if read by orthodox believers, would shake their faith. The burning of such books might then help to keep the orthodox within the fold. Waldron also points out that religious practice may help to sustainreligious belief,so the laws that require certainreligiousobservances may help to arrest a decline in religious faith. It has been argued by Susan Mendus that religious beliefs are "ultimate and compelling": Ultimate in the sense that in a profession of religious faith a person states the most powerful conviction that it is possible to make. Compelling in the sense that sincere religious believershave no choicein the matter: they simplyacknowledgewhat is for them an undeniable reality (Mendus, 1989: 33). There is, however, no reason to think that beliefs generated in the manner suggested earlier - by manipulating the social environment - cannot be held in an ultimate and compelling manner. On the contrary, people who have been indoctrinated, or religious believers who have been brought up in a social environment in which are only permitted viewsfavourableto the orthodoxy,have ReligiousToleration and Beyond 151 powerful convictions that their beliefs are in accord with an undeniable reality. How else could reality look to them if it has been doctored to fit the orthodoxy? Of course, it is easier to induce what is re arded as the right beliefin children g than to change the strongly held beliefs of adults, even through indirect and subtle means. In the case of children, there do not exist powerful convictions to fight against attempts at inculcating articular beliefs. Yet, wen this shows the limitations of Locke's argument because it means that indirect coercion can eventually, in the next generation, produce a population with the 'right' belief. Let us now focus on the issue of the difficultyof changing the beliefs of those who already hold strong convictions. Mendus also includes in the idea of the ultimate nature of a religious belief that it is all-pervasive, or at least, it affects many areas of a believer's life. This is one reason why it is extremely difficult to change a religious belief. It is unlike changing a preference, such as for eating unhealthy food. A preference can be changed without affecting large tracts of a person's life, but "virtually everything will have to be dismantled if religious belief is to be stamped out or radically transformed" (Mendus, 1989: 34). The idea that a belief is difficult to change because it affects large areas of one's life seems to rest on a scenario of how different parts of the affected areas are connected. If one has to dismantle each part in turn, bit by tedious bit, then of courseit will beverydifficult and it will take a long time to bring down the whole structure of belief. Suppose then that the whole structure is like an inverted pyramid, resting on a very narrow base, such as belief in God and the afterlife. The base supports a huge edifice; if it is destroyed, then the whole edifice will come crashing down, not in parts, but all at once. Can we assume that religious beliefs are much more difficult to dismantle than particular preferences?The difficulty of changing a belief or a preference does not necessarily depend on its scope. Some very specific preferences for particular types of food or for sex are verydifficult to change. On the other hand, it is a feature of some of the new cults, which dominate so much of their followers' lives, that their leaders are very much concerned about keeping their followers isolated from familyand friends, and away from the influencesand 'contagion' of the outside world.Why?Because theyfear an undermining of all-pervasivebeliefs. Again, pervasive as a religious belief may be, it is sometimes no match against very specific traumatic events in life that change one's whole outlook, or even against a desire to be thought well of by those one respects or fears.This does not mean that one can simply will oneself into a particular belief. The forces that make one wish for the comforts and advantagesof orthodoxy, however, may help 152 C.L. Ten to shape perspectives and persuade one to look at the features of the world differently, and to give them a different significance. Of course there are individuals, the Nelson Mandelas, who remain faithful to their original idealseven in the faceof prolonged repression.Even though coercion can change religious beliefs in certain situations, there are other situations where coercion might be counterproductive and merely breed costly resistance. Once it is acknowledged that Locke is wrong in thinking that religious belief resides in an inner sanctuary of the mind that the external weapons of state coercion cannot touch, then his argument no longer createsan insuperable barrier against religious intolerance. We have to find firmer foundations for religious toleration. No such firm foundation can be found if toleration is valued simply as a means to the discovery of true belief. Declaring- that "The telos of tolerance is truth," Marcuse argues that "the realization of the objective of tolerance would call for intolerancetoward prevailing policies, attitudes and opinions which are outlawed or suppressed (1969: 104, 95). He attacks the granting of universal or "pure" tolerance. Such tolerance will be extended to "manipulated and indoctrinated individuals"; it tolerates "sense and nonsense" alike; it generates a "spuriousobjectivity"thatwillonlyworkin favouroffalseand regressiveestablished views and against progressive policies, opinions and movements. The present "regressive indoctrination" would have to be replaced by "progressive indoctrination." To enable them to become autonomous, to find by themselves what is true and what is falsefor men in the existing society,they would have to be freed from the prevailing indoctrination (which is no longer recognized as indoctrination). But this means that the trend would have to be reversed: they would have to get information slanted in the opposite direction (Marcuse, 1969: 112). Liberating tolerance, then, would mean intolerance against movements from the Right and toleration of movements from the Left. As to the scope of this tolerance and intolerance ... it would extend to the stage of action as well as of discussion and propaganda, of deed as well as word (Marcuse, 1969: 122-3). So Marcuse knows that he, and those who agree with him, are on the side of progress,and others who disagreeare to be silenced and indoctrinated out of false beliefs. He writes "that there are issues where either there is no 'other side' in any more than a formalistic sense, or where 'the other side' is demonstrably 'regressive' and impedes possible improvement of the human condition" (Marcuse, 1969: 134).He is not worried that he is institutinga "dictatorship of an 'elite'," declaring that in the present situation, there is no alternative. He even invokes Mill for his purposes. After all, had not Mill advocated plural votingfor the educated in order to give their opinions greater weight?Mill, however, did not suggest that people Religious Toleration and Beyond 153 should be given extra votes on the basis of their views. Although he envisaged an eventual consensus of opinions, this consensus would only carry authority if it emerges from freedom of discussion. On the other hand, Marcuse identifies his elite by their opinions, and the agreement that is generated will be the product of intoleranceand indoctrination. Mill's proposalsabout pluralvotes,like his proposal on proportional representation, are intended to encourage greater freedom of discussion. With increased representation of the educated in parliament, there will be greater diversity in the views expressed. Parliament will, he had hoped, become a forum of discussion rather than an arena for clashes of conflicting interests. Mill wanted to avoid asituation whereany singlegroup with a restricted set of interests can dominate over all others. Political participation will have educative effects, enlarging interests and sympathies among people (Ten, 1998). Like Marcuse,Mill also thought poorly of the prevailingstate of mind among the masses.There was a"despotismof custom" and asocial tyranny of the majority "more formidable than many kinds of political oppression, since, though not usually upheld by such extreme penalties, it leaves fewer means of escape, penetrating much more deeply into the details of life, and enslaving the soul itself" (Mill, 1972: 68). Unlike Marcuse, Mill's weapon for combating indoctrination was not counter-indoctrination but rather, greater freedom, greater tolerance and increased variety of situations. He wanted to put in place, develop and strengthen the institutions and social attitudes of a free society in which individuals can truly be free (Ten, 1995: 194). For Mill, freedom of expression and toleration cease to be mere means, not even indispensable means, to progress. Rather, they are constitutive elements of progress. Those who truly know the truth have the correct belief and they hold that belief in a certain manner, revisingand adjusting it as evidenceand argument dictate. A society that seeks to cultivate such knowledge of the truth will develop in its members certain intellectual and moral capacities,a certain openness in the search for truth, a willingness to listen to alternative views, a receptivity to new ideas and a willingness to follow arguments to whatever conclusions they may lead to. Truth gains more even by the errors of one who, with due study and preparation, thinks for himself, than by the true opinions of those who hold them because they do not suffer themselves to think. Not that it is solely, or chiefly, to form great thinkers, that freedom of thinking is required. On the contrary, it is as much and even more indispensable to enable average human beings to attain the mental stature which they are capable of (Mill, 1972: 94). It is only in a progressive society that there will be "an intellectually active people," and a societyin which "even persons of the most ordinary intellect"can 154 C.L. Ten rise to "something of the dignity of thinking beings (Mill, 1972: 94-5). Unless v people truly understand the meaning of and the grounds for, for example, the religiousdoctrines theypurport to believe in, their livesare not going to be properly guided by those doctrines. Coercion, which suppresses debate and removes from consideration the arguments and evidence that go against the favoured belief, cannot generate the necessary understanding. "Light and evidence"are necessary. But "light" includes revelation, and it might be tempting to think that it is still possible to bypass religious toleration by giving knowledge of true beliefs through revelation. Human societies, however, are constantly changing; circumstances change, new cases arise, human ingenuity and inventions create novel problems. We may receive through revelation the general principle "Thou shall not kill," but should this apply to euthanasia and abortion?Again, the revealed principles have to be interpreted, understood and applied to new situations before we can determine whether surrogate motherhood or cloning is wrong. With toleration and the resulting religious diversity operating against a background of free and reflective thought, the truths we hold are unlikely to regress into dead dogmas, with little or no understanding of the meanings of or grounds for these truths. Such an environment satisfies the interests of rational people. There are those who want to communicate with others about the world in which they live, about human relationships, interests and emotions, about conceptions of what are good or evil, etc. Others would wish to find out who else shares their beliefs, or what views to hold on fundamental issues, and what the casefor alternative viewsare. Some of our beliefs areimportant to us partly because they are linked to our sense of who we are, and we want to register our identity for all to see and acknowledge. But once we put our beliefsinto the public domain and make daims about the world we allshare, these claims compete with the rival claims of others and should not be shielded from them. Others are free to reject our claims, just as we are free to reject theirs. In the process of discussion with others, we are likely to discover that reasonable people may disagree about fundamental issues, and we then have to acknowledge that they may choose to live their own lives in accordance with their own views and values,so long as they do not harm others and respect their similar right. We should respect them as people who are ca able of formin such views under conditions of freedom, and p g of acting on them. We do not have to share their values but we acknowledge that they may take responsibility for their own lives, shaping them in the light of their fundamental commitments. It is respect for them, and not an endorsement of their values or way of life, that underpins our toleration. Reli ious fanatics, however, do not treat religious difference as a matter of g toleration. Instead, theyseek to coerceothers into conforming to certain practices. ReligiousToleration and Beyond 155 The allegederrors of others areseen as threats to fanatics'well-being.They believe that they have a duty to force others onto the right ~ a t hWith real fanatics, there . is noscopefor rationalargument. Where theyare notin fullcontrol of thesituation, they might accept toleration purely on grounds of prudence. Where they depend on winning the support of others in implementing their repressivepolicies, then we might be able to offer arguments to the as yet uncommitted - arguments that try to show that a society built on toleration is fairer and more attractive than one in which fanaticismtriumphs. Ifwefail, and when true fanaticscannot bedeflected from their intolerant policies, then there is no alternative but to fight them as best we can without sacrificingtoo much of the values for which we are fighting. Classical defenders of toleration, like Mill and Locke, provide us not only with the specificarguments for toleration, but also give us some of the sentiments, vocabulary, and most importantly, the generalframeworkthat we need to construct the case for toleration. That framework rests, in the end, on the idea that the state should not be held together in the same manner that a religious group is held together, nor should the state seek to perform the functions of a religious group. The members of a religious group share a comprehensive set of values, and theyvoluntarilygather together to express thosevalues in their livesand to promote them. In the modern world, however, societies are typically religiously plural, with each group sharing a different set of fundamental values from others. Yet, they have to live together and cooperate. On what terms can we fairly expect them to cooperate?' If each group can dig deep down into itsown shared valuesand find something common to bind them together, then that would indeed be excellent. But, as we have seen earlier,such attempts arelikely toend up in interpretative disagreements about the true nature of a particular religion, and these disagreements will eventually be confined to specialist scholars of the religion. If vve are to have a basis for toleration that engages the ordinary person, then we need to find aset of more general values that people with different comprehensive values can accept as a basis of cooperation. Mutual toleration is the only fair basis for cooperation that does not require that members of one group must cease to lead their own lives in accordance with their own values, and instead act in conformity with the values of another. Of course, mutual toleration prevents me from insisting that others also act on the guiding principles of my religion, but there is no way in which I can fairly privilege those principles. If I try to convince others that my religious principles are superior to theirs simply because mine are true, I cannot convince them. Even if I am right, I cannot show this in social life. Social policies cannot be judged simply on the basis of their abstract truth or their objective value taken in isolation from the social contexts of their application. 156 C.L. Ten Policies that are not socially sustainable have to be abandoned. Those who claim that thestate mayimpose the objectivelytrue religionwill, in practice, simply license the state to impose what it subjectivelythinks is the true religion.We can safelysay that sinceafter all theseyears, reasonablepeoplestillsubscribe to different religions, religion is a subject on which reasonable people disagree. Yet, if they acknowledgesuch disagreement, then they should seek to regulatetheir lives by a common value of mutual toleration, rather than by what each of them believes to be the true religion. Still, the price that a religious group, particularly a minority group, pays for toleration may be heavy. To be tolerated is to be put up with, suggesting there is something wrong or unacceptable in what you do. Those who tolerate you have a negativeattitude towardyou, but unlike the intolerant, theydo notseek tosuppress you. Maurice Cranston drew attention to a remark that T.S. Eliot once made. Eliotsaid that the Christian does not want to be tolerated (Cranston, 1967: 143). Eliot was not inviting intolerance to be visited upon Christians like him, instead, his point was that Christians wanted something more than toleration, some form of recopition. This is an important point, particularly for members of minority religiousgroupswho may find that in asocietyin which theyare merelytolerated, they would still be treated with condescension or incomprehension. So long as they are left alone, the strict requirements of toleration would be satisfied. We must now consider briefly why, in a healthy society, we need to go beyond the minimal demands of toleration. This in no way diminishes the importance and difficulty of meeting and sustaining these minimal demands. In moving beyond toleration, what we need are appropriate attitudes among the different reli ious groups, both majority group and minority groups. Among g members of minority religious groups, there must be some recognition that no matter how important their religion is to them, it should still not be the sole basis on which their sense of identity is built. When Marx asked workers of the world to unite, he made the mistakeof thinking that the interestsof the working classes transcended national boundaries. A look at some of the constraints on the migration of Asian workers to Western countries indicates that, sometimes, the strongest resistance comes from some sections of the working class in those countries.Notfor them the unity of allworkers. Even Locke,who wasso passionate in his defence of religious toleration, wrongly maintained that such toleration should not be extended to Roman Catholics in the England of his day because they owed an overriding allegiance to an alien power - the Pope in Rome. Again, the assumption is that the community of interests based on shared religious views overrides all other common interests. In the present time, it would be a mistake for religious people to think that a shared religion necessarilygeneratesstronger Religious Toleration and Beyond 157 common interests than all other bonds of solidarity, including the bonds of citizenship in a just society. This is not the case, nor should it be the case. In a tolerant society, the common interest of fostering and sustaining an environment of mutual toleration is the basis of justiceamong groups. It is a bond of citizenship that fairly protects the more specific interests of all to practise their religion. Other elements that should strengthen the bond of citizenship revolve round a shared political framework within which all can participate in making decisions about issues of common interest in social and economic life. Such participation diminishes any sense of alienation, and opens up further opportunities for cooperation and mutual understanding. In preparing their youth for both active participation in political life and meaningful choices in their own lives, a religious group needs to give them an education that is broad, and in touch with contemporarydevelopments;an education that developstheir multifarious talents and potential interests. Not to do so is to condemn the young to a very narrow rangeof options and eventual marginalization.But once the young have the benefit of a good education, the associations that are formed are dictated by those developing interests, which cut across differences in religious beliefs. Whether theseinterests are in music and the arts, or sporting activities, or other professions, they do not depend on shared religiousvaluesfor their enjoyment or their success. Religionwill continue to playa vital part in their lives, but it is not the solesource of their sense of identity. When social and economic life produce associationsof peoplefrom various religions, drawn to ether by non-religiouscommon interests, g the religious differences themselves may become less significant in the formation of attitudes. If we have been propelled closer to others by our shared associational interests, then we may begin to better understand and appreciate their religious values. We may find that some religious differences do not mark deep and irreconcilable values, any more than differences in forms of greeting and rules of etiquette mark major disagreementsin values. Perhaps, many religious practices and rituals merely reflect different ways of expressing the same fundamental attitudes toward God. Religious people can then appreciate religious diversityin the same way that a multitalented professional athlete who can only participate at an advanced level in one or two games, is nonetheless able to be an appreciative spectator of many other games.The athlete's devotion to one game does not lead him to harbour negative attitudes toward other games. Instead, the athlete is drawn to them not as a player, but as an enthusiastic spectator. Similarly,we may hope that differentreligious groups, including those in the majority, will, through their common participation in the political, social and economic spheres of their society, treat their differences positively and with 158 C.L. Ten approval. If this happens, they would have gone beyond toleration toward some degree of recognition, or even endorsement, of another's religion. We cannot be too sanguine, however, for religions do make incompatible claims, and there are genuine - and sometimes fundamental - differences among them. When they truly understand one another, they may also be more aware of such claims. We cannot then expect them to endorse one another's views, or to treat their disagreementsas matters of indifference. Negativeattitudes toward others' beliefs may then be unavoidable, so long as they regard the differences as centring on issues of importance. Yet, we can still expect them to tolerateone another, and to provide spacefor each one to flourish. Ifwe fail to go beyond toleration, we must at least fall back on the virtue of mutual toleration. For without it, there will be no justice. Notes 1. I know someone who, for the amusement of his friends, at first acted as if he was in love with the young woman who was obviously besotted with him. He kept the pretence long enough to actually fall in love with her. Alas, by then she had fallen out of love with him!The story has a happy ending: they are both happily married, but not to each other. 2. This is an issue that has been discussed at great length and with enormous subtlety by Rawls, and his version of "political liberalism" is a suggested solution (Rawls, 2001). Rawls' theory, however, involves the use of complex, conceptual tools, and I shall not discuss those here. References Alhabshi, Syed Othman and Nik Mustapha Nik Hassan, eds. (1994). Islam and Tolerance. Kuala Lumpur: Institute of Islamic Understanding Malaysia. Cranston, Maurice (1967). "Toleration," in Paul Edwards, ed. Encyclopedia of Philosophy.Vols. 7 & 8. New York: Macmillan and the Free Press, pp. 143-6. John-Stevas, Norman St. (1964). Law andMora1.r.London: Burns & Oates. Lewis, David (1997)."Mill and Milquetoast," in Gerald Dworkin, ed. Mill on Liberty: Critical Essdyr. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield, pp. 1-29. Locke, John (1955).A Letter ConcerningToleration. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill. Marcuse, Herbert (1969)."RepressiveTolerance,"in Robert PaulWolff, Barrington Moore Jr. and Herbert Marcuse, eds. A Critique ofpure Tolerance. London: Jonathan Cape. Mendus,Susan (1989). Tolerationandthe Limits ofLiberalisrn.London:Macmillan. Mill, John Stuart (1972). Utilitarianism, Liberty, Representative Government. London: J.M. Dent. Rawls, John (2001). justice as Fairness: A Restatement. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. ReligiousToleration and Beyond 159 Ten, C.L. (1995). "Mill's Place in Liberalism," The American Political Science Reviewer,24, pp. 179-204. (1998)."Socialism, Democracy, and the WorkingClasses," in John Skorupski, ed. The Cambridge Companion to Mill. Cambridge: Cambridge UniversityPress, pp. 372-395. Vernon, Richard (1997). The Career of Toleration:John Locke, Jonas Proast, and AJter. Montreal & Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press. Waldron,Jeremy (1988)."Locke:Toleration and the Rationalityof Persecution," in Susan Mendus,ed.JustzbingToleration.Cambridge: CambridgeUniversity Press, pp. 61-86. Education forTolerance among Religious Communities: The Case of Indonesia Franz Magnis-Suseno, SJ Introduction T he period ofeuphoria after the downfall of Soviet communism, duringwhich hope grew for a "peace dividend," ended a long time ago. Global confrontation between the countries that practise"western-styledemocracy"and internationalcommunism has been replaced byan increasingnumber ofcommunal conflicts that are smallerin scale and localized. In Asia especially, religion is often a key factor in these conflicts. Increasingly, the question of creating social environments that are conducive to positive tolerance among religious communities living in the same society and state system is of crucial importance in the work to overcome communal conflicts and to achieve peace. Simply put, the challengefacing people in Southeast Asia is how religion, instead of being an element of potential conflict,can become a bulwarkof peace among the respective communities. In this chapter, which takes Indonesia as its context and uses it for illustrative purposes, I will focus on the issue of education for positive tolerance among communities of different religions that exist together within one country. Firstly, I wish to postulate that the development of two attitudes is crucial in achieving stable peaceful relations among different religious communities: tolerance and fairness. Specifically, as regards tolerance, I will show that positive tolerance means more than just tolerating the other and is, thus, not merely a negative, but also a positive attitude and psychological capability of the greatest relevance to intercommunal peace.In the second part, I willsketch the historyof interreligious relations in Indonesia. I want to show that religious tolerance was, and still is, a socialfact in Indonesia. I alsowant to argue that, although there have always been tensions between different religions in Indonesia, it is still necessary to pose the question: why has religious conflict exploded into open violence in the last five years?In the third part of this chapter, I will examine the relationship between education and religious tolerance. Education for Tolerance among Religious Communities: The Case of Indonesia 161 Tolerance and Fairness What should be the content of an education that fosters interreligious peace and helps to develop attitudes that would enable the members of different religious communities to communicate in normal, peaceful wayswith one another, and to manage their conflicts in a non-violent way?In my opinion, there are two basic attitudes - both ofwhich have to be learned anew- that have to be inculcated in the membersof apluralisticsociety.Theseare theattitudes of toleranceand fairness. Tolerance Tolerance is sometimes regarded, rather negatively, as a practice of merelyletting others be and of letting them have their own way, not out of respect or sympathy, but because of indifferenceor laziness. You toleratemany things although you do not like them, since you either cannot change them or because trying to change them would involve too much trouble. Hence, rather than encouraging mere tolerance, we should encourage mutual respect. Of course, this is quite true, but it is also misleading. In fact, to demand mutual respectis, as a broad social attitude, an attempt to demand too much. On the other hand, tolerancegoes beyond just not interfering.Tolerancemeansletting your neighbours believe whatever they want as long as they do not interferewith your own wayof life or break the law. It also means that we feel at ease and relaxed in living together with people of different cultural and religious orientations. Erving Goffman conceived of the expression "civil inattention" as a fundamental 'virtue' of modern societies(quoted fromSznaider, 1999:394).It concerns people being at the same place at the same time, for instance, in a supermarket or at the underground railwaystation, but having nothing to do with one another. In such a situation, the psychological capability of not caring about your neighbour - with the condition that he or she is not facing an emergency - or of not feeling disturbed in the least, for example, by the idea that he or she may be an atheist or mayhave unfamiliarbeliefsis a most importantpositivesocialasset.This inattention leaves everybody free to be his or her own self. It is 'civil' because one behaves, generally, in a politeand civilizedway toward others. It providesothers in asociety the confidence that they need to not be afraid of being their own selves.' Modern pluralisticsocietiessucceedin large measure becauseof the prevalenceof tolerance and because the senseof civil inattention becomes routine. Thus, it is crucial that education provides for this attitude of positive and relaxed tolerance. 162 Franz Magnis-Suseno, SJ Fairness Fairness meansa chivalrousattitude towards one's adversary,for instance, in sports or business. It means that we judge others with the same yardstick we use to measure ourselves, and that we measure ourselves by the same criteria we use in evaluatingothers. Fairness,specifically, means the willingnessto judgeanother in a just way even if he or she does not belong to our side. Although traditional societies did not necessarily behave in an unfair way, the idea of being fair to everybody is distinctly modern. In traditional societies, the demands of fairness towards strangers or enemies were embedded in specific customs. Fairness is an extremely important virtue for citizens in modern democratic societies. Only peoplewho have internalizedwhat fairness meansareable to fullyand competently participate in a modern pluralistic society. Thus, high priority should be given to educating people to imbibe the value of fairness. Before asking how positive tolerance and fairness could be made a goal of education, I will pose the question of interreligious peace in the context of Indonesia. The Indonesian Case Tolerance and Conflict The Indonesian state has, from the beginning, embraced a policy of religious tolerance. The five principles of Pancasila are the expression of a fundamental consensus among the founding fathers of the Indonesian Republic - that the Indonesian state and society are equally owned by all citizens, regardlessof their religious creed. Both the Constitution of 1945, which was again enforced since 1959,and the"provisionalconstitution"of 1950 contain the principlesofPancasila. Both guarantee the same human and civil rights to all citizens without discrimination. Different religiousallegiancesdo not result in different degreesof access to fundamental human and political rights, or to the law in general in Indonesia.This is the more remarkablesince almost 90 per cent of all Indonesians belong to the majority religion, Islam. This remarkable fact may also be partly related to the dominant role of the Javanese in Indonesian politics. The Javanese are the original Javanese-speaking inhabitants of central and eastern Java. They constitute about 40 per cent of all Indonesians. Javanese culture gives great value to religious tolerance. According to this way of inner feeling, religion - although it has to be taken seriously - should always be regarded as belonging to the category of a way,rather than of being a !goalin itself. Religions are God-sent ways to achieve the goal of one's life. Thus, growing surrender to God would be reflected in a growing feeling of inner Education for Tolerance among Religious Communities163 lucidity, quiet self-assurance, tolerance towards others, and the ability to put experiences into correct perspectives (see Magnis-Suseno, 1997). The Javanese abhor fanaticism, dogmatic purism and exclusivism.They believe that everybody should follow his or her inner feelin . This does not mean that Pancasila is g somethin exclusively Javanese. It means that the deep sense of tolerance and g fairness that our founding fathers felt received strong cultural support from the fundamental attitude to life of the Javanese, and their perception of reality. Although there havealways been tensions among religiouscommunities, with occasionalincidents ofviolence (mainlydirectedat building, not people,it should be pointed out), religious tolerance has been a reality in Indonesia, and it still is. Christian churches have been flourishing in Indonesia for a long time. Up to now, the religious life of Christian communities in Java, Sumatra, South Sulawesi and other Muslim regions of Indonesia goes on without much hindrance. There is freedom ofworship (with the exception that the freedom to build much needed churches has been extremely restricted since the beginning of the Suharto era), freedom of religious instruction, freedom to baptize and freedom to become a Christian or Muslim. Church bells in Java ring during liturgical hours every day. Although for a long time now, being a Christian has not been an advantage if one wants a career in the government or as a state employee. Yet, Christians are not discriminated against, and there are Christians in the government, state administration, universities, military and in many other institutions. I believe that this will not change even in the event of an Indonesian government with a stronger Muslim orientation. At the same time, religious tension and violence against religious minorities have been sharply on the increasein the last ten years.The most terrible instances are the civil war-like confrontations between Christians and Muslims in parts of the Molukkasand centralSulawesi. Clearly, religioushatred cangrow, and develop its own momentum. Add to it existingand newly-createdsuspicionsand prejudices among religious communities, and it is easy to see a situation of new outbreaks of conflict that are easily provoked by interested parties, including those that are politically inclined. There is also the phenomenon of the emergence of religious hard-line groups that openly advocate religious exclusivismand sometimes resort to violence against what they regard as 'sinful places.' There have also emerged groups which, in their publications, openly voice extremelysectarian views, and encourage an atmosphere of fear and violence. There has been, in my view, an unfortunate tendency to religious segregation. For instance, 20 years ago, the (National) Council of the Islamic Community (MUI) promulgated afdtwa that Muslims should refrain from expressing Christmas greetings to Christians. Since then, a whole tradition of grassroots level interreligious contacts has dried up. I 164 Franz Magnis-Suseno,SJ have also heard Muslim friends express their dismay at the situation in schools where teachersof religion have told their children not to have contactswith Chinese children or children of other religions. A Complex Background Why has religious tolerance deteriorated in Indonesia during recent years?The factor of 'provocation' is often cited. In Indonesia, this is astereotyped explanation for communal conflict, but it raises the question: whyare peopleso easilyprovoked? It cannot be denied that exclusive tendencies are on the increase, both in reli ious g and tribal communities. Peopleof other religionsaredeclared 'godless' and children are told to avoid contact with 'heathens.' There are many 'horror stories' about rival religious groups. Mutual distrust and prejudice accumulate, and intercommunal relations subsequently heat up. With regard to relations between Christians and Muslims, one always has to remember that we are burdened with a very difficult common history that has become part of our collective identities: a history of crusades and colonialism, of Arab invasions and 300 years of the "Turkish threat." Muslims in Indonesia have also been suspicious of Christian intentions since Christianity arrived with the colonialists. These suspicions have been reinforced by reckless proselytizing by certain Christian sects. Christians, on the other hand, are suspicious that Muslims, should they come to power, would restrict their religious freedom. If conflicts break out, regardless of the cause, or if they are provoked by outside parties with certain political intentions, they may feed on old suspicions and prejudices and become widespread. Thus, religious sensitivities constitute a constant danger to religious harmony and practical tolerance. But this does not explain why negative emotions have become so strong in recent years. One of the reasons is that Indonesian society has, generally been in the grip of a culture of violence. The readiness for violent action, and the utter brutality with which such action is taken, shows that something is deeply wrong. Indonesian societyis in asickcondition. Indonesia is essentiallya pluralisticnation; it consists of hundreds of tribes, ethnic groups and local cultures. People belong to various religions; they are dispersed over thousands of islands, and have high mobility with many spontaneously going to other places, while others migrate through government-sponsored programmesof transmigration. Such a pluralistic nation can onlylive together peacefullyif it develops the psychologicalcapability for tolerance, that is, the acceptance of a plurality of traditions, way of life and communication, world views, and religious customs, while simultaneously not experiencing excessive stress as an outcome of this coexistence. Education for Toleranceamong Religious Communities165 Yet now, the fabric of national unity seems to be starting to rupture. Society seems to be undergoing a process of atrophy in its capabilities to build solidarity above the level of primordial bonds. There is a kind of narrowing of the focus of attention to one's own group in an exclusive way, where the feeling of 'we Indonesians' is being broken up by a perspective of 'us' against 'them,' where 'them' can mean the government,the military, the Chinese,peopleofother religions or tribes, or even the neighbouring village. But again, why have these disintegrating tendencies increased so much in the last ten years?This fact cannot be explained by the charactersof those involved or by reli iousteachin s(whichhave not changed much), or by new tribal traditions. g g The decisive factor must be looked for in theexperiencesof the Indonesian people in the last decades. When we look at this experience, we come to understand the impact of the political system of Suharto's "New Order." The New Order was, essentially,a system of institutionalized violence. Real power, down to the village level, lay in the hands of the military. Dissent and protest were always brutally suppressed. The people were depoliticized through a policy of "floating mass" where the two legal political parties, themselves severely incapacitated, were not allowed to operate at the village or local level; the government party, Golkar, held power through village officials. Thus, the people had no way of expressing themselves politically. Although most people did benefit somewhat from 'development' (pembangungan), the extreme differences between the common people and those who really profited from 'development' were obvious to everybody. More and more people had to give up their land or homes for government-sponsored projects that profited the rich, while displaced groups received inadequate compensation, which often did not even reach them. People felt themselves becoming "victims of development" but they had to be silent because,if they protested, theywould be accusedof being communists or Muslim extremists.The only thing peoplereallylearnt was that the government understood only one language- violence. Besides this, there is a more general background for the emergence- not only in Indonesia but all over the globe - of communal conflict. This general background is made up of the processof modernization and now,of globalization, resulting in a far-reaching transformation of Indonesian society. Modernization and globalization exert enormous pressures on people since benefits and threats are not distributed equally. Only the upper middle class and the elite enjoy the benefits, while the lower middle class and poorer people mostly feel the negative impacts and threats. Modernization is pushing society into a continuing condition of stress. Besides setting in motion the process of cultural transformation from a traditional society to a post-traditional one, it is also creating disorientation, 166 Franz Magnis-Suseno,SJ dislocation and dysfunction of traditional social mechanisms and traditional individualcapabilities.Individuals and wholecommunitiesexperiencethis process as economic, psychologicaland political threats to their identity and even, their existence. The most obvious sign of this dislocation is urbanization, where the onlyeffectivelaw is that of brutal competition for scarce opportunities forsurvival. In this situation, the old ways of conflict management are no longer effective. Traditional modes of coping with pluralism in society no longer work. As a consequence, primordial tendencies are growing, leading to exclusivist attitudes within groups, and aggressive outlooks and perceptions towards those outside one's own community. Modernization is experienced as a situation of existential insecurity and injustice. What this means also is that Indonesians are beginning to understand how extremelydemanding the task of building a pluralisticmodern society is. Educationfor ReligiousTolerance How then can the capacity for religious tolerance be improved?In this section, I point to the importance of successful interfaith dialogue and the need for an off~cialand normative insistence on tolerance as an essential religious virtue. I also venture to proposesomesuggestionsdirectlyconcerningeducation for religious tolerance. Macro Conditions It has to bestressed that educationalonewillshow no resultsif the macroconditions for ending the generalclimateofviolence in Indonesian society are lacking. Here, the state and all social groups have to be taken to task. There will have to be action both at the national and the local levels. On the national level, work has to begin immediately or, better still, has to be resolutely implemented, in four directions: We have to re-establish the rule of kzw (rebuild the Rechtsstaat). People are now taking the law into their own hands because they do not believe in the willingness, or even the capability,of the government to uphold the law. We haveto decentralize~oliticaland economicpower in Indonesiain an orderly and well-or anized way. Unity of the Indonesian state and nation does not g mean that we have to be fixatedon a unitarian state. On the contrary, only if all regions, tribes and religious communities in our huge country want themselvesto be part of Indonesia, will Indonesian unity become stable. This presupposes that people have authority over their own lives, identities and development. Education for Tolerance among Religious Communities167 We have to builda democraticson'egwitha democraticculture.Authoritarianism has been shown to have a most devastatingeffect on the social coherence of a country; it has been the main reason for society's regression into violence: We have to build up our economy in such a way that ordinary people $an experience it as being just, or at least, as not being grossly unjust. Interreligious Dialogue If dialogue among religious communities is mainly confined to elite circles, (his would not havea verydirectimpact on the communities themselves. NeverthelCss, thisdialogueis important forseveralreasons. One is that it isa meansfor respec{ive trendsetters to overcome social alienation and conflict, to become acquainted with one another, and to build up trust and sympathy among different gro