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The World Bank does not guarantee the accuracy of the data included in this work. The boundaries, colors, denominations, and other information shown on any map in this work do not imply any judgment on the part of the World Bank concerning the legal status of any territory or the endorsement or acceptance of such boundaries. Rights and Permissions The material in this work is copyrighted. Copying and/or transmitting portions or all of this work without permission may be a violation of applicable law. The World Bank encourages dissemination of its work and will normally grant permission promptly. For permission to photocopy or reprint any part of this work, please send a request with complete information to the World Bank Office in Ukraine. ISBN 978-617-7239-06-1 Acronyms and Abbreviations Acronyms and Abbreviations AIDS Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome ART Assisted Reproductive Treatment ARV Antiretroviral ATO Antiterrorist Operation CEDAW Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women CEO Chief Executive Officer CSO Civil Society Organization ECA Europe and Central Asia ES Enterprise Survey EVS European Values Study EU European Union FCTC Framework Convention on Tobacco Control FINDEX Financial Inclusion Database GBV Gender-Based Violence GNI Gross National Income HDI Human Development Index HIV Human Immunodeficiency Virus HHS Household Survey ICTs Information and Communication Technologies IDP Internally Displaced Person IFC International Finance Corporation ILO International Labour Organization IOM International Organization for Migrations LiTS Life in Transition Survey LFS Labour Force Survey MDG Millennium Development Goals MICS Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey Country gender assessment for UKRAINE 3 Acronyms and Abbreviations MoES Ministry of Education and Science of Ukraine MoH Ministry of Health of Ukraine MoSP Ministry of Social Policy of Ukraine NGO Non-Governmental Organization OSCE Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe OECD Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development PES Public Employment Service PISA Programme for International Student Assessment SIGI Social Institutions and Gender Index SDGs Sustainable Development Goals TB Tuberculosis TFR Total Fertility Rate UDHS Ukraine Demography and Health Survey UNDP United Nations Development Program UNECE United Nations Economic Commission for Europe UNFPA United Nations Population Fund UNICEF United Nations Children’s Fund VAW Violence against Women WDI World Development Indicators WHO World Health Organization Country gender assessment 4 for UKRAINE Table of Contents Table of Contents Introduction������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 10 Chapter 1. AGENCY��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 13 A. Legal and Institutional Framework���������������������������������������������������������������������� 13 B. Voice and Representation�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 15 C. Subjective Well-Being������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 18 D. Gender-Based Views in a Society ������������������������������������������������������������������������ 21 Chapter 2. ENDOWMENTS��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 28 A. Education�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 28 B. Health�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 33 Chapter 3. ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 45 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES A. Labour Market ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 45 B. Earnings, Incomes and Poverty���������������������������������������������������������������������������� 61 C. Career Advancement and Entrepreneurship���������������������������������������������������������� 69 Chapter 4. CONCLUSIONS AND POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS������������������������������������������ 75 References ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 79 Annexes��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 85 Country gender assessment for UKRAINE 5 Acknowledgments  Acknowledgments This assessment has been prepared by Ganna Gerasymenko under the coordination of Klavdiya Maksymenko, World bank Senior Country Officer for Ukraine. The expert discussions on the key findings and recommendations of the assessment were held, involving representatives of Ukrainian authorities, academia, international development agencies and non-governmental organizations. The report benefited from the comments and information support provided by Kateryna Ardanyan, Counter- Trafficking Programme Officer, IOM; Tamara Bulycheva, Docent, National Pedagogical Dragomanov University; Oleksandra Churkina, Social Policy Officer, UNICEF; Nataliya Fedorovych, Director of Department for Family, Gender Policy and Combating Trafficking in Human Beings, Ministry of Social Policy of Ukraine; Andriy Gerasymenko, Head of Department of Monitoring of Social Programs and Non-Regular Surveys, State Statistics Service of Ukraine; Oksana Kisseleva, National Coordinator, UN Women; Oksana Khmelevska, Lead Researcher, Ptoukha Institute for Demography and Social Studies of NASU; Olena Makarova, Deputy Director, Ptoukha Institute for Demography and Social Studies of NASU; Anna Musiichuk, Head of Department for Public Opinion Research, Analytical Centre ‘Socioconsulting’; Mariia Nikitova, Social Development Consultant, World Bank; Olga Osaulenko, Programme Analyst, UNFPA; Svitlana Repik, National Expert, European Commission Project “Women in Power and Decision-Making in the Eastern Partnership”; Sergiy Savchuk, National Coordinator, ILO; Inessa Senyk, Director of Department of Labour Statistics, State Statistics Service of Ukraine; Olena Suslova, Chair of the Board, Women’s Information Consultative Center. We are particularly thankful to Larysa Kobelianska, the National Expert on Gender Issues. Country gender assessment 6 for UKRAINE Executive Summary Executive Summary 1. This assessment is aimed at identification and analysis of the main gender disparities in Ukraine in terms of agency, endowments and access to economic opportunities. The report is de- veloped in the framework of the World Development Report on Gender and Development. The assess- ment is based on a quantitative approach using a wide range of international databases including World Bank’s World Development Indicators, the Global Financial Inclusion Database, the Enterprise Survey, the Life in Transition Survey, the European Value Study, and as well as supplementary statistics of the Eurostat, the World Health Organization, and United Nations Economic Commission for Europe, and others. The national data is provided by the State Statistics Service of Ukraine, along with results of Labour Force Survey, Household Survey, Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey and Demography and Health Survey. The national consultancies with leading experts on gender issues were held to validate the key findings and strengthen the recommendations of the report. The key findings of the assessment can be summarized as follows: 2. Ukraine is characterized by a high level of human development, in particular with regard to indicators of gender equality. The country’s advantaged position is largely contributed by women’s high educational attainments and labour force participation rates, which are quite comparable with de- veloped regions. Significant progress was achieved in reducing maternal and infant mortality, coverage with prenatal care and mother-to-child transmission of HIV. The national legislation can be mostly de- scribed as gender-neutral, while international assessments classify Ukraine with a low level of gender discrimination in social institutions. To promote gender equality, the target public programs were enact- ed along with establishing the institutional framework for developing and coordinating gender policies. The Millennium Development Goals declared a range of important tasks in the field of gender equality; however, most of them haven’t been met in full due to a lack of political will and policy failings. To ad- dress the gaps, gender issues were incorporated into the national post-2015 development agenda as well. 3. The report identifies some important gender disparities in various domains of public life, including political representation and decision-making, social views and public attitudes, and dis- tribution of powers in a society. In spite of women’s high educational achievements and economic activity, their participation in politics and decision-making remains disproportionally low. Despite af- firmative actions taken to introduce the 30- percent gender quotas in electoral processes, these norms could be ignored in practice due to a lack of any sanctions for non-compliance. Though women are rather well-represented at lower administrative levels and at the local self-governance, they face a per- sistent ‘glass ceiling’ in access to chief executive positions in public administration. Positively, there are increasing evidences of a raise of women’s social activism and participatory activities associated with development of a civil society. Nevertheless, the gender-based views on traditional roles of men and women remain prevalent in Ukraine, shaping the distribution of powers in households and opportunities of empowerment outside the family. Such stereotypes are particularly important in terms of women’s reconciling of employment and family duties, including responsibility for unpaid and domestic work. Sociological surveys reveal that women tend to be less satisfied with their life than men do. 4. Gender stereotypes are reproduced in the system of education and cause the vigorous cycle of gender-based segregation in occupations and employment. The grounds of segregation are found yet in the system of secondary education, as perceptions of the ‘proper’ gender roles could be influ- enced by school textbooks and curricula. As a result, men and women tend to choose different fields of study at post-secondary level. Though women’s high concentration in tertiary education can be regarded as important competitive advantage at the labour market, female returns of education may be low. In practice, female-dominated occupations and types of economic activity are often associated with lower wages and devaluated social prestige. There are still no efficient instruments to assess the outcomes of education across gender, as well as international competitiveness of students in Ukraine. Country gender assessment for UKRAINE 7 Executive Summary 5. In spite of quite high rates of labour force participation, women could face certain barri- ers in opportunities of employment and earnings. As women prevail among employed in the bud- get-funded sectors of economy (such as public administration, education, healthcare and social service, etc.), female employment is generally more secured in terms of social guarantees and unemployment risks. In contrast, male-dominated industries experience the largest impact of economic downturns through short-cuttings and recession. However, the patterns of employment confirm women’s vulner- ability at the labour market; prevalent part-time employment could also restrain women’s career ad- vancement and professional development. Importantly, the extensive system of social protection on maternity could pose additional burden for women’s employment opportunities, causing the biased atti- tude of employers and contributing to female economic inactivity. As on average, women earn less than men, and the gender pay gap is only partially explained by observed gender differences in education, length of service, residential and sectoral dummies. The importance of unexplained determinants of the gender wage gap could be associated with direct discriminatory practices at the labour market, which are well-documented by sociological surveys, as well as with ‘vertical’ form of gender segregation in employment. Women’s access to business activities and financial resource should be improved through development of the target microcrediting programs and support of start-up projects; it is also important to raise financial literacy of a population. 6. Gender inequality in income opportunities results in increased women’s vulnerability and poverty risks. Though there are no reliable data to argue about total feminization of poverty in Ukraine, the poverty ‘profiles’ are clearly gendered. In particular, the highest poverty risks are common for fami- lies with many children (and the risk is naturally increasing in single female-headed households), while elderly women and women of the most active reproductive age face high poverty rates as well. Women’s lower earnings and shorter length of pensionable service contribute to the gender gap in pensions, af- fecting the quality of life in old age. So, along with optimization of the pension system, an increase in women’s retirement age is aimed to reduce the gender gap in pension benefits. The poverty risks are increasing among rural population and residents of small settlements with poorly developed labour mar- kets and lower incomes of employment. In terms of non-monetary criteria of poverty, rural residents also face multiple deprivations from access to basic services and infrastructure. Finally, the armed conflict in Eastern Ukraine and large-scale displacement movements resulted in a new form of vulnerability, as nu- merous contingents of internally displaced people turned out to be deprived from safe housing, income of employment and access to public services. As women prevail among displaced persons, having ad- ditional obligations in terms of caring for children, elderly and disabled persons, the gender approaches should be incorporated into the policies of humanitarian response. 7. The problems of gender-based violence and trafficking in persons remain particularly acute with regard to the on-going conflict. Though important efforts have been done to achieve the progress in combating trafficking to comply with requirements of EU partnership, prevention and pros- ecution activities should be improved, as well as inter-agency coordination. As to domestic violence, its roots are closely related to unequal distribution of powers and prevalent gender stereotypes. As a result, public tolerance to spousal violence is quite high in Ukraine, while there is no wide-spread practice to apply for any assistance due to common stigma put on survivors in communities. The permanent lack of shelters and protective services for survivors of gender-based violence is often supplemented by low population awareness and mistrust to the existing service-providers. Despite of an intense response to the problem of gender-based violence provided by international agencies in the conflict-affected regions, there is a pressing need in expansion of preventive information campaigns and providing ade- quate support to survivors. 8. Importantly, the problems of gender inequality concern men as well. A large gender gap in average life expectancy is contributed by significantly higher rates of male mortality, in particular in the working age. Along with cardio-vascular diseases, some of the main determinants of excessive male mortality are related to external death causes, such as injuries, traffic accidents, poisonings, suicides, homicides, etc. In addition, stressful environment, hazardous works, and additional psychological pres- Country gender assessment 8 for UKRAINE Executive Summary sure of the traditional ‘breadwinning’ role could provoke alcohol abuse, unhealthy diet or risky behavior. The incidence of such communicable diseases as tuberculosis and HUV/AIDS is also importantly higher among men, but a share of females living with HIV has grown because of the increased role of sexual transmission. The comprehensive knowledge about HIV prevention remains insufficient, in particular among young people, as well as lifetime experience of HIV testing. 9. The current demographic situation is featured with depopulation and progressing ageing. While the total population number has been decreasing since the 1990’s due to a decline in fertility, un- precedented population losses were caused by the armed conflict in Eastern Ukraine. The demographic consequences of the conflict, including postponed births, external migrations, shifts in the trends of morbidity and mortality, still have to be examined in details. Ukraine’s patterns of fertility still differ from the European ones in terms of age-specific birth rates: the mean age at first childbirth is among the lowest in Europe. This trend is particularly important with regard to women’s empowerment, as early motherhood is associated with constrains for education and employment. Also, in spite of a decline in the rates of unwanted pregnancies and abortions, teenage pregnancy remains a pressing problem. As a whole, the ageing population poses new challenges for the pension and healthcare systems, as well as new requirements to the system of life-long education and flexible labour market. Though labour mi- grations have become an important source of remittances and household’s well-being, they are closely associated with new social risks, including deficit of care for children and elderly. 10. Promoting gender equality in Ukraine may benefit from the proposed measures, covering recommendations on improving the agency constrains, effective use of endowments and expand- ing economic opportunities for women. In spite of development of the gender-neutral legislation, the implementation of its provisions remains inadequate, as no important sanctions or penalties are provided for non-compliance. The national machinery on gender equality should be strengthened, in particular at the regional and local levels. The Government should take the leading role in developing the gen- der agenda and provide coordination of various initiatives launched by civil society organizations and international agencies. Implementation of gender policies should be supported by the target funding, while principles of gender budgeting need to be incorporated into governance. The continuous practice of training public officials in gender sensivity could facilitate the progress, as well as advocacy cam- paigns among employers. To address gender-based discrimination, the population awareness should be improved with regard to possible forms of discrimination and available mechanisms of counteraction. In general, transformation of the traditional gender stereotypes will require a comprehensive gender exper- tise of the whole system of education, combating any sexism in mass media, conducting of information campaign on popularization of equal duties and responsibilities across gender, etc. The national statis- tics can be expanded by supplementary gender-disaggregated data, and special surveys are needed to address the current data gaps, such as women’s constrains in doing business or political participation. It is also important to use the gender-sensitive approach in any needs assessments for internally displaced persons, as displaced women are particularly vulnerable to multiple forms of discrimination and biased treatment. The risks of gender-based violence and trafficking in persons are increasing in the on-going conflict, so inter-agency response could be strengthened through establishing of information campaigns and providing access to safe housing for survivors. Finally, the current demographic trends pose a need in planning of the long-term strategies to address depopulation, progressing ageing, labour migrations, excessive mortality of men, and health-associated problems, including communicable diseases. Country gender assessment for UKRAINE 9 Introduction Introduction 1. Ukraine is currently classified as a lower-middle income country with a Gross National Income per capita (Atlas method) of US$3,560 in 2014. The country experienced a sustained eco- nomic growth since the early 2000’s, being associated with a fast reduction in poverty. However, the global financial and economic crisis hit the economy of Ukraine, generating one of the largest economic setbacks in Eastern Europe. The post-crisis recovery (2010–2011) was then followed by stagnation in 2012–2013, as serious macroeconomic and structural weaknesses remained unaddressed (World Bank Economic Update 2015). The Euromaidan protests and political destabilization followed by occupa- tion of the Crimea and armed conflict in the Eastern Ukraine resulted in a deep social-economic crisis. Ukraine’s GDP dropped by 6.8 percent in 2014, while the inflation rate increased to 24.9 percent (the historical maximum over the last 14 years). A rapid devaluation of the national currency has lead to deterioration in the population living standards, while the changed political and economic priorities con- tributed to cuts in financing human development and social policies. The numerous contingents of the internally displaced people (IDP) flew across the regions of Ukraine, posing the new serious challenges for the systems of social protection, healthcare, education, and the labour market. In 2014, Ukraine and the European Union (EU) signed the Association Agreement, providing shared commitments to a close and lasting relationship based on common values, in particular full respect for human rights and funda- mental freedoms, rule of law, and democratic principles, including gender equality. In particular, gender equality has been identified as priority area by the EU’s Eastern Partnership Platform I (Democracy, Good Governance and Stability) Work Programme for 2014-2017. 2. According to the UN’s global ranking, Ukraine is considered as a country with high hu- man development. Ukraine’s Human Development Index (0.747 in 2015) has been increasing since the early 2000’s, ranking the country at the 81st position globally (UNDP 2015). As to the UN’s Gender Inequality Index (0.286), Ukraine was ranked significantly higher (57th position in 2015), indicating certain gender advantages of human development. For both indices, the largest positive contribution is provided by high educational attainments of a population. The scores of the Global Gender Gap Index (World Economic Forum 2015) also indicate the input of education and women’s health to Ukraine’s gender development. However, the country moved a few positions down in the corresponding global ranking (from 56th to 67th position in 2014-2015), mostly due to declined indicators of economic op- portunities and participation. Finally, the Social Institutions and Gender Index (SIGI) classifies Ukraine with a low level of discrimination in social institutions, still paying attention to some policy failings, including inadequate response to gender-based violence, gender stereotypes reinforced in the media, etc. (OECD 2014). 3. To address these issues, this paper is focused at three dimensions of gender disparities in Ukraine: i) agency as ability to make decisions and take opportunities; ii) endowments, includ- ing education, health and demography; and iii) economic opportunities realized through access to the labour market and earnings. A wide range of the gender-disaggregated statistics was used to capture the gaps across multiple demographic, economic and social indicators. For international com- parisons, the World Bank’s World Development Indicators (WDI) were used a primary data source, being supplemented by global databases of the World Health Organization (WHO), the United Nations Economic Commission for Europe (UNECE) and the Eurostat for comprehensive assessments. The Global Financial Inclusion (FINDEX) database was used for analysis of the gender disparities in access to finance, while the Enterprise Survey (ES in 2011 and 2013) allowed outlining of the gender gaps in business activities and entrepreneurship. To ensure international comparability of the gender-based perceptions and views in a society, we used the Life in Transition Survey (LiTS in 2008 and 2010) and the European Value Study (EVS in 2008). The national data were based on information collected by the State Statistics Service of Ukraine, along with data obtained from the 2007 Ukraine Demography and Health Survey (UDHS) and the 2012 Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey (MICS). Detailed analysis of the gender disparities in employment patterns, earnings and poverty rates was based on microdata of the regular Household Survey (HHS) and the Labour Force Survey (LFS) in Ukraine. Country gender assessment 10 for UKRAINE Introduction 4. The paper is structured as follows. Chapter I is devoted to agency, shaping the process of using endowments by women in men, including legislation and institutional environment, political par- ticipation and decision-making, gender stereotypes in public attitudes, and subjective well-being. In Chapter II we examine the gender gaps in endowments across men and women, captured by enrolment to various education levels and preferred fields of study. This Chapter is also focused at the current demographic trends and their gender implications, as well as at the gender disparities in health, with a particular emphasis on communicable diseases and reproductive health. Chapter III examines the gen- der gaps in labour force participation and patterns of employment, including vulnerable and informal employment, gender-based segregation and labour migrations. The gap in earnings is analyzed in details by background characteristics of employment. The problem of poverty and vulnerability is outlined in gender dimension in this Chapter as well. Finally, the gender inequality in opportunities of career advancement is discussed in Chapter III, as well as disparities in financial inclusion and access to entre- preneurship in Ukraine. In Chapter IV, we present some basic conclusions and policy recommendations of the revealed gender gaps. Key Findings: Low political participation and underrepresentation of women in decision-making remain the ma- jor challenges in enhancing gender equality in Ukraine, being non-consistent with high rates of female educational attainments and economic activity. Whereas women prevail in the public administration and are well-presented in local councils, they face persistent barriers in access to the top executive po- sitions. Despite of the gender quotas introduced in the election process, no important progress has been observed due to a lack of political will and unavailability of effective sanctions for non-compliance with this norm. Multiple gender gaps can be captured at the labour market, though female labour force participation and employment rates are comparable with average ECA indicators. Employment patterns for women are largely dependent on socio-demographic characteristics such as age, marital status, and number of children; there are more women in vulnerable and part-time employment. Women also prevail among the registered unemployed, and the need in placement in jobs has grown significantly with appearance of the IDPs. The gender-based segregation in employment is progressing, being observed by sectors of economic activity and occupations. The ‘glass ceiling’ effect is in force, restricting women’s opportuni- ties of career advancement across various occupations and sectors. There are more men in firm owner- ship and top management, while female-headed enterprises are smaller and less profitable regardless of a type of economic activity. The gender gap in earnings remains persistent, being hardly affected by gender policies and regula- tions. While lower female wages are associated with explained factors such as occupational segregation (including restriction of women’s employment in underground works) or fewer working hours, the un- explained determinants are also in force, being largely related to discrimination at the labour market. Prevalence of discriminatory practices in employment is confirmed by special sociological surveys and monitoring of job vacancies. Importantly, the gender gap in wages contributes to the respective dispar- ities in pensions, and affects the quality of life in old age. As a whole, there are more women among vulnerable population groups, while the increased poverty risks are faced by elderly women and single mothers. There are no important gender gaps in the field of education, as both women and men have equal ac- cess to the basic levels of education. There are also more women in tertiary education, while men prevail in vocational training institutions. However, the grounds of gender-based segregation in employment are set yet at a level of education, as men and women tend to choose different fields of study. There are also certain restrictions for female entrance into tertiary education in the sector of defense and security, as the list of available specialties is regulated by the Ministry of Defense of Ukraine. Though some efforts on Country gender assessment for UKRAINE 11 Introduction the gender expertise of academic syllabi and school programs have been implemented, there is still no comprehensive policy on incorporating the principles of gender equality into education. Health indicators reveal a disadvantaged position of men in terms of life expectancy, morbidity and communicable diseases, injuries and life-style associated health problems. Prevalence of tuber- culosis and HIV-infection remains high, while the large-scale internal displacements pose the new chal- lenge of non-controlled epidemics due to unmet medical needs of displaced people. Despite of a decline in the child and maternal mortality rates, the issues of reproductive health require additional attention to be addressed. Finally, the progressing population ageing poses multiple challenges for the fiscal and pension systems, as well as a need in the respective adjustments at the labour market, in the systems of healthcare and life-long education. Domestic violence remains a particular problem, being closely related to the gender-based views in a society and unequal distribution of powers and resources between men and women. Despite progressive legislation and developed institutional environment, the overwhelming majority of survivors do not apply for any assistance of public institutions because of a low awareness, mistrust to authorities, and prevalent stigma attitude in local communities. A poor availability of service-providers in most regions results from the permanent lack of shelters for survivors of domestic violence and the recent short-cut- ting in the contingents of social workers due to budgetary crisis. The armed conflict in Eastern Ukraine resulted in the increased risks of gender-based violence (GBV) and destruction of the scarce system of service for survivors in the conflict-affected regions. For many years, Ukraine has been regarded as a country of source, transit and destination for traf- ficking in human beings. Although the number of revealed victims has declined recently, the trafficking is still exposed in multiple forms of sexual and labour exploitation, involving women, men and chil- dren. According to the last U.S. Department of State Report, the Government of Ukraine does not fully comply with the minimum standards for the elimination of trafficking; however, it is making significant efforts to do so. Gender stereotypes remain prevalent in a society, being often reproduced in the media and education. The biased gender-based views are particularly persistent towards distribution of household duties, rec- onciling work and family balance, and given men priority in jobs. Maternity and need in caring for chil- dren are associated with major causes of a biased employer’s attitude to working women. As a whole, women tend to be less satisfied with life than men do. The large-scale displacement movements, caused by the armed conflict in the Eastern Ukraine, are associated with a new humanitarian challenge, requiring immediate response. Women tend to be dis- proportionally affected by the crisis consequences, prevailing among internally displaced persons and facing multiple social exclusions in terms of placement in jobs, income support, access to housing and public services. Thus, the adequate needs assessment should be based on the integrated gender approach, as well as efficient policy targeting and implementation. It is also important to empower women’s participation in the peace-building and recovery processes to ensure consideration of gender equality principles in all developmental strategies. Country gender assessment 12 for UKRAINE Chapter 1. AGENCY Chapter 1. AGENCY 1.1. The 2012 World Development Report (World Bank 2012) recognized that expanding women’s agency – their ability to make decisions and take advantage of opportunities to achieve desired out- comes – is crucial to improve as their individual lives, as their communities, as the whole world. In reality, determinants of such empowerment are complex and depend on multiple factors. Women’s endowments (such as health, education and assets) and economic opportunities could be significantly limited by insti- tutional barriers and discrimination, unequal distribution of powers or traditional social stereotypes. In particular, persistent social norms and attitudes could also pre-determine advancements of women in var- ious domains of public life through outlining the ‘proper’ gender roles. Finally, equal political representa- tion and access to decision-making is crucial to facilitate women’s empowerment through development of gender-sensitive policies. Agency constraints and deprivations affect women’s well-being in all countries (Klugman 2014), whatever their income level, social status or education attainments. 1.2. In this Chapter we examine the key determinants of agency in Ukraine, in particular by focusing on the current legal and institutional framework of gender policies, opportunities of women’s voice and representation, gender-based disparities in subjective well-being of a population, and gender-related views in a society. Issues of gender-based violence are also covered in this Chapter, being closely linked to unequal distribution of powers and resources between men and women. A. Legal and Institutional Framework 1.3. Ukraine succeeded in development of a progressive legislation and institutional environment, shaping the frameworks for enhancing gender equality and non-discrimination. The country has ratified the core international documents with regard to gender equality. Yet in 1948, Ukraine joined the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, while the country signed the ILO Equal Remuneration Convention (1951), the Discrimination (Employment and Occupation) Convention (1958) and the Workers with Family Responsibilities Convention (1981) later on. In 1980, Ukraine ratified the UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) and the Optional Protocol thereto (2003). The country also signed the European Social Charter and the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action on Gender Equality and Women’s Empowerment in 1995. In November 2010, Ukraine rati- fied the Council of Europe Convention on Action against Trafficking in Human Beings. Finally, Ukraine signed the Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women and Domestic Violence (Istanbul Convention) in 2011; however, it hasn’t been ratified yet. The expert group of public officials and representatives of CSOs is currently working on harmonization of the Ukrainian legislation with provisions of the Convention. 1.4. In 2000, Ukraine joined the UN Millennium Declaration at the UN Millennium Summit, and by doing so has undertaken the responsibility of reaching the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) by 2015. Promoting gender equality was set among the principal Goals, while gender dimension was also clearly traced within other Goals, dealing with reducing child mortality or improving maternal health, combating the epidemics of HIV/AIDS and tuberculosis, or eradicating poverty. To address the Gender Goal, two specific targets have been set: i) to ensure gender representativeness at the level of no less than 30–70 percent in representative bodies and high-level executive; and ii) to halve the gap in incomes between women and men. A set of indicators has been outlined for annual monitoring of prog- ress, including gender ratio among the Members of the Parliament, gender ratio among the members of local councils, gender ratio among the higher-level civil servants, and ratio of average wages between women and men. According to the monitoring progress reports on the MDGs, ensuring gender equality in Ukraine turned out to be one of country’s largest challenges. Most of the ambitious targets the country set for achievement by 2015 have not been met in full due to a lack of political will and systemic policy gaps (MGD 2015). To address this failure, gender equality was prioritized in the post-2015 development agenda, and the working groups of national experts launched discussions on setting the Sustainable Country gender assessment for UKRAINE 13 Chapter 1. AGENCY Development Goals (SDGs) for Ukraine. The Ministry of Economic Development and Trade was au- thorized to coordinate the national SDGs campaign. 1.5.  To comply with international obligations, the Government of Ukraine submits the Regular State Reports on the implementation of the CEDAW to the UN’s CEDAW Committee, reflecting the country’s progression in mainstreaming equal rights and opportunities for women and men, and the article-by arti- cle review of the UN Convention implementation (CEDAW 2008). In turn, the Committee provides the Government of Ukraine with the Concluding Observations on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women with its specific recommendations (CEDAW 2010). To address the particular policy gaps, the Alternative CEDAW Reports are being prepared by Ukrainian NGOs (Women’s Consortium of Ukraine 2008). Also, Ukraine provided the National Review on Implementation of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action and the outcomes of the 23rd special session of the General Assembly in 2014 (Ukraine National Review 2014). 1.6. The national legislation of Ukraine guarantees the equal rights for women and men, basic prin- ciples of gender equality being established in the Constitution. In 2001, the Parliament adopted the Law ‘On Prevention of Domestic Violence’, which became a driving force in promoting the equal rights and opportunities for women and men in all domains of public life. The Presidential Decree ‘On Improving the Work of Central and Local Executive Authorities on Ensuring Equal Rights and Opportunities of Men and Women’ (2005) stipulated development of the national gender machinery by establishing the gender working groups and coordination councils, and appointing the gender advisors in the central and local authorities. The Law of Ukraine “On Ensuring Equal Rights and Opportunities of Women and Men” was passed in 2005 after prolonged advocacy campaigns supported by CSOs; it came in force in the early 2006. The Law determines the main directions of the national gender policy, establishes the national gender machinery, and prohibits gender-based discrimination. However, some provisions of the Law do not stipulate specific sanction for their violation. 1.7. To ensure the effective implementation of the Law on Equal Rights, the gender-legal expertise of the existing legislation and draft legal acts was introduced. In 2009, the Ministry of Education and Science (MoES) issued the Decree ‘On Integrating the Principles of Gender Equality in the Education’; respectively, the guidelines on expert assessment of training curricula, materials and handbooks have been developed and applied. In 2011, the Law ’On combating the trafficking in Human Beings’ was adopted, while the Law ‘On Grounds of Preventing and Combating Discrimination in Ukraine’ was passed in 2012. Later on, the anti-discriminatory legislation was re-viewed and significantly improved based on court cases and recommendations of the national and international human rights organizations and CSOs. 1.8. The Law ‘On the Employment of Population’ was passed, providing for equal opportunities of all citizens irrespective of their gender for free selection of activity. The amendment was introduced to the Family Code of Ukraine in 2012, in order to increase the marriage age of women to 18 years (thus it was made the same as men’s marriage age). Finally, the amendment to the Law ‘On political parties in Ukraine’ (2013) introduced the gender quotas in the process of elections, while the recent Law “On local elections’ (2014) secured the gender quotas in the electoral system (at least 30 percent of representatives of each gender in the electoral party lists). Thus, Ukrainian legislation is basically gender-neutral and does not establish different legal status for men and women; however, the major problems concern the implementation of the legislation framework due to insufficient inter-agency cooperation, inconsis- tency of reforms and a lack of efficient sanctions for non-compliance with legal provisions. 1.9. To address the present gender gaps in a society, several State target programs on ensuring gen- der equality have been developed and implemented in Ukraine; the latest State Program (2013-2016) was developed in a close cooperation between the Government, NGOs and international organizations. The Program’s tasks were focused at: further improving of the legislation on gender equality; conduct- ing awareness raising campaigns among employers on the European standards of gender equality in the field of labour and equal distribution of family duties; advocacy in case of discrimination; promoting Country gender assessment 14 for UKRAINE Chapter 1. AGENCY women’s leadership and decision-making; upgrading the skills of public officials, involved into activ- ities on gender policies, etc. As to other programme instruments, the State target social program on combating trafficking in human beings (2012-2015) was approved, addressing the tasks of prevention of trafficking, prosecution of offenders and protection of victims. Also, the State target social program of supporting families was set until 2016, suggesting a complex of measures to prevent asocial phenomena in families, including domestic violence, to provide social protection and support to families in difficult life circumstances, and to transform the gender-based views in a society. Finally, to address the UN Security Council Resolution on Women, Peace and Security (#1325), the National Plan of Actions for a Period until 2020 was developed and approved by the Government on February 24, 2016. The tasks of the Plan are targeted at assessment of the conflict’s impact on violation of human rights, assistance and rehabilitation of GBV survivors and promoting women’s participation in prevention of conflict and peace building efforts. 1.10. The Ministry of Social Policy (MoSP) is the main institutional body, responsible for develop- ing, implementing and coordinating gender policies in Ukraine. The Expert Council to Consider Claims with regard to Gender Discrimination was set up, consisting of representatives of the MoSP, Ukrainian Parliament Commissioner for Human Rights, other public authorities and NGOs. To facilitate the gen- der-sensitive policies, the Equal Opportunities Caucus1 was formed in the Parliament yet in 2011. In accordance with Decrees of oblast’s public administrations and Kyiv city public administration, the re- gional coordination councils on issues of family, gender equality, demographic development, preventing domestic violence and trafficking in human beings have been created. The State Statistics Service is authorized to collect gender-disaggregated statistics; the relevant data are biannually summarized in sta- tistical booklets ‘Women and Men in Ukraine’ based on international standards. Though the list of sta- tistical indicators is still limited, it provides information on gender disparities in education, healthcare, labour force participation and employment, asocial phenomena, etc. Numerous efforts have been taken to build capacity of public officials in terms of development, implementation and monitoring of gender policy, with regard to gender statistics, gender budgeting, gender education and sensitivity, etc. In total, more than 30 thousand public officials and members of council were covered with training workshops and awareness raising programs during 2006-2014 (Ukraine National Review 2014). The role of civil society and international organizations remains quite high in advocating for gender equality in Ukraine, as many legislative initiatives, institutional developments and advocacy efforts in the field of gender equality were pushed by non-governmental sector. B. Voice and Representation 1.11. In Ukraine, political representation of women still remains very low at the national level, de- spite setting the gender parity in elected authorities among the target indicators of MDGs. Though a share ofwomen in the National Parliament has been gradually increasing (Figure 1.1a), it reached only 11 percent as a result of Parliamentary elections in 2014. Presently, there are only 51 women among 422 Parliament Members (12.1 percent). In this regard, Ukraine lags far behind the regional average of women’s representation in Europe (25.7 percent), as well as the global average of 22.7 percent (Inter- Parliament Union, December 20152). Also, a share of women in the Parliament of Ukraine is among the lowest at the ECA region (except Georgia, Armenia and Hungary). The recent legislative changes targeted at introduction of the gender quotas in electoral lists of candidates for Parliament Members (amendments to the Law of Ukraine “On political parties”, 2013) have not lead to the proper improve- ments. The gender quotas were not taken as mandatory requirements by some parties, as there were no sanctions for non-compliance. Due to vague legislative provisions, women were occasionally placed in the lower parts of election lists, thus having smaller chances to pass the electoral threshold. 1 Inter-Faction Association ‘Equal Opportunities’ in the Parliament of Ukraine, retrieved from: https://www.facebook.com/МФО-Рівні-можливостіEqual-Opportunities-Caucus-1568562916710855 2 Inter-Parliamentary Union, retrieved from: http://www.ipu.org. Country gender assessment for UKRAINE 15 Chapter 1. AGENCY Figure 1.1. Women’s Representation in the National Parliament and local councils of Ukraine a) National level, 1990-2014, in percent b) Local level, 2014, in percent women in the National Parliament, % 60 35 target gender quota (2013) women in local councils 50 30 25 40 20 30 15 20 10 10 5 0 oblast city district settlement village 0 councils councils councils councils councils 1990 1994 1998 2002 2006 2010 2014 Source: 2015 Ukraine MDG Report (MDG 2015). Source: Women’s Consortium of Ukraine (2014). 1.12. Women’s representation is traditionally higher in local governing bodies, in particular at lower administrative levels. According to gender monitoring of 2014 local elections by Women’s Consortium of Ukraine (WCU 2014), women constituted only 12 percent of members of oblast councils, while their share increased to 14 percent for city councils, 23 percent for district (rayon) councils, 46 percent for settlement councils, and as much as 51 percent for village councils (Figure 1.1b). In 2015, a new law on local elections was passed, containing a provision on the gender quotas (with each sex repre- senting no less than 30 percent of a political party’s electoral list). As a result, the gender balance was improved among members of 11 of 22 city councils, but the 30-percent threshold has been reached only in Chernihiv city council (33.3 percent of women). In general, the average representation of women in the city councils of Kyiv city and city-oblast centers reached 18.1 percent, while a share of women among total nominated candidates was 32.2 percent (Figure 1.2). Based on gender monitoring of the Committee of Voters of Ukraine (2015), the lowest rates of women’s representation were registered in Ivano-Frankivsk and Kirovohrad city councils (by 9.5 percent), as well as in the city council of Uzhgorod (8.3 percent). Women’s representation in oblast councils was improved as well, as the average share of elected women has grown to 15 percent. The largest shares of women were elected to oblast councils in Khmelnytski (21.4 percent) and Sumy (20.3 percent) oblasts, while the smallest share was registered in Odesa oblast (9.5 percent). According to the results of mayoral elections in Kyiv and 18 cities-oblast centers in November 2015, no women were elected as mayors. 1.13. As compared with men, there are much more women employed in the state administration bod- ies. In particular, women constituted 74.8 percent of total civil servants at the beginning of 2015, making employment in the sector of public administration particularly feminized. At the same time, women’s distribution across the levels of executive positions of civil servants is characterized by a distinctive “glass ceiling”, as their numbers are declining among top officials (Figure 1.3). While women prevail among civil servants at lower executive positions (civil servant of executive categories V and VI), they make only 16.1 percent of the top executives involved in decision-making at the national level (civil servants of executive category I). These disparities are even more obvious in the local self-governance, as women constitute only 5 percent of the top officials (executive category I) there, while representing about 80 percent of officials at the lowest executive positions. Country gender assessment 16 for UKRAINE Chapter 1. AGENCY Figure 1.2. Shares of Women Elected to Local Councils of Ukraine in 2015, % 35 oblast councils 30 city councils 25 20 15 10 5 0 Dnipropetrovsk Zaporizhzhya Khmelnytsky Volyn / Lutsk Kirovohrad Zakarpattya Uzhgorod Chernivtsi Chernihiv Vinnytsya Ivano-Frankivsk Mykolaiv Zhytomyr Cherkasy Kherson Ternopil Kharkiv Poltava Odesa Rivne Sumy Kyiv Lviv Source: Committee of Voters of Ukraine (CVU 2015). 1.14. According to the Inter-Parliamentary Union, women occupied 10.5 percent of ministerial posi- tions in Ukraine, reflecting appointments up to January 2015. This share is small compared with advanced gender democracies of Europe; Ukraine also lags behind most post-Soviet countries, ahead of only the Russian Federation (6.5 percent), Turkmenistan (5.7 percent) and Azerbaijan (2.5 percent). In 2015, only two ministerial positions in the Government were held by women, including the Minister of Finance and the Minister of the Cabinet of Ministers. Five women held positions of the First Deputy Ministers, while 11 of them worked as Deputy Ministers. A woman was heading the Central Bank of Ukraine, and there were 3 women among members of the Central Bank Board (almost 30 percent). Ukraine’s representation of women in economic decision-making (measured as proportion among presidents or CEOs and members of boards of the largest companies listed on the national stock exchanges) is quite close to the average EU-28 (respectively 17.3 against 21 percent) (European Commission 2015). However, women constitute only 11.1 percent of the Constitutional Court Members. According to the UNECE Statistical Database3, a share of women among Ambassadors was only 1.5 percent, being much smaller than in the EU countries. 1.15. As a whole, the rate of participation in political activities and social activism has been quite low in Ukraine in the early 2000’s – as for men, as for women. The European Value Study (EVS 20104) has not revealed any significant gender disparities in involvement to political parties (about 3 percent for both male and female respondents), trade unions (about 12 percent of respondents), welfare and community organi- zations, and other types of NGOs (less than 2 percent of respondents). As to women’s activism, only 0.5 percent of female respondents belonged to any women’s group. However, the recent studies argue about increased public activity of women and their growing involvement into CSOs (Phillips 2008; Ukrainian 3 UNECE Statistical database, retrieved from: http://w3.unece.org/PXWeb2015/pxweb/en/STAT/STAT__30-GE__05-PublicAnddecision. 4 The methodology and data of the European Values Study (EVS) can be retrieved from: http://www.gesis.org/en/services/data-analysis/survey-data/european-values-study/. Country gender assessment for UKRAINE 17 Chapter 1. AGENCY Women’s Fund 2011). A particular focus on women’s political activity was related to Euromaidan protests in 2014 (Phillips 2014; Onuch & Martsenyuk 2014). According to Kyiv International Institute of Sociology (KIIS 2014), women constituted 43 percent of protest participants in the early days of Euromaidan, while their share dropped to 12 percent in February, when the protests became more violent. For instance, the participants of civil protests have organized the Kobylianska Female Sotnia of Self-defence, and provid- ed legal, medical and other volunteer help, ensured public safety, and made countless efforts to keep the protest peaceful (Philips 2014). Social activism of women has also dramatically increased in 2014-2015 through volunteer movements related to providing support to Ukraine’s militarymen in the armed conflict in Donetsk and Lugansk oblasts and assistance to internally displaced persons (OSCE 2015). Figure 1.3. Share of Women’s Representation in Public Administration Bodies by Levels of Executive Positions (early 2015), % % 0,0 10,0 20,0 30,0 40,0 50,0 60,0 70,0 80,0 90,0 I Civil servants Local self-government officials categories of executive positions II III IV V VI Source: State Statistics Service of Ukraine (2015a). C. Subjective Well-Being 1.16. Subjective well-being is a measure of individually perceived level of well-being, revealed through self-assessment of incomes, job, health, living environments and relations. According to the Life in Transition Survey (LiTS5), life satisfaction of the population of Ukraine remains quite low (only 38 percent of respondents agreed with the statement “All things considered, I am satisfied with my life now” in 2006), being considerably lower than the average rate for Western Europe and in the transition region as a whole. Besides, a large gender gap is observed in subjective assessments of the well-being for men and women. Based on the 2006 LiTS, there were 33 percent of women and 43 percent of men satisfied with their lives. The second round of the LiTS (2010) revealed that life satisfaction has even dropped by about 8 percentage points for the entire population. Such a decline in subjective well-being affected as men, as women (Figure 1.4a), being most probably linked to the deteriorated living standards due to the economic and financial crisis of 2008-2009. The gender gap in subjective assessments of well-being remained significant, as only 27 percent of female respondents were satisfied with their lives in contrast to 38 percent for male respondents. 5 The methodology and data of the Life in Transition Survey (LiTS) can be retrieved from: http://www.ebrd.com/what-we-do/economic-research-and-data/data/lits.html. Country gender assessment 18 for UKRAINE Chapter 1. AGENCY 1.17. The European Value Study (EVS 2010) was also used to check the gender disparities in individ- ual’s satisfaction with life. The Survey questions differed from those, used in the program of LiTS, as well as a population sample and time frames of the surveys. Thus, the results of these two surveys cannot be directly compared for any correlations, just used to outline some general trends. Based on the EVS, 57 percent of total respondents were satisfied with their lives in Ukraine in 2008; however this share was also among the lowest ones in the ECA region (except Georgia, Armenia, Azerbaijan and Bulgaria). Certain differences in the level of life satisfaction can be also observed across gender (Figure 1.4b), indi- cating that more men were satisfied with their lives (60.6 percent) as compared to women (54.1 percent). Figure 1.4. Life satisfaction of a population of Ukraine by gender a) LiTS data in 2006 and 2010 b) EVS data in 2008 50 70,0% % men 45 men women 60,0% 40 women 35 50,0% 30 40,0% 25 30,0% 20 15 20,0% 10 10,0% 5 0 0,0% 2006 2010 satisfied neutral dissatisfied Notes: Percentage of satisfied people includes respondents who Notes: The question states: “How satisfied are you with your life in scale strongly agree or agree with the statement “All things considered, I am from 1 to 10, 1 being dissatisfied and 10 being satisfied”. Data was satisfied with my life now”. Data was weighted. Missing and ‘do not weighted. The first four steps were aggregated into “dissatisfied”, the know’ answers were excluded from calculations. fifth step into “neutral” and the last five steps into “satisfied” groups. Missing and ‘do not know’ answers were excluded from calculations. Source: LiTS I and LiTS II (EBRD and World Bank, 2011). Source: EVS (2010). 1.18. The gender differences in life satisfaction could be potentially linked to individual perceptions of control over life (Figure 1.5a), as more men believed that they have control over their lives (59.5 percent of men versus 49.7 percent of women). However, women were more satisfied with their cur- rent jobs, as almost 74 percent of employed women and 69.1 percent of employed men agreed with the respective statements (Figure 1.5b). This finding may reflect the role of prevalent gender stereotypes, prioritizing family roles for women and restraining their expectations of the decent jobs, income and professional realization. Country gender assessment for UKRAINE 19 Chapter 1. AGENCY Figure 1.5. Job satisfaction and control over life in 2008, EVS a) Control over life, in percent b) Satisfaction with current job, in percent 70,0% 80 have control over life satisfied with job 60,0% 70 60 50,0% 50 40,0% 40 30,0% 30 20,0% 20 10,0% 10 0,0% 0 male female male female Notes: The first question: “What control do you have over your life in scale from 1 to 10, 1 having no control and 10 having full control”. The second question: “How satisfied are you with your job in scale from 1 to 10, 1 being dissatisfied and 10 being satisfied”. Data was weighted. The last four steps in both scales aggregated into “satisfied” and “control over life” categories. Missing and ‘do not know’ answers excluded from calculation. Source: EVS 2010. 1.19. Background characteristics, such as education, marital status, age or number of children, do not make significant impact on gender differences in life satisfaction of respondents (Annex A). That may be explained by joint sharing of household resources by men and women, and their inability to disaggre- gate individual well-being. In general, there are more life-satisfied persons among young people (aged 15-29) and persons with higher educational attainments. As to particular domains of the well-being, the 2012 Ukraine Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey (MICS 2013) asked women and men aged 15–24 about their satisfaction with family life, friendships, current job, health, the place of their residence, their current income and other dimensions. The majority of young people were satisfied with their health and friendship; the rates of satisfaction with current jobs were lower and only 44.4 percent of respondents were satisfied with their current income. Although young women demonstrated slightly lower rates of satisfaction with health, living environment and friendship, the gender differences in distribution of responses are not statistically significant (Figure 1.6). 1.20. 2007 Ukraine Demography and Health Survey (2007 UDHS) provided data on control over re- sources and household decision-making across gender. As compared to other ECA countries, Ukraine’s women are characterized by a rather high control over household decision-making and resource use. Based on the 2007 UDHS, 64 percent of married women make decisions alone about their own health, 16 percent decide about the purchase of large household items, 77 percent make decisions about daily household purchases and 24 percent decide on their own about visits to family or relatives. Among mar- ried women receiving cash earnings, more than one third (35 percent) mainly decide themselves how to use the money, while 63 percent decide jointly with their husband. Only 1 percent of women say that mainly their husbands decide on the allocation of the woman’s earnings. Country gender assessment 20 for UKRAINE Chapter 1. AGENCY Figure 1.6. Percentage of young people (aged 15–24), who were very or somewhat satisfied with selected domains of well-being in 2012, MICS 100 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 women 20 10 men 0 e p ob lth e t en lif om hi tj ea m ds ily nc n H n n rre ro m ie ti vi Fr Fa Cu n rre en Cu ng vi Li Source: MICS (2013). D. Gender-Related Views of a Society 1.21. Gender stereotypes can be regarded as important determinants of the gender inequality in many aspects of public life, including access to the labour market, economic resources and decision-making, as well as distribution of the gender roles in households. Being reproduced in social norms and attitudes, such public views have a persistent character and are slowly transformed with time. Many recent studies pay attention to the prevalence of traditional gender stereotypes in Ukraine (Rubchak (ed.) 2011; Hankivsky (ed.) 2012; Sayenko 2007), not only affecting the individual women’s lives, but also shaping the whole in- formation environment through activity of the mass media and education (Ukraine National Review 2014). 1.22. In Ukraine’s society, such gender stereotypes are particularly expressed in public views on op- portunities of women’s employment and reconciling work and family. For example, although nine in ten respondents of EVS (2010) agreed that a working mother can have just as warm relations with children as mothers who do not work, about 70 percent of both men and women believe that a pre-school child is likely to suffer if his/her mother works (Figure 1.7). Men’s underestimation of women’s role at the labour market and their aspirations for professional realization is revealed through a significant gender difference in agreements with some statements related to women’s life priorities. For example, more than 90 percent of male respondents believe that women mostly want a home and children, about 70 percent of them agree that being a housewife is just as fulfilling for women as working for pay. Indeed, according to the Survey of Women’s Participation in the Labour Force of Ukraine (UCSR and UNFPA 2012), women’s interest in professional fulfillment and unrealized career aspirations are declining with increased number of children. On the other hand, fewer men than women believe that having job is the best way for a woman to secure her independence (see Figure 1.7). 1.23. In this context, Ukraine stands out among the developed counties of the EU, being quite close to Georgia, Turkey and Azerbaijan with their more conservative gender norms (Figure 1.8a). Thus, more than one-fourth of all female respondents of the EVS (2010) strongly agreed that pre-school children are likely to suffer with working mothers, while the corresponding shares of respondents in the developed gender democracies of Europe didn’t exceed 5 percent. Another question of EVS had to find out how much women are ready to yield to men in the situation when there is tension in the labour market and there are not enough jobs to meet the whole demand. Again, almost 40 percent of male respondents and about 25 Country gender assessment for UKRAINE 21 Chapter 1. AGENCY percent of female respondents agreed that ‘men have more right to a job’ in such situation (Figure 1.8b). In contrast, such attitudes are non-common for the EU countries, in particular for the Nordic states. Figure 1.7. Public views on gender-related statements across gender in Ukraine, EVS 100 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 male female male female male female male female male female male female male female A working mother A pre -school child A job is alright but Being a housewife Having a job is the Both the husband In general, fathers can establish just is likely to suffer if what most women is just as fulfilling best way for a and wife should are as well suited as warm and his or her mother really want is a as working for pay woman to be an contribute to to look after their secure a works home and children independent household income children as relationship with person mothers her children as a mother who does not work Notes: Data was weighted. The percentages reflect proportions of respondents, who have agreed or strongly agreed with each of the statements above. Missing and ‘do not know’ answers were excluded from calculation. Source: EVS (2010). Figure 1.8. Gender-related views on women’s employment in the ECA in 2008 a) Women’s attitudes to working mothers of pre-school children, in percent 40,0% agree strongly, % 35,0% 30,0% 25,0% 20,0% 15,0% 10,0% 5,0% ,0% Slovak Republic Czech Republic Great Britain Netherlands Switzerland Azerbaijan Lithuania Germany Russian Federation Denmark Romania Moldova Slovenia Armenia Hungary Belgium Bulgaria Portugal Norway Georgia Ukraine Sweden Albania Belarus Finland Estonia Croatia Austria Iceland Cyprus Greece Turkey Ireland France Poland Serbia Latvia Spain Italy Notes: Percentage includes female respondents who strongly agree with the statement “A pre-school child is likely to suffer if his or her mother works”. Data was weighed. Missing and ‘do not know’ answers were excluded from calculation. Source: EVS (2010). Country gender assessment 22 for UKRAINE Chapter 1. AGENCY b) Giving men priority in jobs, in percent 90,0% 80,0% males 70,0% females 60,0% 50,0% 40,0% 30,0% 20,0% 10,0% 0,0% Slovak Republic Czech Republic Latvia Belgium Bulgaria Albania Cyprus Italy Slovenia Turkey Finland Lithuania Azerbaijan Hungary Spain Austria Norway Ukraine Belarus Armenia Estonia Romania Serbia Switzerland Georgia Great Britain Croatia Iceland Moldova Denmark France Germany Poland Ireland Portugal Sweden Greece Russian Federation Netherlands Notes: Percentage includes respondents who agree with the statement “When jobs are scarce, men have more right to a job than women”. Data was weighed. Missing and ‘do not know’ answers were excluded from calculation. Source: EVS (2010). 1.24. At the same time, the contribution to household well-being and perception of parental responsi- bilities are characterized by more egalitarian views. According to the EVS, the overwhelming majority of population agreed with the statement that both husband and wife should contribute to household income. Also, this thesis is supported by a larger proportion of women, as compared to men (see Figure 1.7). This finding is well-correlated with high rates of women’s control over economic resources in households, ob- served in the Ukrainian families. Egalitarian views on equal responsibilities for children are also revealed through wide-spread beliefs that fathers are as well suited to look after children as mothers. 1.25. In a broad sense, reproductive activity consists not only of a child birth and rearing, but also of various types of unpaid work related to reproduction of generations and maintenance of the family’s vital activities – housekeeping, care for sick, incapacitated and elderly family members, purchase of everyday consumption goods, etc. In most societies, these works are performed mainly by women; in Ukraine, this trend appears to be particularly striking. According to the Survey of Women’s Labour Force Participation in Ukraine (UCSR and UNFPA 2012), more than three-fourths of married / partnered female respondents said that it was mainly their duty to clean up the house (78.4 percent) and to cook meals (75.3 percent). About two thirds of married female respondents with family members in a need of continuous care (such as disabled or elderly) said that they mainly care for such persons. Most women were also responsible for purchase of foodstuffs and everyday consumer goods for the whole family. According to the UNFPA Survey, only 22% of men are willing to share these household responsibilities evenly in such families, while almost a half (49.3 percent) of women in such families aspire for a more fair distribution of household work. Violence Against Women and Girls 1.26. Violence against women (VAW) has been acknowledged worldwide as one of the most preva- lent forms of human rights violation, in both developed and developing regions. It is estimated that 20 to 25 percent of women in Europe have suffered physical violence (Council of Europe, 2011). However, the real number of survivors is believed to be much higher due to a large underreporting rate. Gender- based violence affects women disproportionally due to a direct link to the unequal distribution of powers Country gender assessment for UKRAINE 23 Chapter 1. AGENCY and resources between women and men; women also have fewer options to avoid or escape abusive sit- uations and to seek justice. They also are particularly vulnerable to negative consequences of violence, including forced and unwanted pregnancies, unsafe abortions and reproductive health harms, sexually transmitted infections and HIV. The psychological stress and post-traumatic effects could cause the long-term negative consequences affecting all dimensions of women’s life. 1.27. Ukraine has become the first post-soviet state, adopting the Law «On Prevention of Domestic Violence» (2001) with specification of legal and institutional bases to prevent and combat domestic violence. The respective provisions have been amended to other legislative acts, including the Criminal Code. Also, the relevant institutional environment has been developed to assist the survivors of violence through the social safety nets and assisting NGOs. In early 2014, there were 22 public and municipal centers of social-psychological assistance and 18 public social centers for mothers and children situated in most regions of Ukraine; some private, non-governmental and charitable foundations also provide support to survivors of domestic violence. The National Hotline on Domestic Violence, Trafficking in Human Beings and Gender Discrimination is operating 24/7 in the country. However, the problem of gender-based violence is still quite wide-spread in the country, being manifested in many ways: domes- tic violence, rape, physical assault, stalking, sexual harassment and trafficking in persons (Gerasymenko 2015). Based on the official crime statistics (the Prosecutor General’s Office in Ukraine6), women con- stitute the overwhelming majority of the registered victims of offences of a sexual nature, in particular 90.6 percent of rape survivors, 73.5 percent of domestic violence survivors and 76.5 percent of survivors in crimes related to trafficking in persons in 2014. 1.28. Domestic violence committed by a husband or partner remains the most common type of VAW. Based on 2007 Ukraine Demographic and Health Survey (2007 UDHS), 24.4 percent of ever-married women aged 15-49 experienced some type of spousal emotional, physical, or sexual violence (Table 1.1). Of them, almost 13 percent report physical violence by their current or most recent husband/partner, 3.3 percent–sexual violence by intimate partners, and 22.4 percent - emotional violence (UCSR, and Macro 2008). Partner’s alcohol abuse can be regarded among the main contributing factors, as women whose husbands get drunk frequently are the most likely to report violence (56 percent of respondents in con- trast to 2 percent of women whose husbands do not drink). Table 1.1. Prevalence of spousal violence by various forms as reported by population-based surveys in Ukraine, 2007 and 2014 Percentage of ever married women 15-49 who had experienced various forms of spousal violence Forms of violence ever in their lives, % at least once in last 12 months, % UDHS-2007 VAW-2014 UDHS-2007 VAW-2014 Physical violence 12.7 14.5 9.6 9.9 Sexual violence 3.3 3.2 2.2 2.3 Emotional violence 22.4 18.3 20.2 14.3 Any form of physical and sexual violence (both types of violence) 2.7 2.7 1.9 1.6 Any form of emotional, or physical, or sexual violence 24.4 21.6 16.7 15.4 (at least one type of violence) Any form of emotional, physical, and sexual violence 2.4 2.6 1.3 1.2 (all three types of violence) Source: 2007 UDHS (UCSR and Macro 2008) and VAW Survey (UNFPA 2014b). 6 Prosecutor General’s Office in Ukraine, http://www.gp.gov.ua/ Country gender assessment 24 for UKRAINE Chapter 1. AGENCY 1.29. The 2014 UNFPA Survey on Incidence of Violence against Women and Girls (VAW-2014) was based on the DHS Domestic Violence Module to compare the results with data of 2007 (UNFPA, 2014b). The results revealed that the rate of physical spousal violence has even increased, while the rate of sexual violence has not changed significantly. At the same time, the observed decline in the prevalence of emotional spousal violence can be linked to the stressful impact of the armed conflict and humanitarian crisis, leading to re-assessment of everyday values in front of the new challenges. As a whole, these findings indicate a persistent character of domestic violence in the country, as well as non-availability of the efficient mechanisms to prevent it through public policies. 1.30. The roots of wide-spread domestic violence in Ukraine should be largely associated with patri- archal stereotypes on gender norms and unequal position of women in a society, their economic vulner- ability and dependent role in a family. According to the Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey in Ukraine (MICS 2013), men are more likely than women to agree with one of the reasons to justify beating a wife/partner (9.4 percent of men compared to 2.9 percent of women). The largest proportion of men (7.5 percent) agreed that a husband has a right to beat his wife if she neglects the children, while 2.6 percent of them – if she argues, and 2.3 percent – if she refuses to have sex with him. Wide-spread public perception of domestic violence as a personal or intra-family issue in Ukraine is associated with a common social stigma put on survivors in communities and attitudes of victimizing them for pro- voking behavior. As a result, the overwhelming majority of survivors (68 percent) do not apply for any kind of assistance (UNFPA, 2014b). Due to few survivor’s appeals, the administrative crime statistics of Prosecutor General’s Office in Ukraine do not reflect the actual scope of domestic violence: there were 2,247 crime offences related to domestic violence registered in 2013, and this number dropped to 998offences in 2015. Importantly, domestic violence is not perceived as important social problem by a population of Ukraine. Such public attitudes make a huge contrast with the results of Eurobarometer on Gender Equality – 2009, revealing that 62 percent of Europeans think that gender-based violence (GBV) should be a priority action in the area of gender inequality, while 92 percent of them believe that there is an urgent need to tackle it (European Commission, 2010). 1.31. As to out-of-family GBV, a worrying trend has been observed in Ukraine: a share of female survivors of non-family violence (committed by male acquaintances or strangers) increased in 2014. Based on the 2014 VAW Survey (UNFPA 2014b), 5 percent of women experienced physical violence outside of a family (in contrast to 3 percent of women in 2007), while 4 percent of women experienced sexual non-family violence (2 percent of women in 2007). The overall share of women who experi- enced physical and/or sexual violence increased from 18 percent in 2007 to 22 percent in 2014. Despite high prevalence rates, the official crime statistics trace a decline in the registered crime offenses of a sexual nature: the number of rapes dropped from 508 in 2013 to 421 in 2014 and to 323 cases in 2015 (Prosecutor General’s Office in Ukraine). Obviously, a lot of rapes stay underreported, as survivors do not apply for assistance due to fears of a stigma or reprisal from the abuser; but the present public dis- trust to the law enforcement, non-transparency of crime investigations and low efficiency of prosecution in case of sexual abuse should be mentioned among policy constrains as well. It is widely acknowledged that risks of GBV are increasing at times of armed conflicts and humanitarian crisis. Degradation and ruining of the system of public services in communities, the lack of law enforcement, limited access to health facilities and providers of social service result in the increased vulnerability of GBV survivors. The rates of domestic violence could increase as well due to the stressful environment, while prevalence of poverty and deprivations from a usual lifestyle could contribute to the increased scales of human traf- ficking or forced prostitution. The 2015 UNFPA Survey on GBV in the Conflict Setting confirmed the increased vulnerability of women to various forms of violence during the conflict: a share of displaced women, reporting at least one situation of violence outside the family, was three times higher than the corresponding share of local women, surviving any violence in the host communities (15.2 against 5.3 percent of respondents). According to statistics of the International Women’s Rights Center “La Strada Ukraine’. the number of applications to the National Hotline on Domestic Violence has grown almost by 200 percent during January-March of 2016, as compared with the identical period of 2015; many Country gender assessment for UKRAINE 25 Chapter 1. AGENCY calls come from families of displaced persons and demobilized militarymen7. To address the challenge, the UNFPA Humanitarian Response Project launched the work of mobile teams of psychological sup- port in the conflict-affected regions, providing assistance to survivors of violence in remote settlements (UNFPA 2015). Trafficking in Persons 1.32. For many recent years, Ukraine has been the top country of source, transit, and destination for trafficking in persons. Though various data sources provide different estimations of the scales of human trafficking, all of them indicate high rates of trafficking prevalence and high vulnerability of a population to this practice. Based on the IOM Survey conducted in February-March of 2015, about 40 thousand persons have been trafficked abroad from Ukraine in 2012-2014 (IOM 2015); in aggregation with previous estimations (IOM 2006 and IOM 2012), the total number of victims could reach about 160,000 persons since 1991. From January 2000 to June 2015, 11,237victims of trafficking were assist- ed by IOM in Ukraine, including legal aid, medical care, psychological counseling, financial support, vocational training, and other types of assistance. Since the launch of the National Referral Mechanism for assisting victims of trafficking in 2012, 94 persons have been granted with official status of a victim of trafficking (of them: 39 men, 39 women and 16 children). 1.33. As well as in other countries of Eastern Europe, Ukraine’s social-economic situation is widely considered to be a major factor in the prevalence of trafficking in persons. Various authors mention that high unemployment and low living standards force people to accept the risky job proposals abroad, while active international labour migrations and low levels of awareness on the potential vulnerability contribute to the problem (Gerasymenko 2011; Weitzer & Zhang 2014; Petrunov 2014). More than a half (52 percent) respondents of the 2007 UDHS reported that they had heard of a person experiencing trafficking, while almost 10 percentof them personally knew someone who had such experience (UCSR and Macro 2008). The highest share of household respondents who have heard about actual victims of trafficking was observed in urban settlements (56 percent), among respondents with tertiary education (62 percent), and among representatives of the wealthiest quintile. In other words, rural residents, persons with lower education attainments and low income levels face higher risks of trafficking because of lower awareness on the problem scope. Also, wide-spread patterns of gender inequality in a society should be mentioned among determinants of trafficking in women, as they often have to seek unofficial, unskilled and non-prestigious jobs abroad because of particularly low wages (as compared to men) and common discriminative practices at the national labour market (Gerasymenko 2013). 1.34. The recent trends in trafficking are characterized by an increase in a share of male victims, most- ly trafficked with purpose of labour exploitation during 2010-2014 (Figure 1.9a). While women con- stituted for 86 percent of victims of trafficking, assisted by IOM in 2004, their proportion has dropped more than twice (up to 42 percent in 2014). However, a share of women among victims started to grow during the first half of 2015, identifying the impact of the 2014 crisis on women’s position and vulnera- bility. Women absolutely prevail among victims of sexual exploitation; they have also constituted more than one-third of victims of labour exploitation during 2007-2014. 1.35. The victims of trafficking are subjected to sex and labor exploitation within the country and abroad. According to the IOM, the main destination regions for Ukraine’s victims are Russian Federation (46 percent of assisted victims in 2015), Poland (13 percent) and other EU member states (14 percent), and Turkey (11 percent). Domestic trafficking has remained quite low, but its risks have significantly grown with escalation of the armed conflict in Donetsk and Lugansk oblasts of Ukraine. Presently, there are numerous voices highlighting the cases of gender-based violence and human trafficking in the re- gions. Based on evidence form assisting NGOs and hotline statistics in the region, the IOM identified the 7 International Women’s Rights Center ‘La Strada Ukraine’, http://la-strada.org.ua/ Country gender assessment 26 for UKRAINE Chapter 1. AGENCY trends related to sexual and/or labour exploitation of women and girls, exploitation of men at the armed conflict and forced labour, increased scope of child begging (IOM 2015). The experts also emphasize the increased vulnerabilities of IDPs to trafficking due to their economic hardship and lack of ties in the host communities (OESC 2015). As on mid-2015, seven cases of trafficking (or attempts of trafficking) were recorded among IDPs by IOM, while the National Migrant Advice reported a 14 percent increase in the number of calls from IDPs on the Counter-Trafficking Hotline 527. That makes a particular chal- lenge for public policies to combat trafficking and gender-based violence, provide proper assistance to survivors and ensure prosecution of perpetrators. 1.36. According to the U.S. Department of State (2015), the Government of Ukraine does not fully comply with the minimum standards for the elimination of trafficking; however, it is making significant efforts to do so. In particular, the government adopted the standards of social services for victims; re-­ established the anti-trafficking unit as a separate, stand-alone subdivision; and significantly increased the number of officers in the anti-trafficking unit. As a result, a proportion of successful court verdicts increased, however the total number of investigated crime offences related to trafficking has dropped since 2005 (Figure 1.9.b). In 2014, the law enforcement investigated 109 trafficking offenses (compared with 130 in 2013), initiated prosecutions of 42 defendants (compared with 91 cases in 2013) and con- victed 57 traffickers (compared with 109 in 2013). According to the Ministry of Internal, there were 80 criminal offenses registered during the first half of 2015 (an increase by 51 percent as compared with the previous period). To raise the population awareness on the risks of trafficking, the national-wide infor- mation campaigns are realized, including special lessons in secondary schools and tertiary institutions, trainings and counseling for the risk groups, and social advertisements in the regions (such as regional campaign “Your Safe Way to the Goal” in 2014). Figure 1.9. Trafficking in human beings in Ukraine: prosecution and protection of victims a) Victims of trafficking assisted by IOM Ukraine, 2000 – b) Registered crime offenses and court verdicts related to June 2015, in persons trafficking in human beings, 1998- June 2015, in cases 1200 450 registered crime male offences 400 court verdicts 1000 female 350 800 300 250 600 200 400 150 200 100 50 0 0 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2012 2013 2014 2015 2011 Source: IOM, 2015. Note: Statistics of legal cases filed by the Ministry of Interior of Ukraine and of verdicts passed by Courts of Ukraine according to Art. 149 (formerly 124-1) of the Criminal Code of Ukraine (Trafficking in Persons). Source: IOM, 2015. Country gender assessment for UKRAINE 27 Chapter 2. ENDOWMENTS Chapter 2. ENDOWMENTS 2.1. Human endowments in terms of accumulated health, attained education and physical assets are crucial for individual well-being and successful realization in a life. These capabilities are usually associat- ed with human capital, being important to take up economic opportunities and generate income. The gen- der gaps in endowments could be the primary reason of unequal women’s position in a society, constrain- ing their abilities for development and empowerment through deprivations from the base opportunities. 2.2. Chapter 2 is devoted to assessment of the gender gaps in human endowments in terms of educa- tion and health. To address these issues, we analyze the gender disparities in enrollment to education and educational attainments of women and men in the first Section. The sex-age composition of a population and general demographics of the country are analyzed in the Second section. The gender dimension of public health, morbidity trends and lifestyle-associated problems in Ukraine are examined in this Section as well. A. Education 2.3. Education is an important determinant of human development at individual level, shaping the opportunities of a decent job, incomes of employment and proper living standards. High educational at- tainments have been traditionally regarded as important advantages of women in Ukraine. Indeed, no sig- nificant gender disparities can be statistically measured in the rates of enrollment at most education levels (Figure 2.1). There are slightly less women among students of post-secondary (non-tertiary) institutions, providing vocational training; and women’s proportion has been declining there. However, this imbalance is compensated by women’s prevailing at the more advanced education levels, in particular among students of the first and second stages of tertiary education. Such trend is common for most countries of Eastern Europe and developed regions; it may be facilitated as by occupational segregation (vocational training is mostly associated with blue collar jobs common for men), as by gender stereotypes, forcing men to became breadwinners since the young age instead of studying. Another positive trend is seen in women’s growing interest in the second stage of tertiary education through taking postgraduate courses to obtain doctoral and PhD degrees. Still, women face considerable barriers, as they move up their academic careers. Primary and Secondary Education 2.4. Primary school spans the first four years of education with a starting age of six in Ukraine. Due to the universal system of school education, offering equal access to boys and girls, there are no signifi- cant gender disparities in primary enrollment rates (Figure 2.2a). In spite of a small decline since 2000, the gross enrollment rates exceed the average ECA indictors as for boys, as for girls. The primary school completion rates have also increased in Ukraine during 2000-2013 (Figure 2.2b), indicating better inclu- sion of children into the education system. 2.5. Enrolment rates for children in complete general secondary education are also quite high, as this level of education is compulsory in Ukraine and guaranteed by the State on a free-of charge basis. The official entrance age to lower secondary education is 10, while the theoretical duration of secondary education is 7 years. In the early 2000s, a small decline in the gross secondary enrollment has been ob- served, indicating a divergence from the trend common for the whole ECA region (Figure 2.3a). In spite of the recent increase in enrollment rates, Ukraine’s indicators are still slightly lower than in the ECA, reaching 97 percent among girls and 100 percent among boys in 2013. Country gender assessment 28 for UKRAINE Chapter 2. ENDOWMENTS Figure 2.1. Gender parity ratios (women to men) by levels of education in Ukraine, 2010 and 2013 academic years 1,600 2010/2011 academic year 1,400 2013/2014 academic year 1,200 1,000 0,800 0,600 0,400 0,200 0,000 primary: 1 second stage of tertiaty: 6 upper secondary: 3 lower secondary: 2 first stage of tertiary: 5B post-secondary (non-tertiary): 4 first stage of tertiary: 5A pre-primary: 0 Notes: Gender parity ratios are estimated based on UNESCO approaches. Education levels are classified by ISCED coding of educational attainment. ‘Tertiary: 5A’ applies for tertiary institutions of accreditation levels III and IV, ‘Tertiary: 5B’ applies for tertiary institutions of accreditation levels I and II. ‘Second stage of tertiary: 6’ applies for PhD and doctoral programs. Source: State Statistics Service (State Statistics Service of Ukraine 2014). Figure 2.2. Primary gross enrollment and completion rates in Ukraine and the ECA region, by gender a) Primary enrollment rates, 2000-2013, in percent b) Primary school completion rates, in percent 115,0 120,0 male female 110,0 100,0 105,0 100,0 80,0 95,0 90,0 60,0 85,0 40,0 80,0 75,0 20,0 70,0 0,0 2000 2006 2010 2013 UA ECA UA ECA UA ECA ECA Female UA Female 2000 2010 2013 ECA Male UA Male Note: “UA” is for Ukraine. Note: “UA” is for Ukraine. Source: WDI 2015. Source: WDI 2015. Country gender assessment for UKRAINE 29 Chapter 2. ENDOWMENTS 2.6. In contrast to general secondary education, the system of vocational training is associated with large gender disparities in the enrollment rates. While the average share of girls among students at this education level has been quite stable in the ECA region during 2000-2013, vocational training in Ukraine was characterized by a sharp decline in the proportion of female students (Figure 2.3b). This trend was closely correlated with women’s drain to tertiary education due to a decline in the prestige of vocational training and their interest in higher education attainments, as well as because of the persistent gender-based segregation of employment. 2.7. Despite the inclusive education model in Ukraine, there are some categories of children for whom appropriate training is not being provided. During 2014/15 academic year, 43,997 children aged 6–18 were not attending general secondary schools for various reasons (Annex C). While more than one-third of these children were not in secondary schools for health reasons (including those with com- plex developmental disorders, who study in specialized institutions), 43.4 percent did not study because of other reasons, such as home education. A share of girls, who didn’t attend schools because of reasons, not associated with health, was by 5 percentage points larger than the corresponding share of boys - as in urban settlements, as in rural area. Figure 2.3. Secondary gross enrollment rates in Ukraine and the ECA region, by gender a) Secondary enrollment rates, 2000-2013, in percent b) Percentage of female students in secondary vocational ed- ucation, 2000-2013, in percent 110,0 60,0 % ECA 105,0 UA 50,0 100,0 95,0 40,0 90,0 85,0 30,0 80,0 20,0 75,0 70,0 10,0 2000 2006 2010 2013 ECA Female UA Female 0,0 ECA Male UA Male 1990 2000 2006 2013 Note: “UA” is for Ukraine. Note: “UA” is for Ukraine. Source: WDI 2015. Source: WDI 2015. 2.8. An important challenge for Ukraine’s inclusive system of education is provided by impact of the large-scale internal displacements caused by political destabilization in 2014-2015. These population movements affected as children (of pre-school and school age) and students, as education workers (such as teachers and lecturers). As a result, the continuity of educational process was broken for numerous contingents of displaced schoolchildren and students, as they were forced to get used to a new social environment, to get adapted to new locations of residence and schooling. According to the Ministry of Education and Science of Ukraine (MoES), there were 67.5 thousand displaced children attending preschools and secondary schools as on November 2014, of them 2.7 thousand children arrived from the Crimea, 42 thousand from Donetsk region, 22.8 thousand from Lugansk region. The number of dis- placed children reached almost 148 thousand persons in May of 2015. The MoES informed that more than 60 percent of the former Donbas students (i.e. about 90 thousand persons) were transferred to other tertiary institutions through the territory of Ukraine as on April of 2015. Also, almost 8 thousand stu- dents were transferred from the Crimea to other regions of Ukraine. Country gender assessment 30 for UKRAINE Chapter 2. ENDOWMENTS Tertiary Education 2.9. According to the WDI data, Ukraine’s rates of enrollment in tertiary education are much higher than in the ECA region as on average. The gross enrolment rates have been increasing as for girls, as for boys during 2000-2013 (Figure 2.4). In particular, women’s gross enrollment in tertiary education reached 86 percent, while men’s gross enrollment – 72 percent in 2013. As a result, the gender gap in tertiary enrolment has also increased from 6 to 14 percent in favour of women. Presently, women out- number men in tertiary education in most developed regions, testifying as their higher aspirations to obtain tertiary degrees to compete at the labour market, as girl’s higher preparation for higher education, as evidenced by their test scores in secondary education (OECD 2008). 2.10. A large share of schoolchildren become students of tertiary institutions immediately after grad- uating from school (19.5 percent of basic school graduates and 44.9 percent of high school graduates in 2014), which indicates a continuous transition from secondary to tertiary education in Ukraine. However, access to tertiary education can largely depend on income inequality: based on data of Household Survey in Ukraine (HHS), girls from low-income households are less likely to continue education after gradua- tion from secondary school. To assess the gender disparities in enrollment to post-secondary education, we use the data on students in households, and examine enrollment ratios among the population aged 17- 24 by gender and consumption quartiles (Figure 2.3b). The findings of this analysis reveal the important dimension of women’s vulnerability: while male enrollment rates are almost identical in households with different wealth status (at a level of 50 percent), women’s enrollment rates are much lower in the bottom (poorest) quartile as compared with top quartile. That may reflect a particular impact of income inequality on accessibility of tertiary education for women from low-income household, despite their total prevailing among tertiary students. Figure 2.4. Tertiary gross enrollment in Ukraine and the ECA region, and enrollment among population aged 17-24 in Ukraine, by gender a) Tertiary enrollment rates in 2000-2013, in percent b) Enrollment among population aged 17-24 by wealth quar- tiles, in percent 100,0 65,0 male female 80,0 60,0 55,0 60,0 % 50,0 40,0 45,0 20,0 40,0 0,0 35,0 2000 2006 2010 2013 ECA Female UA Female 30,0 I (bottom) II III IV (top) ECA Male UA Male consumption per capita quartiles Note: “UA” is for Ukraine. Note: Wealth quartiles are estimated by household per capita consumption: Quartile I consists of the poorest households, while Quartile Source: WDI 2014. IV of the richest population. Source: HHS 2013, author’s calculation. Country gender assessment for UKRAINE 31 Chapter 2. ENDOWMENTS 2.11. The impact of gender stereotypes is revealed through gender differences in the preferred fields of study. According to the State Statistics Service of Ukraine, female students make the overwhelm- ing majority in the fields of healthcare, education and humanitarian sciences (more than 70 percent of all students with these majors in 2014/2015 academic year), while male students prevail among those who study in the fields of transport and communications, engineering, architecture and construction. Enrolment in natural science, social science, business and law is more gender-neutral (Figure 2.5). Importantly, the outlined gender-based preferences in selecting future occupations result from persistent gender stereotypes on the “proper” jobs for women and men, perceived in the early childhood and re- produced by the system of school education. Many studies emphasize the role of stereotypes on men’s and women’s roles in a society, which are persistent in the school tutorial materials and contribute to a further occupational segregation by gender at the labour market (Haydenko 2011; Ukraine National Review 2014; MDG 2015). In spite of development and introduction of gender studies syllabi and teach- ing materials in some Ukrainian universities, the overall transformation process in the field of education is still very slow. However, some shifts can be observed: according to the Ministry of Defense, the number of female students, who entered military education has grown almost twice in 2015 as compared with a previous year (103 against 47 female students). Figure 2.5. Enrollment in tertiary education by subjects in 2014/2015 academic year, by gender, in percent a) Tertiary institutions of accreditation levels I and II b) Tertiary institutions of accreditation levels III and IV Health care Health care Education Education Humanitarian sciences Humanitarian sciences and arts and arts Natural sciences Natural sciences Social sciences, business Social sciences, business ans law ans law Other Other Agriculture, fishery Agriculture, fishery and forestry and forestry Architecture and Architecture and construction construction Engineering Engineering Transports Transports 0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100% 0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100% female male female male Source: State Statistics Service (2015h). 2.12. The composition of graduators from tertiary institutions by gender and obtained qualification confirms women’s interest in complete tertiary education, as there are more women among holders of higher qualification levels, such as Master’s Degree (Figure 2.6a). Importantly, a share of women among PhD holders has also grown recently (Figure 2.6b), reaching 57 percent in 2014. However, that may reflect the trend of social devaluation of employment in research and development due to low wages and men’s drain to more profitable sectors of economy. At the same time, women still make only 28.3 percent of Doctors of Science that clearly indicates that certain barriers are in force, being associated with the ‘glass ceiling’ phenomenon in academic careers of women. Country gender assessment 32 for UKRAINE Chapter 2. ENDOWMENTS Figure 2.6. Gender disparities in holding qualification levels and scientific degrees in Ukraine a) Women among total graduators from tertiary institutions b) Holders of PhD and Doctoral degrees by gender, 2000 and by qualification levels in 2014, in percent 2014, in percent 60,0 100% 90% 58,0 80% females, % 70% 56,0 60% 54,0 50% 40% 52,0 30% 20% 50,0 10% 48,0 0% 46,0 PhDs Doctors PhDs Doctors 44,0 of of Science Science 42,0 40,0 2000 2014 Masters Specialists Bachelors Young Specialists female male Source: State Statistics Service (2015 h). Source: State Statistics Service (2015h). В. Health 2.13. Based on a definition of the World Health Organization (WHO), health is a state of complete physical, mental and social well-being and not merely the absence of disease or infirmity. Personal re- sources and physical capabilities are essential in fostering opportunities of labour force participation, income accumulation and career advancement. Better health outcomes are also associated with econom- ic growth and sustainable development at the national level. In Ukraine, health inequalities could be revealed through multiple gender gaps in terms of life expectancy and morbidity; importantly, gender disparities in health outcomes are contributed by social factors and lifestyle-associated problems. In ag- gregate, these disparities are accumulated in demographic trends and affect the sex-age composition of a population. In turn, demographic processes shape the patterns of gender equality through intersections between fertility rates and female labour force participation. General Demographics and Sex-Age Composition of a Population 2.14. Ukraine has been experiencing a rapid population decline since the early 1990’s. According to estimations of the State Statistics Service of Ukraine (2015b), the total population number has dropped from 51.6 million persons in 1990 to 45.2 million persons in 2014. There were several determinants of a shrinking population in force over this period, including low fertility rates, development of the large-scale external migrations, and a small increase in the life expectancy at birth (in particular among females since the mid-2000’s). The disastrous events of 2014 resulted in the unprecedented decline in the total population as a result of annexation of the AR of Crimea; large population losses in the armed conflict, postponed births and intensified external migrations contributed to this process as well. As on early 2015, the total population number was estimated in 42.8 million persons (excluding the temporar- ily occupied territories of the AR of Crimea). According to UN’s medium demographic projections, de- population will progress in the nearest decades due to structural factors; as a result, the total population of Ukraine could drop to 42.3 million in 2025 and to 35.1 million in 2050 (United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Population Division 2015b). Country gender assessment for UKRAINE 33 Chapter 2. ENDOWMENTS 2.15. Presently, Ukraine is among nations with high rates of a population ageing. In 2015, persons aged 60 and over constituted for 22.6 percent of the total country’s population. At the background of the overall population decline, a population ageing is expected to progress in the next decades. Based on UN’s estimations, a share of persons aged 60+ could reach 25.4 percent in 2025 and 31.5 percent in 2050 (United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Population Division 2015b). It will result in the increased old-age dependency rates and significant burden for the pension and social protection systems. Also, such demographic shifts will pre-determine the new challenges for fiscal and insurance systems, the needs in reforming health care and education, and in new developments at the la- bour market and social infrastructure. In general, the whole system of social policies will require proper adjustments to the needs of elderly people. 2.16. The sex-age composition of a population of Ukraine is characterized by important gender asym- metry (Figure 2.7a). While there are slightly more men among young persons (under age 30), a share of women is increasing in older age groups. Almost two-thirds of population aged 60 and over are fe- male, as women’s life expectancy largely exceeds that of men. Besides, women constitute 73.3 percent of population aged 80+. According to UN’s demographic projections up to 2050, a share of women among elderly persons will become even larger due to a progressing ageing and women’s advantage in average life expectancy (Figure 2.7b). Thus, public policies on ageing should consider gender-sensitive implications, as more women will face a need in the life-long education and skill upgrading to retain in employment as time passes. Figure 2.7. Sex-Age Composition of a Population of Ukraine, in percent a) present, as on January 1, 2015 b) projected for 2025 and 2050 80+ female 80+ 75-79 75 - 79 70-74 male 70 - 74 65-69 65 - 69 60-64 60 - 64 55-59 55 - 59 50-54 50 - 54 45-49 Age groups 45 - 49 40-44 Age groups 40 - 44 35-39 35 - 39 30-34 30 - 34 25-29 25 - 29 20-24 20 - 24 15-19 15 - 19 10-14 10 - 14 5-9 5 -9 0-4 0 -4 10,0 5,0 0,0 5,0 10,0 10,0 5,0 0,0 5,0 10,0 share in total population share in total population, % Female 2050 Female 2025 Male 2050 Male 2025 Note: population of the temporarily occupied territories of the AR of Note: Medium variant of the UN’s World Population Prospects: the 2015 Crimea and the city of Sevastopol are excluded from estimations. Revision. Reference date: as of July 1. Source: State Statistics Service of Ukraine (2015b). Source: United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Population Division (2015b). 2.17. To address the challenges of ageing and to sustain the economic development, the pension reform has been realized in Ukraine, a new legislation entered into force in 2011. Unlike most post-socialist coun- creased the retirement age for both women and men (i.e. gender differences tries which have proportionally in­ remained mostly unchanged), Ukraine’s women’s retirement age (57 as of now) would be gradually raised to reach men’s retirement age (60) in 2021. In terms of gender equality, this measure will provide positive effects, as women’s earlier retirement is associated with smaller pension benefits, longer periods of “retired” life and higher risks of poverty in old age (UCSR and UNFPA 2014). On the other hand, women may encoun- ter higher risks of unemployment in the pre-retirement ages, as employer’s biased attitude to older workers is among the main forms of discrimination in employment in Ukraine (UCSR and UNFPA 2012). Country gender assessment 34 for UKRAINE Chapter 2. ENDOWMENTS 2.18. A sharp decline in fertility was among the principal determinants of a progressing population ageing. The total fertility rate (TFR) has dropped from 1.8 births per woman in 1990 to 1.1 births per woman in 2000 due to the aggravated living standards over transition period and because of structural factors related to the effects of “demographic waves” in the population structure. Since then, a gradual increase in fertility has been observed (Figure 2.8a); however the current TFR (1.506 births per wom- an in 2013) is not sufficient to provide even a simple replacement of generations. The Government of Ukraine made important efforts to increase the birth rates through allocation of generous maternity ben- efits in the mid-2000’s; the total amount of benefit was increasing with child birth order until 2014, when this norm was abolished. Although some growth of TRF has been observed, demographers argue that such monetary instruments of pronatalist policy could provide only a short-term effect (Libanova 2012). 2.19. Ukraine’s fertility patterns are also quite different from the European ones in terms of age-spe- cific birth rates (Figure 2.8b). Most women tend to have their first children before age 30, which could potentially affect their opportunities of employment and career advancement due to prolonged maternity leaves. In the early 2000’s, Moldova, Ukraine, Bulgaria, and Belarus had the lowest mean age at the first birth among all European countries (Aksyonova 2014). In 2012, the mean age at the first childbirth was 24.5 in Ukraine, while it varied significantly across Europe from 24.1 in Moldova to 30.8 in the United Kingdom (28.7 as on average across EU-288). At the same time, a positive trend was observed in Ukraine’s adolescent birth rate, as it has dropped from 32.1 to 27 live births per 1,000 girls aged 15- 19 during 2000-2014. Still, this rate is much higher than that in developed countries of Europe (12.6 births across EU in 2012). This demographic indicator is particularly important for gender assessment, as it is well-acknowledged that adolescent pregnancies have negative health consequences, while early motherhood is associated with adverse social effects, including education attainments and opportunity of employment. Figure 2.8. Fertility rates in Ukraine, EU and ECA, 2000-2011 a) total fertility rate, live births per woman b) age-specific fertility rates 2,0 0,12 EU-28 1,8 Ukraine 0,1 1,6 live births per woman 1,4 0,08 1,2 1,0 0,06 0,8 0,6 0,04 ECA 0,4 UA 0,02 0,2 EU-28 0,0 0 15 17 19 21 23 25 27 29 31 33 35 37 39 41 43 45 47 49 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 age Source: WDI 2015; Eurostat 2015. Note: age-specific fertility rate is defined as the ratio between the number of births occurring to women between ages x and x+1 and the number of person-years lived by women between ages x and x+1, over one calendar year. Source: estimations based on Eurostat 2015. 8 Eurostat Statistics Database, retrieved from: http://ec.europa.eu/eurostat. Country gender assessment for UKRAINE 35 Chapter 2. ENDOWMENTS Life Expectancy at Birth and Mortality 2.20. Despite high rate of a population ageing, Ukraine substantively lags behind the European coun- tries in longevity. The transition period was featured with a significant deterioration in the health of a population due to degradation of the healthcare and decline in the living standards. As a result, the average life expectancy at birth has been significantly lower than in the whole ECA region. Though a slow growth has been observed since 2000 (Figure 2.9a), Ukraine’s average life expectancy at birth is still among the lowest in Europe (71.4 years in contrast to 83.3 years in EU-28 in 2013). As a whole, the gender disparities in life expectancy at birth in favour of women are common for most developed regions and vary from 3.2 years in Sweden to 11.1 years in Lithuania across the EU Member States (Figure 2.9b). However, this gap is particularly large in Ukraine, reaching 10 years in 2013 (the average life expectancy was 76 for women and 66 for men). Figure 2.9. Life Expectancy at Birth in Ukraine and ECA region, 2000-2013, in years a) average life expectancy at birth by gender, in years b) gender gap in life expectancy at birth across Europe, in years 12 90,0 85,0 10 80,0 75,0 8 70,0 years Years 6 65,0 60,0 4 55,0 2 50,0 45,0 0 Lithuania Ukraine Latvia Estonia Bulgaria Romania Hungary France Croatia Portugal Slovenia Czech Republic Spain Greece Austria Belgium Italy Poland Cyprus Germany Malta Luxembourg Netherlands United Kingdom Finland Sweden Ireland Denmark Slovak Republic 40,0 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2012 2013 2011 ECA Females ECA Males UA Females UA Males Source: WDI 2014. Source: Eurostat 2014; State Statistics Service (2014). 2.21. The gender gap in life expectancy at birth is contributed by higher rates of mortality among men, exceeding the average rates of Europe and the ECA region (Figure 2.10a). The age-standardized death rates of men (1,495.1 per 100,000 population in 2013) were almost twice higher than the female age-standardized death rates (787.2 per 100,000 population). Despite of a notable progress over the last decade, adult mortality rate was 295 per 1,000 males in contrast to 114 per 1,000 females in Ukraine in 2013 (the corresponding mortality rates were 178 and 79 per 1,000 population in Europe as on average). The gender gap in mortality is primarily affected by extra-high death rates among men of the working age. In particular, the largest gender disparities are observed among persons aged 20-29, as male deaths rates in this age group exceed female death rates more than 3 times. Country gender assessment 36 for UKRAINE Chapter 2. ENDOWMENTS Figure 2.10. Adult mortality rates, in Ukraine and the ECA region a) Probability of dying between 15 and 60 years in b) Age-standardized death rates for men and women 1990-2013, per 1,000 population in Ukraine, 2010 and 2013, per 100,000 population 400 1800 Female 2010 350 1600 Male 2013 300 1400 250 1200 200 1000 150 800 100 600 50 400 200 0 1990 2000 2013 1990 2000 2013 1990 2000 2009 0 male female Europe Ukraine ECA Source: WDI 2014 for ECA region, WHO 2014 for Ukraine and Europe. Note: Age-standardized death rate represents what crude rate would have been if the population had the same age distribution as the standard European population. Source: State Statistics Service of Ukraine (2014). 2.22. It is important to highlight the gender disparities in the cause-specific structure of mortality: a share of external death causes is significantly larger among male population (10.6 percent of total deaths in 2014 in contrast to 2.6 percent of female deaths). As most of these death causes are preventable (such as injuries, poisonings, suicides, etc.), the primary reserves of the increased life expectancy should be seen in expansion of preventive policies to avoid any risky behavior and life-style associated problems. Male higher death rates from injuries are associated as with traffic accidents (according to WHO, age-standard- ized death rates of road traffic accidents were 21.5 per 100,000 males age 16+ and 5.1 per 100,000 females aged 15+ in 2008), as with occupational injuries. Based on the State Statistics Service (2015d), there were 6,440 survivors of occupational injuries registered in 2014, of them 886 persons died. Men accounted for 89.8 percent of lethal injuries at employment (4,908 total deaths); most of them took place in mining indus- tries, and were related to violation of the working discipline. Such statistics largely result from the gender structure of employment in hazardous works, where men absolutely prevail. 2.23. Stressful employment, unhealthy diets, alcohol abuse and tobacco consumption contribute to the increased mortality rates among men; with regard to the gender-related views in a society, these factors are closely associated with a emotional pressure of men’s breadwinning role and responsibility for their families. Levchuk (2009) identifies far greater alcohol-related mortality among males, as com- pared with females in Ukraine: estimate 40 percent of deaths among men and 22 percent among women aged 20-64 were attributed to harmful effects of alcohol. Ischemic heart diseases, undetermined injuries and other accidents, alcohol poisoning, as well as cirrhosis of the liver, produce the largest gains in life expectancy in this regard. Indeed, the age-standardized death rates of liver cirrhosis among males more than twice exceeded the corresponding death rates among females (56.7 versus 23.7 per 100,000 pop- ulation aged 15+ in 2012). There is also a worrying trend of increase in this type of alcohol-attributed mortality as among men, as among women during 2000-2012 (Figure 2.11a). Country gender assessment for UKRAINE 37 Chapter 2. ENDOWMENTS 2.24. Current cigarette smoking is much more prevalent among men, in particular in rural area of Ukraine (Figure 2.11b). As to women, special sociological surveys reveal that they are more likely to smoke if they are young, live in large cities and have a university education. In 2005, smoking prevalence among the male population was the highest in the WHO European Region, reaching 67 percent (WHO 2008). As a result, the WHO (2012) estimates the proportion of deaths attributable to tobacco in 25 percent for men and 2 percent for women (696 deaths per 100,000 men and 53 deaths per 100,000 women among population aged 30+). To address the challenge, the Law on Measures to Prevent and Reduce the Use of Tobacco Products and their Harmful Impact on the Health of the Population was adopted in 2005, while Ukraine ratified the WHO Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (FCTC) in 2006. Figure 2.11. Life-style associated dimensions of health by sex in Ukraine a) Age-standardized death rates (age 15+) of liver cirrhosis b) Prevalence of current cigarette smoking by residence in in 2008, per 100,000 2007, in percent 60 60 2000 50 50 2012 40 per 100,000 population 40 % 30 30 20 20 10 10 0 0 total rural urban female male female male Source: WHO database, 2012. Source: WHO database, 2012. 2.25. As to such base demographic indicators as infant and under-five child mortality, they demon- strate rather positive dynamics in Ukraine. Both children’s death rates declined sharply during the 2000’s, being lower than the average ECA indicator (Figure 2.12). Still, Ukraine lags far behind the average EU rate in terms of infant mortality: in 2014, there were 8.1 deaths per 1,000 live births in con- trast to 3.8 deaths per 1,000 live births in the EU (and 10.1 deaths per 1,000 live births in the ECA). The present concerns are related to the children’s coverage with immunization. In contrast to full children’s coverage of the early 2000’s, the current rate of vaccination against TB dropped to just 56.5 percent of eligible children, while that of vaccination against diphtheria, tetanus and pertussis (DTaP) to 38.4 percent, against poliomyelitis to 44.7 percent, and against hepatitis B to 48.5 percent. That may have inevitable negative consequences in terms of a population health and epidemiology risks. Positively, several rounds of the national polio vaccination campaign reached 81.7 per cent of targeted children, according to Ministry of Health statistics. Country gender assessment 38 for UKRAINE Chapter 2. ENDOWMENTS Figure 2.12. Infant and Under-Five Child Mortality in Ukraine, EU and the ECA, 1990-2015 a)  Infant mortality rates, per 1,00 live births b) Under-5 child mortality, deaths per 1,000 children 30,0 35,0 ECA ECA UKR 30,0 25,0 UKR EU 25,0 per 1,000 live births 20,0 per 1,000 children 20,0 15,0 15,0 10,0 10,0 5,0 5,0 0,0 0,0 1990 2000 2010 2014 1990 2000 2010 2015 Source: WDI 2015. Source: WDI 2015. 2.26. The maternal mortality rate has also decreased from 24.7 to 15.2 deaths per 100,000 live births during 2000-2014. Such a decline was largely contributed by actions conducted in the framework of the State Program on the Reproductive Health of the Nation until 2015; in particular, 98 percent of pregnant women were covered with antenatal care in Ukraine (MoH Center of Medical Statistics 2015). However, maternal mortality in Ukraine still remains much higher than the average rate in the EU and the ECA region (Figure 2.13a). 2.27. According to the State Statistics Service (2015c), 71 maternal deaths were recorded in 2014, of them 44 deaths were directly related to obstetric causes (such as complications during pregnancy, deliv- ery and postnatal period), while 27 deaths were related to any other disease, aggravated by pregnancy (Table 2.1). Extragenital pathologies contributed to the largest share of maternal death causes (Figure 2.13b), with cardiovascular diseases prevailing. As a whole, Ukraine was placed at the 69th position out of 179 countries in the global rating by Mother’s Index, which is estimated to assess the level of moth- er’s well-being (UNICEF 2015). 2.28. As a whole, depopulation and related negative demographic trends have been recognized as important challenges in the context of economic growth and human development by the Governments of Ukraine, and the National Strategy of Demographic Development up to 2015 and the relevant Plan of Action were approved yet in 2006. The main goals of the Strategy were targeted at: increase in fer- tility rates and support to families, improvement of a population health, and decrease in mortality rates, regulating migratory movements, providing adequate response to a population ageing and facilitating demographic development in the regions. Country gender assessment for UKRAINE 39 Chapter 2. ENDOWMENTS Figure 2.13. Maternal mortality in Ukraine, 1990-2014 a) Maternal mortality rate (modeled estimate), per 100,000 b) Main causes of maternal mortality in Ukraine, 2014 live births 50 ECA Amniotic 45 fluid UKR embolism; 40 Extragenital 9,1% EU pathology; Gestational 22,7% 35 toxicosis; per 100,000 live births 12,1% 30 25 20 Hemorrhage 15,2% 15 Sepsis; 19,7% 10 Pulmonary thrombo- 5 embolia; 16,7% 0 1990 2000 2010 2014 Source: WDI, WHO databases. Source: Ministry of Health of Ukraine 2015. Table 2.1. Mortality of women due to reasons connected with pregnancy, labors and complications of postnatal period in Ukraine, 2010–2014   2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 Persons Total deaths, connected with pregnancy, of them: 137 106 81 77 85 Maternal deaths, of them: 117 85 65 68 71 Direct obstetric causes 48 50 34 37 44 Indirect obstetric causes 69 35 31 31 27 External causes 20 21 16 9 14 per 100,000 live births Total deaths, connected with pregnancy, of them: 27.5 21.1 15.6 15.3 18.2 Maternal deaths, of them: 23.5 16.9 12.5 13.5 15.2 Direct obstetric causes 9.6 9.9 6.5 7.3 9.6 Indirect obstetric causes 13.9 7.0 6.0 6.2 5.7 External causes 4.0 4.2 3.1 1.8 3.0 Note: According to WHO’s ICD-10, direct obstetric causes are resulting from obstetric complications of the pregnancy (i.e. pregnancy, delivery and postnatal period), as well as a result of interventions, omissions, incorrect treatment or a series of these events; indirect obstetric causes result from a disease that existed before or emerged during pregnancy, not related to a direct obstetric cause but aggravated by the physiological effects of the pregnancy. Source: State Statistics Service of Ukraine (2015c). Country gender assessment 40 for UKRAINE Chapter 2. ENDOWMENTS General Morbidity and Communicable Diseases 2.29. The total structure of population mortality is characterized by certain gender asymmetry (Annex E), which is particularly obvious for communicable diseases. Though women demonstrate quite higher rates of disease incidence by almost all classes of diseases (i.e. number of diseases registered for the first time), that may reflect women’s larger disposition to apply for medical assistance in case of disease. Considering men’s higher death rates of all relevant death causes, morbidity statistics may also indicate that women usually tend to apply for medical help at earlier stages of illness. For example, while inci- dence of diseases of neoplasm was 1.5 times higher among women as compared with men (1,015 firstly registered cases per 100,000 women in contrast to 653 firstly registered cases per 100,000 men in 2014), there were much more male’s deaths attributing to neoplasm. At the same time, incidence of injuries, poisoning and other consequences of external causes is significantly higher among men (5,127 in con- trast to 3,072 firstly registered cases per 100,000 population), largely contributing to their high mortality. 2.30. Tuberculosis (TB) remains a particular problem in Ukraine, as the country was ranked among 27 high-multi-drug resistant -TB burden nations by the WHO. Despite the adoption of the Stop TB Strategy by the National TB Program, its components have not been  sufficiently implemented. The number of TB deaths has dropped twice during 2000-2013 (from 22.3 to 11.2 deaths per 100,000 popu- lation), but it is still much higher than that in the ECA region (Figure 2.14a). The TB death rate started to increase again in 2014, most probably due to a decline in the living standards due to the conflict and large-scale internal displacement, leading to broken schemes of TB treatment and unmet medical needs of the sick people. As to the gender dimension, the TB incidence has been traditionally much higher among male population; in particular, there were 89.2 newly registered cases of active form of TB per 100,000 men in 2014 in contrast to 34.5 cases per 100,000 women (Figure 2.14b). The gender dispari- ties are particularly notable among the mid-age population, as men constitute for more than three thirds of total persons with active form of TB in the age group of 45-64. Thus, the epidemiological situation with TB continues to pose a serious challenge for the public health in Ukraine and requires the priority measures to be controlled. Figure 2.14. Tuberculosis (TB) incidence and death rates in Ukraine, per 100,000 population a) TB death rates in Ukraine and the ECA region, b) Incidence of the active form of TB by gender, Ukraine, 1990-2014 1995-2014 30 100 ECA women UA 90 25 men 80 70 20 per 100,000 population per 100,000 persons 60 15 50 40 10 30 20 5 10 0 0 1990 2000 2005 2010 2014 1995 2004 2014 Source: WDI 2015. Source: State Statistics Service (2015c). 2.31. Another important challenge is posed by expansion of the HIV/AIDS epidemics. According to the UNAIDS estimates at the beginning of 2015, 264,489 cases of HIV infection have been officially registered in Ukraine since 1987, while over 35 thousand persons have died of diseases attributed by Country gender assessment for UKRAINE 41 Chapter 2. ENDOWMENTS AIDS9.As a result, Ukraine accounts for 25 percent of AIDS‐related deaths of their total number estimat- ed for the Eastern Europe and Central Asia. To address the problem, combating HIV/AIDS was targeted among the Millennium Development Goals in Ukraine, and some positive results have been achieved in collaboration with international donors. In particular, an important decline in the rate of mother-to-child HIV transmission should be mentioned. As a result of increased coverage with preventive antiretroviral therapy (ART) for women diagnosed with HIV during their pregnancy (from 9 percent in 1999 to 94 percent in 2014), the rate of such ‘vertical’ transmission of HIV dropped from 27.8 in 2001 to 4.3 in 2012.Importantly, the recent political destabilizing and armed conflict in Donetsk and Lugansk oblasts particularly affected the situation with HIV/AIDS response, as many HIV-infected people stayed at the non-government controlled areas, having no access to ART. In spite of the deep crisis, the National Special‐Purpose Social Program to fight HIV/AIDS for 2014‐2018 was adopted in 2014, addressing the implementation of a broad package of interventions to stabilizing the epidemics. 2.32. Men still account for the majority of people living with HIV in Ukraine, but women’s share is gradually growing, reaching almost 44.2 percent in 2014 (Figure 2.15a). Such increase is largely contrib- uted by the growing role of sexual transmission of HIV in contrast to parenteral form of transmission com- mon for the early 2000’s. In 2005‐2014, a share of persons who were infected sexually increased from 19 to 42 percent among men and from 53 to 86 percent among women. That may result from the insufficient rate of comprehensive knowledge about HIV prevention, as less than a half of women (46 percent) and men (45 percent) have comprehensive knowledge of HIV/AIDS prevention and transmission based on the 2007 UDHS results10. According to the MICS 2012, 90.6 percent of women know where to get tested for HIV, but only 62.9 percent have actually done so. Despite the fact that 87.3 percent of men know where to get tested, only 52.2 percent of men have done so. The knowledge of HIV is particularly low among young people. Based on the UNICEF study in 2012-13, only 10 percent of adolescents and young people have any lifetime experience of HIV testing (15 percent for girls and only 7 percent for boys), while only 28 percent of them correctly identify the ways of HIV transmission (Balakireva et al 2013). Figure 2.15. Gender composition of HIV-positive persons and persons living with AIDS, registered in medical institutions of Ukraine, 2014 a) HIV-positive persons, in percent b) persons living with AIDS, in percent 100% 100% 90% 90% 80% 80% 70% 70% 60% 60% 50% 50% 40% 40% 30% 30% 20% 20% 10% 10% 0% 0% persons with total people, persons with newly total people, newly registered registered in registered registered in diagnosis medical diagnosis medical institutions institutions men women men women Source: State Statistics Service of Ukraine (2015c). Source: State Statistics Service of Ukraine (2015c). 9 UNAIDS (2014) HIV and AIDS estimates for Ukraine, retrieved from: http://www.unaids.org/en/regionscountries/countries/ukraine/. 10 Comprehensive knowledge is defined as: 1) knowing that both condom use and limiting sex partners to one uninfected person are HIV/AIDS prevention methods, 2) being aware that a healthy-looking person can have HIV, and 3) rejecting the two most common local misconceptions, namely, that AIDS can be transmitted by kissing and by sharing food and utensils with someone who is infected with the AIDS virus. Country gender assessment 42 for UKRAINE Chapter 2. ENDOWMENTS Reproductive Health and Family Planning 2.33. According to the WHO, reproductive health implies that people are able to have a responsible, satisfying and safe sex life and that they have the capability to reproduce and the freedom to decide if, when and how often to do so. Implicit in this are the right of men and women to be informed of and to have access to safe, effective, affordable and acceptable methods of fertility regulation of their choice, and the right of access to appropriate health care services that will enable women to go safely through pregnancy and childbirth and provide couples with the best chance of having a healthy infant. To address the need in family planning, the network of specialized institutions was established in Ukraine, while the targeted governmental programs have been realized to improve the reproductive health, including “Family Planning”, “Reproductive Health 2001-2005”, and “Reproductive Health of the Nation for the Period Until 2015”. With implementation of the program, the government has, for the first time, support- ed the purchase of contraceptive supplies that will be provided at no cost to women who should avoid pregnancy or childbirth for health reasons. 2.34. In general, a steady trend towards a decline in the number of unwanted pregnancies and abor- tions was observed in Ukraine (Figure 2.16a). During 2000-2014, the number of abortions declined by almost 70 percent (from 32.1 to 10.37 per 1,000 women of reproductive age). Of this number, 58 percent were cases of pregnancy terminated at a woman’s request, while the remaining cases occurred for medi- cal reasons such as spontaneous abortion, miscarriage etc. The prevalence of teenage pregnancy has also declined from 17.76 in 2001 (per 1,000 girls aged 15–17) to 11.83 in 2014. The abortion rate decreased from 7.74 per 1,000 adolescent girls in 2001 to 1.83 in 2013, which indicates that pregnant girls more often decide to give birth than to terminate the pregnancy. Despite this notable decrease in the number of abortions, the teenage pregnancy remains a pressing problem. In total, prevalence of abortions can be considered quite high in Ukraine: more than a half of the 2007 UDHS respondents (58.2 percent) report- ed about at least one abortion, while 37.2 percent had had two or three, and slightly fewer than 5 percent had had four or more abortions. According to the 2012 MICS, 13.9 percent of pregnancies occurring during the three years preceding the survey ended in abortions. The results of the 2007 UDHS showed that knowledge of at least one modern method of family planning in Ukraine is universal among both women and men, regardless of marital status. The 2012 MICS indicates that a half of female respondents reported having ever used a pregnancy prevention method, with 48.9 percent of them using modern methods, and 31.9 percent preferring traditional methods (MICS 2013). 2.35. Despite a notable improving, the health of pregnant women still requires increased attention, as its poor state often affects the course of pregnancy and health of the newborns. According to the MoH, one in four pregnant women experience anaemia during her pregnancy (Figure 2.16b), while one in sixteen women – diseases of blood circulation system. The issues of reproductive health were consid- ered in the programs of universal coverage of pregnant women with prenatal medical care. In particular, introduction of technologies of the clinic protocol “Anaemia of pregnant women’ was accompanied with positive dynamics of prevalence of anaemia among pregnant women (Figure 2.16a). Still, a lot of problems persist, including high prevalence of sexually transmitted diseases (for instance, incidence of the new cases of syphilis was 9.8 per 100,000 men and 7.5 per 100,000 women in 2014) and increase in infertility. According to the Ministry of Health of Ukraine (MoH), 6.8 percent of spousal pairs (about 1 million of families) experienced the problem of infertility. The estimated rates of infertility were 3.5-2.8 per 1,000 women and 0.5 per 1,000 men11. However, Ukraine still lags far behind the developed coun- tries of Europe in term of use of the assisted reproductive treatment (ART): in 2011, the latest year for which figures are available, 588,629 treatment cycles were reported from 33 European countries, France (85.4 cycles), Germany (67.6), Italy (63.8), Russia (56.2), Spain (66.1) and the UK (59.8) being the most active countries12. At the same time, there were only 16.1 thousand ART cycles in Ukraine in 2013 11 Retrieved from: http://tsn.ua/zdorovya/v-ukrayini-vid-bezpliddya-strazhdaye-blizko-milyona-simey-294616.html. 12 Retrieved from: https://www.eshre.eu/guidelines-and-legal/art-fact-sheet.aspx. Country gender assessment for UKRAINE 43 Chapter 2. ENDOWMENTS (Center of Medical Statistics of MoH, 2014), in spite of allocation of the target funding within special governmental programs. Figure 2.16. Reproductive health in Ukraine: abortions and health of pregnant women a) Abortion rate, per 1,000 women of reproductive age and b) Prevalence of anaemia among pregnant women in per 100 births Ukraine, EU and ECA region, in percent 160 40,0 per 1,000 women aged 15-49 ECA 140 per 100 births EU 35,0 UKR 120 30,0 100 25,0 abortions 80 20,0 % 60 15,0 40 10,0 20 5,0 0 0,0 1995 2000 2005 2010 2014 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 Note: the number of abortions is provided including mini abortions. Source: WDI 2015. i.e. abortions realized at early stages of pregnancy through vacuum aspiration. Source: State Statistics Service (2015). Country gender assessment 44 for UKRAINE Chapter 3. ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES Chapter 3. ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES 3.1. The outcomes of economic opportunities are revealed through access to income and economic resources, determining the material well-being of individuals, their households and communities. In aggregate, equal economic opportunities contribute to a sustainable economic growth associated with high living standards and low income inequality. Gender inequality in economic opportunities can be traced in multiple dimensions, including participation at the labor market and access to employment, remuneration of work, and self-realization through career advancement or entrepreneurship. 3.2. To address these particular gaps, we provide the assessment of gender disparities in the la- bour force participation, economic inactivity and unemployment by background characteristics of a population, and specific features of employment patterns across gender in Section A. In this Section, gender-based segregation of employment is also examined, as well as prevalence of gender discrimi- nation at the labour market and gender dimension of labour migrations. Section B is devoted to a deep analysis of the gender gaps in earnings and incomes, including the poverty risks. The issues of unequal distribution of paid and unpaid work among women and men are considered in this Section as well. In Section C, we examine the gender-based challenges in career advancement and access to top managerial positions in Ukraine, as well as business opportunities and financial inclusion for women and men. A. Labour Market 3.3. Employment is the main form of realization of the economic activity and the major source of income for individuals, their households and entire communities. At the level of the global Millennium Development Goals, full and productive employment and decent work for all were adopted as a central target in eradication of poverty (ILO 2009). Importantly, employment not only provides the earnings, but also allows expressing of self-fulfillment and empowerment. With this regard, the concept of the decent work has been developed and put on the global agenda by the International Labour Organization (ILO). The concept involves opportunities for work that is productive and delivers a fair income, secu- rity in the workplace and social protection for families, better prospects for personal development and social integration, freedom for people to express their concerns, organize and participate in the decisions that affect their lives and equality of opportunity and treatment for all women and men. Labour Force Participation 3.4. The overall labour force participation rate has dropped in Ukraine since the early 1990’s due to transformations of the transition period and the increased share of inactive population, as well as be- cause of extension of the period of study and higher enrolment to education. The respective decline has been observed as for females, as for males. As a result, Ukraine’s male labour force participation rate has been significantly lower than the EU and ECA averages during the whole period (increasing from 71.6 to 73.5 percent of male population aged 15-64 during 2000-2014). However, female labour force participation rate was even higher than the average EU rate in the early 2000’s due to a historical pattern of high women’s economic activity in post-socialist states. Based on the modeled ILO estimates (WDI 2015), it stayed almost unchanged during 2000-2014, being around 62-63 percent of female population aged 15-64 (Figure 3.1). At the same time, female participation rate has been steadily growing in the EU Member States; as a result, Ukraine is currently lagging behind the EU in this regard. As this gap is also contributed by Ukraine’s lower retirement age for women (the standard European retirement age is 65 regardless of gender), the on-going increase in the women’s retirement age will obviously reduce this gap through increased female labour force participation rate. 3.5. When estimated for the whole population aged 15 and over, Ukraine’s labour force participation rates across gender are very close to the regional ECA and EU averages (Figure 3.2a). In fact, Ukraine’s labour force participation rate for females (53.5 percent for population aged 15+) is even higher than that Country gender assessment for UKRAINE 45 Chapter 3. ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES  in many countries of South and Eastern Europe. Ukraine’s gender gap in labour force participation (13.6 percent points in 2014) is also quite similar to the EU average (correspondingly 13.9 percent points). Figure 3.1. Labour force participation rates by gender in Ukraine, EU and the ECA region, 2000-2014 a)  Female labor force participation rate, in percent of fe- b) Male labor force participation rate, in percent of male male population aged 15-64 population aged 15-64 90,0 90,0 80,0 80,0 % of female population aged 15-65 % of male population aged 15-64 70,0 70,0 60,0 60,0 50,0 50,0 40,0 40,0 ECA ECA 30,0 30,0 EU EU 20,0 20,0 UA UA 10,0 10,0 0,0 0,0 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2012 2013 2014 2011 Note: Modeled ILO estimates. ‘UA’ for Ukraine. Note: Modeled ILO estimates. ‘UA’ for Ukraine. Source: WDI 2015. Source: WDI 2015. 3.6. Gender patterns of the labour force participation or inactivity are largely dependent on factors associated with marriage and parenthood. Based on Ukraine’s Labour Force Survey (LFS) microdata, the largest gender gap in economic activity is observed among married population (the labour force participation rates for married population aged 15-70 were 75.5 percent for men and 60.7 percent for women in 2014). Besides women’s earlier retirement age, such a difference could be associated with persistent social views on the ‘proper’ gender roles, explored in Chapter 1. In particular, male’s role of breadwinners poses a need in their active position at the labour market to maintain their families, while married women could prefer economic inactivity and status of a housewife. To support this assumption, the gender gap in labour force participation is declining among divorced people at expense of women’s increased activity at the labour market. Several factors could contribute to the last trend, including a need to provide the decent living standards after separation, as well as women’s ‘deliberation’ from family duties and expanded opportunities of employment and career advancement. The lowest rates of labour force participation are common for widowed and never married persons, who represent rather elderly people and youngest population. 3.7. The total number of inactive population increased from 11,945 to 12,023 thousand persons during 2010-2014; women accounted for more than 60 percent of them. Based on the national estimates, there were 7,370.3 thousand inactive women (43.9 percent of total female population aged 15-70) and 4,652.7 thousand inactive men (30.7 percent of total male population aged 15-70) in 2014. The key rea- son for non-participating in the labour force for both men and women was related to their pension status (52.3 percent of inactive women and 55 percent of inactive men). The second significant reason for male inactivity was the pursuit of education (Figure 3.3); however, a share of students has decreased among inactive population as compared with 2005. In contrast, a substantial drain of the labour force into the household sector occurred, making engagement in domestic (family) duties the second largest reason for female non-participating in the labour force. The role of other reasons for economic inactivity, such as health state, disillusionment, seasonal character of work, and expectations for return to a previous job, is less important. Country gender assessment 46 for UKRAINE Chapter 3. ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES Figure 3.2. Labour force participation by gender in Ukraine a) Labour force participation rates in Ukraine and across b) Labour force participation by gender and marital status, the ECA region in 2014, in percent of population 15+ in 2014, in percent of population aged 15-70 70 80 female 70 65 male female labour force participation, 60 % of population aged 15+ 60 50 55 40 UA EU 30 50 ECA 20 45 10 40 0 40 50 60 70 80 90 married never divorced widowed male labour force participation, % of population aged 15+ married Note: ‘UA’ for Ukraine. Source: LFS 2014. Source: developed based on WDI 2015. Figure 3.3. Main reasons for inactivity by gender in Ukraine, 2005 and 2014, as percent of total inactive population aged 15-70 2014 men retired 2005 students, pupils looking after family / home 2014 other reasons women 2005 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% Source: LFS 2014. Country gender assessment for UKRAINE 47 Chapter 3. ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES  Employment Trends and Background Characteristics of Employment 3.8. Employment-to-population ratio is a base indicator of accessibility of work, indicating the op- portunities of getting a job. As a whole, female employment-to-population ratio remains lower than that of males all over the world; however, while a narrowing of the gender gaps in unemployment rates can be observed in Europe (ILO 2012), the Ukraine’s trends are not so obvious. The employment rate for Ukraine’s women was 55.2% in 2014, which was lower than the EU-28 average of 59.6%, but exceeded the indicators of some South European countries, such as Greece and Italy (Figure 3.4). At the same time, female employment rate in Ukraine was much lower than that in the Nordic countries (about 70% for women aged 15-64). Figure 3.4. Employment-to-population ratio (age 15-64) by gender in Ukraine and the EU, 2014 90 Women Men 80 70 % of population aged 15-64 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 Cyprus Slovak Republic Latvia Italy UK EU -28 Finland Ukraine Czech Republic Slovenia Belgium Spain Bulgaria Hungary Lithuania Estonia Austria Denmark Ireland Croatia Netherlands Poland Romania France Germany Portugal Greece Sweden Source: LFS, Eurostat. 3.9. As compared with the early 2000’s, employment-to-population ratios have grown as for men, as for women. But, statistics reveal that male employment rate is more sensitive to economic cycle impacts (Figure 3.5a), as it was clearly affected by the economic crisis of 2008-2009, while female employment rate demonstrated even a slow growth at that time. However, political destabilization and the 2014 crisis had a significant impact on labour market opportunities as for men, as for women, as employment rates have dropped by about 5 percent points for both population groups. 3.10. Like in most developed countries, there is a positive correlation between the level of education and labour market participation rates in Ukraine (Figure 3.5b). Except the first stage of tertiary edu- cation, better educational attainments are associated with higher rates of employment for both sexes. Thus, a further development of female educational potential is an important instrument to raise their competitiveness in the labour market, and women’s high enrolment to tertiary education will promote their employment opportunities and reduce the gender gaps at the labour market. Country gender assessment 48 for UKRAINE Chapter 3. ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES Figure 3.5. Employment-to-population ratio by gender (population aged 15-64) in Ukraine, in percent a) Employment-to-population ratio by gender, 2000-2014 b) Employment rates by gender and education, 2014 90 70 female 80 % male 60 70 60 % 50 50 40 40 30 20 30 10 0 20 ) ) ry 4) (3) (2) 1) (5B (5A tia y( (0- ary ary te r ia r ry ry men ary nd nd rtia rtia ert te im eco o ple 10 n-t sec f te f te -pr om rs no women eo eo er pre pe inc ary low g ag up sta or nd t st s 0 ry nd o sec ma fir o 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2012 2013 2014 2011 sec pri st- po Source: LFS 2014. Source: LFS 2014. 3.11. Also, some structural shifts have been observed in the age-specific employment patterns (Figure 3.6a): employment rates have dropped among young women (ages 25-34), contributing to the largest gender gap in employment rates. It may result as from women’s growing enrolment to tertiary education, as from their higher vulnerability to unemployment due to a biased attitude of employers. As women aged 25-34 belong to the most active reproductive age group, they could be taken as less valuable workers because of potential maternity leave and extensive social guarantees provided by leg- islation. At the same time, the smallest gender gap in employment is observed in the age of 40-49, when the burden of family responsibilities upon women is minimized and more opportunities are open for economic activities. Some sociological surveys confirm that maternity and related family obligations are regarded as most prevalent reasons of a biased attitude of employers in hiring women as competitive workers (UCSR & UNFPA 2012). 3.12. As a whole, women are guaranteed with an extensive system of protective measures and specif- ic benefits related to maternity in Ukraine. Like in most post-soviet states, they are entitled to the paid maternity leave for a mandatory minimum length of 70 days prior to and 56 (in case of health prob- lems - 70) days after childbirth. During this period women receive 100 percent of their wages provided by the state social insurance system. Following, a mother (or a father) can take up to 3 years (in some cases - up to 6 years) of parental leave; she (he) is also guaranteed an equivalent position after a leave. Women are entitled to social benefits on children (Annex F), but due to a small amount of most benefits, many parents return to work earlier. According to estimates of the League of Social Workers of Ukraine, the average duration of parental leave is 9-12 months in Ukraine13. Also, the current legislation guaran- tees a lower production/service rate for pregnant women or their transfer to easier jobs, elimination of any impact of unfavourable production factors based on medical conclusion, with retention of average earnings in the previous job; it is prohibited to employ pregnant women and women with children under 3 at night or overtime work, or work on holidays, and to send them on business trips; and dismissal of pregnant women is penalized by the law. Women with children aged 3-14 or disabled children enjoy limited employment in overtime work and business trips; the right to additional paid leaves for women with two or more children; the right to additional paid breaks for child feeding for women with children under 18 months. In practice, these additional measures of social protection often turn into employ- 13 Joint Project of the EU and League of Social Workers of Ukraine: “Back to work: re-integration of parents to professional life after a parental leave”, retrieved at: http://znovudoroboty.org.ua/en/about-the-project. Country gender assessment for UKRAINE 49 Chapter 3. ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES  ment barriers in the mid- and long-term run, although they are aimed at improving women’s working conditions. There is also an important problem of women’s reintegration to work after a long leave and upgrading their professional skills. Figure 3.6. Labour force participation by gender and background characteristics in Ukraine a) Age-specific employment rates by gender, 2000 and b) Female employment rates (ages 25-49) by number of 2014, in percent children, in percent % 80 % 80,0 70 70,0 60 60,0 50 50,0 40 40,0 30 30,0 women, 2000 20 women, 2014 20,0 men, 2000 10 men, 2014 10,0 0 15-24 25-29 30-34 35-39 40-49 50-59 60-70 1 child 2 children 3 children 4 children Age groups and more Source: LFS 2014. Source: LFS. 3.13. The impact of maternity on employment opportunities is also revealed through a reverse cor- relation between the rates of female employment and number of children. Based on LFS , the rate of employment for women having only one child was about 70 percent in the age group of 25-49, while it made only 40 percent for women having 4 children and more in the same age group (Figure 3.6b). The key factors of such dependency should be seen not only in lower competitiveness of women with many children at the labour market due to additional family responsibilities, but also in their changing prior- ities of work/family balance. Availability of childcare is also quite important to address the problems of working women with family obligations, but there is a systematic lack of affordable pre-schools in Ukraine, in particular in rural area. For example, the enrolment rate for children aged 3-5 was 82.5 per- cent in urban pre-schools in contrast to only 57.5 percent in rural area (State Statistics Service 2015f). As of early 2014, there were no pre-schools in 17,800 rural settlements having children under 6, while the nearest kindergartens were 3–5 km away (State Statistics Service 2014a). 3.14. The disparities in access to work are most obviously reflected in the rates of unemployment. Women are more likely to be officially registered as unemployed in the Public Employment Service (PES). In particular, they accounted for 54.6 percent of total registered unemployed in 2014, when 801.8 thousand women and 666.7 thousand men were registered with the PES. Respectively, the rates of registered unemployment were 2.8 percent for women and 2.1 percent for men. In this regard, Kupets argues that the gender gaps in unemployment coverage are caused by men’s lower propensity to register with the PES, resulting in unequal unemployment benefits and participation in active labour market programmes (Kupets 2010). At the same time, the LFS estimates (based on the ILO definition of unem- ployment) reveal significantly higher unemployment rates, when analyzing the actual labour force sup- ply in Ukraine. Since the early 1990’s, there have been more unemployed men in the total labour force (Figure 3.7). Such trend has been observed due to economic restructuring and closure of large industrial enterprises. Except economic reasons, lower rates of female unemployment in Ukraine could indicate women’s readiness to accept low-paid and less prestigious jobs because of lower competitiveness, not better job opportunities. Country gender assessment 50 for UKRAINE Chapter 3. ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES Figure 3.7. Unemployment trends in Ukraine, 2000-2014 a) Unemployed population (ages 15-70) by gender, in thou- b) Unemployment rates (population aged 15-70) by gender, sand persons in percent 2 700 % men 15,0 2 400 women 13,5 2 100 12,0 1 800 10,5 thousand persons 1 500 9,0 7,5 1 200 6,0 900 4,5 600 3,0 women 300 men 1,5 0 0,0 Source: LFS 2014. Source: LFS 2014. 3.15. The impact of economic downturns is also well reflected in the trends of unemployment, indi- cating that the number of unemployed largely increased in 2009 due to the impact of economic crisis (Figure 3.7a). It also increased dramatically in 2014, following political destabilization and the armed conflict to reach 7.5 percent for women and 10.8 percent for men (ages 15-70). Though it is widely recognized at the global level that economic crisis may lead to the increased vulnerabilities of women at the labour market due to unemployment (United Nations 2009), the trend is not so clear in Ukraine. In contrast, both crises of 2009 and 2014 hit mostly male employment. In particular, the male-dominat- ed sectors (such as heavy industries and construction) were the first to experience the economic losses and short-cuttings. As women constitute the majority of employed in the public sector (particularly, in education, health care, social service and public administration system, etc), they turn out to be more secured in terms of employment. 3.16. The large-scale internal displacements of 2014-2015 posed new challenges of providing IDPs with opportunities for employment. According to the PES, about 64.3 thousand persons from the AR Crimea, Donetsk and Lugansk oblasts have applied for assistance to regional departments of the PES in all oblasts of Ukraine from March 2014 to January 2016; the largest numbers of applicants were registered in Donetsk, Dnipropetrovsk, Kharkiv, Zaporizhzhya, Poltava, Lugansk oblasts and Kyiv city (PES 2015). The PES assisted 17.6 thousand persons in placement in jobs, while 3.8 thousand unem- ployed were arranged to receive occupational training, 5.5 thousands were engaged in public works. As on January 31 of 2016, 9.9 thousand registered IDPs were receiving services of the PES, of them 9.1 thousands were officially unemployed. Women constituted for more than two-thirds (71.7 percent) of the total registered unemployed among IDPs, while their share varied from 64 percent in Zakarpattya oblast to 79.6 percent in Ivano-Frankivsk oblast. Such gender composition of the registered unemployed IDPs results as from women’s prevailing among displaced persons, as from their higher vulnerability in displacement. 3.17. Statistics confirms that women’s return to employment in case of losing a job could take more time as compared with men (Table 3.1). There are also more women among the long-term unemployed (for 12 months and more), who face particular risks of poverty and social exclusion. In particular, the long-term unemployment rates were 22 percent for women and 19 percent for men in 2014. In addition, the highest risks of unemployment are common for young people (aged 15-24), who face persistent con- strains in finding a job due to a lack of skills and experience of work. The gender gap in unemployment Country gender assessment for UKRAINE 51 Chapter 3. ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES  is observed in this age group as well: 22.4 percent among young females versus 23.7 percent among young males in 2014. Table 3.1. Unemployed persons by gender and length of unemployment, 2014 Share of unemployed persons by length of unemployment, in percent Average length of unemployment, in less than 1-3 months 3-6 months 6-9 months 9-12 months 12 months and months 1 month more Women 8.0 23.6 23.9 14.0 8.5 22.0 10 Men 7.5 26.4 27.9 12.5 6.7 19.0 9 Source: LFS 2014. Gender-Based Segregation at the Labour Market 3.18. According to the 2012 World Development Report, women and men tend to work in very dif- ferent parts of the “economic space,” with little change over time, even in high-income countries (World Bank 2012). Indeed, gender-based segregation of employment is among the most enduring aspects of labor markets all over the world (European Commission 2009, Eurofound 2013), shaping the persistent gender inequalities in opportunities, earnings and career advancements. The patterns of gender-based segregation may take different forms, being traced across occupations and sectors of economic activity (i.e. horizontal form of segregation), and across levels of managerial positions (i.e. vertical form of seg- regation). In most societies, the increased concentration of women in ‘female-dominated’ sectors and occupations is associated with lower levels of remuneration for work, devaluation of labour, and lower social prestige of professions. 3.19. The ILO reports argue that sectoral segregation of employment by gender has increased global- ly over time with women moving out of agriculture and industry into services in developed economies (ILO 2012a). As to gender-based occupational segregation, there is also some evidence of a decline in the 1990’s and a stalling of this convergence in the last decade. The recent estimates for Europe (European Commission 2014) revealed that just 18 percent of women work in mixed occupations (where either women or men account for 60-40 percent of total employed), while 69 percent of women work in fe- male-dominated occupations, and 13 percent of women work in male-dominated occupations (Figure 3.8). In contrast, only 15 percent of men work in mixed occupations and 59 percent of them work in male-dominated occupations. In Ukraine, female employment is more diversified, as only 57.8 of total employed women are concentrated in female-dominated occupations; there are also much more women in mixed occupations (27.8 percent of total employed women). In contrast, male employment looks more concentrated, as 61.2 percent of employed men work in male-dominated occupations, while 22.9 percent of them are employed in mixed occupations. Country gender assessment 52 for UKRAINE Chapter 3. ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES Figure 3.8. Gender-based segregation of employment by male- and female-dominated occupations in Ukraine and the EU-27 men EU-27 male-dominated women occupations mixed occupations men female dominated Ukraine occupations women 0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100% Note: ‘Male-dominated occupations’: men account for more than 60 percent of total employed; ‘female-dominated occupations’: women account for more than 60 percent of total employed; ‘mixed occupations’: either women or men constitute from 40 to 60 percent of total employed. Source: estimates for EU-27 based on European Commission (2014); estimates for Ukraine based on LFS (2014). 3.20. To estimate the levels of gender-based segregation, Duncan’s Index of Dissimilarity is used, pro- viding a measure of concentration of employed women / men within various sectors and occupations (Duncan & Duncan 1955). The recent trends in Europe are outlined with a slight decline in the aggregate occupational index and a slight rise in the sector index over the period of the recession and austerity (2007-2012). Importantly, these changes have been driven mostly by shifts in male occupations, including destruction of male-dominated jobs in construction and manufacturing. The similar trends have been ob- served in Ukraine over this period; however, both indices for the gender-based segregation grew again in 2014 (Table 3.2), indicating the increased concentration of women and men in their traditional occupations and sectors of economic activity. Such an increase has negative impacts in terms of the labour market flex- ibility and mobility of the labour force, constraining the economic opportunities for both men and women. Table 3.2. Segregation of employment by gender (based on Duncan’s Index of Dissimilarity) in Ukraine, 2008-2014 Type of segregation 2008 2011 2014 Segregation in occupations 35.5 33.6 36.4 Segregation in sectors 32.7 33.9 34.2 Note: occupations are classified based on the ISCO-88, while economic sectors are classified based on NACE Rev.-1. The values of Index of Dissimilarity range from 0 to 100 and measure the relative separation or integration of gender across occupations / sectors. If the value equals 0, it means the occupations are distributed evenly between male and female, if the value is 100, it means the occupations are completely segregated. The detailed methodology on calculation of Duncan’s Index of Dissimilarity is available at: (Duncan & Duncan 1955). Source: author’s calculations based on LFS. 3.21. Presently, the gender-based sectoral segregation of employment is quite high in Ukraine. Just as in most developed regions, women realize their economic activity mostly in service sector, while men are much more represented in industrial activities (particularly in mining) and in the services needing black-collar workers (Figure 3.9). The traditional ‘female-dominated’ types of economic activity are presented by sectors of education (77.2 percent of women among total employed), health care and social protection (83.2 percent), financial and insurance activities (70.7 percent), and accommodation and food service activities (68 percent). In contrast, men prevail among employed in industries (62.2 percent), agriculture, forestry and fishing (68 percent), construction (79.2 percent), transport and communication (61.2 percent). Country gender assessment for UKRAINE 53 Chapter 3. ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES  Figure 3.9. Employment by major sectors of employment and gender in Ukraine, 2014, in percent of total employed Human health and social work activities Education Financial and Insurance Activities Accomodation and Food Service Activities Public Administration and Defense; Compulsory Social Security Arts, Entertainment and Recreation Other Service Activities Professional, Scientific and Technical Activities Wholesale and Retail Trade; Repair of Motor Vehicles and Motorcycles Information and Communication Real Estate Activities Administrative and Support Service Activities Transportation and Storage Mining and Quarrying, Manufacturing, Elctricity, Gas, Stream and Air Conditionung Supply Agriculture, Forestry and Fishing Construction 0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100% women men Note: sectors of employment are classified based on the NACE Rev.214. Source: State Statistics Service 2015g. 3.22. As to occupational segregation, women are usually over-represented in the mid-skilled jobs, like ‘office clerks’, ‘customer service clerks’ and ‘sales workers’, while men prevail among ‘crafts, plant and machine operators’, and at managerial positions (ILO 2012a). In Ukraine, the ‘female-dom- inated’ occupations consist also of mid-level intellectual jobs, such as ‘life science and health as- sociate professionals’, ‘teaching associate professionals’, and ‘teaching professionals’ (based on the International Standard Classification of Occupations (ISCO-88)15. Most of these occupations provide opportunities to use the educational advantage of women at the labour market, but they do not guaran- tee high returns of education in terms of earnings. In contrast, male-dominated occupations are mostly represented by manual labour occupations, such as ‘metal, machinery and related trades workers’; ‘drivers and mobile-plant operators’; ‘extraction and building trades workers’; ‘labourers in mining, construction, manufacturing and transport’ (Figure 3.10). As to intellectual work, men prevail among ‘physical, mathematical and engineering science professionals and associate professionals’; obviously, such segregation reflects the gender disparities in the preferred fields of tertiary education. Another important gender-based disparity is found in male domination at the top managerial positions, such as ‘directors and chief executives’, ‘legislators and senior officials’, ‘managers of small enterprises’. At the same time, the mixed occupations (such as ‘subsistence agricultural and fishery workers’; ‘depart- ment managers’, ‘machine operators and assemblers’, ‘personal and protective service workers’, ‘agri- cultural, fishery and related labourers’) are characterized by rather close-to-parity gender composition of employed in Ukraine (Annex G). 14 http://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/ramon/nomenclatures/index.cfm?TargetUrl=LST_NOM_DTL&StrNom=NACE_REV2 15 Laboursta Internet, ILO, retrieved from: http://laborsta.ilo.org/applv8/data/isco88e.html. Country gender assessment 54 for UKRAINE Chapter 3. ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES Figure 3.10. Employment by sub-major occupation groups and gender in Ukraine, 2014, in percent of total employed life science and health associate professionals teaching associate proffesionals customer services clerks office clerks teaching proffesionals models, salespersons and demonstrators sales and services elementary occupations other professionals other associate professionals elementary occupations common for all economic activities personal and protective services workers life science and health professionals other craft and related trades workers agricultural, fishery and related labourers machine operators and assemblers department managers directors and chief executives market-oriented skilled agricultural and fishery workers precision, handicraft, printing and related trades workers legislators and senior officials stationary-plant and related operators managers of small enterprises physical and engineering science associate professionals physical, mathematical and engineering science professionals labourers in mining, construction, manufacturing and transport extraction and building trades workers drivers and mobile-plant operators metal, machinery and related trades workers women men 0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100% Note: occupational groups are classified based on the International Standard Classification of Occupations (ISCO-88). Source: LFS 2014. 3.23. Gender-based segregation is determined by some objective factors. In particular, the legislation of Ukraine bans women’s employment in some hazardous and dangerous occupations, heavy works, and underground works. As a result, men constitute for almost 80 percent of employed population, working in conditions, non-compliant with sanitary-hygienic norms; in particular, there were 252.6 thousand women and 934.1 thousand men working in such conditions in the end of 2013 (State Statistics Service 2014b). The hazardous factors of production, which provide the most frequent impact for women, in- clude: noise, infrasound, ultrasound, special microclimate in a room, inconvenient working position, intensity of work and hazardous chemical substances. The list of the banned occupations was approved by the Ministry of Public Health of Ukraine yet in 1993, containing more than 500 types of works in various sectors of economy. For example, women cannot be involved into ‘works associated with con- tinuous replacement of loads of more than 7 kg’, women’s labour cannot be used at night and overtime. In fact, some of these requirements are quite outdated and failing to meet the real needs of both workers and employers at the modern labour markets. In contrast, they could pose additional constrains to equal opportunities based on the informed individual choice of preferred types of forms of employment. In some cases, the names of occupations approved by the National Classifier of Occupations of Ukraine (SC 003:2010) are already female-attributed (e.g. nurses, midwives, typists, needlewomen, etc.). The deep roots of the gender-based segregation of employment are also facilitated by stereotypic attitudes Country gender assessment for UKRAINE 55 Chapter 3. ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES  to the ‘proper’ jobs and types of employment for men and women, reproduced by the systems of school and family education. Patterns of Employment 3.24. The quality of employment is important in terms of the decent work and economic opportuni- ties. A lack of security is associated with vulnerable employment, comprising of contributing family workers and own account workers, whose work is performed for low pay or no pay at all (as opposed to wage and salaried workers). Globally, the vulnerable employment is more widespread for women than for men (50.4 percent of employed women, compared to 48.1 percent of men in 2012). However, a smaller share of women is engaged in this type of employment in the developed regions: in particular, the vulnerable employment rate was 10.0 percent for women and 14.3 percent for men in the EU as on average in 2012 (WDI 2015). As compared with the EU, Ukraine is characterized by slightly higher rates of vulnerable employment among men and much higher rates of female vulnerable employment (Figure 3.11a). During the 2000’s, no progress has been observed in achieving secured employment in the country, as a share of vulnerable employment increased from 9.2 percent in 2000 to 17.3 percent in 2005, and stayed at this level up to 2013. Female vulnerable employment has been higher than that of men during the whole period except 2014, when it reached 13.2 percent in contrast to 15.9 percent among men (Figure 3.11b). Figure 3.11. Vulnerable employment rate across gender a) Vulnerable employment rate in Ukraine, the ECA and b) Vulnerable employment rate in Ukraine, 2000-2014, in EU, 2012, in percent of total employed percent of total employed 20 25 % 18 % 16 20 14 12 15 10 8 10 6 4 5 women 2 men 0 0 UKR EU ECA UKR EU ECA 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 male female Source: WDI 2015. Note: vulnerable employment is estimated based on the aggregate share of contributing family workers and own account workers in the total employed population. Source: author’s calculations based on LFS 2014. 3.25. The prevailing numbers of population in vulnerable employment are engaged in the informal sector, having no guarantees of social protection and non-participating in any insurance schemes16. As a whole, the informal employment accounted for one-fourth of the total employment in Ukraine in 16 According to the guidelines of the 17th International Conference of Labour Statisticians, informal employment comprises of: 1) own-account workers and employers employed in their own informal sector enterprises; 2) contributing family workers; 3) employees holding informal jobs; 4) members of informal producers’ cooperatives; 5) own-account workers engaged in the production of goods exclusively for own final use by their households (ILO 2003). Country gender assessment 56 for UKRAINE Chapter 3. ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES 2014 (based on LFS). Men constituted for 57.8 percent of all informally employed (correspondingly 2,620.3 thousand men and 1,920.6 thousand women). Since 2008, the informal employment has been growing in the country, mostly at expense of men (Figure 3.12). A share of informally employed women remained almost the same over this period (at a level of 21-22 percent of total female employ- ment), most probably due to prevailing participation of women in the public sector with its formal employment. In contrast, the male informal employment has grown from 22.2 to 28 percent during 2008-2014. 3.26. Based on the LFS data, the smallest share of informally employed is observed among people with high educational attainments. In 2014, there were only 7.3 percent of informally employed wom- en and 11.4 percent of informally employed men among employed with tertiary education (Figure 3.12b). The corresponding shares of informally employed are increasing for employed persons with vocational training and incomplete tertiary education (to 22.5 percent for women and 29.1 percent for men). Informal employment is most prevalent among population with primary education, accounting for 67.1 percent for employed men and 88.9 percent for employed women. Thus, high education can be regarded as a competitive advantage not only in terms of having a job, but also in the context of secured employment. Besides, this correlation is much more pronounced for women’s employment opportunities. Figure 3.12. Informal employment in Ukraine by gender a) Informal employment in 2008-2014, in percent of total b) Informal employment by education level, 2014, in per- employed cent of total employed 30 100,0 women % women men 90,0 men 25 80,0 % of total employed population 70,0 60,0 20 50,0 40,0 15 30,0 20,0 10 10,0 0,0 5 tertiary vocational secondary primary education training and education and no incomplete education 0 tertiary 2008 2010 2012 2014 Source: LFS 2014. Source: author’s calculation based on LFS 2014. 3.27. As to specific sectors and occupations, the informal employment is particularly prevalent in agriculture (and, respectively, among rural population), as well as in elementary occupations common for all types of economic activity (almost a half of employment in elementary occupations was informal in 2014). To be more specific, 46.7 percent of informally employed women worked in the sector of agri- culture, forestry and fishing, and 31.3 percent of them in the wholesale and retail trade. As to informally employed men, more than one-third of them worked in agriculture as well (35.5 percent), 25.7 percent of them worked in construction, and 14.8 percent of them worked in wholesale and retail trade. 3.28. As in other countries of Europe (European Commission 2008), women are more likely to be involved into part-time employment than men in Ukraine. Based on Eurostat database, about one-third (32.2 percent) of the women aged 15–64, who were employed in the EU, worked on a part-time basis in 2014, a much higher proportion than the corresponding share for men (8.8 percent). In Ukraine, women Country gender assessment for UKRAINE 57 Chapter 3. ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES  also accounted for more than two-thirds of total part-time employed population in 2014 (correspond- ingly, there were 351.6 thousand women and 164.2 thousand men employed for part-time). A share of part-time employed women is much smaller than in the EU (only 7.4 percent among total employed females), that may result from a lack of flexible working arrangements. The largest proportions of fe- male part-time employment are common for such sectors as ‘transportation and storage’ (16.3 percent), ‘arts, entertainment and recreation’ (15.2 percent), ‘accommodation and food service activities’ (13.1 percent), and ‘education’ (10.3 percent). Importantly, while some cases of part-time employment could reflect individual preferences, a lot of them may also stem from constraints such as a lack of care ser- vices or low financial incentives to take up full-time work. 3.29. As to detailed use of the working time, about 23.3 percent of women worked less than 40 hours per week in comparison to 15.9 percent of men in 2014 (based on LFS data). In contrast, 15.6 percent of men worked for more than 40 hours per week, while a share of women, who worked over the normative working time was only 9.9 percent. As a result, the average length of weekly working hours was 38 for women and 40 for men. Obviously, this difference in hours worked is reflected in the gender gap in monthly earnings. Labour Migrations 3.30. The informal employment problem is particularly important with regard to intensification of la- bour migrations from Ukraine. All over the world, labour migrants usually fill up some marginal niches in the labour supply in the recipient countries; they also agree to work at workplaces that do not attract local residents. As a rule, migrants are employed in jobs requiring low skills, and agree to work for low pay and in unfavourable working conditions, while their job placement is not properly legalized, leaving them in the informal sector. Labour migration patterns could differ across gender in terms of sector of employment, length of staying abroad, amount of earnings, etc. 3.31. According to the Ukraine Labour Migration Survey (IOM 2013), 1.2 million persons (or 3.4 percent of a population aged 15-70) were identified as labour migrants from January 2010 until June 2012. The main destination countries for labour migrations included Russian Federation, Poland, Italy, Czech Republic, Spain, Hungary and Portugal. Men prevailed over women among migrant workers, making up to two-thirds of the total number of labour migrants. In particular, a share of labour migrants among men aged 15-70 was estimated in 4.8 percent, while the corresponding share among women was 2.2 percent. There were 4.3 times more men than women among younger migrants (age group 25–29), but the number of women 6.8 times exceeded the number of men among migrants aged 60–70. 3.32. The present international migrations are increasingly shaped by a growing demand for house- hold services, which include domestic work and care for incapacitated family members and among which women traditionally prevail. Indeed, working as a domestic servant is the most common ac- tivity of female labour migrants from Ukraine (50.2 percent of all female migrants), in particular in such countries as Germany, Italy, Spain and Portugal. As the absolute majority of domestic workers are employed with no proper legalization, they are particularly vulnerable to violation of their labour rights. According to the Ukraine’s Labour Migration Survey, only 16.5 percent of domestic workers had written agreements to formalize their employment. As to other types of economic activities com- mon for labour migrants from Ukraine, women are mostly engaged in agriculture and trade (Table 3.3). Male migrant workers are mainly engaged in construction in all destination countries (67.2 per- cent of all migrants), while the second-largest sector of agriculture accounted for only 9.1 percent of their employment. Country gender assessment 58 for UKRAINE Chapter 3. ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES Table 3.3. Labour migrants from Ukraine by gender and sectors of employment abroad, 2012 Women Men Sector of work in thousand persons percent persons, in thousand percent Total, of them: 403.2 100.0 757.7 100.0 Agriculture, forestry and fishing 62.9 15.6 68.9 9.1 Industries 13.0 3.2 36.0 4.8 Construction 22.1 5.5 508.9 67.2 Wholesale and retail trade 43.4 10.8 62.7 8.3 Accommodation and food service activities 31.3 7.8 10.3 1.4 Transportation and communication 5.5 1.4 43.1 5.7 Other types of economic activities 22.6 5.6 18.6 2.5 Household sector 202.4 50.2 9.2 1.2 Source: Ukraine Labour Migration Survey (ILO 2013). 3.33. Migrant workers mostly remit the money earned abroad to Ukraine, which significantly im- proves the welfare of their families. According to the National Bank of Ukraine, the amount of private money transfers to Ukraine increased from 6.2 to 8.5 billion USD during 2008-2013; it is almost com- mensurate with direct foreign investment and constitutes 4% of the GDP (ILO, 2013). According to the World Bank, labour migrants sent home an estimated US$9 billion in remittances in 2014, the largest amount in the region, representing 5.4 percent of GDP (World Bank 2013a). The average men’s earn- ings were higher than average women’s incomes (Table 3.4), reaching USD 996 and 813, respectively. Interestingly, despite smaller female earnings abroad, the Ukraine Labour Migration Survey (ILO 2013) revealed that women remit larger amounts than men do. That may indicate women’s stronger connection to a family even in case of working abroad, as well as more responsible attitude to the need in supporting their children, parents and relatives. Table 3.4. Ukrainian migrant workers by gender and average monthly earning, 2010-2012 Total, in Of them by average monthly earning (USD), in percent thousand Less than 251-500 501-1000 1001-2000 over 2000 Average monthly earning persons 250 per worker, USD Total number of migrant workers, 1,002.4 4.4 21.8 43.1 24.8 5.9 930 of them: Women 363.9 4.4 29.6 42.6 20.8 2.6 813 Men 638.5 4.5 17.3 43.4 27.0 7.8 996 Source: Ukraine Labour Migrations Survey (ILO 2013). 3.34. Despite important economic contribution of migrants’ remittances into well-being of their fam- ilies, the intense labour migrations have quite negative social and demographic consequences. Children could be deprived from parental support in transition to adulthood, while broken family ties, and care deficit for elderly family members pose multiple challenges for social policies to address their needs. Left-behind children are particularly vulnerable to the risky behaviors and deteriorated health, juvenile delinquency and emotional problems. According to the Ministry for Family, Youth and Sports, there are about 200,000 children left behind by Ukrainian migrants, while one-quarter of all children are raised by one parent in the regions, most affected by immigration (such as Western Ukraine). The scale of migra- tions and the impact of remittances on domestic economies have prompted the Government of Ukraine to partner with EU Member States and international organizations to develop policies addressing the welfare of migrants and those left behind. Country gender assessment for UKRAINE 59 Chapter 3. ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES  Unpaid and Domestic Work 3.35. Unpaid work is the production of goods and services by household members that are not sold on the market, but provided for the consumption within the family, such as cooking, gardening or house cleaning. Voluntary work, such as helping out neighbours, caring for elderly or people with disabilities, supporting charities, assisting immigrants, also contribute directly and indirectly to societal well-be- ing. Women traditionally do much of the unpaid and domestic work in all societies, but it is not mea- sured in economic indica­ tors. To account women’s contribution with unpaid work to the economy, some countries have even launched the practice of preparation of the ‘satellite’ national accounts that consider household work depending on the time spent or on the market value of the services provided. Importantly, domestic work could require even more intense physical efforts and time spending than paid employment, thereby substantially limiting women’s opportunities and prospects of development. That’s why contemporary scientific studies describe gender features in working time distribution in terms of women’s ‘double burden’. 3.36. Across the 29 countries for which data were available (OECD 2011), people average 3.4 hours per 24-hour day on unpaid work, the equivalent of 14% of their total time. The gender gap is on aver- age 2 hours and 28 minutes per 24-hours day, but there is significant divergence across countries. For instance, Turkish, Mexican and Indian women spend per day 4.3-5 hours more on unpaid work than men in those countries, while the difference is only a little over one hour per day in the Nordic states. Though there is no regular practice of assessment of time budgets spent for paid and unpaid work in Ukraine, some information is available based on special sociological surveys. According to the UCSR and UNFPA (2012), two-thirds of employed and married women reported that their husbands were en- gaged in household work for only 1-10 hours a week, and about a half of them said that their husbands spent the same amount of time to care for family members needing continuous attendance (children, elderly persons, persons with disabilities). In contrast, more than one-fourth of the interviewed women spent more than 20 hours weekly for household work, and 15% of them spent the same time on care for family members. Table 3.5. Time spent on unpaid work by women and men in Ukraine Types of home duties Women, % Men, % Household work less than 5 hours a week 11.6 31.7 from 5 to 10 hours a week 29.7 33.0 from 10 to 20 hours a week 31.8 19.5 more than 20 hours a week 25.5 9.2 do not spend time at all 1.5 6.6 Care for family members needing continuous attendance less than 5 hours a week 13.7 29.1 from 5 to 10 hours a week 18.9 26.1 from 10 to 20 hours a week 22.8 11.3 more than 20 hours a week 15.7 6.0 do not spend time at all 29.0 27.5 Note: based on responses of currently married employed women. Source: UCSR and UNFPA 2012. Country gender assessment 60 for UKRAINE Chapter 3. ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES B. Earnings, Incomes and Poverty Income of Employment 3.37. The gender gap in earnings is the main display of gender inequality in economic opportunities, accumulating the impact of multiple gender disparities in the patterns of employment, segregation of the labour market, returns of individual endowments, or preferences for working hours. The gender gap in earnings is a global phenomenon, varying between regions and nations; according to the empirical evi- dence, the largest gap is observed among high-paid workers (ILO 2015). According to the ILO, the average earnings of women make only 77 percent of the average earnings of men globally, and the ratio has grown only by 3 percent point during the last decades. Thus, the international progress in facilitating gender equality in wages is still low and will require additional efforts to be addressed. 3.38. In Ukraine, women averagely earned only 76 percent of men’s average monthly wage in 2014 (UAH 3,037 and 3,979 per month, respectively)17. This unadjusted pay gap is quite comparable with some countries of the ECA region (Figure 3.13a), but is much larger than the average EU pay gap (16.4 percent in the EU-27 in 2013). Hence, achieving the standards of the European developed democracies in terms of gender equality in remuneration of work will require significant efforts in Ukraine. This task is particularly challenging, as analysis of dynamics of the gender pay gap over 2000-2014 reveals that there are no efficient instruments to reduce the gap through gender policies; it depends largely on the impact of macroeconomic processes and labour market regulations. Though the monthly wage gap has decreased from 29 to 24 percent during 2000-2014, there were controversial fluctuations observed over this period (Figure 3.13b). In 2005, an impulse to a gradual decline in the gender pay gap was provided by the start of implementation of the Unified Tariff System in the public sector of Ukraine, which consists of the most female-dominated economic activi- ties (such as education, health care and social work, public administration, etc.). However, the minimum pay gap, registered in 2009-2010, was related to the impact of financial and economic crisis, when male-dominat- ed industries were hit most severely. In other words, the narrowing of the gender pay gap during the crisis was contributed not by increased women’s earnings, but rather by a decline in the average men’s wages. In 2011, the gender pay gap started to grow again, as the Government restored the Unified Tariff System for employees in the public sector. Since then, a slow increase is taking place in the wage gap across gender. Figure 3.13. Gender gap in average wages in Ukraine a)  Gender gap in monthly wages in Ukraine and some b) Gender gap in monthly wages in Ukraine in 2000-2014, ECA countries, in 2013, in percent in percent 60 40 % % 50 35 31 30 31 31 29 29 40 30 27 27 25 25 22 24 25 22 23 30 23 20 20 15 10 10 0 5 Czech Republic Latvia Austria Norway Armenia Lithuania Bulgaria Ukraine Kyrgyzstan Finland Azerbaijan Slovak Republic Hungary Switzerland Iceland Slovenia Estonia Georgia Belarus Romania Poland Serbia Netherlands Kazakhstan Sweden 0 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 Source: UNECE Statistical database, 2015. Source: State Statistics Service 2015g. 17 Data on the hourly wage gap by gender is unavailable for Ukraine; all international comparisons are limited by monthly wages. Country gender assessment for UKRAINE 61 Chapter 3. ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES  3.39. Besides administrative statistics on wages, the HHS data also confirm that women tend to earn less than men do (Figure 3.14a,b). Importantly, the population distribution by average monthly wage from the main job reveals that more women are concentrated in the low-wage sector, while there are more men receiving higher incomes (Figure 3.14b). Figure 3.14. Average monthly wages across gender, 2013 a) Log monthly wage across gender 600.000 400.000 men 200.000 0 600.000 400.000 women 200.000 0 1,0 2,0 3,0 4,0 5,0 6,0 log_sal Note: data was weighted. Source: author’s calculation based on HHS (2013). b) Population distribution by average monthly wage and gender, in UAH 6 % of population 5 women men 4 3 2 1 0 0 0 00 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 40 70 30 60 90 20 50 80 10 40 70 00 30 60 90 10 10 0- 0- -1 -1 -1 -2 -2 -2 -3 -3 -3 -4 -4 -4 -4 n 0- 30 60 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 ha 90 st 12 15 18 21 24 27 30 33 36 39 42 45 48 les averagr monthly wage, in UAH Note: data was weighted. Source: author’s calculation based on HHS (2013). Country gender assessment 62 for UKRAINE Chapter 3. ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES 3.40. Remarkably, the gender pay gap is observed even in the economic activities, in which women prevail (Annex H). As more detailed disaggregation of statistics shows, low-paid economic activities usually feature smaller gender wage gaps: for example, the smallest disparities are typical for health care and social work, education, administrative services and public administration (Table 3.6). Also, in the sector of ‘libraries, archives, museums and other cultural activities’, the average female wage was even somewhat higher than the average male wage. This can be explained by the equalizing effect of the minimum wage, which becomes more apparent amid low-paid branches. In 2014, a very small gender pay gap was registered in construction; it may result from a decline in the average male wages due to the crisis. In contrast, the largest pay gaps are typical for economic segments with high remuneration rates, such as financial intermediation, mining and manufacturing. In fact, while the gender pay gap in mining industries is associated with legislative restriction for women’s employment in underground works, a large difference in wages in financial intermediation with ‘female-dominated’ employment looks quite groundless and poses a need in argumentation of unexplained part of the gender pay gap. 3.41. The impact of occupational segregation on the gender pay gap is revealed also through regional variation of disparities in average wages between women and men. Thus, the largest gender gaps in wages are traditionally observed in the industrially developed regions of the Eastern Ukraine, including Donetsk (41.8 percent in 2014), Dnipropetrovsk (31.2 percent, respectively), Lugansk (30.5 percent), Zaporizhzhya (29.3 percent) oblasts. These regions are characterized by concentration of ‘male-domi- nated’ heavy industries and generally higher rates of wages. In contrast, the agrarian regions are char- acterized by lower average wages and respectively smaller gender gaps in payments; in particular the minimum gender wage gaps were registered in Kherson (10.3 percent), Ternopil (10.4 percent), and Zakarpattya (11.8 percent) oblasts. Table 3.6. The largest and the smallest gender pay gaps by economic activities, 2014 The largest gender gap in monthly wages The smallest gender gap in monthly wages Economic activity Pay gap, in Economic activity Pay gap, in percent percent Arts, entertainment and recreation - 49.2 Libraries, archives, museums and other cultural +9 activities Financial and insurance activities - 35.6 Administrative and support service activities - 1.7 Industrial activities, of them: - 29.0 Education - 6.6 mining and quarrying - 44.0 Construction - 9.5 Other service activities - 26.9 Public administration and defense; compulsory social - 10.9 insurance Transportation and storage - 21.9 Human health and social work activities; and - 11.8 Accommodation and food service activities Source: developed based on: State Statistics Service 2015g. 3.42. Despite occupational segregation, there are some other determinants of the pay gap in force, including disparities in education, length of service, size of enterprise, occupation and average working hours. To provide a more detailed analysis of the gender disparities in wages, we use the data of a sam- ple Enterprise Survey on Wages conducted in 2012 (State Statistics Service 2013). The key findings of the Enterprise Survey confirm that the gender gaps in wages are increasing at larger enterprises and are associated with much higher male’s wages there (Figure 3.15): while average women’s wage was even slightly higher than the average men’s wage at small enterprises, it was three times smaller than men’s one at large enterprises (with more than 1,000 employees). A similar trend was observed in terms of the length of service: the smallest pay gap was common for employees, servicing for less than 2 years (14 percent), while the gender gap was 34 percent among employees, servicing for 15-19 years, due to larger men’s earnings. The gender pay gap was declining among employees, servicing for 20 years and more, as most of them are represented by persons of the pre-retirement age, who may face age-based biased Country gender assessment for UKRAINE 63 Chapter 3. ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES  attitude at the labour market, regardless of gender. The findings of the Enterprise Survey on Wages also prove that tertiary education remains the important instrument to address the gender inequality in earn- ings, providing women with opportunities to compete at the labour market and increase their income of employment. The smallest gender gaps were observed among persons with complete tertiary education (22 percent), while the pay gap was increasing to 35 percent among persons with secondary education. Figure 3.15. Average wages and gender pay gap by enterprise size and length of service, 2012 a) Gender pay gap by enterprise size b) Gender pay gap by length of service 5000 40,0 5000 40,0 UAH monthly UAH monthly 4500 % 4500 % 4000 30,0 30,0 4000 3500 20,0 3500 20,0 3000 3000 2500 10,0 2500 10,0 2000 2000 1500 0,0 0,0 1500 1000 -10,0 1000 -10,0 500 500 0 -20,0 0 -20,0 less 10-49 50-99 100 - 500 - 1000 - more less 2-4 5-9 10-14 15-19 20 and than 499 999 4999 than than 2 more 10 5000 Enterprise size, in employees Length of service, in years average men's wage, in UAH average men's wage, in UAH average women's wage, in UAH average women's wage, in UAH gender wage gap, in % gender wage gap, in % Source: Enterprise Survey on Wages (State Statistics Service 2013). Source: Enterprise Survey on Wages (State Statistics Service 2013). 3.43. To assess contribution of various factors into the pay gap across gender, we analyze the gross monthly wages from the main job based on 2013 HHS. The primary distribution of results confirms that women tend to earn less than men regardless of any socio-demographic background or characteristics of employment (Annex I). An important finding obtained from the HHS is associated with observed correlation between the gender pay gap and type of settlement: the gap is growing with increased size of settlement, being almost twice larger in large cities (31.1 percent) than that in rural area (15.9 percent). 3.44. Decomposition of the gender wage gap based on Oaxaca-Blinder approaches18 reveals that ob- served characteristics explain only a minor share of the monthly wage gap across gender. The estimated regressions explaining the men’s and women’s monthly wages for 2013 HHS data were used to develop threefold and twofold Oaxaca-Blinder decomposition of the gender wage gap (Annex J). As shown in Table 3.7, the estimated wage gap was 23.9 percent. The ‘explained’ part of the wage differentials (re- lated to some objective determinants) accounted only for 8 percent of the gap. In contrast, the absolute majority of the wage gap (92 percent) is contributed by the unexplained part, related to difference in returns to observed characteristics for men and women. Occupational segregation (sector variable) is the key observed factor explaining the wage gap, and contributing to the unexplained part as well. At the same time, education, experience and type of settlement tend to narrow both unexplained and explained parts, providing a positive contribution to a decline in the gender inequality in earnings. Importantly, as most components of the unexplained part are also associated with a decline in the wage gap, we may assume that discrimination accounts for the majority of the gender gap in average wages. Although some proportion of the unexplained part may be also dependent on some omitted determinants of the pay gap (such as difference in the working hours between men and women or concentration of men among the 18 Detailed description of the Oaxaca-Blinder methodology can be retrieved from: Jann (2008). Country gender assessment 64 for UKRAINE Chapter 3. ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES top positions within ‘sector’ variable), there is no available data in HHS to verify this assumption in the framework of Oaxaca-Blinder decomposition. Table 3.7. Oaxaca Decomposition of the pay gap, annual wages, 2013 Threefold decomposition Detailed two fold decomposition of wage gap Gender gap, % 23.9 Gap 100 Endowments 0.1 Explained 8 Coefficients 19.3 Education - 8 Interaction 4.5 Experience - 2 Twofold decomposition Sector 21 Explained 1.9 Type of settlement - 3 Unexplained 22.0 Unexplained 92 Experience - 53 Education - 67 Sector - 59 Type of settlement - 64 Constant 335 Note: HHS’s yearly data on the average wage from the main job were used for Oaxaca-Blinder decomposition. A positive sign of components indicates increase in wage gap. Explanatory variables include age, education, sector of economic activity and type of settlement dummies. Though the regional differences in wages are also significant in Ukraine, they are not considered in decomposition because of a large correlation with sectoral variables and types of settlement. Source: author’s calculation, HHS (2013). 3.45. Prevalence of gender-based discrimination at the labour market of Ukraine is indicated by data from multiple sociological surveys, special monitoring studies of human rights organizations and CSOs, reports by the Representative of the Parliament of Ukraine for Human Rights, and the results of inspec- tions conducted by the State Labour Inspectorate of Ukraine. In particular, there were 213 episodes of violation of the labour rights of women in the framework of inspections of 32 thousand enterprises in 201319. Furthermore, according to the ILO study, up to 10 percent of the advertisements in printed me- dia are discriminatory, while this share is increasing to 15 percent when making content analysis of the specialized job-seeking websites. Between 2 and 14 percent of respondents of the sociological survey on the prevalence of gender-based discrimination (UNFPA 2014a) reported having encountered discrimi- nation personally or through their friends and relatives. The most prevalent forms of a biased treatment were related to discrimination in hiring (14 percent), women’s lower pay for doing the same work (10 percent), and lower representation in business as compared with men (10 percent). In reality, the degree of discrimination could be substantially higher because of the taboo around talking about this subject or due to the respondents’ inability to identify discrimination. Income, Poverty Risks and Vulnerability 3.46. As income of employment is the main source of incomes for the working age population (pro- viding for more than 80 percent of aggregate income for men and women in this age group), the gender pay gap contributes to disparities in aggregate income between women and men (Figure 3.16a). Among the total population of Ukraine, wages account for a smaller share of aggregate income due to a large role of pensions, common for ageing societies. A share of wages is more important among the total male population, constituting for more than two-thirds of aggregate income (68.5 percent) in contrast to 58.5 19 State Labour Inspectorat, retrieved form official web-site: http://dpu.gov.ua/. Country gender assessment for UKRAINE 65 Chapter 3. ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES  percent among female population. Also, shares of income of business activities and self-employment are somewhat larger among males, though they generally account for a small proportion of aggregate income for both population groups (8.4 percent among men and only 3.2 percent among women). In contrast, the role of pension is increasing for the total female population, because of women’s earlier retirement age and prevailing among elderly (a share of pensions was 36.7 percent in women’s income versus 22.1 percent in men’s income). Figure 3.16. Gender dimensions of a population income in Ukraine a) Composition of individual aggregate income of house- b)  Women-to-men ratio of average wages and pensions in hold members by gender, in percent Ukraine, 2000-2014, in percent % 100 90 women 80 70 60 50 40 men 30 average pensions 20 average wages 10 0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100% pensions 0 wages 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 income of business activity income of self -employment other income Source: HHS. Source: State Statistics (2015), Pension Fund (2015). 3.47. The gender disparities in average wages contribute to the respective gap in pensions, as the last ones are directly determined by a size of wage and length of service. However, the dynamics of pen- sions (and respective trends in the gender gap) was more complicated during 2000-2014, being largely dependent on social policy regulations in contrast to economic factors (Figure 3.16b). In particular, the gender gap in pensions on age was significantly smaller than the gap in wages until 2004, because of a strict limit of the maximum pension and applied approaches to calculate pensions20. Implementation of the new approaches (the length of service and earnings for the entire working period considered) re- sulted in a sharp increase in the pension gap by gender in 2004. Later on, the minimum old-age pension was set at a level of the subsistence minimum for incapable people, and the gender gap was reduced due to equalization effect. Subsequent recalculation of pensions made in 2008 (updating the wage base for calculation of pensions, and raising the value of one service year from 1% to 1.35%) launched a new growth in the gender gap. As a result of economic crisis of 2008-2009, the minimum pension was frozen; a gradual decline in the gender gap has been taking place since then. The recently frozen social standards (due to the crisis of 2014) would probably lead to a further narrowing of the gender gap in pen- sions in the nearest future. As to the long-term prospects, the planned increase in the women’s retirement age should provide a convergence on men’s and women’s pensions because of the extended length of service for women. Importantly, the gender gaps in pensions indicate the multiple disadvantages women face in employment and income through their life-cycle. That may have important impacts on the living 20 The old-age pensions were estimated as 50% of an individual’s wage over the recent 5 years of work, being increased by 1% for every year over the required service. The length of pensionable service affected only an allowance for over-the-norm service, whereas the wage difference was somewhat leveled with the aid of various mechanisms of artificial wage increase in pre-retirement years. Country gender assessment 66 for UKRAINE Chapter 3. ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES standards at old age, given women’s higher life expectancy compared to males. Thus, some efficient measures are needed to address the gender pay gap, and to eliminate labour market barriers to skilled and highly paid occupations and economic sectors for women. Poverty and Vulnerability 3.48. Having lower individual incomes, women naturally encounter higher risks of poverty and find themselves among vulnerable categories more often. Based on the 2013 HHS, women account for a majority in the low-income population, applying for the state social assistance (Table 3. 8). Whereas the number of women is 1.35 times larger than the number of men among recipients of benefits on children, it is 1.43 times larger among recipients of privileges and as much as 2.25 times larger among recipients of subsidies. This data indicates increased women’s vulnerability to poverty. Table 3.8. Women to men ratio (population aged 18+) in households, receiving any social benefits Number of Number of women Number of men in Categories of recipients of Women-to-men households, in in these households, these households, in social benefits ratio, in times thousand in thousand thousand At least one type of benefit 9,521.18 11,623.9 8,385.3 1.39 Benefits on children 2,332.7 3,389.2 2,510.6 1.35 Privileges 7,265.25 8,773.9 6,138.3 1.43 Subsidies 748.67 788.1 350.5 2.25 All three types of benefits 22.6 28.97 26.9 1.08 Source: HHS, 2013. 3.49. In Ukraine, poverty studies are based on several research approaches, including the absolute and relative poverty lines21. Since 2000, Ukraine has made some progress in reducing the absolute poverty, but it still remains a problem. During 2000-2013, a share of population with daily consumption below USD 5.05 / USD 4.30 until 2005 (PPP) has dropped from 11.9 to 1.9 percent, while a share of popula- tion with consumption below the actual subsistence minimum from 71.2 to 22.1 percent (MDGs 2015). The relative poverty rate has been at a level of 27-28 percent in the early 2000’s; a gradual decline is being observed since 2009. Unfortunately, the armed conflict in Donetsk and Lugansk oblasts, economic recession and devaluation of the national currency are expected to revert the previous positive trends. According to estimates of the Institute for Demography and Social Studies of NASU, a new source of vulnerability is presented by the ‘sudden’ poverty due to the lost property and livelihoods as a result of the armed conflict in Donetsk and Lugansk oblasts (MDGs 2015). The risk of poverty is particularly high for displaced persons, since they have to pay for housing and to replace lost household property and majority of the long-term use goods. The Government provided IDPs with a range of social ben- efit payments, but the amount of allowances remain quite small to provide the decent living standards (UAH 884 per incapable person and UAH 442 per capable person; in aggregate, no more than UAH 2,400 per household monthly). Also, the Government suspended the payment of benefits to IDPs n Dnipropetrovsk, Donetsk, Lugansk, Zaporizhzhia and Kharkiv oblasts, and started a procedure of their verification in order to fight frauds in February of 2016. According to the Ombudsperson’s estimate, this measure could affect as many as 500,000 people. 21 The absolute poverty line is based on a daily consumption below US$5.05 (PPP) per adult, being mostly used for interna- tional comparisons. The relative (national) poverty line is applied to categorize some population groups as ‘poor’ in case if their per capita incomes (expenditures) are lower than a selected criterion (75 percent of the median aggregate expenditures per adult). Finally, the subsistence minimum represents the officially established cost of a living per person, being approved annually by the Parliament of Ukraine, when setting the State Budget. Country gender assessment for UKRAINE 67 Chapter 3. ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES  3.50. The poverty rates are highly dependent on socio-demographic composition of households and residence place (type of settlement). Families with children represent the major group of increased pov- erty, as one in three households with children lives below the poverty line. Having one child raises the risk of relative poverty by 17 percent, whereas having three or more children increases it by as much as 42 percent (MDGs 2015). Obviously, poverty risks are increasing in single-parent households22, in particular with children under 3, as parents mostly stay on parental leaves and depend exclusively on social benefits over this period. The poverty risks are also increasing among rural population and pop- ulation of small cities with poorly developed labour markets and lower rates of income of employment. When non-monetary criteria are used (such as deprivations from the base social services), the rural poverty is particularly significant. In particular, 48 percent of women, living in the rural areas, do not have medical care centers or hospitals in the vicinity, 36 percent of rural women do not participate in decision-making in their communities and 67 percent of rural women do not access to Internet at home (UNDP 2015). 3.51. Statistical assessment of poverty by gender is limited in Ukraine, as the national methodology is targeted at households as units of measuring. Thus, the data on individual well-being of household members cannot be disaggregated in terms of poverty. Theoretically, the disparities in poverty rates could be analyzed by gender of household heads, but the reliability of this data is low, as identification of a household head in the framework of the Household Survey could have quite a random character. So, the most reliable results of gender-based assessment of poverty could be obtained for single-person households only. Based on 2013 HHS, there are more female-headed households in Ukraine in most age groups, except population aged 25-39 (Figure 3.17). A share of female-headed households is particularly large among population aged 65 and over (65 percent of total households), reflecting the features of the sex-age composition of a population, with significant prevailing of women among elderly. There are also more women in the single-person households, constituting for more than 80 percent of such households among population aged 56 and over. Figure 3.17. Composition of households by gender of household head and age groups, 2013 a) Shares of male- and female-headed households in total b) Shares of male and female households among single-per- population, in percent son households, in percent % % 100 100 men women 90 90 80 80 70 70 60 60 50 50 40 40 30 30 20 20 10 10 0 19-24 25-39 40-55 56-65 65+ 0 woman is head of household 19-24 25-39 40-55 56-65 65+ man is head of household Source: HHS 2013. Source: HHS 2013. 22 Unfortunately, due to a small number of single mothers covered with the HHS, any statistical assessments of poverty for such group of households are non-representative. Country gender assessment 68 for UKRAINE Chapter 3. ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES 3.52. When estimating poverty rates for the entire female and male populations (HHS 2013), no im- portant gender disparities can be revealed. However, the mentioned limitations of statistical assessments should be taken into account in this case. Male poverty rates are somewhat higher than female poverty rates as for the whole population (Figure 3.18a), as for most age groups (Figure 3.18b). However, wom- en’s vulnerability to poverty is obvious among the elderly and among the age group of 20-29. Whereas higher poverty rates of elder women result from lower pensions and lost residual working capacity pro- viding the opportunity to earn additional income to complement pensions, younger women, who face high poverty risks, belong to the most active reproductive age. As many of them stay on child-care leave, their personal income depends on ‘generosity’ of child allowances and social benefits. In this regard, it is important to improve targeting performance and efficiency of the whole social assistance system to address the needs of the most vulnerable population groups, shaping the current poverty profiles in Ukraine. Figure 3.18. Relative poverty estimates for a population of Ukraine by gender, 2013 a) Estimates of relative poverty rates by gender in 2013, in b) Estimates of relative poverty rates by gender and age percent groups, in percent 80 and over women 30 poverty rate, % 75 -79 men Men Women 70 -74 25 65 -69 60 -64 20 55 -59 age groups 50 -54 45 -49 15 40 -44 35 -39 10 30 -34 25 -29 5 20 -24 15 -19 0 0,0% 10,0% 20,0% 30,0% 2010 2013 poverty rate Source: HHS 2013. Source: HHS. C. Career Advancement and Enterpreneurship 3.53. The opportunities of career development for women are featured with continuing barriers in most societies, commonly known as ‘glass ceiling’. Accordingly, top management positions are pre- dominantly occupied by men in most sectors of economic activities; as it has been discussed, they also fill most of the CEO positions in public administration. The key factors in force for the ‘glass ceiling’ effect are related to the hidden discriminatory practices caused by biased corporate attitudes to women at senior positions and the lack of efficient mechanisms of promotion. To address this challenge, some countries introduced gender quotas among top managers and board directors. In particular, women’s quotas for publicly-listed companies were introduced in Norway (2003), Spain (2007), Iceland and France (2010), Belgium and Italy (2011), the Netherlands (2012), Denmark (soft target - 2013) and Germany (2014), while gender quotas for state-owned companies were introduced in Denmark (2000), Finland and Ireland (2004), Ireland (2006), Austria and Slovenia (2011), Poland and Greece (2012). As a result, the number of countries with gender quotas for publicly-listed or state-owned companies has increased from 7 to 24 percent in 2004-2014 (CWDI 2015). Country gender assessment for UKRAINE 69 Chapter 3. ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES  3.54. According to the findings of the Enterprise Survey (ES) in Ukraine (World Bank 2013b), wom- en have more chances to participate in firm’s ownership than to manage firms at top positions. The smallest representation of women is common for majority firm ownership (only 12.9 percent); however, all indicators are very similar to the average ECA rates (Figure 3.19a). During 2008-2013, the rates of female participation in top management and ownership have significantly dropped. While a share of firms with female ownership (47.1 percent) was almost equal to that of men in 2008 (also being much higher than the average for ECA), it has declined significantly during the next five years (up to 31.5 percent). The percentage of firms with a female top manager decreased from 27.9 to 18.8 percent as well, staying below or at par with international levels. The proportion of women in the private sector workforce also decreased over this period, but it still remains at higher levels, as compared with ECA average (Figure 3.19b). Figure 3.19. Female participation in firm ownership management and permanent workers in Ukraine and ECA region, 2008 and 2013 a) Female participation in firm ownership and top manage- b) Female participation among permanent full-time work- ment, % ers, % % 50 50 % UA - 2008 45 45 UA - 2013 40 40 ECA 35 35 30 30 25 20 25 15 20 10 15 5 10 0 permanent full-time permanent full-time 5 workers production workers 0 that are female that are female female participation female top majority female in ownership manager ownership ECA UA - 2008 UA - 2013 Source: ES 2008 and 2013. Source: ES 2008 and 2013. 3.55. As a whole, the patterns of female firm ownership and top management are very similar to the features of gender-based segregation of employment at the entire labour market: there are more women in firm ownership in the sectors of garment (61 percent) and retail (almost 50 percent), while they make up to 31 percent among owners of firms providing food and other services (Figure 3.20a). These sectors are also featured with relatively high women’s participation among top managers (from 55.3 percent in garment to 32 percent in retail). The ‘male-dominated’ sectors are represented by manufacturing, machinery and equipment, and non-metallic mineral products. Also, women’s participation is decreas- ing in top management of large firms (8.8 percent among managers of firms with 100 employees and more), but they are more likely to manage small firms (24.1 percent of top managers at firms with 5-19 employees) (Figure 3.20b). Country gender assessment 70 for UKRAINE Chapter 3. ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES Figure 3.20. Female ownership and management of firms by economic sectors and firm size, in 2013 a) Female ownership and management by economic sec- b) Female ownership and management by firm size, in tors, in percent percent % garments 40 female ownership female top management retail 35 30 food 25 other service 20 machinery and 15 equipment 10 non-metalic mineral products female top management 5 other female ownership manufacturing 0 small (5 – 19) medium (20 – 99) large (100+) 0 20 40 60 80 % firm size Source: ES 2013. Source: ES 2013. 3.56. Women’s opportunities of access to business activities in Ukraine is also confirmed by the IFC Survey (2011), indicating that there are slightly more women among small entrepreneurs (53 percent) as compared with men. But, the Survey findings confirmed that female-headed enterprises are mostly small and less profitable regardless of the sector of economic activity. Business activities in trade remain particularly female-headed, as 70 percent of female entrepreneurs were concentrated in this sector (in contrast to 38 percent of male entrepreneurs). Based on LFS, the structures of employment by status at the labour market are also almost identical for men and women (Figure 3.21). Figure 3.21. Employed population (ages 15-70) by gender and status of employment in Ukraine, 2014 a) Women, in percent of total employed b) Men, in percent of total employed 14.3 0.3 0.3 15.6 1.3 82.5 1.6 84.1 employees employers employees employers own account workers unpaid family workers own account workers unpaid family workers Source: LFS 2014. Country gender assessment for UKRAINE 71 Chapter 3. ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES  3.57. According to the Enterprise Survey (World Bank 2013), Ukrainian firms reported access to finance and corruption as their biggest obstacles in doing business. In 2008, the role of political insta- bility increased for respondents as well; obviously, this factor has been in force for 2014 and 2015, as political destabilization, economic recession and armed conflict in Donetsk and Lugansk oblasts obvi- ously hit the sector of entrepreneurship in Ukraine, constraining the opportunities of doing business and investment attractiveness. In fact, firms’ access to credit has worsened in Ukraine yet over 2008-2013. A share of private firms with a bank loan or line of credit fell between 2008 and 2013 to levels below the average for lower middle income countries (ES 2013). Perceptions of corruption remained quite high among population, despite a slight improvement over 2014-2015, associated with establishment of anti-corruption bodies and emergence of the whistleblowers’ movement. In 2015, Ukraine was ranked 130 out of 168 countries (142 rank in 2014), based on the results of the world Corruption Perceptions Index (Transparency International 2016), lagging behind most countries of the ECA, except Tajikistan, Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan. As to Bribery Incidence, defined as the percentage of firms facing at least one bribe payment request when engaging in six different transactions for public services, permits, or taxes, it is significantly higher in Ukraine than in the ECA. The same pattern is observed with Bribery Depth which measures the pervasiveness of corruption by computing for each firm the percentage of transactions in which bribes were requested or expected. As a result, Ukraine’s rank (63.04) in the 2015 Doing Business rating (World Bank 2016) was lower than the average score for ECA (69.82), lagging behind such comparator economies as Poland, Kazakhstan, Russian Federation, Belarus and Moldova. However, some positive trends in business opportunities should be mentioned for Ukraine, as the coun- try moved from 87 rank in 2014 to 83 rank in 2015 in the global rating, mostly due to significant im- provements in starting a business. Financial Inclusion 3.58. Financial inclusion, estimated as access to financial accounts and loans, is among important dimensions of economic opportunities. According to the World Bank, access to accounts and payment mechanisms increases savings, empow­ ers women, and boosts productive investment and consumption (Demirguc-Kunt & Klapper 2015). As a whole, more than a half of total population of Ukraine had bank accounts in 2014 (54 percent of males and 51.7 of females), that was quite comparable with average of the ECA (Figure 3.22). During 2011-2014, a particular increase has been observed in women’s access to accounts, resulting in a significant decline of the corresponding gender gap. Presently, a share of women with accounts in financial institutions is even higher in Ukraine than in the ECA region. At the same time, very few persons use accounts at financial institutions for business purposes (3 percent of women and 5.5 percent of men) that may reflect the practice of informal activities. 3.59. The gender gap is also observed in obtaining loans: a share of women, obtaining loans in the last year, was 43.2 percent in Ukraine in 2011, being by 4 percent point larger than the average for females in the ECA (Figure 3.22b). Still, a small gender gap in access to loans can be observed as in Ukraine, as in the ECA region, indicating smaller availability of finance programs to women. In total, one-third of women (33 percent) and 39.2 percent of men aged 15+ borrowed any money in the past year, 22 percent of both groups borrowed from family or friends, while only by 8 percent borrowed from a financial institution. As to purposes of these loans, the largest shares of respondents borrowed some money for medical purposes (12.9 percent of women and 7 percent of men), 3 percent of both men and women bor- rowed for education or school fees, while 4.9 percent of men and only 0.5 percent of women borrowed to start, operate, or expand their business (FINDEX 2015). Country gender assessment 72 for UKRAINE Chapter 3. ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES Figure 3.22. Access to accounts and loans by gender, Ukraine and the ECA region a) account at a financial institution, percent of population b) loan in the last year by gender, in 2011, percent of popu- aged 15+ lation aged 15+ % % 60,0 60,0 female male male female 50,0 50,0 40,0 40,0 30,0 30,0 20,0 20,0 10,0 10,0 0,0 2011 2014 2011 2014 0,0 UA ECA ECA UKR Source: FINDEX 2015. Source: FINDEX 2015. 3.60. The gender gap is also observed in availability of savings. Based on 2014 FINDEX database, 17.9 percent of women and 20.8 percent of men saved any money in the last year (Figure 3.23a); a half of males and about one-third of females (6.5 percent) had their savings in financial institutions. Most of these savings were purposed to cover any future expenses, in particular, related to old age, emergencies, or education fees (Figure 3.23b). Only 7.4 percent of men and 3 percent of women saved any money to start, operate, or expand their farm or business. Figure 3.23. Availability of saving and its purpose by gender in Ukraine a) Shares of population having any savings by gender, b) Purpose of savings by gender (2011-2014), in percent 2014, in percent % 25,0 start, operate, or expand male female a farm or business female male 20,0 old age 15,0 future expenses 10,0 emergencies 5,0 0,0 education or school fees saved any money in the saved at a financial past year institution 0,0 5,0 10,0 15,0 20,0 Source: FINDEX 2015. Source: FINDEX 2015. Country gender assessment for UKRAINE 73 Chapter 3. ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES  3.61. Finally, an important aspect of financial inclusion is seen in access to the advanced information and communication technologies (ICTs) in managing financial accounts. Men are more likely to use the Internet to pay their bills or buy any consumer goods (17.7 percent of men and 9.9 percent of women among population aged 15+); there are also more male users of electronic payment systems (7.6 percent of men and 5.4 percent of women among population aged 15+). Though these rates are quite comparable with ECA averages, Ukraine still lags far behind the EU members in terms of prevalence of ICTs use in personal financial operations. Thus, development of the comprehensive systems of electronic finance, and raising financial literacy of a population of Ukraine will contribute to better economic opportunities and access to financial resources. Country gender assessment 74 for UKRAINE Chapter 4. CONCLUSIONS AND POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS Chapter 4. CONCLUSIONS AND POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS 4.1. The conclusions and recommendations presented in this Chapter address some particular gender gaps revealed in the framework of the current gender assessment, including disparities in economic op- portunities and access to income, endowments in terms of education and health, vulnerability to poverty and representation in politics and decision-making, etc. The captured gaps are often mutually dependent and originate from the same gender-based views and public attitudes, so the effective response re- quires the systemic approach to cover the comprehensive efforts by various institutional sectors. In this Section, we try to prioritize the gender gaps in terms of their impact on poverty and shared prosperity in Ukraine. We start with highlighting the most important problems and continue with identifying the data gaps and next steps to be taken. The recommendations are structured to address each particular gap with consideration of the deep roots and causes of inequality. The findings of the Report could be incorpo- rated into development strategies at the national and regional levels, targeted at reducing of the gender disparities and inequalities. They might be used by the Government agencies, academic institutions and think-tanks, international and civil society organizations, involved into developing, implementing and coordinating gender policies in Ukraine. The major gender gaps could be prioritized as follows: 4.2. Women’s political representation and participation in decision-making remains dispropor- tionally low, hindering the progress in enhancing gender equality in other domains of public life. Thus, ensuring the parity gender representation in politics and decision-making should call for the priority at- tention. This task is particularly challenging because of a failure of affirmative actions taken to promote the gender quotas in the electoral process. Due to a lack of the political will among stakeholders and ab- sence of any sanctions for non-compliance with gender quotas, the recent practice showed that require- ments could be ignored by political parties. Thus, the principal solutions should be seen in strengthening the responsibility for non-compliance with norms on gender quota (such as exclusion of non-complying parties from the electoral process) or legislative amendments to introduce mandatory proportional rep- resentation of women and men within the elective lists of political parties. The advocacy campaigns and proactive actions should be strengthened to promote women’s representation at top positions within the parties as well. The experience of ‘soft’ quotas for women among chief executives in the system of governance may be studied in details and discussed with experts. In general, to facilitate women’s activ- ism, political parties, public authorities and civil society should be involved into leadership training for young women that can encourage their engagement in politics and representation in decision-making. 4.3. The gender pay gap is the main manifestation of gender inequality in economic opportuni- ties, reflecting the accumulated contribution of multiple gender disparities in employment. Whereas this gap is largely dependent on sectoral segregation of employment (the largest disparities in wages are observed in the ‘male-dominated’ economic activities, at large enterprises and at the competitive labour markets of large cities), there is also an important correlation with socio-demographic background of employed persons. The gender wage gap is increasing among workers with more extended length of service, that may reflect the impact of maternity leaves. Also, empirical data reveal that obtaining of high education can contribute to the increased women’s competitiveness in employment, and reduce the gender gap in earnings. At the same time, the role of ‘unexplained’ part of the gender pay gap remains quite important in Ukraine, being largely associated with direct discriminatory practices at the labour market. Sociological surveys confirm the occasional cases of the gender-biased attitude of employers and low population awareness on the instruments to defend their rights in case of discrimination. Thus, a significant improving of the current anti-discriminatory mechanism is needed to provide its transparency and accessibility to broad population groups. 4.4. The gender-based segregation in employment is progressing in Ukraine, being traced across occupations and economic activities. In general, ‘female-dominated’ sectors are featured with lower Country gender assessment for UKRAINE 75 Chapter 4.CONCLUSIONS AND POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS  average wages, lower social prestige and lower public value of work. The grounds of occupational segregation are formed yet in the system of education, though no significant gender gaps can be traced in terms of enrolment to the base educational levels. As to advanced levels, more men are enrolled into vocational training, being subsequently found in the blue collar jobs after graduation. More women tend to seek for tertiary education; the preferred fields of study also significantly differ across gender. To ad- dress this asymmetry, there is a pressing need in continuous gender expertise of the system of education, including curricula and manuals; gender sensivity of education workers should be also strengthened, as some of them still demonstrate the stereotypic attitudes to gender roles. Along with social stereotypes, the gender-based division of labour is largely dependent upon legislative restrictions of women’s em- ployment in hazardous works and occupations; some of these restrictions could be outdated at modern labour market and non-consistent with the principle of a freely chosen occupation. Thus, there is a need in re-viewing the current bans of female employment in accordance with the modern standards of the decent work and non-discriminatory principles. In contrast, development priorities should be focused at improving the working conditions for both women and men through short-cutting hazardous works in all economic sectors. 4.5. Opportunities of entrepreneurship are associated with multiple constrains in Ukraine, access to finance and high expectations of corruption mentioned as the major ones by entrepreneurs. There are significantly more men in firm ownership and top management, while female entrepreneurship is mostly associated with smaller and less profitable businesses. The gender-based segregation contributes to the structure of entrepreneurship as well, as women’s firms are mostly operating in the ‘female-dominated’ sectors. Whereas women and men have the equal access to finance through bank accounts, the gender gap is observed in obtaining bank loans. To address this challenge, some successful initiatives have been realized by international donors to promote women’s access to microcrediting in Ukraine; this practice turned out to be quite successful. Thus, the further efforts should be paid to supporting women’s entrepreneurship through conducting business trainings, providing individual consultancies on startup projects, and expanding women’s access to microcrediting. 4.6. Multiple gender gaps could be traced in the patterns of employment, most of them associated with unequal distribution of family obligations across genders. There are more women in vulnerable employment, represented by own-account workers and contributing family members, whose work is performed for low pay or no pay at all. As compared with men, more women tend to be employed fewer working hours, having smaller opportunities of earnings and career advancement. Young women may face higher risks of unemployment, as the extended system of social protection on maternity and childcare could pose additional barriers related to a biased attitude of employers. The poverty risks are increasing among young women of the most active reproductive age (25-29); obviously single mothers represent another poverty ‘profile’ in a society. In this regard, it is important to ensure families with access to good quality and affordable childcare regardless of a type of settlement, as well as negotiate opportunities of flexible employment for workers with family responsibilities. Men’s role in parental duties should be reinforced through popularization of a good practice of paternity leaves and advocacy campaigns with employers. Though international experience provides evidence of positive contribution of the mandatory parental leaves in terms of gender equality, this practice has to be widely discussed through social dialogue and public hearings before implementation. 4.7. Unequal women’s representation in public life is closely associated with impact of the per- sistent gender stereotypes, prioritizing the family roles for women and contributing to their devaluat- ed position at the labour market. In many cases, the gender-based views in a society are reproduced by school and family education; they are also widely broadcasted by the mass-media and advertising. To address these problems, the practice of introducing gender courses in education institutions should be extended along with conducting special training workshops for journalists, information and public rela- tions experts. The gender expertise of educational programs should be continued, including analysis of manuals and textbooks, as well as curriculum and programs; some target gender-sensitive training could be required for education professionals, who might demonstrate the stereotypic perceptions of gender Country gender assessment 76 for UKRAINE Chapter 4.CONCLUSIONS AND POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS roles. The advocacy campaigns among employers are needed to promote employment opportunities for workers with family obligations. At the same time, the target information campaigns should address the problem of domestic violence that is also closely associated with public attitudes and unequal distribu- tion of resources and powers between women and men. In this case, the key messages of campaigns should be targeted as at prevention activities, as at transformation of the common stigma attitude put on survivors of domestic violence in case of applying for any assistance. 4.8. Gender-based violence (GBV) and trafficking in human beings remain serious problems, being particularly acute with regard to the armed conflict in Eastern Ukraine and lost control of cen- tral authorities over large territories. While the services for GBV survivors have been traditionally poorly developed in Ukraine, the conflict posed new challenges in terms of vulnerability to violence for such contingents as IDPs, residents of the ATO-affected areas, demobilized militarymen and their families. In the on-going conflict, a particular attention should be paid to prevention of any forms of violence against civil population, as well as biased attitudes towards displaced people, and support of their comprehensive integration into host communities. Thus, there is a permanent need in insti- tutional capacity building and strengthening the multi-sectoral cooperation to provide the adequate response to GBV problems. A zero-tolerance attitude to GBV should be promoted in activities of all public authorities, while the population awareness on its forms and risks should be addressed through the target information programs. 4.9. The health problems are of particular concern in Ukraine, as significant efforts are needed to address the current crisis. The gender gap in life expectancy results from the extra-high male mortality in the working age, being largely associated with men’s exposing to occupational injuries, unsafe behav- ioral patterns, stressful environment, unhealthy diets and life-style associated problems. The particular risk factors include harmful alcohol consumption and cigarette smoking, while the role of external death causes (such as car accidents, poisonings, homicides, and suicides) is also important. The incidence of communicable diseases is also higher among male population, contributing to the increased epidemi- ology risks in terms of tuberculosis and HIV-infection. The large-scale health campaigns are needed to address the outlined challenges, in particular with regard to the recently developed internal displacement movements across the regions of Ukraine. Besides medical interventions and comprehensive coverage with accessible medical services, the priority should be given to information programs targeted at rais- ing the population awareness on a healthy life style and prevention of diseases. 4.10. The issues of reproductive health should be addressed in terms of youth knowledge of HIV/ AIDS and sexually transmitted diseases, family planning and maternal health. The rate of HIV- infection is increasing among women, following the increased share of sexual transmission. Unwanted pregnancies still remain prevalent in Ukraine, while the adolescent birth rates are higher than those in the EU Member States. The target information campaigns could address the use of contraception among youth to prevent the risky behavior and improve the reproductive health for girls and boys. The problem of infertility still remains poorly addressed, as the use of assisted reproductive treatment is less common as compared with developed regions. 4.11. The population ageing is progressing in Ukraine, resulting from a sharp decline in fertility. The respective challenges of the increased dependency rates will be faced by fiscal and pension systems, while the systems of healthcare, education and social protection will require important adjustments to address the need of elderly. As a result of the gender gap in life expectancy, there are significantly more women among older age groups. Importantly, the gender pay gap determines the respective gender disparities in pensions, affecting the living standards in old age. As a result, elderly women present a particular poverty ‘profile’ in Ukraine, as their income opportunities are dependent exclusively on ‘gen- erosity’ of the state social guarantees. Thus, there is a need in incorporating the gender approach into development and implementation of social policies on old age. However, as there are no reliable grounds to argue about the common feminization of poverty in Ukraine, any poverty alleviating policies should be well-targeted to address specifically the needs of low-income population. Country gender assessment for UKRAINE 77 Chapter 4.CONCLUSIONS AND POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS  4.12. The institutional capacity and multi-sectoral coordination of public authorities should be strengthened. Though most observers agree that Ukraine succeeded in developing progressive legis- lation and the core elements of national machinery on enhancing gender equality, the efficient imple- mentation of legislative provisions remains low. In this regard, the basic problems concern the lack of political will and low prioritizing of gender issues by decision-makers, as well as absence of the effective instruments to implement the norms. There is also no systemic approach in developing the gender-sensitive policies, while many of them used to have the declarative character, providing no efficient solutions. The current State Program on Gender Equality is mostly targeted at information, research and training components, so it might be difficult to assess its impact on transforming the public views without special population surveys. In addition, despite multiple gender gaps observed, no gender components have been clearly outlined in the national strategies of development, including the Poverty Reduction Strategy, the Strategy of Reforming the System of Public Health, the Strategy of Reforming the System of Tertiary education, etc. Thus, the role of Government in promoting gender equality needs to be expanded, as many of the current initiatives are pushed by non-governmental sector, being sup- ported by international organizations. Though many of practical initiatives on women’s empowerment turned out to be successful (such as facilitation of grass root women’s movements, women’s training in entrepreneurship and support through microcrediting, programs on professional reintegration of parents after child leaves realized in partnership with pilot enterprises, etc.), such efforts are still very fragment- ed and highly dependent on the external donor funding. To provide efficient response to the present gaps, the gender budgeting should be incorporated in developing and implementing of public policies. With regard to the current processes of decentralization of governance, it is important to ensure availability of gender machinery and proper resources at the local level. 4.13. The further steps in addressing the understanding of gender gaps in Ukraine should be focused in three key areas: 1) improving the national statistics and obtaining additional data to un- derstand the nature of the revealed gender gaps; 2) making estimations of the cost of gender gaps to assess their impact on the economy and prospects of development; 3) monitoring and evaluation of the progress in promoting gender equality through stocktaking of policies and case studies. So far, no economic estimates of the costs of gender inequality have been realized in Ukraine. However, some particular fields of interest may include: the costs of unpaid domestic and care work or gender-based violence in a society; the impact of gender-based segregation on the labour market performance; the lost labour productivity associated with excessive mortality of males; the impact of the prolonged ma- ternity leaves on women’s skills and competencies; socio-demographic consequences of feminization of labour migrations in terms of the lack of care for children and elderly, etc. The national system of statistics should be expanded by comprehensive and publicly available gender-disaggregated indica- tors, while additional surveys might be needed to address some specific data gaps. In particular, there is a permanent lack of analysis of the impact of gender stereotypes on public attitudes and distribution of roles between women and men in a society. 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Country gender assessment 84 for UKRAINE ANNEXES ANNEXES Annex A. Respondent’s Satisfaction with Life by Background Characteristics, 2010, in percent Background characteristics of respondents Men Women 15-29 75.8 71.2 Age 30-49 60.4 58.5 groups 50 and over 49.2 44.2 Married 60.3 59.0 widowed 28.6 38.5 Current marital divorced 51.6 50.5 status separated 40.0 53.3 never married or partnered 68.2 61.9 pre-primary or none education 57.1 10,0 primary education or first stage of basic education 40.0 28,6 lower secondary or second stage of basic education 45.8 36,5 Level of education upper secondary education 56.6 52,9 first stage of tertiary education 67.3 60.1 second stage of tertiary education 33.3 75.0 no children 70.9 66,9 Children one child 60.8 56.7 two children 51.2 50.0 Source: EVS (2010). Annex B. Gender-Based Views on Women’s Employment and Work/Family Duties in Ukraine, 2008 Proportion of respondents (%), who: Statements agree agree disagree disagree total strongly strongly A working mother can establish just as warm and secure a relationship male 45.6 44.5 9.0 0.9 100.0 with her children as a mother who does not work female 55.3 35.3 8.0 1.4 100.0 male 26.8 45.2 22.6 5.3 100.0 A pre-school child is likely to suffer if his or her mother works female 28.5 42.3 24.5 4.7 100.0 male 33.7 58.1 6.9 1.3 100.0 A job is alright but what most women really want is a home and children female 37.1 47.4 13.2 2.4 100.0 male 24.5 46.7 24,3 4.5 100.0 Being a housewife is just as fulfilling as working for pay female 21.6 39.3 30,2 8.9 100.0 male 29.7 45.8 21.6 2.9 100.0 Having a job is the best way for a woman to be an independent person female 36.4 49.3 13.3 1.0 100.0 male 47.4 44.1 7.9 0.5 100.0 Both the husband and wife should contribute to household income female 52.3 43.7 3.7 0.2 100.0 In general, fathers are as well suited to look after their children as male 49.0 42.2 7.2 1.6 100.0 mothers female 42.8 44.3 11.5 1.4 100.0 Source: EVS (2010). Country gender assessment for UKRAINE 85 ANNEXES Annex C. School-Age Children, Not Attending General Secondary Schools in Ukraine, 2014/2015 academic year Of them (%): Children aged 6-18, who Categories do not receive complete do not study because of: learn in occupations study in specialized secondary education without receiving complete institutions for children health reasons other reasons secondary education with developmental needs Total children 43,997 20.5 43.4 0.5 35.6 Girls 18,361 20.2 46.2 0.4 33.2 Boys 25,636 20.8 41.4 0.5 37.3 Urban settlements 30,122 16.7 53.0 0.4 29.9 Girls 12,582 16.1 55.9 0.3 27.7 Boys 17,540 17.0 50.9 0.5 31.5 Rural area 13,875 29.0 22.6 0.6 47.8 Girls 5,779 28.9 25.2 0.6 45.3 Boys 8,096 29.0 20.8 0.5 49.7 Source: State Statistics Service. Annex D. Cause-Specific Structure of Mortality by Gender in Ukraine, 2014 Number of deaths % Disease groups based on the ICD-10 Version: 2016 total male female male female Total, of them: 632,296 310,671 321,625 100 100 А00-В99 Certain infectious and parasitic diseases 10,974 8,005 2,969 2.6 0.9 С00-D48 Neoplasms 83,894 46,545 37,349 15.0 11.6 Е00-Е90 Endocrine, nutritional and metabolic diseases 2,222 923 1,299 0.3 0.4 G00-G99 Diseases of the nervous system 5,882 3,528 2,354 1.1 0.7 I00-I99 Diseases of the circulatory system 425,607 183,219 242,388 59.0 75.4 J00-J99 Diseases of the respiratory system 14,810 10,619 4,191 3.4 1.3 K00-K93 Diseases of the digestive system 25,225 15,759 9,466 5.1 2.9 N00-N99 Diseases of the genitourinary system 2,695 1,414 1,281 0.5 0.4 P00-P96 Certain conditions originating in the perinatal period 1,958 1,159 799 0.4 0.2 Q00-Q99 Congenital malformations, deformations and 1,513 800 713 0.3 0.2 chromosomal abnormalities R00-R99 Symptoms, signs and abnormal clinical and laboratory 14,399 5,236 9,163 1.7 2.8 findings, not else where classified V01-Y98 External causes of morbidity and mortality 40,135 31,811 8,324 10.2 2.6 Note: classification of disease is based on the WHO International Statistical Classification of Diseases and Related Health Problems 10th Revision. Source: State Statistics Service of Ukraine (2015c). Country gender assessment 86 for UKRAINE ANNEXES Annex E. Incidence of Diseases by Classes of Diseases and Gender in Ukraine, 2014 (number of firstly registered cases per 100,000 persons) Number of diseases, registered for the first time Disease groups based on the ICD-10 Version: 2016 total male female Total, of them: 62,759 58,804 66,165 А00-В99 Certain infectious and parasitic diseases 2,266 2,048 2,454 С00-D48 Neoplasms 847 653 1,015 D50-D89 Diseases of the blood and blood-forming organs and certain disorders 418 340 485 involving the immune mechanism Е00-Е90 Endocrine, nutritional and metabolic diseases 961 680 1,203 F00-F99 Mental and behavioural disorders 319 409 242 G00-G99 Diseases of the nervous system 1,521 1,398 1,626 H00-H59 Diseases of the eye and adnexa 3,257 3,030 3,452 H60-H95 Diseases of the ear and mastoid process 2,375 2,365 2,383 I00-I99 Diseases of the circulatory system 4,389 3,938 4,778 J00-J99 Diseases of the respiratory system 27,640 27,882 27,432 K00-K93 Diseases of the digestive system 2,650 2,543 2,742 L00-L99 Diseases of the skin and subcutaneous tissue 3,666 3,652 3,678 M00-M99 Diseases of the muscoskeletal system and connective tissue 2,912 2,834 2,980 N00-N99 Diseases of the genitourinary system 4,100 1,553 6,293 P00-P96 Certain conditions originating in the perinatal period 12,257 12,687 11,800 Q00-Q99 Congenital malformations, deformations and chromosomal abnormalities 112 124 101 R00-R99 Symptoms, signs and abnormal clinical and laboratory findings, not 77 74 79 elsewhere classified S00-T98 Injury, poisonings and certain other consequences of external cause 4,023 5,127 3,072 Note: classification of disease is based on the WHO International Statistical Classification of Diseases and Related Health Problems 10th Revision. Source: State Statistics Service of Ukraine (2015c). Annex F. Benefits on Maternity and Children’s Allowances in Ukraine in 2014 Number, in thousand persons Number of Average amount paid benefits, of benefit, in recipients of children entitled to benefits benefits as on 01.01.2015 thousand UAH Benefits related to pregnancy and labours 243.6 x 250.3 1,367.97 Benefits on childbirth, of them: 500.7 530.2 14,093.1 1,325.93 lump sum x x 452.0 10,328.89 monthly x x 13,641.1 1,027.59 Benefits on children under 3 749.6 192.6 10,104.4 321.35 Benefits on children under care or guardianship 81.9 45.8 606.9 2,142.41 Benefits on children to single parents 208.9 688.7 8,518.4 358.93 Benefits on adopted child 1.4 2.4 35.3 1,222.41 lump sum x x 1.4 10,302.84 Monthly x x 33.9 838.84 Source: State Statistics Service (2015e). Country gender assessment for UKRAINE 87 ANNEXES Annex G. Employment by Major Occupational Groups and Gender, Ukraine, 2014. Total Employed population, Share of employed Major occupation groups (ISCO-88) employed, thousand persons population, in percent thousand persons women men women men Total population 18,073.3 8,718.9 9,354.4 100.0 100.0 legislators and senior officials 6.8 2.4 4.4 0.0 0.0 directors and chief executives 838.9 318.1 520.8 3.6 5.6 managers of small enterprises 318.6 107.1 211.5 1.2 2,3 department managers 278.2 118,2 160.0 1.4 1,7 physical, mathematical and engineering science professionals 683.7 168,7 515.0 1.9 5.5 life science and health professionals 348.7 201.0 147.7 2.3 1.6 teaching proffesionals 842.7 659.4 172.8 7.6 1.8 other professionals 1,223.1 863.2 359.9 9.9 3.8 physical and engineering science associate prifessionals 529.8 148.7 381.1 1.7 4.1 life science and health associate professionals 666.9 610.4 56.5 7.0 0.6 teaching associate proffesionals 208.2 186.9 21.3 2.1 0.2 other associate professionals 797.3 544.0 253.3 6.2 2.7 office clerks 308.3 258.1 50.2 3.0 0.5 customer services clerks 278.5 239.7 38.8 2.7 0.4 personal and protective services workers 1,361.2 805.3 555.9 9.2 5.9 models, salespersons and demonstrators 1,511.5 1,170.1 341.4 13.4 3,6 market-oriented skilled agricultural and fishery workers 173.7 65.0 108.7 0.7 1.2 extraction and building trades workers 909.8 68.7 841.1 0.8 9.0 metal,machinery and related trades workers 1,075.6 49.2 1,026.4 0.6 11.0 precision, handicraft, printing and related trades workers 38.3 14.3 24.0 0.2 0.3 other craft and related trades workers 296.6 161.1 135.5 1.8 1.4 stationary-plant and related operators 321.6 111.6 210.0 1.3 2.2 machine operators and assemblers 393.8 190.7 203.1 2.2 2.2 drivers and mobile-plant pperators 1,347.5 65.6 1,281.9 0.8 13.7 sales and services elementary occupations 616.7 460.7 156.0 5.3 1.7 agricultural, fishery and related labourers 1,879.6 937.0 942.6 10.7 10.1 labourers in mining, construction, manufacturing and transport 735.4 132.1 603.3 1.5 6.4 elementary occupations common for all economic activities 69.4 42.5 26.9 0.5 0.3 Note: based on the International Standard Classification of Occupations (ISCO-88) Source: LFS, 2014 Country gender assessment 88 for UKRAINE ANNEXES Annex G. Employment by Sectors of Economy and Gender, Ukraine, 2014. Women Men Sectors (NACE Rev. 2) % of total thousand employed thousand % of total persons women persons employed men Total 4,996.6 100.0 4,025.8 100.0 Agriculture, Forestry and Fishing 147.4 3.0 313.4 7.8 Mining and Quarrying, Manufacturing, Electricity, Gas, Stream and Air 864.3 17.3 1,424.1 35.4 Conditioning Supply Construction 42.6 0.9 162.5 4.0 Wholesale and Retail Trade; Repair of Motor Vehicles and Motorcycles 405.0 8.1 376.7 9.4 Transportation and Storage 283.2 5.7 446.9 11.1 Accomodation and Food Service Activities 54.1 1.1 25.5 0.6 Information and Communication 66.3 1.3 81.8 2.0 Financial and Insurance Activities 179.7 3.6 74.6 1.9 Real Estate Activities 44.6 0.9 55.4 1.4 Professional, Scientific and Technical Activities 146.8 2.9 129.5 3.2 Administrative and Support Service Activities 93.2 1.9 127.8 3.2 Public Administration and Defense; Compulsory Social Security 373.0 7.5 182.1 4.5 Education 1,224.6 24.5 361.7 9.0 Human health and social work activities 934.2 18.7 189.1 4.7 Arts, Entertainment and Recreation 117.7 2.4 58.4 1,5 Other Service Activities 19.9 0.4 16.3 0.4 Note: based on the Statistical Classification of Economic Activities in the European Community, Rev. 2 (2008) Source: State Statistics Service (2015g). Annex H. Average Wage by Sectors of Economy and Gender, Ukraine, 2014. The number of Average monthly Gender employed women wage, in UAH gap in Sectors (NACE Rev. 2) wages, thousand % of total women men persons employed % Total 4,744.4 53.0 3,037 3,979 76.3 Agriculture, Forestry and Fishing 152.5 29.4 2,283 2,670 85.5 Mining and Quarrying, Manufacturing, Electricity, Gas, Stream and Air 833.0 36.3 3,164 4,456 71.0 Conditioning Supply Construction 45.2 19.8 2,638 2,915 90.5 Wholesale and Retail Trade; Repair of Motor Vehicles and Motorcycles 386.9 49.3 3,126 3,742 83.5 Transportation and Storage 266.6 36.5 3,197 4,097 78.1 Accommodation and Food Service Activities 55.7 65.2 2,161 2,450 88.2 Information and Communication 67.6 43,0 4,855 5,417 89.6 Financial and Insurance Activities 164.5 67.1 5,940 9,220 64.4 Real Estate Activities 44.4 43.3 2,823 3,293 85.7 Professional, Scientific and Technical Activities 141.4 51.2 4,717 5,893 80.0 Administrative and Support Service Activities 94.7 40.8 2,575 2,618 98.3 Public Administration and Defense; Compulsory Social Security 338.1 64.0 3,656 4,104 89.1 Education 1,147.1 76.5 2,701 2,890 93.4 Human health and social work activities 873.8 82.0 2,384 2,703 88.2 Arts, Entertainment and Recreation 113.0 65.7 2,721 5,360 50.8 Other Service Activities 19.8 53.9 2,873 3,932 73.1 Note: based on the Statistical Classification of Economic Activities in the European Community, Rev. 2 (2008) Source: State Statistics Service (2015g). Country gender assessment for UKRAINE 89 ANNEXES Annex I. Average Monthly Wage across Gender, Socio-Demographic Background and Patterns of Employment, 2013, in UAH Male Female Gender gap, % Education (years of study) less than 7 years   944.6 xxx 7-10 years 1,974.1 1,421.7 28.0 11-14 years 2,281.4 1,628.7 28.6 15 years and over 3,044.0 2,180.0 28.4 Type of settlement Large city 2,920.9 2,013.7 31.1 Small town 2,188.9 1,678.6 23.3 Rural area 1,783.0 1,499.5 15.9 Length of service less than 10 years 2,434.3 1,699.5 30.2 10-19 years 2,516.5 1,887.3 25.0 20 years and over 2,408.7 1,818.2 24.5 Total 2,447.9 1,798.3 26.5 Aggregated economic activities Agriculture & Mining 2,401.8 1,625.2 32.3 Manufacturing 2,503.0 1,865.3 25.5 Utilities 2,484.7 2,151.4 13.4 Construction 2,361.9 1,924.6 18.5 Trade 2,319.2 1,677.4 27.7 Transportations & Accommodation 2,676.0 1,856.2 30.6 Information & Communications 3,332.4 2,150.2 35.5 Financial & Real Estate 3,383.6 2,403.8 29.0 Professional Activities 3,561.7 3,183.9 10.6 Administrative Services 2,367.8 1,589.6 32.9 Public Admin 2,524.5 1,902.5 24.6 Education 1,837.2 1,764.9 3.9 Health 1,846.0 1,612.6 12.6 Other 2,069.4 1,787.4 13.6 Total 2,447.9 1,798.3 26.5 Source: HHS (2013). Country gender assessment 90 for UKRAINE ANNEXES Annex J. Decomposition of the Gender Wage Gap in Ukraine, 2013 a) Results of OLS regressions for women’s and men’s wages Variables Men Women Age 0.0097899 [0.0106261] 0.0703699 [0.0097539] Education 0.1715571 [0.0138252] 0.2220881 [0.0121801] Sector -0.0347988 [0.0031507] -0.0178317 [0.0023545] Type of settlement -0.2061266 [0.0110783] -0.1212472 [0.0101712] Constant 10.15801 [0.0602097] 9.35775 [0.0561155] R-squared 0.17 0.14 N 3,909 4,246 Note: age groups are included in ‘experience’ category; years of education are included in ‘education’ category; ‘type of settlement’ includes large city, small town and rural area’; sector category includes types of economic activities. Source: HSS (2013). b) Detailed twofold Oaxaca-Blinder decomposition, log of monthly wage Variables Explained Unexplained Experience -0.0050885 [0.0012139] -0.12556 [0.0307271] Education -0.0196251 [0.003094] -0.1592619 [0.0574424] Type of settlement -0.0062228 [0.003003] -0.1534754 [0.0276683] Sector 0.0502669 [0.0047225] -0.1418781 [0.0379368] Constant 0.8002552 [0.0806866] Total 0.0193305 [.0193305] 0.2200798 [0.0133343] N=8,155 Source: HSS (2013). Country gender assessment for UKRAINE 91