*~ ~ ~ ~~~T4 0 00 Water Conservation i and Reallocation: Best Practice Cases in Inmproving *- U1U1M j |Economic Efficiency and 4 1. - t9 Environmental Quality *1_ -t '-- - r; , ,,.. XI A World Bank-ODI Joint Study by Ramesh Bhatia, Rita Cestti and James Winpenny I WATER CONSERVATION AND REALLOCATION: BEST PRACTICE CASES IN IMPROVING ECONOMIC EFFICIENCY AND ENVIRONMENTAL QUALITY RAMESH BHATIA RITA CESTTI JAMES WINPENNY A WORLD BANK-ODI JOINT STUDY Copyright 1995 International Bank for Reconstruction and Development/The World Bank 1818 H Street, NW Washington, DC 20433 Printed July 1995 This document is published informally by the World Bank. Copies are available free from the World Bank. Contact Ms. Mari Dhokai, Room S4-001, telephone (202) 473-3970, fax (202) 477-0164. The World Bank does not accept responsibility for the views expressed herein, which are those of the author and should not be attributed to the World Bank or its affiliated organizations. The findings, interpretations, and conclusions are the results of research supported by the Bank. The designations employed and the presentation of the material are solely for the convenience of the reader and do not imply the expression of any legal opinion whatsoever on the part of the World Bank or its affiliates concerning the delimitations of its boundaries or national affiliation. About the Authors Ramesh Bhatia was a Water Resources Specialist in the Water and Sanitation Division of The World Bank, when this paper was prepared. Rita Cestti is a Research Analyst in the Water and Sanitation Division of The World Bank. James Winpenny is a Research Fellow at the Overseas Development Institute (ODI). Acknowledgments This study was supported by the Swedish International Development Authority. The authors are grateful to John Briscoe for initiating the study and for his help in developing the framework for policy analysis; and Harvey Gam for his thoughtful and constructive reviews provided on several drafts of this paper. Special thanks are also due to Peter Rogers, and John Dixon for their comments on an earlier draft of this paper. The editorial support given by David Kinley is also appreciated. The contributions of the following authors in preparing specific case studies are gratefully acknowledged: Devendra B. Gupta: Effects of Water Tariffs and Regulations in the Fertilizer Industry, India. (Case 5.2.1) Oscar Cordeiro Netto: Industrial Water in Brazil. (Case 5.2.4) Basawan Sinha: Economics of Improving Irrigation Efficiency, Bihar, India. (Case 5.3.3) Rishi Shanna: Groundwater Markets in India. (Case 6.2.2) EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Current water resource management practices the gap between water supply and demand; it in most developing countries result in unneces- is intended to promote confidence in these sarily high economic and environmental costs. options through its detailed review of Leakage from piped water supply distribution experiences-some well known, others less systems, for example, is frequently as high as 60 known-being gained world wide. percent; and irrigated agriculture, which Experiences in both developing and dev al- accounts for over 80 percent of total water oped countries, as documented in this report, withdrawals, can result in water losses as high show that improved policies for conservation as 70 percent. Such costs are especially difficult and reallocation can have major benefits. In gen- to bear for countries that are facing increasing eral, three levels of intervention are necessary: water demands, widespread water quality 1. actions that alter the institutional, legl, degradation, fiscal constraints that limit options and macroeconomic framework (the enablirig for water supply development projects, and a environment) that governs water use history of poor sector performance. 2. market-based and nonmarket-based The magnitude and consequences of such instruments (incentives) that directly or indL- costs have spurred the emergence of a global rectly influence the behavior of water users and consensus on principles for improving water providers resource management. The principles - which 3. project lending that provides for efficient have been articulated at the International technologies, demand management, retrofitting Conference on Water and the Environment in and other targeted programs (direct interve a- Dublin in 1992, in Agenda 21 of the UN Confer- tions) ence on the Environment and Development, The examples analyzed in this report sh aw and in the World Bank's Water Resources that these elements are not substitutes for o we Management Policy Paper - state that water another but are interdependent and mutua]ly should be managed as both an economic and reinforcing. Indeed, a major finding of the social good, at the lowest appropriate level study is that no single intervention is decisive in using a demand-driven participatory approach, achieving the desired results. A synergistic mix and with a comprehensive, cross-sectoral of interventions is required for efficient anc perspective. sustainable resource use. For example, appro- Improving water management will require priate pricing polices are necessary, but not that developing countries address the major sufficient, for improving allocation and wal er- constraints that currently undermine the alloca- use efficiency; the reviewed cases indicate that tion and efficient use of their water resources. water pricing works best when combined vwith As part of the learning effort, this study is a first supportive regulatory measures, economic attempt to: (i) explore the implications of the incentives, and other non-market instruments management principles for changing current such as water licensing and educational pro- inefficient practices and (ii) identify "best- grams. practice" cases where implementation of the Similarly, a careful mix of elements (includ- principles has resulted in conservation and ing regulations, tariffs, pollution-control improved allocation among competing uses. As charges, and fiscal incentives) can influence such, the study is intended not only to broaden industrial users to reduce water demands e nd perspectives about the options a-ailable (in increase user efficiency, with significant en vi- addition to supply augmentation) for reducing ronmental as well as economic benefits. St.c- i cessful experiences with water markets shed tion and reallocation solutions are widely light on the mix of elements (clear legal rights, applicable with local variants and adapt itions. physical means for water transfer, and interven- Still, the chances for success will be greai est tions to prevent adverse third-party and envi- when there is public support for and under- ronmental effects) required to improve water standing of the policies to be adopted an i if the allocation among competing users. policies are compatible with overall economic Evidence from countries at different stages efficiency, environmeAtal quality, and eauity of development suggests that water conserva- objectives. ii CONTENTS Executive Summary i Abbreviations iv Conversion Factors iv Typical Water Requirements iv Introduction 1 Part One Policy Instruments that Encourage Best Practice: A Review of Experience 3 1. The Growing Interest in Conservation and Reallocation 5 1.1 The Need for Conservation and Reallocation 5 1.2 Inefficient Use of Water Resources 6 1.3 Conservation and Reallocation Can be Low-Cost Options 6 1.4 Environmental Benefits of Conservation and Reallocation 7 2. Experience with Conservation and Reallocation 9 2.1 Water Conservation in the Household Sector 9 2.2 Water Conservation in the Industrial Sector 10 2.3 Increasing Supply-Side Efficiency 14 2.4 Reallocation of Water Between Sectors 16 3. Policy Variants for Water Conservation and Reallocation 19 3.1 Enabling Conditions 19 3.2 Incentives 24 3.3 Direct Interventions 30 4. Conclusions and Recommendations 31 4.1 Main Conclusions 31 4.2 Recommendations 33 Part Two Analysis of Best Practice Cases 35 5. Water Conservation and Pollution Control 37 5.1 Managing Household Demand 37 5.2 Managing Industrial Demand 54 5.3 Managing Agricultural Demand 73 5.4 Managing Municipal Water Supply Systems 78 6. Improved Water Allocation 83 6.1 Reallocation Among Different Sectors 83 6.2 Reallocation Within the Same Sector 87 References 97 Selected Bibliography 99 . . Abbreviations af acre-foot maf million acre-feet BCM billion cubic meters MCM million cubic meters BOD biological oxygen demand mg milligram COD chemical oxygen demand mgd million gallons per day m3/sec cubic meter per second ppm plrts per million m3 cubic meter sq m s uare meter ft foot SS suspended solids ha hectare TCM thousand cubic meters kg kilogram ton ton UK I liter gal imperial gallon lcd liters per capita per day US gal US gallon m meter Conversion factors 1 hectare 2.741 acres 1 Imperial gallon 4.546 liters 1 cubic meter 1,000 liters 1 acre-foot 325,900 US gallons 264 US gallons 1,233 cubic meters 0.365 hectare-foot 1 liter 0.264 US gallons 0.001 cubic meters 1 million cubic meters . 811 acre-feet 1 US gallon 3.788 liters Typcial water requirements Domestic Use Industrial Use Drinking and cooking 3-6 lcd Steel 500 m3 of water/I ton Laundering 20-40 lcd Pulp 600 m3Of water/i ton Washing 4-6 lcd Textile 400 m3of water/i ton Personal hygiene 10-15 lcd Bath, shower 20-40 lcd Agricultural Use Flushing toilet 20-40 lcd House cleaning 3-10 lcd Paddy (one season) 5,000-6,000 m3/ha/year Watering garden 50-75 I/sq-m/day Wheat (one season) 6,000-6,500 m3/ha/year Average 150-200 lcd Vegetables 7,000-10,000 m3/ha/year 55-75 m3/capita/year iv INTRODUCTION This study' is part of the learning process on urban water supply and demand without the water resources management. It explores how need to withdraw water from additional to translate the new consensus on water re- sources. sources management into practice. This consen- Part one reviews best practices and exarrmines sus is based on principles which focus on the policy messages which emerge. It is orga- demand, water as an economic good, and nized into four sections: chapter 1 describes the institutional arrangements. The study also rationale for considering conservation and reviews efforts to improve the allocation of reallocation as least-cost means of meeting water resources and encourage efficiency in its growing urban demands; chapter 2 reviewE use in various ecological, developmental, and experiences with conservation and reallocalion institutional settings. It reviews best practice in both developed and developing countries; cases where water demand management has chapter 3 summarizes the policy variants t at improved not only economic efficiency, but also have been used for water conservation and has helped to achieve environmental benefits. reallocation, and presents some conclusions For the purpose of this study, the term about their effectiveness; and chapter 4 draws "water demand management," which encom- some general conclusions and recommendations passes conservation and reallocation, refers to from this review of experiences. any measure designed to reduce the volume of Part two provides greater details of the fresh water being withdrawn from surface or various experiences with water demand men- groundwater sources but without reducing agement in order for the reader to see what consumer satisfaction and/or output. Under principles are illustrated and to gain whateier this broad definition, the introduction of trans- additional insights their own experience makes ferable water use rights becomes a water de- possible. This part has two sections: chapter 5 mand management measure because it encour- introduces the case material on conservationa by ages water trading between agricultural and user sectors; and chapter 6 presents the case municipal uses and can reduce the gap between material on reallocation among secors. II PART ONE POLICY INSTRUMENTS THAT ENCOURAGE BEST PRACTICE: A REVIEW OF EXPERIENCE I CHAPTER 1 THE GROWING INTEREST IN CONSERVATION AND REALLOCATION This section describes the rationale for consider- supply and the demand side. Supply-side ing conservation and reallocation as a least-cost measures include the reduction of evaporation means of meeting growing urban demand. from reservoirs and water channels, and reduc- tion of leaks from water conveyors. Improv e- 1.1 The Need for Conservation ments to the distribution network to reducZ and Reallocation waste and losses can be regarded as either supply or demand-side measures, depending on The need to conserve water and encourage its their location and the degree of cooperation allocation to higher-value uses has not always required from the user [Boland 1991]. Demand- been evident. In most countries, water has been side measures include actions that influenc e treated as though it were available in unlimited water user behavior while providing an ac -ept- quantities and supplied at zero or low cost to able level of service with a reduced volume of consumers who would resent the notion that water in most of the cases. water has an economic value. Sectoral water Technical, regulatory, and market-oriented allocations have been made without considering measures that affect water use and reduce w iste their economic implications. Investments in the and losses from the source point will be called water sector, in turn, have been guided by a "demand management" in this study. In general, "requirements approach," ignoring the signifi- these options enable rising levels of consumption cant role of the price of water and its potential to be met without major new investment, an i they effects upon the quantity of water consumed. also avoid serious environmental costs. Such Rapid urbanization and industrialization measures indude: leak detection; waste reduction have increased water demand for household, (encouraging consumers to cut out wasteful uses); commercial, and industrial uses in urban areas investment in appliances, processes, and teclmolo- both absolutely and relative to agricultural gies that reduce water input without reducir.g demand. The share of industrial and domestic consumer satisfaction and/or output; treatment demand is almost certain to increase from the of industrial effluent and wastewater for rec 'ing current share of around 20 percent. These trends and reuse; and redirecting water to the highest have given rise to serious conflicts between social value.2 The policies that encourage demand agricultural and municipal users. New supplies management include pricing water and charging have to be brought from long distances, often for pollution, regulations and restrictions on water 50-200 kilometers from metropolitan areas, use, exhortation and education, and encouraging adding high investment costs for conveyance water trading among and between users. systems and additional pumping costs. Both Reallocation of water resources is an issue quantity and quality problems mean that the that is rapidly gaining importance. Reallo :ation costs of supplies of adequate quality are rising or diversion of water from agricultural to rapidly. The cost of a unit of water from the municipal uses is increasingly recognized as an "next" project is often double or triple the cost option by decision makers seeking to reduce the of a unit from the current project. gap between urban water supply and deirand. It is no longer possible to take an exclusively As population and economic activities exF and, supply-oriented approach that takes require- greater demands are made on relatively limited ments as given and concentrates o , finding the supplies. At present, municipal and industrial water to meet them. Alternatives to investment demands are in direct competition with other in new capacity augmentation exist on both the water uses, especially agriculture. However, in 6 UNDP-WORLD BANK WATER AND SANITATION PROGRI M many instances, the agricultural use is guaran- incentives-and related institutional structures teed by previous allocation decisions or custom- and rules that reflect scarcity supply and inier- ary rights, which did not take into account the naLize the externalities that arise when one tiser economic scarcity value of water. In earlier affects the quantity and quality of water av2 il- years, there was generally enough water for all able to another. In both irrigation and wate:- reasonable uses. supply sectors, prices charged for water are Institutional arrangements prevailing in much lower than the cost of providing sup- developing countries to allocate water have plies.3 Piped water tariffs are based on avere ge- encouraged the use of excessive quantities of cost pricing rather than marginal-cost pricing, water in agriculture because of the strong bias and they ignore the opportunity cost of water. of governments to expand irrigated agricultural Similarly, the effects of damages caused by frontiers. Nowadays, water has become increas- pollution of surface and groundwater are ingly scarce, and the economic implications of ignored in setting water tariffs. From an ecc - that misaLLocation are extremely high. Today nomic viewpoint, excess quantities of water are more than ever, there is a need to reallocate used, and excess pollution is produced. water now used for irrigation to places of highest and best uses, e.g., domestic and indus- 1.3 Conservation and Reallocation trial uses. Can be Low-Cost Options The scope for reaLLocation can easily be grasped by looking at how much water needs to Where incremental supplies can be provided be taken away from the agricultural sector and only at high cost, water conservation can be transferred to urban areas and the net economic more cost-effective than increasing supply. gains involved. Many studies of the western From the private viewpoint, improving the United States indicate that only 10 percent of the efficient use of water is economic as long as :he water presently consumed by the agricultural unit cost of saving water is less than the cost of sector would almost double the water available obtaining additional water. From the point cf to other consuming sectors. This volume, in view of a public utility taking a social perspec- many instances, would be enough to meet tive, conservation is preferable as long as its future needs of rapidly growing urban areas. In costs are less than the resource cost of new doing so, water will be moved to higher value supplies. For instance, a recent study of water uses, since water used for municipal purposes is management policy options for Beijing has valued at more than ten times its agricultural determined that a variety of different conser ia- use [Gibbons 1986]. tion strategies can be cost effective relative to the cost of supply augmentation (Box 1.1). 1.2 Inefficient Use of Water Resources The results of the study show that, dome stic water use in Beijing could be reduced by abc ut Water resources sectors in developing countries 15 percent and industrial demand could also be are characterized by inefficiencies in allocation reduced by one third at unit costs ($0.03/m3 to among alternative uses and significant waste in $0.09/m3) which are substantially lower than individual subsectors. Water used in irrigated the cost of the next water development proje zt agriculture, over 80 percent of total water ($0.13/mi3). 4Water savings in domestic use withdrawals in developing countries, is very could be realized through leakage reduction often "high volume, low quality, and low programs, water conservation in public facili- value." Only a small fraction of water diverted ties, and installation of water-efficient flush in most large developing-country systems is toilets. Industrial savings, in turn, could be available for plant use, typically 25-30 percent, obtained through recycling industrial water md compared to 60-70 percent in advanced-country reuse of treated municipal effluent. systems. In the urban water supply sector, there Reallocation of water through voluntary is also tremendous waste (40-60 percent) of transfers from relatively low-value agricultu -al water in distribution systems and homes, use to higher-value municipal or industrial v se industries, commercial establishnr.nts, and in response to economic incentives may also public facilities. avoid the high costs of developing new supply Most developing countries do not have sources and can increase the benefits gained instruments-either regulations or economic from the use of water. A recent study under Currents 7 Box 1.1: The cost of conserving water in Bejing, China INDUSTRIAL SECTOR DOMESTIC SECTOR 012 Discounted cost (US$/m3) Discounted cost (US$/m) .MCost of N*xt Water DayalComant .f Nat Wflalnoment Prtnnlt 0.10 . ..................................................................... 0.10 .............................................. Installation oi water etficient flush toilets 0.0 ,,Wastewater Recycling 0.08. 0.08 Power Plant Coolunt Water Recycling 40.00 0.04- ..!ĥesdR ci0.04.!yln ircrdtaig oln ae 002 0.02- . ... .. 000. 0 50 100 150 200 250 300 0 50 100 150 200 250 300 Ouantity conserved (million m3/year) Ouantity conserved (million m3/year) A comparison between the economics of differ- Managing Domestic Water Demand. Domestic ent conservation measures against alternative water use can be reduced by about 15 percent supply investment has been made across indus- through leakage reduction programs, water consi!r- trial and domestic users of the Bejing area. vation in public facilities, and installation of water- Alternative supply and demand management efficient flush toilets. The associated costs are sub- measures have been ranked in increasing order stantially lower than the marginal cost of new water of cost. This provides the supply curve for supplies. conserved water in the domestic and industrial sector. The supply curves above show cumula- Managing Industrial Water Demand. Industrial tive water savings versus the unit cost of con- water demand can also be reduced by one third 1by served water. This analysis shows that the recycling industrial water and reuse of municipa cheapest way of increasing water supply is wastewater. The associated costs are substantiall"r through more efficient management of existing lower than the cost of new supplies. water supply systems. Source: M. M. Hufschmidt, J. Dixon, and Zhu, 'Water Management Policy Options for the Bejing- Tianjun Region of China", East-West Center, Hawaii, 1987. taken by the water company in Santiago de users. The same outcome can also be realizE d Chile, for example, shows that the most eco- by having those who benefit from the rural/ nomic means to expand its supplies to serve the urban transfer to pay for the costs of consen'a- city is to buy additional water shares from tion measures. farmers along the Maipo river. The ratio be- tween the cost of buying water shares and the 1.4 Environmental Benefits of Conservation cost of constructing a new dam is 1 to 5. The and Reallocation system of transferable water-use rights intro- duced in 1981 allows market forces to allocate Water demand management policies intended water, making possible the occurrence of volun- to modify water use and allocation patterns tary transfers [Hearne 1993]. result not only in reduced demand, but also in A mix scheme of conservation and rural/ reduced adverse environmental effects of urban transfer has also proven to be a cost- polluted return flows. An appropriate mix of effective option in the western Ur ited States. water price, effluent charges, and fiscal incen- The existence of water markets provides farmers tives can encourage water users to invest in with the right incentives to increase their effi- water-saving technologies, increase recyclir.g, ciency of water use and conveyance making and reuse their treated effluent. These measures possible the selling of conserved water to urban provide, in many instances, environmental 8 UNDP-WORLD BANK WATER AND SANITATION PROGCAM benefits, over and above the economic benefit of lower water costs, by lowering volume and pollution loads of wastewater discharge into water bodies. Thus, water demand manage- ment has implications for improvements in environmental quality. Additional environmental quality benefits are likely to be obtained by further improve- ments on current institutional rules aiming at encouraging transfers of water from low-value uses to high-value uses. Elimination of existing constraints can result in balancing economic efficiency, environmental quality, and other social objectives. CHAPTER 2 EXPERIENCE WITH CONSERVATION AND REALLOCATION There is compelling evidence that improved enough so water conservation goals are water resources policies can have major im- achieved. To the extent that tariffs have beer. pacts. In a number of cases in developed and low and people have not developed the habit of developing countries, on the one hand, pricing conserving water, the potential for savings i; and tariff combined with regulations have considerable if the right pricing policies are ?ut produced savings of 20 to 30 percent and more. in place. If water for domestic users were On the other hand, altered institutional struc- priced at the marginal cost of providing it tures and rules have improved efficiency in (including the opportunity cost of water), water use by allowing water transfers among consumers could be expected to respond by and between users. This section reviews experi- eliminating and reducing some uses [Hanke ences with conservation and reallocation in both 1982]. Higher prices will reduce demand since developed and developing countries. the demand curve has a negative slope. More experiences in developing and devel- 2.1 Water Conservation in the Household oped countries are summarized below. Sector 2.1.1 Household Demand in Bogor, Indonesia In a number of developed countries-Israel, Canada, United States, Australia, and Great The water supply enterprise of Bogor, PDAMI, Britain-empirical analysis has shown that faced high investment costs: the average incre- household water demand drops by 3-7 percent mental cost per cubic meter of the "next" when prices rise by 10 percent. Water prices scheme was double that of the current one. A play an important role in determining consump- decision was made to combine the augmenta- tion levels.5 In many developing countries, there tion of water supplies with demand manage- is a myth that prices do not play a significant ment measures, e.g., price and non-price inEtru- role because the water bill is a small percentage ments, to bring down average water consurip- of total household expenditure. In fact, there tion and balance demand and supply (case are few studies of household water demand in 5.1.1). developing countries that support this belief. Increased progressivity and the substant .al Price elasticities in urban Brazil and Mexico, as increase in the average level of water rates wvere reported in table 2.1, were found to be -0.6 and - effective in reducing household consumption. 0.38, respectively [Gomez 1987]. In general, As a result of the tariff increase of June 1988, since water tariffs have been traditionally low, average domestic water use decreased fronr 38 the incentives for efficient use in households mn3 to 27 m3. A 29 percent reduction in domestic have been low. water use was achieved after one year under the It is difficult to estimate elasticity of demand new water rate structure. where there is no metering of consumption and In March 1989, PDAM initiated a campa.gn price changes have not been significant. How- to reduce water use aimed especially at custom- ever, where "sharp" increases in prices have ers with monthly consumption above 100 m3. been made offsetting the "income effects" from The campaign had three objectives: (a) to ntake rising living standards and consumers have had customers aware of their water use habits; Kb) to to pay higher prices for additional quantities give advice on how to change those habits; and (increasing block rates), consumers have re- (c) to provide customers with estimates of costs duced consumption. "Sharp" means large and savings associated with conservation 10 UNDP-WORLD BANK WATER AND SANITATION PROGRAM Table 2.1: Water price and income elasticities for domestic water user groups Investigator Price Elasticity Income Elasticity Comments World Bank (1994) -0.37 +0.15 Average water prices. Survey of 138 houEeholds in Northern Jakarta, Indonesia. Data takeni from World Bank (1988). IWACO (1989) -0.29 to -0.33 +0.4 to +0.5 Monthly sales of metered domestic consuiners in Bogor, Indonesia IWACO (1992) -0.68 +0.37 Average water price. Cross-sectional anal Isis for 100 household in Jakarta, Indonesia. IDB (1985) -0.377 +0.323 Survey of 480 urban households in Mexicui. Listed in Gomez (1987). IDB (1984) -0.37 to -0.44 +0.58 Survey of 4452 urban and rural households in Costa Rica. Listed in Gomez (1987). IDB (1983) -0.597 +0.784 Survey of 408 urban households in Brazil. Listed in Gomez (1987). Jones and Morris (1984) -0.34 +0.46 Average water price. Survey of 326 meteretd single-family households in Denver, Colorado, USA. measures. This campaign was very effective in use, an extensive public relations program, and reducing wasteful use of water. Three months most important, a steeply progressive wate- rate after the campaign started, average monthly structure produced large reductions in water water use decreased by 29 percent, from 159 m3 use. The overall conservation target of 25 to 113 m3. percent during the summer of 1988 over 1986 was exceeded: the actual reduction was 30 2.1.2 Household Demand in percent. Similarly, during 1989, the actual Arizona and California, USA reduction was 27 percent against the target Df 15 percent. Water price increases plus increased use of water-saving technologies, regulations, and 2.1.3 Household Demand in Perth, public education produced a substantial drop in Newcastle and Melbourne, Australia Tucson's average per-capita consumption by 22 percent in 15 years, from 760 lcd in the mid- In Perth, Newcastle and Melbourne, Australia, 1970s to the current 590 lcd (case 5.1.2). The significant reductions in domestic consumption conservation program has allowed Tucson to of between 20 percent and 30 percent were postpone investment in groundwater wells and achieved by the "pay-for-use" charging system, transmission facilities estimated at $45 million increasing the efficiency of water-using house- in 1983. The resulting average cost of saving hold appliances, an advertising campaign, and water was $0.10/m3, about 60 percent of the cost an education program aimed at school children of treated water from the Central Arizona (cases 5.1.4 and 5.1.5). Project supplies. The East Bay Municipal Utility District in 2.2 Water Conservation in the California illustrates how a comprehensive Industrial Sector water conservation program can improve the efficiency of municipal water use and ration Significant conservation in the industrial sect:or scarce resources during droughts (case 5.1.3). is possible if an appropriate environment is During the 1988 and 1989 drought years, a created. Evidence suggests that regulatory drought program with mandatory conservation measures and economic incentives, mainly goals by customer group (single-family residen- water tariffs, have caused significant reductions tial, multifamily residential, industrial, commer- in water demand in industrial units. There are cial, and irrigation), strict ordinances on water examples where administrative and legislative Currents 1 Table 2.2: Water price elasticities for industrial water user groups Investigator Pnce Elasticity Comments VVilliams and Suh (1986) -0.721, -0.43, -0.72 to -0.98 For the average price, the marginal price, and the bill price, USA. Ziegler (1984) -0.98 Paper and chemical plants, USA. Average p-ice. Leone et al. (1974) -0.96, -0.77, -0.88 Chemical, petroleum and steel industries, respectively, USA. Rees (1969) -0.958 Chemical water use, UK. Gupta and Goldar (1991) -1.32 Cross-sectional data for cotton, textile, papel, dairy product, ball-bearing, and distillery, Ind a 1983-84. Metaplanners (1992) -0.45 Steel and related industries, India. measures (licenses, quotas on water use and ants rather than treat their effluent. effluent discharge, and the introduction of In industrialized countries (with higher water-saving technologies) have reduced indus- water prices and more rigorously enforced trial water consumption by 40-70 percent. Many pollution control programs) demand for water different economic incentives can promote has not increased in tandem with industrial efficient use of water and improve water qual- output. Changes in process, technology, mix of ity: water tariffs; effluent charges; pollution industrial output, and increased recycling of permits; and subsidized interest rates or soft effluent water have yielded increased outpu t loans for water-saving and/or effluent treat- without adding to water requirements. In OE_D ment equipment. countries, water use in 2000 will be, in man) Empirical analyses of industrial water de- cases, 50 percent below the levels of 1975 [C.ar- mand reveal that industrial water demand is michael 1987]. Specific examples of situationis more price responsive than residential water where conservation in the industrial sector Las demand. In general, reported values of water been or may be achieved are presented below. price elasticity, which are listed in table 2.2, are much higher than the estimates of price elastic- 2.2.1 Fertilizer Unzits in Goa and Kanpur, India ity obtained for residential demand, as pre- sented in table 2.1. This relatively higher price In Zuari Agro-Chemical Limited (ZACL), a elasticity of industrial water demand shows fertilizer plant at Goa, water consumption was that industrial users are more likely to find reduced by 50 percent over a six-year perio(d alternative water supply sources or to go for (between 1982 to 1988) from 22,000 m3 per day conservation and recycling in adjusting to price to 11,000 m3 per day in response to the high increases (see table 2.2). price of water and government pressure to In many developing countries, since indus- reduce industrial effluent discharged into tiLe trial units and thermal power plants often enjoy sea (case 5.2.1). Water consumption in ZACL in low water tariffs and easy availability, they 1990 was 10.3 m3per ton of nutrient, only 4( often use "once-through" processes and cooling percent of the water consumed in another ponds instead of more water efficient cooling fertilizer unit, Indian Explosives Limited (II.L) towers. Further, if pollution control regulations at Kanpur. The significantly lower consum p- are either nonexistent or not stringent, there is tion in ZACL was a response to the higher price no incentive for industrial units or thermal of water ($0.12/m3) charged by the Public power stations to treat their industrial effluent Works Department compared with the cost and sewage for recycling in their plants. To the incurred ($0.01//m3) by the IEL in self-provision- extent that they have to meet som- effluent ing. Implementation of pollution control regu- quality standards, the industrial units or ther- lations by the government also differed between mal plants find it convenient (and inexpensive the two locations. While the management of due to low water tariffs) to dilute their pollut- IEL could get away with discharging the 12 UNDP-WoRLD BANK WATER AND SANITATION PROC RAM untreated effluent into the river, the manage- at low cost, industrial firms use more watŽr ment of ZACL was forced to make investment than is technically required, pollutants are in pollution control and reuse facilities resulting diluted rather than abated, and wastewate-r in almost 100 percent recycling of liquid efflu- reuse is not practiced even though part of the ent. municipal sewage is treated (case 5.2.2). Since the Tata Iron and Steel Company 2.2.1 Refinery and Petrochemical Industries in (TISCO) accounted for over 80 percent of -he Madras, India total water intake and effluent discharge, i policy "simulation" exercise was carried cut to In response to shortages of water supplied by determine the management response to al terna- the Water Supply Agency in Madras, two major tive policy instruments. Based on field data and industrial units have adopted water conserva- a simulation model, it was possible to assE ss the tion measures and reuse of effluent water: right mix of incentives-water price and efflu- Madras Refineries Limited (MRL) and Madras ent tax-for improving ambient water quc lity Fertilizers Limited (MFL) (case 5.2.3). Their and managing the use of the resource. As 3um- plans for expansion are contingent on obtaining ing that the society would like to encourage additional water. It was unlikely that they TISCO to reduce water purchased and effluent would be able to continue operating without discharged by 54 percent and 91 percent, respec- additional water supply, unless conservation tively, then it would imply raising water Frice was practiced. and effluent tax from their current levels cf MRL and MFL introduced water conserva- $0.066 and $0.001 to $0.10 and $0.04 per cubic tion measures including an increase in the meter, respectively. The total cost for TISCO number of cooling water cycles from 3 to 6, would be about $4.5 million, which repres?nts processing condensate recovery, hydrolyzed 0.6 percent of annual manufacturing expenses stripping, and the use of regenerated water. or 5.3 percent of annual profits. MRL doubled capacity to 5.6 million ton per Using cross-sectional data for the 26 inc us- year while keeping consumption of water trial firms in Jamshedpur, a water demand unchanged at 2.5 mgd. Similarly, MFL has function was estimated. The empirical res ilts maintained capacity while reducing water use showed that elasticity of demand for water with from 4 mgd to 3.6 mgd. The second response of respect to price is -0.49 and is statistically sig- MRL and MFL has been tertiary treatment of nificant. This means, that, other things reriain- sewerage effluent obtained from the water ing constant, a firm that pays 10 percent higher supply and sewerage agency. Both MRL and price for water is likely to reduce its water MFL expect to meet about 30 percent of their demand by 5 percent. For obvious reasom, this total water requirements with reuse of treated conclusion is valid for those industrial unit:s that municipal sewage. have technological options to conserve or Unlike the other two companies, Manali recycle water. Petrochemical Limited (MPL) has responded to water shortage by relying on secondary sources 2.2.4 Automobile and Textile Units of much higher price and by reducing output. in Jakarta, Indonesia MPL was unable to engage in tertiary treatment because its small size prevented it from captur- During a recent industrial water survey co ;er- ing economies of scale that would justify the ing the Jabotabek region, visits were condL cted investment. to an automobile (Toyota-Astra Motor) ancd a textile (Southern Cross Textile) industrial lu nits. 2.2.3 Steel Plant in Jamshedpur, India The automobile unit uses 300,000 m3of waler per year and relies on three water sources: A recent field survey of 26 industrial units and almost one third comes from piped supplie s 1,000 households in the steel-producing city of ($1.20/m3), half comes from groundwater Jamshedpur, in eastern India, showed that ($0.60/m3), and the rest comes from tanker , inefficient water use and heavy pollution of the ($2.40/m3). The management of the firm is Subemarekha river and its tributaries are planning to triple its output by the year 2000, encouraged by not treating water as an "eco- which will require 140 percent more water nomic good." Because fresh water is available Despite the fact that groundwater is the cheap- Currents 13 est source, this firm cannot further rely on it water purchased and effluent discharged pex because of its heavy contamination (case 5.2.7). unit of output in 1982 was 49 percent below Because of the short-supply of piped water 1980. In the food processing industry, pur- and the relatively expensive water from tankers, chased water and discharged effluent were the management of the company is fully com- reduced by 42 percent per unit of output in 1982 mitted to reducing its water intake by cutting compared to 1980. In the dairy industry, the waste and reusing treated effluent. By means of unitary coefficients of volume of effluent anc. conservation and reuse, the company plans to water use were reduced by 62 percent. cut water and pollution control costs by 25 Water savings and industrial discharge percent and water intake by 40 percent. reductions were an unexpected effect of the In the case of the surveyed textile industrial establishment of the industrial effluent charge unit, as with other textile units in Jakarta, the in the early 1980s under which industries pa:d location of this firm was determined by the according to the volume and biological and closeness to the river. At present, the river chemical quality of the wastewater. The sewer- provides 7,200 m3 per day or 88 percent of its age company failed to determine criteria to le daily requirements; the rest comes from local used in estimating the charges to industries that groundwater (case 5.2.8). Since water from the would encourage them to connect to the sewer river is withdrawn free of charge, the firm uses network. The company assumed that industrial more water than technically necessary. Total units would always prefer to discharge their water use per unit of output is about 560 m3 per waste into the sewage treatment plant and p ly ton. This level of consumption is much higher the corresponding fees. Technological changes than similar industries in developed countries and price elasticities of demand were not tal en (180 m3 in Israel and 250 m3 in Belgium). Ac- into account in the planning process. cording to the management, the firm can save as much as 36 percent of total intake at a relative 2.2.6 Reuse of Municipal Wastewater by low cost. However, at present the firm lacks of Industrial Firms, Mexico economic incentives to reduce water use, i.e. absence of water charges. The driving forces behind the involvement cf the private sector in wastewater treatment uA ere 2.2.5 Pharmaceutical, Food-Processing and the increasing water price and the imminent Dairy Units in Sao Paulo, Brazil water shortage. In 1989, a group of 26 industrial units in the Vallejo area of Mexico City decided When the Sao Paulo sewage treatment plant to find an alternative to the piped water sup- was designed, the planners did not anticipate plied by the municipality. The result was the changes in wastewater volume and strength creation of a for-profit company, Aguas caused by the imposition of pollution charges Industriales de Vallejo, to rehabilitate and on users. By the time the facility was com- operate the old municipal wastewater treatment pleted, industrial units had reduced the volume plant [World Bank 1992]. of water purchased and effluent produced These 26 companies represent a variety o: through the use of water-efficient production sectors including paper, electronic supplies, and processes, improved housekeeping, and in- chemical. Each provided equity on the basis of creased recycling. The significant reduction in its water requirement, approximately $8,000 per the volume of water purchased and wastewater each liter per second or $0.25//m3 per year. Ihe produced caused revenue losses to the public total equity of $0.9 million was enough to utility estimated at $0.4 million (in December renovate and operate the municipal treatme at 1982 prices). An overdesigned wastewater plant. At present, Aguas Industriales de treatment plant sat idle for years (case 5.2.4). Vallejo, one of the stakeholder companies, Three industrial plants that were asked to operates the wastewater treatment plant undler pay effluent charges to the central effluent a ten-year renewable concession from the treatment facility reduced the amount of water Departamento del Distrito Federal. used in their processes and the voidme of The plant, with a total capacity of 100 liter effluent discharged, with reductions ranging per second, receives mostly residential waste- from 42 percent to 62 percent in 1982 over 1980. water and provides 60 liters per second of In the pharmaceutical industry, the volumes of treated effluent to the shareholder companies 14 UNDP-WORLD BANK WATER AND SANITATION PROGRAM and 30 liters per second to the government as system; and (d) subsidized financing for in vest- payment for the concession. At present, the ment in water saving processes and appliances shareholder companies get water at 75 percent (case 5.2.6). of the price charged by the municipality. Indus- trial units use the water mainly for cooling, but 2.2.9 Industrial Demand in France, Sweden ar,d some units use this water for processing pur- The Netherlands poses also. The government uses this water for irrigation and for washing government vehicles. To control direct abstractions of both surface water and groundwater, France has imposed a 2.2.7 Industrial Demand in Tianjin and Beijing, comprehensive charging system with charges China differentiated by zone, season, quantity ab- stracted, quantity consumed, and whether It is In many Chinese cities, water conservation and surface or groundwater. The imposition of wastewater reuse have become increasingly charges by the Picardy Agence de Bassin in 1970 important in view of the water shortage. With reduced industrial water consumption by l alf propaganda, education, and various economic, over ten years [OECD 1987]. administrative, and legislative measures, Tianjin In Sweden after the 1969 Environmental has increased the rate of industrial output per Protection Act, industrial withdrawal fell b > 55 cubic meter of water from $18.5/m3 in 1981 to percent between 1964 and 1977. The volumr.e of $45.5/m3 in 1988 (1980 prices), a reduction of 14 water withdrawn in the mid-1970s was half the percent per year in the average industrial water volume estimated 10 years before. The pul]: consumption per unit of industrial output. In and paper industry, for example, adopted Beijing between 1978 and 1984, the increase was recycling technologies as a response to the strict from $7.6/m3 to about $20/m3. The average pollution control requirements. This recycling annual water consumption per unit of output technology increased water use efficiency was reduced by 17 percent per year. The ap- fourfold. Total output was increased by 400) plied measures include: (a) a strict water quota percent without increasing water withdraw al and effluent quota per production unit; (b) a [Carmichael 1987]. penalty price system under which consumers In the Netherlands, industrial units re- who exceed their allocation have to pay 10-50 sponded to the 1970 Pollution of Surface Water times the normal charge; (c) a similar penalty Act by reducing water consumption. The Act fee for pollutant discharge exceeding the limits; allowed imposition of levies on polluters. The and (d) a water audit program and regular water pollution charge has provided incentives water flow surveys under which industrial to industries to improve their pollution abate- enterprises are inspected for leaks and effective- ment practices. To reduce their costs, induE tries ness of water saving measures (case 5.2.5). opted for reducing total wastewater, or purify- ing it themselves, or both. The overall resu; t has 2.2.8 Industrial Demand in Israel been a 210 percent increase in the rate of indus- trial value-added per cubic meter of water, from In Israel, the rate of industrial output per cubic $8.6/m3 in 1967 to $18.4/m3 in 1980 constart meter of water jumped 230 percent, from $14/ 1970 prices [Carmichael 1987]. m3 in 1962 to $48/m3 in 1982. The average amount of water consumed declined from 70 m3 2.3 Increasing Supply-Side Efficiency to about 21 rn3 per thousand dollars of indus- trial product output at 1969 prices. The increas- This section presents some of the successful ing efficiency in industrial water use can be experiences in improving supply-side efficiency attributed to policies adopted by the Water of water use. Commission: (a) licensing of water supply (water is supplied to industrial firms under a 2.3.1 Reduction of "Unaccounted-for Water" it! license, and the allocated quantity depends on Brazil and Thailand the nature of the end product, the production processes, the existing equipment, the raw In many countries, the so-called "unaccoun ted- materials, etc.; (b) introduction of water saving for water" (UFW) is a high proportion of sup- technologies; (c) imposing a penalty price ply, often reaching 25-50 percent of gross pio- Currents 5 duction in developing country networks lar supplies. Leakage along a conveyor is [Munasinghe et al. 1991]. This category is made sometimes necessary to replenish an aquifer, a up of technical losses such as leaks, possible concern to small farmers, but in this undermetered supplies, authorized nonpaying particular case the repaired leakage had caused customers (e.g. public services), and deliberate water-logging, and its reduction counted as a theft (unofficial connections or evasion of benefit (case 5.3.2). payment). The reduction of nontechnical losses A recent study carried out in Bihar, India, is equivalent to tariff increases for these catego- reveals that the lining of the conveyance system ries, and their effects on benefits and welfare and water courses plus improved management can be assessed accordingly. The case for practices-on-farm development such as level- reducing technical losses is a straightforward ing and contouring fields, improvement in matter of comparing the costs of the program communication system, control and regulating with the value of water saved. This is often a structures, setting up of Agrimet stations, anc more attractive investment for a water utility enforcing scheduling-can save 20 percent of than the development of new supplies. total irrigation requirements at a cost of $0.03 A program in Sao Paulo, Brazil, reduced m3. This represents 60 percent of the cost of UFW from 36 percent to 31 percent between new water supply (case 5.3.3). 1980 and 1985. It consisted of the installation of meters, leak detection programs, updating 2.3.3 Effects of Source Reliability on Invest- cadastre to discover which houses had legal ments, Indonesia connections and which did not, improving maintenance, and renovating old installations. The choice of level of reliability to be pro- Although a modest proportion of total supply, vided for sources of water supply is important the savings that resulted were equivalent to the because of the high cost involved in building entire supply for a city with 2-3 million people capacity for reducing the frequency of short- [World Bank 1991]. ages, which is only used when a serious Investing in leak detection and repair pro- drought occurs. In Indonesia as in many other grams has also proven to be the most cost- developing countries, the capacity of unregu- effective way to conserve municipal water lated water sources is designed based on a 98 supply in Bangkok, Thailand. The Metropolitan percent reliability standard, i.e., 98 percent of Waterworks Authority was able to reduce the the time the source in question would be able to level of UFW from 45 percent in 1983 to 34 deliver the capacity ascribed to it. percent in 1988. Moreover, the reduction in However, by reducing the design capacity it UFW yielded $4.2 million per year as net benefit may be possible to delay the construction of for the utility, i.e., the total volume of saved major storage facilities. A study carried out b water times the marginal cost of supply minus Indec et al. shows that the additional supply the cost of the program (case 5.4.1). that can be abstracted from the unregulated Cisadena river (at Serpong) amounts to 6.5 rn3 2.3.2 Increasing Efficiency of Irrigation Systems per sec if the 98 percent reliability standard is in Bihar, India chosen. If the 90 percent reliability standard is used, then the reliable supply would be 9.4 m A large proportion of irrigation water is lost per sec, sufficient to postpone the constructioi through leaks from canals. Whether it is worth of additional facilities until 2010 [Indec et al. lining the canals to reduce these losses depends 1987]. on a straightforward comparison of the costs of the program with the benefits of the water 2.3.4 Privatization of Public Services to Improve conserved. The evidence of two cases in Bihar is Efficiency, Cote d'Ivoire that canal lining can be a very attractive solu- tion to water supply problems. Since 1960 the urban water sector in C6te In Bihar, India, lining the full length of a d'Ivoire has been operated by a private com- main irrigation canal was found tc. be economi- pany under concessions and lease contracts. cally justified. The distribution of benefits was Following a competitive bid, Societ6 de Distri- equitable since the less influential farmers at the bution d'Eau de C6te d'Ivoire (SODECI) began end of the system tended to suffer from irregu- to operate the Abidjan water supply system as a 16 UNDP-WORLD BANK WATER AND SANITATION PROGI:AM subsidiary of a large French water utility, utilities to cooperate, devising more refine I Societe d'Amenagement Urbain et Rural reservoir operating rules, and reducing tht (SAUR), under a concession contract. Privati- allowable frequency of shortfalls from one in zation of water public services in C6te d'Ivoire 100 years to one in 10 years-the Washing :on was effective in raising urban tariffs, curbing DC Metropolitan Areas reduced the number of excessive consumption, especially by the indus- reservoirs required from 16 to one, and the cost trial sector, reducing unaccounted-for water, of investments from $400 million to $31 million. and maximizing revenue collections [Triche Substantial increases in water supplies we-e 1990 and World Bank 1990b]. obtained by using the water from the Potomac Industrial demand was depressed as indus- River during periods of high flows while saving trial units began to recycle water and to use the stored water in reservoirs for period of low- less-costly groundwater sources. A regression flow [McGarry]. analysis over the period 1974 and 1988 reveals a price elasticity of -0.47 for industrial consump- 2.4 Reallocation of Water Between Sectors tion. In this particular case industrial water tariffs were carried to unacceptable lengths There are a number of institutional arrange- because of the need to cross-subsidize rural ments that can be used for reallocation of water from urban consumers. In fact, they were supplies among and between sectors. The most almost certainly above the level of long-run significant are water markets, trading of water marginal costs. The water company also had a rights, water banking, and water auctions. strong incentive to maintain a high level of Some of these options have been successfully operating efficiency in urban areas, with used to reallocate water from lower- to higher- unaccounted-for water of only 12 percent, and value uses. high collection rate of 98 percent for private customers. The productivity of SODECI was 2.4.1 Water Markets in Chile almost double the productivity of any other water utility in West Africa, i.e., 130 connections Chile is the only developing country to da-:e per employee (case 5.4.2). with a comprehensive water law that has encouraged the development of water maikets. 2.3.5 Leak Detection and Repair Program in The 1981 National Water Law entitles secure, New York, USA tradable, and transferable water-use rights for both surface and groundwater. Water is a The Westchester Joint Water Works (WJWW) in national resource for public use which can be Mamoroneck, New York, reduced the amount granted to individuals [Hearne 1993]. of unaccounted-for water from 29.5 percent in A number of reports on the Chilean experi- 1974 to 16.3 percent in 1981 through a leak de- ence indicate the major achievements of the tection and repair program, the testing and repair water reform: (a) farmers have shifted frora of water meters, and management changes. The water-intensive crops such as corn and oilseeds WJWW directed its efforts to conserve water as to higher-valued crops, less intensive crop; such a response to the high price charged by New as fruits and vegetables; (b) an expansion of the York City. As long as the volume used by agricultural frontier has been achieved du: ing WJWW was lower that the per capita consump- the last 20 years without building any major tion in New York, the utility had to pay $0.03/ irrigation facility-Chile has shifted from a m3. If the water used exceeded that level of per negative agricultural trade of $500 million capita consumption, the utility was charged at a during 1975 to a positive one of $1,500 mil ion rate of $0.19/m3. The total volume of water in 1993; (c) growing cities have bought a small saved over six years was estimated at 10.5 proportion of total water rights owned by MCM, representing a total net saving of farmers instead of developing new water $160,000 for the water utility [Moyer 1985]. sources [Gazmuri 1992]. 2.3.6 Integrated Water Management ,n 2.4.1 Groundwater Markets in India Washington, D.C., USA Water markets have been successful in reallocat- By doing three sensible things-requiring three ing groundwater from "low-value" to "high- Currents 17 value" uses. In India, agroeconomic surveys to compensate rice, corn, and tomato farmers indicate that in many areas large number of For example, a rice grower was offered $925 f or farmers, especially marginal and small ones, every hectare not planted, an amount that is 25 purchase groundwater to meet irrigation re- percent higher than the benefit the farmer coiild quirements. These farmers cannot afford to otherwise receive. Since each hectare of rice invest in their own wells. For instance, in uses about 9,100 m3 of water a year, the farmer Gujarat 40-60 percent of total groundwater received $0.10/m3 of water. Water thus ob- extracted is sold. Thus, water is being diverted tained was sold at an average price of $0.14/in3, to those uses with the highest value (case 6.2.2). of which about 80 percent went to satisfy hig ter Two features of the groundwater market in valued urban needs and the remaining 20 India suggest that both buyers and sellers tend percent was used for agricultural needs (case to increase the efficiency of water use. First, the 6.1.3). high value of output per acre and the high cropping intensity obtained by buyers indicate 2.4.3 Exchange of Water Rights in that groundwater markets have encouraged California, USA both marginal and small farmers to use better crop production methods. Second, the develop- The Metropolitan Water District of Southern ment of piped irrigation networks in Gujarat, California expects to develop additional sup- which minimizes seepage and evaporation plies by financing water conservation projects, losses, supports the view that sellers display especially improvements in irrigation efficien Lcy, interest in efficient water conveyance systems within the Imperial Irrigation District in ex- once water has been pumped. change for rights to use conserved water. The In India, markets play a triple role in the cost per cubic meter of water so obtained wa:; development and utilization of groundwater. about half that of a cubic meter from the nexi First, the markets enable marginal and small available undeveloped source (case 6.1.2). farmers to get the benefits of capital-intensive groundwater lifts and thereby help enhance 2.4.4 Water Auction in Victoria, Australia their income. Second, markets help the owners improve the economic viability of their lifts by In Victoria, Australia, the Department of Wa:er increasing capacity utilization. Third, these Resources has adopted the auction approach to markets help society by minimizing investment allocate new irrigation water (case 6.2.2). By in lifts. doing so, the State tries to maximize the eco- For the owners of lifts, water sales increase nomic return of the investment, ensure equity capacity utilization and economic viability. The between irrigators, and recover part of capita I average per-owner income from sale of water in costs. During 1988-89, six auctions were held in Gujarat villages was as high as $2,310 per year, which 31 MCM of water were offered for sale. enough to pay back the original investment in About three quarters of that volume was sold at three to four years. Nevertheless, there is a an average of 50 percent higher than the "re- major problem with these groundwater mar- serve price," which was set at $0.076/m3. Tech- kets: the environmental effect of aquifer deple- nically, the "reserve price" was set to equal t he tion since the profitable outlets for water en- financial value of water in growing lucerne courage greater pumping. (alfalfa). Since new irrigators bid on the basis of their 2.4.2 Water Banking in California, USA willingness to pay for water supplies and there were quantities of water unsold, this experience During the 1991 drought, California purchased illustrates the problem of getting the correct approximately 920 MCM of water from farmers "reserve price." The justification for setting c. to meet critical urban and agricultural needs. "reserve price" was basically one of trade-of F This represents about 10 percent of the munici- between economic efficiency and distributional pal and industrial demand of the state under equity: the "reserve price" was supposed to normal conditions. The Departmc.it of Water protect the position of the smaller farmer, ar.d Resources, through the newly created "water improve the auction's public acceptability, but bank", acquired water from farmers on a volun- in so doing it sacrificed some efficiency gains, tary basis. The offered price was high enough e.g., maximization of bid prices and revenues. 18 UNDP-WoRLD BANK WATER AND SANITAnoN PROGR M 2.4.5 Water Markets in Colorado, USA the farmers and municipalities' needs and possibilities of making beneficial use of the The Northern Colorado Water Conservancy water [Kamper 19931. District (NCWCD) was formed in 1937 to The C-BT project was originally constructed represent regional water interests and proved to to deliver 310,000 acre-feet of water per year. be a helpful mechanism in negotiating the This supplemental supply was evenly divided approval of the Colorado-Big Thompson (C-BT) between 310,000 allotment units, which were scheme. A contract was signed between the then assigned to water users as water use rights. NCWCD and the Bureau of Reclamation gov- Each water use right represents a freely negoti- erning the allocation of costs, repayment, and ated contract between the District and the water quantities of water to be supplied. When the right holder for 1/310,000th of the C-BT scheme scheme was about to come on-stream, vigorous delivery quota, which, in turn, depends on discussions took place among potential water hydrological conditions. users concerning initial allocation of new sup- At present, the 310,000 allotment shares are plies. Since new water resources constituted actively traded and may be sold and rentect at a supplemental supplies to the District, they had price determined by market clearing conditions. not yet been allocated under the traditional The absence of third-party effect claims has ("first in time and first in right") Colorado greatly facilitated water transactions. This Water Law. Instead, the NCWCD opted for an water market mechanism has allowed cities to initial allocation of its new supply according to secure supplies on a permanent basis. CHAPTER 3 POLICY VARIANTS FOR WATER CONSERVATION AND REALLOCATION This chapter summarizes policy variants for holds is pointless unless water charges are high water conservation and reallocation that have enough to provide consumers the necessary been used. It starts with a dassification of the incentive. Water utilities have a better incer tive various policies, and continues with a discus- to reduce unaccounted-for water when the sion of the three principal types that together anticipated savings can generate significant constitute an "enabling environment" which revenues. provides incentives for both conservation and The argument in this study is that greater reallocation. Some conclusions about the acceptance of competitive market forces is effectiveness of the policy variants based on the necessary for improving efficiency in water use examples cited in this study are presented here. and the level of performance of providers of There are various possible ways to classify services. Water pricing and other economic policies acting primarily on the demand for incentives may have a very important role to water. The taxonomy used in this study consid- play towards that end depending on the relaitive ers the way in which policies directly or indi- value of water [World Bank 19931. rectly influence the behavior of water services However, improving the use of water re- providers and water users through the set of sources cannot rely entirely on market forces. incentives they provide to achieve an efficient In this regard, there is a close analogy with -he and sustainable use of the resource. Three layers attempt to increase the role of the market in the of interventions are required: economic programs of formerly socialist coim- - Enabling conditions. Actions to change tries where a number of interdependent act.ons and alter the institutional, legal, and are required to create the necessary critical mass macroeconomic framework within which water and synergy [Gelb and Gray 1991] for refonn. is supplied and used (they are the "rules of the The balance between the three layers of game"). policy is also related to the mix of policy re- * Incentives. Policies to influence directly forms, as opposed to spending projects. Spend- the behavior of water users (individuals or ing projects are often substitutes for necessary, organizations) by providing them with incen- but politically difficult, policy reforms. How- tives for improving water use efficiency (alloca- ever, one must recognize that policy reforrrs tion and productivity) and sustainability (eco- and spending projects can have strong mut aal nomic and environmental). These actions benefits: policy reforms can increase the profit- include both market-based and nonmarket- ability of projects, and projects that increasie based devices. micro-level responsiveness improve the pros- * Direct Interventions. Through direct pects for policies to remove macro-level distor- investments, spending programs, or targeted tions [Kanbur 1990]. programs to encourage the use of water-efficient and water-saving equipment. 3.1 Enabling Conditions The three layers of policy discussed above, which are set out in table 3.1, are not alterna- 3.1.1 Institutional and Legal Measures tives; ideally, they should strongly reinforce each other. For instance, the promotion of Many of the problems of the water sector can be efficiency measures will be more successful if traced to the way water is planned, regulated, effective water pricing polices are adopted. The managed, and financed. The laws governhig promotion of water-efficiency among house- the use of water and the institutions that have 20 UNDP-WORLD BANK WATER AND SANITATION PROGRAM Table 3.1: Policy categories Categones Examples in text Enabling Conditions Institutional and Legal Changes Israel (5.2.6), USA (6.1.1), Australia (5.1.5), China (5.2.5) Reforms and Privatization of Utilities Cote d'lvoire (5.4.2), Argentina (box 2.1), Hungary (box 3.2) Macro-Economic Policies North Africa, Middle East (3.1.3) Creating Incentives Priced Based Active Use of Water Tariff USA (5.1.2), Australia (5.1.4 and 5.1.5), Bogor (5.1.1), France (2.2.9) Pollution Charges Brazil (5.2.4), India (5.2.2), The Netherlands (2.2.9) Groundwater Extraction Fee France (2.2.9) Fiscal Incentives Israel (5.2.6 and 5.3.1), India (5.2.2), USA (5.1.3), Establishing WaterTransfers Chile (2.4.1), India (6.2.2), USA (6.1.1, 6.1.2 and 7.1.3) Australia 6.2.1) Non-priced Based Restrictions and Sanctions Australia (5.1.4 and 5.1.5) Quotas, Norms and Licenses Israel (5.2.6), China (5.2.5) Exhortations, Public Information USA (5.1.2 and 5.1.3) Direct Interventions Pollution Control Programs India (5.2.2 and 6.2.1), Sweden, The Netherlands (2.2.9) Leak Detection and Repair Programs Brazil (6.4.1), Bangkok (6. 4.1), USA (2.3.5) Water-Efficient Appliances Tucson (5.1.2), Australia (5.1.5) Conservation Programs Israel (5.2.6 and 5.3.1), Brazil (5.2.4), India (5.2.3, 5.3.3, and 5.3 2) Industrial Audit Programs China (5.2.5), Israel (5.2.6) arisen to manage it are frequently obstacles to used in practice (cases 5.2.6 and 5.2.5). The making more rational use of the resource. There participants in the Dublin Conference cn Water is, however, no single successful blueprint: and the Environment, for example, have made a "Many types of institutions have been call for policies that stress integrated water successful; indeed, there is no universally resource management and consider water as an suitable model that can be prescribed. Institu- integral part of an ecosystems, e.g., water is a tions are the products of a country's history, natural resource as well as a social and an society, and economy. The choice of which economic good. institutions are developed is a local prerogative" "Since water sustains life, effective -nanage- [Okun 1991]. ment of water resources demands a holistical Among the many successful models for approach, linking social and economic levelop- institutional development in the water sector ment with protection of natural ecosystems. are: government administrative, regulatory, and Effective management links land and water uses operating agencies at both national and local across the whole of a catchment area oI ground- level; national and local quasi-governmental water aquifer. agencies; local public utilities; private compa- "Past failure to recognize the economic nies owning and operating water utilities; value of water has led to wasteful and environ- publicly owned agencies contracting with mentally damaging uses of the resource. Man- private firms for operation and management; aging water as an economic good is an impor- and river basin organizations [Okun 1991]. tant way of achieving efficient and equitable Although the precise model for institutional use, and of encouraging conservation and development in the water sector cannot be protection of water resources [Dublin 19921." specified without some knowledge of local 2. There is value in prescribing and encour- circumstances, a few general guiding principles aging the participation of stakeholders The emerged for the review of cases. Dublin Conference also acknowledged "Water 1. Although professionals pay wistful development and management should be based tribute to the notion of a comprehensive frame- on a participatory approach, involving users, work approach to effective management of planners, and policy-makers at all leve.s... [This] water resources, there are few signs of its being means that decisions are taken at the lc west Currents 21 appropriate level, with full public consultation prises or government departments makes it and involvement of users in the planning and more difficult to enforce the law. In East Euro- implementation of water projects [Dublin pean countries, fines for water pollution are 1992]." low: they are not collected in most cases, anc[ 3. There is also value in having an arms where they are collectedr they tend to be passed length relationship between the responsible on as a cost of production in imperfect product government ministry and the organization markets [Wilczynski 1990]. entrusted with water supply. This has a num- 5. The reallocation of water is often ham- ber of aspects. First, the UK privatization strung by legal restrictions. For instance, eff i- experience has shown the value in separating cient and flexible allocation of water resources regulation and standard-setting from delivery can be obtained in the long-run with well- of water supply services. Previously, water defined property rights to water and minimal authorities had been both judge and advocate constraints to market-based transfer systems in for their attempt to meet water quality stan- which third party effects are internalized. At dards. the very least, users must have clear title to Second, experience shows that the organiza- transferable water rights regardless of its use in tion charged with water supply can easily be order to develop water markets (cases 6.1.1 aind "captured" by powerful user interest groups. 6.2.1). If this is not so, users have a strong The subservience of the United States Bureau of incentive to maintain their level of use, however Reclamation to agricultural interests is well wasteful. Similarly, for auctions to be possible documented [Reisner 1990]. In Israel, water the auctioneer must have uncluttered title tc, the supply has become inextricably linked with resource, and the bidders must not have en- agricultural development, and the Water Com- trenched rights to it. Changes in water prices or missioner is its servant: "Water resource devel- amounts supplied are often governed by lorg- opment in Israel was a product of planning term contracts-in the Western states of the frames and organizational forms which arose United States, typically 40-50 years for Bureau almost entirely within the agricultural sector of Reclamation water. Contracts of this length [Sexton 1990]." obviously frustrate the active use of pricing and, Third, water supply is often a natural mo- where water rights are sold, leaves the rent avith nopoly at the local level, and for urban supplies the farmer. this is usually the most efficient form of provi- sion. But the market can be "contestable" as a 3.1.2 Reform and Privatization of Utilities way of imposing efficiency or other perfor- mance criteria on operators. Concessions and Strong government control in the development management contracts with private companies and management of water resources is justified are usually of a limited term, and conditional on for the public good characteristics of water performance. Competition is for, rather than in, resources activities. However, most of the the market. In Paris, for instance, the two major government agencies responsible for water French water companies have contracts to serve resources show serious institutional deficien- different parts of the city [Triche 1991]. In cies: they are unaccountable and inefficient, practice, contestability is usually a feature of which seriously affects the cost and quality of privatization, but in principle it can also involve the services provided. competition between public and private agen- A growing number of countries throughout cies, or between public institutions, for the right the developing world have decided to address to supply services or more limited functions the above-mentioned problems by promoting within the sector. greater private participation. Private comp mies 4. It is the responsibility of governments to already account for a high proportion of su oply set environmental standards and enforce them. in several large economies. In France, private This is a precondition of internalizing environ- water supply companies serve around two mental costs, for instance, in water prices or thirds of the population, and 40 percent of all pollution charges and fines. Enfoi cement is sewerage services are private. In the United obviously important: several countries have States, investor-owned water companies ac- model environmental standards on the statute count for 56 percent of all systems. In the books but have a poor record of enforcing them. United Kingdom, even before the recent fu I The fact that many polluters are state enter- privatization of water supply, 25 percent of 22 UNDP-WORLD BANK WATER AND SANITATION P iOGRAM Box 3.1: Privatization of the Water Supply Sector in Argentina Obras Sanitarias de la Nacion (OSN) was respon- Because OSM was owned by national, sible for providing potable water supply and provincial, and municipal goverrnents, a sewerage services to a total population of about tripartite government commission was ests b- 11 million inhabitants in the Greater Buenos lished for the privatization. The commission Aires metropolitan area. Between 4 million to 6 agreed to forgo any sales price or royalty, wvhich million people are without adequate water would have been passed on to the consume r. supply or sewerage facilities. The wastewater Instead, a thirty-year concession was awar,led on collected from the city is discharged into the La the basis of the greatest reduction on overall Plata River with little or no treatment, which tariff levels. The winner, a consortium led by a creates a serious health and environmental French water operator, is to reduce tariffs by 27 hazard. The biggest challenge during the percent and has been given twelve years t& meet privatization of OSM was how to provide an its investment and service-level commitments. adequate incentive to satisfy the demand for Operation of the privatized service began in May water and sewerage services and at the same 1993. Privatization also provided for the estab- time improve the environmental conditions of lishment of an inter-governmental body to the area. Investments of as much as $4 billion will regulate the new operator's performance, i nd be required to expand service and upgrade it to responsibility for monitoring water quality an acceptable level. shifted to the Secretary of Environment. Source: The World Bank, "Argentina's Privatization Programii Experience, Issues and Lessons," Washington DC 1993. water was supplied by private companies including the forms of subsidies, shou d also be [Coyaud 1988]. In Argentina, two private defined by the government. Regulator s role, in consortiums serve already the Greater Buenos turn, comprises monitoring compliance with the Aires Metropolitan Area and the Province of "rules of the games" by both services providers Corrientes (box 3.1). and governments. In a way, they will restrict There are several options for private sector the freedom of water utilities to set pri zes, to participation. One option is to keep ownership decide on investment plans, and to vary the on the hands of the government but to get the quality of services. Regulators are expected to private sector to bid for contracting arrange- have greater autonomy, so political interven- ments such as management contract, leasing, tions are avoided. and concessions. A second option is the full Finally, the role of service providers includes privatization of water services. A third option is bidding for service concessions or leasing, and the transfer of ownership and/or operational delivering the services according to th ? contract responsibility to the community. Major partici- signed with the government. They have to pation of the private sector through alternative comply with economic and financial perfor- mechanisms is not inherently good or bad. Its mance criteria set by the regulator. Service success depends basically on the built-in incen- providers could either be public or pri vate, or a tives as shown in table 3.2. combination of both. A new approach that is gaining notable Certain West African countries ha"e applied importance and support within the water the French model of the contract plan :o govern supply sector is to develop a new partnership the relations between public utilities and gov- between public and private interests. The ernment overseers. The utility has, in effect, to partners would be governments, regulators, and propose a corporate plan for approval by its providers of services [World Bank 1994a]. The sponsoring ministry setting out its obj !ctives, government's role is to propose and execute the investment plans, pricing policy, etc., n a form "rules of the game" for water supply and that can be monitored. Any objectives that are sanitation services, which include among others purely noncommercial, e.g., loss-maki ng provi- the drafting and submission of tl.- sectoral sion to deserving social groups, are cle arly legislation to introduce commercial principles in identified, so that separate financial provision the provision of the services and to ensure can be made to cover them. competition (by allowing new entrants as Reforms of water utilities have diffe~rent service providers). Financial and tariff polices, motives: investment finance, economi- effi- Currents 23 Table 3.2: Participation of the private sector in the delivery of water supply services Contract Incentives Example Services Permits competition among multiple provid- EMOS, a public company in Santiago, Chile, encour- ers, each with short and specific contracts. aged employees to leave the company and compete for service contracts for tasks previously performed internally. That resulted in large productivity gains. Management Contract renewed every one to three years, Electricity and Water Company of Guinea-Bissau and remuneration based on physical (EAGB) awarded a contract to a French company, parameters, such as volume of water which guaranteed 75% of the remuneration and tie produced and improvement in collection 25% left was based on performance. rates Lease Contract bidding, with contract duration of Water supply of Guinea leased the operation and about ten years; provider assumes opera- maintenance of the system to SEEG, governmen:- tional risk. foreign consortium owned, for ten years. Large increase in billing collections has been achieved. Concession Contract bidding, with contract period up to C6te d'lvoire's urban water supply concession we-nt to thirty years; provider assumes operational SODECI, a consortium of lvoirian companies. SODECI and investment risk. In some cases, the receives no operating subsidies and all investments contractor assumes all commercial risk and are self-financed. may disconnect users who do not pay their water bills. In Buenos Aires, Argentina, a 30-year concessioi was awarded to Aguas Argentinas, a consortium Mf local and international companies. Aguas Argent nas assumes full responsibility for system, and must finance and execute investments according to targets set in the contract. ciency, and financial efficiency. Making public- for key goods determine the incentives for the sector water authorities become more finan- production and consumption of goods thai cially self-sufficient was an important reason for differ widely in their "water-intensity" anc Hungary's radical reforms (box 3.2). In the case "pollution intensity." These policies affect of the Latin American countries, e.g., Argentina, water use and discharge at every level, e.g, the Peru, Chile, and Venezuela, their governments structure of the economy, the choice of products have turned their attention to the private sector and technology, efficiency of water use, an d the looking for debt and equity capital which care with which it is discharged. would eventually result in commercially viable Macro policies can support or frustrate operations. Similarly, the case of C6te d'Ivoire rationalization of the water system at the sezctor demonstrates that privatization was effective in or user levels. The encouragement of more raising urban tariffs and curbing excessive efficient irrigation practices, and even raisi ng consumption, especially by industry. The agricultural water prices, will fail if crop prices company also had a strong incentive to main- strongly favor water-intensive crops and if other tain an efficient urban system and minimize subsidies reinforce prevailing cropping patterns unaccounted-for water (case 5.4.2). In Macao, and farm practices. In industry, whatever [s privatization since 1985 has not led to an in- done about industrial water prices will be crease in the real value of the water tariff, but it refracted by the prism of industrial protection, has led to increased collections, a doubling of which often promotes water-intensive sectors. the number of meters in use, and continued In Jordan, for instance, expansion of the reduction in system leakage to its present level irrigated farm area has been a central objective of 11 percent [Lyonnaise de Eaux 1991]. of policy since the early 1950s. The expansion of irrigation has led to increased production of 3.1.3 Macroeconomic Policies relatively low-value crops that have high water demands. These crops are surplus to the local Policies affecting exchange rates, import protec- market, and have been exported. But policies tion, taxes, and subsidies on output and input supporting a strong local currency have re prices, inflation, interest rates, and price fixing duced the export competitiveness of irrigated 24 UNDP-WORLD BANK WATER AND SANITATION PROSRAM Box 3.2: Reform of the Water Sector in Hungary As part of the economic reform in Hungary, the ciation, maintenance, and a mark-up on the c rder government has removed the responsibility for of 1 to 2 percent. Water charges have begun to providing public water supplies from the central increase dramatically in some areas, and sizeable government and legally transferred it to local differences in charges are occurring between authorities, along with ownership of existing localities. The lowest combined tariff for wat,'r water assets. At present, 28 out of 33 water and sewerage is Ft 23 ($0.31) per cubic meter in utilities are operating independently. The Budapest, and the highest is Ft 107 ($1.42) per remaining five enterprises are note easily divis- cubic meter in Siofok. In the past three years, the ible into independent systems for transfer to their price of water in Budapest has increased tenfold. respective municipalities, and so they are still Consistent with the objective of financial self- owned and operated by the state. sufficiency for water utilities, in 1991 about tvo A major impetus for these reforms has been a thirds of the investment cost of the sector carne desire to reduce the high state subsidy for water. from local sources; 50 percent was raised by Over the last three years, subsidies from the state water companies and associations, 8 percent budget have decreased from 100 percent to 30 came from interested citizens, and 8 percent was percent, and they will be phased out completely added by municipalities. Non-local sources by the upcoming year. Water tariffs for domestic included about 28 percent from the state buc get consumers and industries are generally based on and 7 percent from water and environmenta. a formula that includes the cost of inputs, depre- funds. crops. The overproduction of vegetables is a ges, tax incentives, and subsidies are potentially serious economic distortion with fiscal conse- useful, their economic significance is dwarfed quences, and it is absorbing precious water in a by those of input and output pricing policy and water-scarce economy. Yet there has been little trade and credit policy." [Kosmo 19891 attempt to curtail the production of low-value, Water pricing measures would frequently water-intensive crops. National agricultural have to contend with incentives to attra,:t policy has thwarted rational water use [Sexton foreign investment in water-using and polluting 1990]. industries, which create a countervailing policy The promotion of water-intensive and water- environment. Certain countries have con- polluting sectors like iron and steel, petrochemi- sciously sought to attract industries shunned by cals, and pulp and paper is deeply embedded in other countries for their environmental effects the industrialization strategies of many coun- [Leonard 1988]. tries. These industries typically pay only a The importance of potential changes in the fraction of the economic cost of their water, and structure of industry, and its balance between little or nothing for their pollution. They often different branches, on the demand for water is develop in an policy environment with few evident in many developing countries. For incentives to curb waste or recycle water. Even example, in Tianjin, China, the petrochemical if water and pollution charges could be raised to and the pulp and paper industries have the economic levels, their effect on water use would highest water-intensity rates and accou -t for be buffered by an array of counter-signals: almost 23 percent of industrial water use subsidies on other key inputs like power and [Hufschmidt 1987]. Restructuring of the mix of raw materials; high protection against imports; industries is required because it is impossible to ability to pass increases in costs back to the support continuing the expansion of these government or on to a monopoly state-owned heavy water-consuming industries. customer; shortage of investment funds for water-efficient processes; and high import 3.2 Incentives tariffs and/or overvalued exchange rates raising the cost of such equipment. The second dimension of the enabling environ- For water pricing and pollution charges to be ment is the creation of incentives for th e eco- fully effective, there would have - ) be a radical nomically rational use of water. These can change in the industrial regime in many coun- entail using the price of water to encourage tries. A review of industrial pollution in Tur- more efficient use, or nonmarket devices indud- key, Egypt, Yugoslavia, and Algeria, concluded: ing restrictions, diktat, or persuasion. [his "Although such measures as pollution char- section considers these measures unde - the Currents 25 headings of market-based and non-market- pay principle. It may be the case that the society based devices. decides that the environmental costs of retu.rn flow should be borne by others. 3.2.1 Market-Based Devices Although water tariffs are in widespread use in countries at all stages of development [OEiCD The market can be used in two related ways to 1987], they are usually perceived as a means of promote a more economically efficient use of cost recovery rather than as a way of managing water. Raising the price of water or auctioning demand. Even those that successfully recover it to the highest bidder is the most direct means the costs of the supply system do not necess arily of encouraging conservation and reallocation to equal the long-run marginal cost, which is higher-value uses. Assessing pollution charges typically higher than average current costs. based on the volume of wastewater is an indi- Water pricing can be an effective means cf rect method of raising the cost of using water, conservation. Its impact on the volume of A ater with similar results for large users. The second used depends on the significant water price approach is to raise the opportunity cost of elasticity compared to income elasticity of u ater using water by developing water markets. This demand (as noted earlier), as well as on the will set higher water prices and create an incen- specific use, location, and time. Empirical tive for consumers to relate their use more studies of water price elasticity for different closely to marginal value, and then sell the rest. water user sectors are presented in table 3.3.5 This section considers pricing through water Among household consumers, elasticity de- tariffs and pollution charges, then discusses the pends on the existence of a margin of "discre- fiscal incentives and kinds of water exchanges, tionary" water use (typically for outdoor pu r- including water markets, water auctions, and poses), existence of leakages within the hou-;e, water banking. and availability of cheap flow-reduction de-ices such as shower heads, toilets, etc. The cases of WATER TARIFFS the household sector in Bogor (case 5.1.2) and Tucson (case 5.1.2) reviewed in this study stow A viable means of achieving efficient resource enough evidence of price elasticity to justify allocation is marginal social cost pricing. On water pricing in the cause of conservation. ]n that basis, users would consume water until its agriculture, elasticity exists where the farmer marginal value is equal to its marginal cost of has sufficient choice over quantities grown, the supply, so the benefit from consuming the last choice of crops, the method of application, etc. unit of water equals the cost of providing it. In industry, the elasticity of demand depencls Applying this principle requires that the con- on the scope for using water-saving processes, sumption of water be measured (by metering) recycling, reusing treated effluent, etc. and that charges be volumetric, that is, propor- tional to the amount consumed. It also assumes Table 3.3: Empirical estimates of water that the marginal social cost of supply (usually price elasticity interpreted as the long run marginal cost be- c r cause of the lumpiness of investments) is Sector Price Elasticity known reasonably accurately. Strictly, the Residential -0.29 to -0.60 resource cost of water (as it is or its opportunity Industrial -0.45 to -137 cost) and other measurable environmental costs should be included. Thus, the minimum condi- Irrigation -0.37 to -1.50 tions for an optimal economic allocation of water would be: * To price it at its average unit cost of The studies of Indian, Indonesian, and incremental output; Chinese industries demonstrate an active * To include, besides storage, treatment, and demand response to water price increases. n transport costs, the opportunity cost of the two private Indian fertilizer companies of water itself; and similar size (case 5.2.1), the one paying a high * To account for the environmental costs price for municipal water achieved a unit w ater associated with return flows in situation in consumption only 40 percent of that in the cther which the society decides that those costs are company, which depended on both its own going to be borne by the users, i.e., polluters- wells and low-priced public supplies. In 26 UNDP-WORLD BANK WATER AND SANITATION PFOGRAM Jakarta, Indonesia, the management of the per cubic meter of piped water from the water automobile industrial unit (case 5.2.7) is fully utility. committed to reducing its water intake and cutting waste in view of the imminent increase POLLUTION CHARGES in water cost. Similarly, in China (case 5.2.5), the progressive price system in combination The widespread and universal acceptar .ce of the with other conservation measures have pro- "polluter-pays" principle has eased the way for moted a notable increase in the value of output introducing charges on effluent discharge.7 In per cubic meter of water; industrial units have principle, an economic charge would be related made efforts to drastically reduce cooling water to the environmental damage caused by the by increasing the rate of recycling and conserv- discharge, or the cost of prevention, treaitment ing process water by making technological or restitution, whichever is least. In pra ctice, changes. pollution charges tend to be set lower than this In Egypt a clear link can be made between to recover costs of monitoring, adminisi ration, low water prices and the limited extent of water and, occasionally, treatment [Bernstein 1991 and recycling in the power sector and industry: OECD 1987]. "Even though industrial water prices have Charges for water pollution are of in :erest in risen tenfold in the past two years, they are still the present context for the effect they hi ve on at most only 20 percent of marginal costs ... the the demand for water. If polluters are Frenalized costs of treating cooling water may be economic according to the volume of their liquid dis- for the power sector if water tariffs were in- charges they have an incentive to recycle water creased further.... the power sector accounts for and economize on its use. This reduces their 79 percent of industrial water consumption. demand for fresh water and-where a high By reducing water usage and encouraging proportion is for consumptive use and i ot reuse of wastewater, higher water prices wilL available for reuse by others-releases it for use also facilitate the separation of toxic and elsewhere. nontoxic waste for treatment and safe disposal The environmental impact of industrial and thereby help to reduce water pollution. effluent depends on its quality, the presence of Industries such as chemicals and iron and steel toxic substances, and the location of the dis- (which are expected to increase their water charge, as well as its quantity. Hence pollution consumption tenfold by 2000 ... ) would have a charges are often combined with "command greater incentive to conserve and reuse water. and control" regulations to take account of these Presently, the rate of water reuse is only about local factors. The economic incentive for firms 14 percent" [Kosmo 1989]. The impact of tariff to reduce their wastewater flows can co asist increases on the poor can be mitigated through either of a volumetric pollution charge, Dr a user the tariff structure. "Lifeline" rates are com- charge/license fee varying according to volume monly applied to the first increment of con- or pollutant loads. The Brazil's experien ice with sumption to avoid penalizing poorer users and the effect of pollution charges on water ase is discouraging consumption considered desirable reviewed in details in Part Two (case 5.2.4). In on social grounds (cases 5.1.1 and 5.1.3). In three industries in Sao Paulo, the introduction considering the equity aspects of tariffs, it is also of effluent charges led within 2 years to a 40-60 relevant to note that adequate cost-recovery is a percent reduction in water consumptior.. Indus- precondition of investment in new services and trial water consumption in the Netherla ads also in maintaining the condition and reliability of fell by 30 percent in the period 1970-76 f ollow- the present network. On both counts the poor ing the introduction of water pollution (harges are vulnerable to shortages of funds by the in 1969, during a period when industria L output water utility to extend coverage services in their increased [OECD 1987]. communities. In the end, providing cheap Pollution charges are effective in inducing water does not ensure greater equity. Instead, firms to reduce their demand for fresh water. its ends up benefiting the rich rather than the They are particularly useful where it is not poor in terms of money spent in buying drink- feasible to charge firms for using their own ing water. While a poor family of a "Pueblo water sources, such as wells. Provided certain Joven" in Lima, Peru, spends between $3.00 to minimum standards of water quality cai be met $5.00 per cubic meter buying water from tank- (e.g., by refusing permits for discharges that are ers, a medium-income family spends only $0.20 toxic or close to areas of public use), vol imetric Currents 27 Box 3.3: Privatization of the Water Supply Sector in Argentina L. Simpson, formerly general manager of North- * General acceptability by the society of em Colorado Water Conservancy District, has the concept of transfer of water rights identified the following conditions as prerequi- * A good administrative and regulatory sites for the successful functioning of water structure markets: * Adequate infrastructure to ensure water mobility * A defined property right to the use of a * A fair and adequate initial allocation of wate certain amount of water rights * Competing demands for the scarce supply * An equitable system for reallocating water * A reasonable degree of reliability on rights as needs arise the resource Source: "Are Water Markets a Viable Option?" by Larry Simpson, Finance and Development, June 1994, pp 30- 2, Volume 31, Number 2. charges can serve environmental purposes and conservation and pollution abatement. For provide an incentive for efficient water use. example, several localities in California ha-e Even though the application of the "Polluter- found that giving discounts on connection fees Pays" principle may benefit poorer groups for new buildings in which ultra-low flush insofar as they are affected by-and in some toilets are installed is more effective than to try cases especially vulnerable to-environmental to regulate water consumption habits of th? pollution, one must balance environmental population. Similarly, the State provides finan- benefits with distributional equity impacts, cial incentives (loans of up to $5 million) fc r especially when pollution charges are imposed voluntary and cost-effective capital outlay on necessity goods that have low income elastic- projects designed to save water. Loans are ity. It may be the case that the burden of pollu- available to any public agency. These ince ltives tion charges is distributed regressively, impact- are sometimes expedient means of achieviiig a ing lower income groups in a disproportional desired end, even if they may not be the most fashion. desirable means from other points of view It is also worth noting that the mix of public policies based upon changes in water supply WATER EXCHANGES prices and assessing effluent charges needs to be carefully orchestrated. The case of the Indian Exchange of water among and within sectors steel plant reviewed in Part Two (case 5.2.2) can take the form of water markets, water shows that with low water prices the firm finds auctions, water banking, or transfer of water- it cheaper to pay an effluent charge than to use permits. practice conservation and recycling options. Water Market: Among the several prerequi- sites for the successful development of wa-:er FISCAL AND DIRECT INCENTIVES markets, which are presernted in box 3.3, tl e ones of greater relevance are legal and physical. In the industrial sector, other market-based Sellers must have both: a clear title to their measures include subsidies, tariff concessions, water and the freedom to sell it. There must and tax incentives (cases 5.2.2, 5.2.5, and 5.2.6) also be third party protection. Likewise, the for investments in effluent treatment plants and physical means to make water transfers mist be equipment for recycling aiming to achieve available and economic. Given these cond i- water quality goals. This can be used indepen- tions, the key to the wider development of dently or as a "stick and carrot" approach with water markets clearly lies in the adequate pollution charges. At the household level, recognition of the various third-party and municipalities may offer rebates to contractors environmental effects. This will, however, set or direct payments to the homeowners for the up a trade-off with efficient private exchanges: installation of water-conserving fixtures (cases "Public policy must seek a balance between 5.1.5 and 5.1.3). unrestricted markets which can impose hi ;h There are cases when fiscal and direct incen- external costs, and market restrictions which tives may be the easiest way to encourage water reduce external costs, but make transfers rmiore 28 UNDP-WORLD BANK WATER AND SANITAnON PROGRAM expensive, both to market participants and to water they draw, and they sell surplus water to agencies which evaluate transfer proposals other farmers. Although the typical transaction [Saliba 19871." is one-time transaction, there are several high- One of the oldest and most successful water volume water dealers selling large quantities to markets is the Colorado-Big Thompson scheme regular buyers. (case 6.1.1). Allotments of water are bought and Water Auctions: Water auctions are rare, sold, principally to enable cities to secure sup- although they have long existed in parts of plies, and a short-term rental market has arisen Spain. The situation considered in Part T'wo whereby cities can rent back water to farms on a (case 6.2.1) comes from Victoria State, Australia. seasonal basis. The absence of third-party The precondition of the auction that the authori- claims greatly facilities transactions and is an ties are free to sell the water to the highes3t unusual feature of this case. bidder implies that consumers do not have Where users have entrenched rights to water customary or legal entitlement to the water in supply, reallocation is possible if they can be question. The auction enables users to reveal encouraged to sell some of their water to others. their valuation of the water; it maximize; the If that is possible, there would be a strong social benefit from its use; and it enables the presumption that the water would be used for public supplier to extract the surplus (or rent) higher-value purposes. The existence of alter- from the sale. The auction is economically native outlets for water creates an opportunity efficient provided the bidders do not engage in cost for its continued use by, for example, a collusive or monopolistic behavior. farmer. All water, not just the farmer's "sur- Water Banking: Water banking is a common plus," becomes potentially marketable, and water exchange mechanism in the western farmers have an incentive to drop low-value states of the United States. It is a sort of institu- applications if they can earn more by selling the tionalized water trading facility to promote water. Such a scheme also avoids the economic water transactions between water buyers and and environmental costs of developing new sellers. Some are permanent institutions. such as water sources. the Idaho Water Bank Supply, while others have The Jamshedpur's case (case 5.2.2) illustrates just temporary permanency, as the ones created the operation of water markets among indus- in California during the droughts of 1975-77 and trial firms. Unlike the Indian power sector, 1987-1991 (case 6.1.3). where companies with excess power are not There are some features worth noting in the allowed to sell either to the national grid or to 1991 California experience with water banking, other firms, there is no restriction on firms especially when one looks at water banking as a trading water. Large companies with their own possible longer-term means of water exchange. captive supplies or with a surplus from their The first observation has to do with the basis for recycling or treatment processes can and do sell price setting. Prices offered to farmers were water to other firms, some of which are too market-related, but not on a full "willing buyer, small for water savings or effluent treatment to willing seller" basis. Even though the water be economic. price offered by the Department of Water Most of the evidence on the evolution of Resources reflected the opportunity cos: of surface water markets has been derived from water in alternative uses, many rice gro wers the Western states of the United States (case were reluctant to sell water at that price. Less 6.1.1). States differ in the degree to which laws than 2 percent of the contracts to sell water were permit users to transfer water amongst them- with rice growers. selves and to other parties. The Bureau of The second observation refers to the legal Reclamation now permits sale of its own water. assignment of water rights. The fact that most It will authorize such transfer provided that the of the responses to the water banking came environment and third parties are not harmed, from those farmers who had water rights re- and that the transfers do not harm the federal veals the existence of some constraints :Imposed government financially, operationally, or con- by the current institutional structure. Mlany tractually [Moore 1991]. farmers revealed that they were not reluctant to The markets for groundwater in Gujarat, part with their water, but they faced a constraint India, have existed for 70-80 years and typify a for selling it since water rights reside ir. the number of others in South Asia (case 6.2.2). Irrigation District and not in the farmei. Owners of wells have ownership rights over the Lastly, water banking has not come to terms Currents 29 with the third-party and environmental costs effective but do not guarantee efficiency or imposed by the transaction. This, on the one equity. hand, may imply a high degree of public inter- Legal sanctions can be applied to users u ho vention in order to correct those market failures. exceed norms set by law. Restrictions are However, on the other hand, one must look at commonly placed on certain activities as a this conclusion with caution since sometimes response to temporary or seasonal drought and the cost imposed by government interventions shortage (e.g., bans on the use of outdoor to correct these secondary effects may outweigh sprinkling or hose-pipes as in cases 5.1.5, 5. L.3 the benefit [Gardner and Warner 1994]. and 5.1.4). Rough notions of efficiency and Transferable Use Permit: The transferable equity can be served by targeting nonessenmial water-use permit is another market device to and low-priority applications, and such me a- persuade farmers in the Western states of the sures can reduce consumption, even over a l United States, currently with long term con- extended period (case 5.1.4). However, the r tracts for Federal Bureau of Reclamation water, success depends on a high level of public to conserve and reallocate their supplies (case compliance, which in turn relies on widespread 6.1.1) [Leonard 1988]. If legal barriers can be understanding of the problem and support for overcome and efficient water markets devel- the restrictions. oped, permits could become an effective reallo- cation device. They could apply potentially to QUOTAS AND NORMS all existing contracts. Transfers would implic- itly take place at prices above the shadow value Quotas and norms may be set for water users as of the water, and information would be econo- an attempt to allocate scarce supplies in an mized in that the irrigation authorities would equitable manner. Rationing can be effecte d by have no need to find out what these values issuing fixed quotas and monitoring comp i- were. ance, or by charging punitive tariff rates on In order for the permit scheme to take into consumption that exceeds the norms or allot- account third-party and environmental con- ment. The latter is a hybrid of "command and cerns, it has therefore been suggested that a control" and economic instruments. The penal hybrid program might be the most effective tariff has a psychological effect similar to a fine, option, combining quantitative restrictions (to but it is more efficient since it is levied in piro- satisfy environmental needs and third-party portion to the "excess" consumption, and irms effects) with transferable permits. In Australia, that badly need the extra water may continue to for instance, state governments are allowed to draw it. veto exchanges on environmental grounds. As The East Bay Municipal Utility District in an alternative, the state government could California (case 5.1.3) made use of a prograssive acquire the right to outbid offending transfers in water rate structure to allocate water during the the public interest. 1988-89 drought. The water district allocated a "base" volume of water to all consumers Vxcept 3.2.2 Non-market Devices to single-families. Consumption in excess of the "base" volume was subjected to an increa sing Non-market devices can take a variety of forms block rate structure. For example, those who such as laws and sanctions, administrative fiat, consumed 140 percent of their allocated volume persuasion and example, public education, etc. had to pay a rate 6 times the normal charge. The most basic distinction is between compul- Moreover, the public perceived the use of this sion and persuasion. instrument as a more equitable means to allo- cate water during a drought compared to direct RESTRiCTIONS AND SANCTIONS mandatory reductions. Israel (case 5.2.6) has a comprehensive Users can be compelled to conserve or reallocate system of industrial water licensing based on water by various means. In an authoritarian norms that take into account best practice system where consumers have lit Lie power, technology, modified by the specific circuim- water can be turned on and off and reallocated stances of each firm. In Tianjin, China, nDrms at the discretion of system managers. Supplies based on regular detailed water audits are can be cut off at times of shortages, causing promulgated for industrial consumers, a -d involuntary conservation. Such measures are users who exceed their norms are subjec-: to a 30 UNDP-WORLD BANK WATER AND SANITAnON PROGRAM rate up to 50 times the normal charge, depend- 3. 3 Direct Interventions ing on the extent of the transgression (case 5.2.5). Demand management also includes direct interventions to improve the efficiency of the EDUCAnON AND PERSUASION water delivery network, or programs specifi- cally to encourage user efficiency, recycling, Exhortation and appeals to public-spiritedness reuse, pollution abatement, etc. The common are often used as a temporary device, capitaliz- element in these programs is the aim of reduc- ing on public concern over droughts. During ing technically feasible losses8 and protecting the latest drought in California, San Diego cut water quality. Unfortunately, in many instances demand by 30 percent entirely through an very little attention has been given to the eco- exhortation program. In certain cases they nomic costs imposed and the gains obtained. become a permanent feature of policy: for As one survey points out: "The conserving of example, the Casa del Agua in Tucson is a one resource will usually imply use or depletion demonstration center for water technology, and of one or more other resources.. [Moreover] the "Slow the Flow" program promotes conser- losses to an upstream user are the downstream vation in Pima County (in which Tucson is user's supplies, and technically efficiency located). solutions may have unexpected basin-wide In several situations (cases 5.1.1, 5.1.2, 5.1.3, implications [Young and Haveman 1985]." 5.1.4, and 5.1.5) tariff increases were part of a Interventions may take place at different comprehensive package of measures that in- points on the supply-demand chain: "Distinc- cluded public education, persuasion, and tions between supply and demand are not promotion of water saving devices. Quantify- always consistent throughout the literature. ing the relative impact of combined measures is The precise meaning of these terms depends on quite difficult. However, in the most compre- the point in the water delivery system where hensive assessment of the Tucson experience "supply" is defined. [In this report] ... supply (case 5.1.2), the impact of nonprice measures is will be defined at the entry point to the distribu- minimized, though this may underplay their tion system; after source, bulk storage, trans- importance in "softening up" the public reac- mnission and treatment works, but before distri- tion for price increases. bution piping, distribution storage, and cus- Regulations and restrictions, if properly tomer taps... [Boland 1991]" enforced, are predictable in their effects, and Another distinction is whether the prime consumers can readily understand the need for mover is from the consumer or supply side. them. If fairly administered, they can be equi- There are examples of supply improvements table in their impact on different socioeconomic undertaken by consumers and suppliers in their groups, and can penalize large and wasteful own interests. The intervention has proven to users disproportionately. But if implemented be an efficient allocation of resources: the MWD by weak and corrupt administrations, they tend lining irrigation canals (case 6.1.2); installation to bear down with greatest severity on the of more efficient irrigation equipment and water poorest groups. However, they do not necessar- application control devices (case 5.3.1); the piped ily maximize the benefits from water use, and irrigation network in Gujarat (case 6.2.2); intro- they may be excessive from the point of view of duction of water conservation measures and "optimum" water use (case 5.1.4). construction of on-site wastewater treatment Exhortation, on the other hand, is far less plants by industrial units in Sao Paulo (case certain in its effects, though it has fewer political 5.2.4) and Madras (case 5.2.3); reuse of treated and administrative costs. Although it can, in municipal wastewater for industrial purposes in the short term, help to bolster the impact of Mexico City; and programs to reduce more rigorous measures, its long-term impact is unaccounted-for-water in Sao Paulo, Bangkok doubtful, for example in Tucson (case 5.1.2). (case 5.4.1) and C6te d'Ivoire (case 5.42). CHAPTER 4 CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS The underlying theme of this study has been the 4.1 Main Conclusions need for users to recognize water as an eco- nomic resource. The study provides a compen- The main conclusions from the variety of expe- dium of "Best Practice" situations where institu- riences reviewed in this study are outlin( d tions and policy makers have effectively met the below. challenge of treating water as an economic resource by means of conservation and realloca- 4.1.1 Lack of a Policy Framework tion. Evidence drawn from a wide variety of countries at different stages of development Most developing countries lack a policy Jrame- suggests that the solutions are widely applicable work and associated instruments to preclude with local variants and adaptations. excessive quantifies of water from being used The growing evidence of greater competition and excessive pollution. Developing countries for scarce resources and widespread deteriora- do not have instruments-either regulations or tion of water quality has made water demand economic incentives-and related institutonal management imperative in the developing structures that reflect the value of water to the world. This study shows that water demand users and internalize the externalities that arise management has spread beyond traditionally when one sector affects the quantity and quality water-scarce countries, and it has emerged, in of water available to another. The existence of many instances, as an alternative means to institutional rigidities, market exchange restric- respond to the increasing water demands and tions, and low water prices have facilitated the the environmental and economic costs imposed imposition of high opportunity costs by certain by traditional water resources policies. privileged users on other potential users Compared to supply augmentation projects, water demand management can be economi- 4.1.2 Demand Management Options in Mo::t cally and environmentally attractive. A number Water User Sectors of cases reviewed here show that managing demand through conservation and reallocation This study documents that demand manage- can be more cost-effective options than develop- ment options which produce positive net ben- ing new supplies and disposing of more waste- efits exist in most water user sectors. There is water. Cities are now buying out other users scattered but compelling evidence that imn- (notably farmers), paying for irrigation im- proved policies can have major impacts: at least provements in return for saved water, or reduc- 20-30 percent of water currently used by house- ing waste and leakage rather than investing in holds and industries in developing countries costly new supply schemes. Options such as can be saved by adopting appropriate policy efficiency improvements, recycling process instruments such as water tariffs, quantitative water, and treating wastewater for reuse can allocations, fiscal incentives, and techno.ogical make industrial firms part of the solution to policies. Similar savings are possible in irri- water shortages, rather than part of the prob- gated agriculture by making investments in lem. Domestic and agricultural consumers can canal lining, upgrading on-farm irrigation also reduce demand by adopting water- technologies, encouraging less water- efficient appliances and other water-saving intensive crops, and altering water prici ag methods. policies. 32 UNDP-WORLD BANK WATER AND SANITATION PRC GRAM 4.1.3 Higher Water Prices Reduce Demand controlling water pollution, quotas and niorms; and public support. The experiences reviewed show that there is considerable diversity in the policy instruments 4.1.5 Pollution Control, Charges, and Taxes adopted by countries. No one instrument has Encourage Reduction in Water Use been decisive to achieve the desired result. Several compelling instruments do, however, Encouraging industries and power plants to emerge as major contributors. Nevertheless, it treat their effluent and wastewater and X ecycle is useful to note that almost all experiences or reuse it in their own processes has the double share an identical feature: the greater reliance benefit of environmental improvements and on water pricing. reduction in total water intake. The reduction Low water tariffs promote excessive use and in industrial water intake provides an economic unnecessary waste by those with access; while benefit if the marginal cost of water is higher higher tariffs would reduce demand and en- than the cost incurred to conserve it or if the courage less pollution. Examples in this study opportunity cost in alternative uses at the point show that water tariffs are important in deter- of withdrawal is relatively high. It also pro- mining consumer decisions. Water tariffs vides an environmental benefit by reducing the provide the necessary signals for the economic volume of liquid effluent and pollutants dis- scarcity of water, and consumer's response to charged by industrial users, which further increased tariffs has been documented. improves water quality in rivers and streams for All consumers seem to be sensitive to water downstream users. price. In the household sector, for example, It is important to note that the above- price elasticity varies between -0.29 and -0.60. mentioned improvements in economic e ffi- This means that a 100 percent increase in price ciency and environmental quality require a will produce a 29 to 60 percent decline in water careful mix of elements: an effective inst tu- demand. Similarly, in the industrial sector, the tional arrangement to enforce legislation regard- majority of estimates of price elasticity are in the ing pollution abatement and control; an appro- range of -0.45 to -1.37. In the irrigation sector, priate industrial water tariff policy that incorpo- although the limited number of empirical rates economic and environmental costs a studies, the range of water price elasticities system of pollution charges; and fiscal it ,cen- seems to be a little wider, between -0.37 to -1.50. tives such as tax concessions, low intere& t loans, The above suggests that higher water prices for and/or subsidies for installation of effluent or industrial and irrigation consumers may en- sewerage treatment plants. courage them to conserve water by means of introducing water saving technologies. 4.1.6 Defined Water-Usage Rights and Appropriate Physical Infrastructure 4.1.4 Prices Alone are Not Enough The successful experiences with water rr-arkets The greater use of water pricing policies is a reviewed in this study shed some light cn necessary but not a sufficient condition to which elements contribute to improvements in improve economic efficiency in the use of water. water allocation among competing demands by The reviewed cases show that they work best in means of transferring water from the agricul- combination with supportive regulatory mecha- ture sector to urban areas: users must have clear nisms and other economic incentives, including legal rights to the use of a certain amour.t of increased options for reallocation of water water; and physical means must be present to among water users. ensure water mobility. Once these conditions Improving the use of water resources cannot are met, voluntary transfers may take pl ice rely entirely on market forces. A number of yielding economic benefits for both buyers interdependent elements should be present in (cities) and sellers (farmers). the policy framework: appropriate legal and Although water transfers achieve gre-iter institutional reforms affecting the water re- economic efficiency in water use, a word of sources sector; creation of a macroeconomic caution is in order regarding the trade-offs context in which prices can function effectively; between economic efficiency, equity, and nonprice incentives such as legal restrictions in environmental quality. The reviewed experi- Currents 33 ences indicate the need for some sort of govern- considers the significant role of water price mnd ment intervention to prevent third-party and its potential effects upon the quantity consumned, environmental effects. rather than a "requirement approach" should guide investment decisions in the water sector. 4.2 Recommendations * Market-based instruments may need, in some cases, to be reinforced with mandatory Based on the reviewed experiences in developed measures such as legal restrictions (especialLy in and developing countries, the following ele- controlling pollution and managing drought ments emerge as major contributors to the situations), quotas, and norms. adoption of water demand management and are * Public support and understanding for the recommended for consideration in the design of adopted policy package needs to be generated large water supply augmentation projects or through publicity and education campaigns. pollution control programs. The more compatible the package is with over- - Appropriate legal and institutional re- all social interest of economic efficiency, envi- forms affecting the water sector and the creation ronmental quality, and equity distribution, the of a macroeconomic context in which water more chances for success exist. prices can function effectively are key elements * The reviewed successful experiences have of the enabling environment. Removal of benefited from a combination of features (mar- institutional rigidities and water market ex- ket and non-market-based instruments), unfor- change restrictions play a very important role in tunately lack of data has prevailed to make an improving allocation of scarce resources by adequate evaluation of the instruments taken encouraging rural/urban water transfers. separately. A priori, one cannot ensure if all * The use of a policy of water pricing at measures or instruments were necessary for the levels more nearly approximating incremental success, but certainly, one can say that together costs than is the prevailing practices would they were sufficient. have the effect of damping water demand and * Even though some experiences have reducing waste. Unless pricing of water reflects achieved overall success, some may have been its real economic cost, excessive consumption, too costly. Thus, the role of policy-makers is to greater pollution, steady resource depletion, keep those costs under control and, wherever and premature investments will persist. possible, try to make the best use of market- * A "demand/supply approach," which based instruments. I PART Two ANALYSIS OF BEST PRACTICE CASES I CHAPTER 5 WATER CONSERVATION AND POLLUTION CONTROL 5.1 Managing Household Demand Table 5.1: Raw water requirements in Bogor, Indonesia 5.1.1 Effects of Increased Tariffs on Household 1984 2000 2010 Demand in Bogor, Indonesia9 Total population 251,390 956,871 1,356,701 Bogor, located in West Java, is one of the major Coverapea t 49% 82% 1;7% population centers in the province. As of 1985, Water requirement (Us) 483 2,267 3.454 its population was more than 250,000. Currently Available supply (lIs)c 420 540 540 the major portion of Bogor's municipal water Additional raw water (1/s) 63 1,727 2 914 supply is drawn from three main springs 10- a. In accordance with REPELITA IV Policy with respect cated a few kilometers from the city. Water is to water supply levels. also taken from the Cisadena river and two b. It has been anticipated that water consumption levels small deepwells. With the exception of the will be reduced over time. deepwells, water is transmitted and distributed c. In March 1988 a surface water treatment plant with a capacity of 120 I/s was taken into operation. via a gravity system. In 1984, the level of coverage was far below Source: Adapted from "Bogor Water Supply Project that of the target of the government develop- Feasibility Study," IWACO-WASECO, 1987. ment plan REPELITA IV. The goal of the devel- opment program of the Government of Indone- The total investment cost of the current sia (GOI) was to serve 75 percent of the popula- scheme was estimated at Rp 83.6 billion (pr ce tion with piped water by 1990. of January 1990) [IWACO-WASECO 1990]. This The rapid population growth in the supply represents a discounted unit cost of about Rp area combined with the need to expand cover- 410/m3 ($0.23/m3). A calculation has been made age means that there will be a large increase in to assess the increase in cost of this new sch eme raw water requirements in Bogor. Estimates of based on surface sources compared to the cld raw water demand for 2000 and 2010 are shown scheme based on spring sources. Using esti- in table 5.1. From these figures, it is evident that mates of the investment costs for small urbam water requirements go far beyond current water-supply systems in West Java [GOI 19'89], system capacity. The additional water require- the relationship in terms of average incremental ments will be 1.7 m3/s by 2000 and 2.9 m3/s by cost between a system that depends on sprng 2010, three and five times the volume that can water and a system that relies on surface water be currently supplied. is 1:2. The Bogor water supply enterprise, PDAM Despite the lack of available data on the Bogor, has initiated the first phase of the devel- marginal cost of the future scheme it is possible opment of the water supply system. This en- to estimate that the cost will be almost double largement project has a planning horizon to the cost of current scheme. The proposed sys- 1995 and plans to take approximately 940 I/s of tem for Bogor after 1995 is similar to the new raw water from the Cisadena river. With this piped water system of Jakarta (Cisadena I', additional supply, by 2000 the deficit will be whose unit cost is estimated at Rp 800 ($0. 45) about 0.9 m3/s or 40 percent of total require- [GOI 1989]. PDAM Bogor was aware that -t ments. would face higher investment costs in the near 38 UNDP-WORLD BANK WATER AND SANITATION PROGR AM Table 5.2: Old and new rate structures, PDAM Bogor, Indonesia Old rate New rate Tanffgroup Meter use Unit price Monthly cost Unit price Monthiy cost per month (m3) (Rp) (Rp) (Rp) (fiP) B2: House connection Administrative 300 400 Meter rent 200 750 Connection fee 250 350 0-10 50 1,250 100 2,500 11 - 20 75 2,000 150 4,000 21 - 30 125 3,250 300 7,030 > 30 250 > 3,250 700 > 7,0)0 C2: Commercial connection Administrative 500 700 Meter rent 200 750 Connection fee 400 500 0-10 150 2,600 300 4,95i0 11 - 50 250 12,600 750 34,95iO > 50 400 > 12,600 1,200 > 34,95i0 future. Thus, a decision was made to combine cubic meter plus fixed charges. This progres-;ive the augmentation of water supplies with water tariff structure has the purpose of improving demand management measures to reduce equity, since a lower rate would be charged 1:o average water consumption to about 30 m3 per those who consume less water, e.g., the ones month per household"' and achieve higher who have lower incomes."' coverage. The current level of water use in The features of the June 1988 water rate Bogor is 82 percent higher than the level defined structure of Bogor, which is partially presented in REPELITA IV. in table 5.2, were: (a) the increased progressi-ity of the water rate structure; (b) the high increaise ADoPrED MEASURES of water rates; and (c) the higher fixed serviceŽ charges. In order to ration water use and balance de- This tariff schedule was much more progres- mand and supply, PDAM introduced both price sive than the old one, that is, the differences and nonprice policy instruments. between rates increased. Domestic consumer;' Price Policy Instrument: In June 1988 rates became more progressive beyond a [IWACO-WASECO 1989b], after a new water monthly consumption of 30 m3. In addition, the surface treatment plant began to operate, price increase was significant, from 100 percent PDAM adjusted the water rates. Water con- to 280 percent. As a result, the price of the last sumption in Bogor before the price increase was unit of water consumed increased remarkably. much higher than the proposed level in Fixed service charges increased between a REPELITA IV. The difference was mainly minimum of 50 percent and a maximum of 2,'5 caused by the relatively low water price. The percent. The above features hold true especia ly average charge for a residential user consuming for the domestic and commercial connection 30 m3 per month before June 1988 was only Rp rates, while the rate changes for the institutional 108 per m3 while the unit cost of production was and government connections were less pro- around Rp 440. nounced. Table 5.2 shows that a domestic The tariff structure in Bogor, which incorpo- consumer with a monthly demand of 30 m3 paiid rates two categories of consumers (domestic and Rp 7,000 per month or 115 percent more than nondomestic) and five subcategorihŽs (yard and previous to the change. However, government house connection for the former; and institu- consumers or institutional consumers with a tional, commercial, and government connection monthly consumption of 50 m3 paid a price that for the latter), is based on a progressive rate per just doubled the old price. Currents 39 Figure 6.1: Average water use by household and commercial users in Bogor, Indonesia Ja F_ b Mar Apr May Jun Jul Aug Sap Oct Nov Dec Yard ConnJdon , 5 .. ........... .... .... ... .. : ^.| .................. ........... .. .......... ... ... ......... m Jn 8. . 9 House Connion Sc5 ; , 7 ol ....... .......... ....... ........... ........ .......... X.>mra .......... i 45P s n s of t I 40 .... . ........... ...... ..,...................... ....... .._ ............... ....... ............. . . ...... 351 E ........... ... ...... ................................- Kt--''' ..........4..........4..........''----.-.. .--, t--,t- t- ^@30 * -Xt+ . ..... ...... --.--.--.........--.--.......--. 25 ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~.......... ......... ..... . .. ........ . . yde ................. 20l Jan Feb Mar Apr hlay Jun Jul Aug Sep Oct Nov Doc Jan Fob Liar Apr Fror Jan '88 throuh Apr '8P NVonprice Policy Instrument: In spite of the IMPACTS tariff increase of June 1988 [IWACO-WASECO 1989a], 51 percent of the customers were still This section describes the effectiveness and using more than 30 m3 per moth. Therefore, in economic efficiency of the two measures. March 1989 PDAM initiated a campaign to 1. Effectiveness reduce water use design especially for custom- Price Policy Instrument. As a result of the ers with a monthly consumption above 100 im3. substantial water rate increase, domestic and The campaign was organized into three steps. commercial water use decreased by 30 percent. Step 1: PDAM sent every customer pam- The evolution of the average monthly water ase phlets and brochures describing ways to reduce for different categories of customers from water use within the house and instructions for January 1988 to April 1989 is shown in figure reading water meters. 5.1. In the case of domestic customers with yard Step 2: PDAM sent customers with monthly connections and house connections, from June consumption greater than 100 m3 additional 1988 to April 1989, average monthly consump- information on possible reasons for high con- tion decreased from 39 m3 and 37 m3 to 28 ml sumption. Home visits by PDAM employees and 26 m3, respectively, which represents a 28 were offered through the Consumption Level percent and a 30 percent reduction in water use. Evaluation Program (CLEP). Commercial customers also responded to the Step 3: When customers joined the program, price increase by decreasing their consumpbton PDAM employees visited their homes to look by 29 percent on average. As illustrated in for leaks. If leaks were found, an estimate of figure 5.1, in April 1988, the average water repair costs and projected savings vere pro- consumption of commercial customers was 59 vided. During the visit, PDAM employees m3. But one year after the new water rate was carried out a survey of the household's water set, consumption dropped to 42 m3. use habits and made recommendations for Nonprice Policy Instrument. Three months improving water use. after the campaign for reducing water con- 40 UNDP-WORLD BANK WATERAND SANITATION PROGIAM Figure 5.2: Impact of the consumption level evaluation program in Bogor, Indonesia 180. 170 _ . _ - - . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . _ . . . +.. Total wnsumers. E .Y I \ \ ~~~~~~Consumer!withleiakages ;;;;;;;. .... . .. ....... .............. ..............................-..---------------------_----... 14 E ... ..... ... _..-.. .................... ....... ;X ........... .... ....................................... . .... .b Customers wifout leakages \ E 120 . ...........................c...... ,................ 100 . ..* Janf89 Feb'89 Mar89 Apr89 MayX89 Jun 89 sumption started, average monthly water use benefit-cost approach presented by Hanke decreased by 29 percent, from 159 m3 in Febru- (1982). As quoted by Hanke, a conservation ary 1989 to 113 m3 in May 1989. Figure 5.2 policy is desirable only if its benefits exceect its presents the impact of the CLEP on domestic costs. The incremental benefits are estimated by customers B2. This reduction was due to leak multiplying the reduction in water use (Q) that repairs by customers and changes in their resulted from a policy measure times the mnar- water-use habits. Customers with leaks reduced ginal cost of water (MC). Incremental costs are their consumption by 31 percent, but customers estimated by adding the following three costs: without leaks reduced consumption by 21 (a) the resource cost to the water utility by percent. The success of the campaign was adapting the policy (e.g. education, enforce- attributed to the goodwill and commitment of ment, meters, etc.) (U); (b) the resource cost to the water utility, the public participation, and the consumer (repair of leaks, change of taps, the combination of communication, motivation, time spent, etc.) (E); and (c) the value of the and technical skills of PDAM employees. More- "useful" consumption forgone (F). The above over, customers were very pleased with the can be mathematically expressed by the folLow- services provided by the water utility. ing equation: 2. Economic Efficiency A cost-benefit analysis was conducted to deter- Q * MC >U + E + F mine whether the price rise and the conserva- tion campaign were economically efficient The results of the above methodology to the two conservation policies. The analysis follows the policies implemented by PDAM are as follows. Currents 41 Figure 5.3: Water demand curve of customers with yard connection in Bogor, Indonesia Soo Marginal Cost (Rp. 440 per cubic meter) E F 400 - E ._ M A N~~~~~MAD CURVE WITH FIXED CHARGES E :2300O 0.. DEMAND CURVE WITHOUT FIXED CHARGES *c 100- 700 DEMAND CURVE WITHOUT FIXED CHARGES P1 . A 1 l 02 3 l_ 0 5 t10 Is 210 35 i_ Ouantity (cubic meters per month) Figure 5.4 Water demand curve of customers with house connection in Bogor, Indonesia So 600 - 700 ~~~~~DEMAND CURVE WITHOU FIXED CHARGES E So00 _ _ _ E IF 2> 400 1 Marginal Cost (Rp. 440 per cubic meter) C |P2 '-> | |D 300 - 200 - Benefit Forgone 100 - 0 5 10 15 20 252 30 35 Quantity (cubic meters per month) 42 UNDP-WORLD BANK WATER AND SANITATION PROC RAM Figure 5.5: Demand of households consuming above 100 m3 per month in Bogor, Indonesia 32600 - EX aC 16 0-gCuwB! C.L.EP............................................ .... .......... ..... . ... ....... Q)uantity (cubic meters per month) Price Policy Instrumenlt. In this case, values which corresponds to the shaded area Q2CBQ1 of both "U" and "E" are zero. Neither the utility of figure 5.3. The value of the area is Rp 1,875a nor customers incurred extra costs. A value of [(36-26)*104+(36-26)*(271-1o4)*O.5I. Rp 440 per m3 was assumed as the marginal For a domestic customer with house conn,ec- cost of water of Bogor. To assess the value of tion, the total benefit is equal to Rp 4,840 [(39- "F," it is necessary to determine the water 28)*440], while the related cost is Rp 2,503 ((39- demand function. In this case, demand func- 28)*141+.. (39-28)*(314-141)*0.5]. The results show tions have been constructed using price elastic- that the higher price has generated net benefits ity coefficients calculated by IWACO. Estimated of Rp 2,525 and Rp 2,337. Thus, the measure average price elasticities for domestic customers was economically efficient. with yard connection are -0.27 with fixed costs Nonprice Policy Instrument. The total included and -0.29 without fixed costs. For change in benefits due to the campaign equals domestic customers house connections, esti- the reduced water use of 35 m3 per month, from mated average price elasticities are -0.23 includ- 160 to 125 i3, times the marginal cost. In this ing fixed costs and -0.24 excluding fixed costs. case the marginal cost is not Rp 440/in3 as These demand curves are shown in figures 5.3 assumed earlier, since that value is the marginal and 5.4. cost of a system with capacity to produce only For a domestic customer with yard co snec- 45 m3 per month per household. A system with tion, the total change in benefits that resulted capacity to produce 160 m3 will bear a cost of it from a price increase equals the reduced water least Rp 1,120.12 Thus, the total change in use of 10 m3 times the marginal cost, Rp 440/i3. benefits is Rp 39,200. In this case, lack of data Thus, Q * MC is Rp 4,400 per month [(36- precludes to determine the value of "U." The 26)*440t . The value of "F" is estimated as the value of "E," which corresponds to the cost for integral of the demand curve over Ql and Q2, leak repairs, is estimated at Rp 6,080.13 The Currents 43 value of "F" or "useful" consumption forgone is groundwater for its supply. Surface supplies estimated as the area encompassed by the from the Central Arizona Project will only demand function "before" the campaign and postpone the need to reduce the city's total the demand function "after" the campaign. water consumption, which is causing severe In figure 5.5, the first curve represents the mining of the surrounding aquifer. Since thE standard demand function, while the latter 1970s, water charges have been periodically represents a shift to the left of about 23 m3 per raised and adjusted to a two-part progressive month.'4 As can be seen, there is not movement structure that reflects the real costs of supply. along the demand curve since the relationship Pricing measures and conservation program s between price and demand for water remains have achieved reductions in per capita water basically the same. The loss of consumer's use. surplus is equal to Rp 14,790 per month Since 1950, the population of Tucson has [23*630]. The net benefit from this policy is mushroomed to its current 700,000 inhabitants, about Rp 18,330 per month. and it is projected to continue rapid growth. From the consumer's point of view, the Almost 80 percent of the city's water comes reduction of leaks produces a net saving. It has from groundwater pumped from well-fields been estimated that a hole of 1.5 mm in a pipe along the dry Santa Cruz river bed south of the can waste almost 1,500 liters of water per day city. The rest is obtained from former agricul- under normal pressure. Such a leak represents a tural land bought by the city for its water monthly loss of 45 m3 or Rp 31,500, calculated at entitlement and taken out of production. BotLh a tariff rate of Rp 700/m3). The estimated cost to sources have heavy economic and environmen- repair such a leak is Rp 101,241. Based on these tal costs. Groundwater costs include the energy assumptions, the total cost of repair work may cost of pumping, the risk of land subsidence, be balanced by the saving on the water bill in and the externality arising from mining of th? about 3.2 months (101,241/31,500). aquifer. The costs of diverting agricultural water for city use include the direct costs of CONCLUSIONS pumping and the environmental costs of ero- sion on the abandoned land. This case study documents the impressive reduction of municipal water demand in Bogor, ADOPTED MEASURES Indonesia, through the use of price and nonprice policy instruments. The Bogor experi- Tucson made its first tentative steps toward ence demonstrates that when sharp increases in economic pricing of water in the mid-seventies, water prices are made and higher prices for after the abrupt increase in the energy costs of additional quantities (increasing block rates) pumping. However, this came at a time of have to be paid, water customers respond by mounting concern over the consequences of the eliminating or reducing wasteful use. In Bogor, heavy groundwater overdraft. In 1974, a rate domestic and commercial water use decreased increase of 30 percent was enacted and the rate by about 30 percent within one year as a result structure was made mildly progressive. Al- of the tariff increase ranking between 200 though the gradient between the blocks was too percent and 300 percent in different consump- small to have much effect on conservation, tion blocks. The campaign for reducing domes- Tucson was one of the first cities to adopt a tic consumption also produced positive results progressive water rate structure in contrast with since customers with monthly consumption the more usual declining block structure. above 100 m3 decreased consumption by 26 The tariff was changed again in 1976, mainly percent. This latter reduction was achieved by for financial reasons. At the time, the city au- the customers' repairing leaks and changing thorities anticipated having to spend large su ms water use habits. Both measures were effective on alternative long-term water sources, includ- and economically efficient. ing substitutes for the large quantities of Santa Cruz water claimed by the Papago Indians. 5.1.2 Role of Prices in Water Tariffs were based on the average cost of sup- Conservation in Tucson, USA"' ply, with steeper progressivity than before and a high-lift surcharge recognizing the extra costs Tucson, Arizona, is located in a desert, and until of servicing certain consumers. The tariff revi - recently it was almost wholly dependent on sion was very unpopular, and in the 1977 recl1 44 UNDP-WORLD BANK WATERAND SANITATION PROGR \M Figure 5.6: Water price and urban water use in Tucson, Arizona 220- . | . | , , t . 1-. _ 140 210 ,-- Per Capita Demand * Water Pnce _13 200- 1 10 E . . M\-;JZ;8 s o l i,.Ui,, .2 .10 -; ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~100~ C~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~C 0. 170- E se to~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~C 70 65 67 69 71 73 75 77 79 8'1 83 85 87 Source:" Water Price as a Public Variable in Managing Urban Water Use: Tucson, Anizona, Martin and Kulakowsk; 199 1. election several new council members took servation program. office and scrapped the lift charges. Developers The upshot was the adoption of another new were also required to pay the full capital cost of tariff structure in 1977, incorporating differen- the extension of supplies to new houses. This tial summer and winter rates, and a moderately provision was widely anticipated, its impact progressive block structure for residential and was effectively evaded, and its revenues failed small commercial consumers. A "lifeline" rate to materialize. was introduced for small consumers and an The resulting revenue shortage facing the "isolated zone" surcharge was retained. In the water utility plus the Arizona Supreme Court's same year, the city council adopted "Beat the decision to place one of the well fields effec- Peak," a campaign to persuade householders to tively out of bounds for water, led to urgent shift water use away from peak hours, water consideration of a new capital improvement lawns every other day, and invest in deseri program and revenue sources by a citizens' landscaping rather than lawns. After a few advisory committee. This Committee accepted years the campaign started, per capita use the general principle that water charges should dropped by 16 percent, allowing Tucson to cut be in proportion to the cost of supplying and its water supply augmentation cost by $75 servicing consumers. The committee also ar- million (in 1990 prices) [Postel 1992]. gued that if the community were fully informed Since 1976, water rates have increased e.ich about the water situation and the major savings year, though not always at the rate of infla ion. in capital spending and the consequent savings The Central Arizona Project (CAP) provides in water bills, it would willingly accept a con- significant quantities of federally subsidized Currents 45 surface water to Tucson. This prospect enabled successful, and the following elements of the the Tucson authorities to plan a gradual reduc- enabling environment appear to have been tion of groundwater abstractions and a phasing important: in of CAP supplies. Some reduction of water * Water problems received widespread demand was called for in any scenario. In 1980, study, publicity, and debate during the 1970',, water conservation became official policy of when the present policy was set. This included Arizona, with a mandated goal of zero ground- an influential report by the Citizens' Advisory water overdraft by 2025. Tucson has to set goals Committee. In the city's desert setting, water is for per capita water consumption which, if guaranteed a high profile and is rarely out of exceeded, would in theory attract a fine of the news. The fact that most of the water was $10,000 per day from the Arizona Department drawn from a finite underground source that of Water Resources. was clearly being depleted helped convince the In short, Tucson has an official policy of public of the severity of the problem. conservation, and has made active use of prices * Until the formulation of the CAP, there to help manage demand. The rate structure were no easily available alternative water adopted in 1977 and revised in 1980 was basi- sources, except at high cost. The start of imple- cally an average-cost system, but the incorpora- mentation of the CAP took some of the urgency tion of seasonal peak pricing and the increasing out of water planning from the late 1970s block structure were steps in the direction of onwards, but the amounts likely to be available marginal cost pricing. Tucson's experience has were never going to detract from the need from been unusually interesting, and it has been the long-term conservation. subject of a number of econometric studies of * The general principle that water charges water demand and its responsiveness to prices. should be proportional to the cost of supplyirg different classes of consumer was accepted, and IMPACTS the main features of the tariff structure were intelligible in the light of that principle. A The overall assessment of Tucson's experience lifeline rate for small consumers was retained over more than two decades is that the demand against professional advice, and further helped for water is sufficiently responsive to price to to defuse resistance. make tariffs a crucial method of conservation. * Tariff increases have been linked to the However, water prices have not been used cost of providing an expanding network, dating actively enough to achieve conservation goals, back to the structure adopted in 1976. and in particular to offset the strong "income * Water conservation has been adopted as effect" from rising living standards. The trend an official policy of Arizona, to which Tucson in water consumption is shown in figure 5.6. must respond by law. Econometric studies that attempt to control for climate variations from year to year and for the 5.1.3 Managing Water Demand increase in income of residents indicate a price During Droughts in California, USA16 elasticity of demand for water ranging between -0.27 and -0.70. In 1986, the population served by the East Bay Water price increases plus water-saving Municipal Utility District (EBMMUD) was about technologies, regulations, and public education 1.2 million in a service area of approximately have produced a substantial drop in Tucson's 800 square kilometers, including 20 cities and 15 average per capita consumption, 22 percent in annexed communities. The EBMUD has a legal 15 years, from 760 lcd in the mid-1970s to the entitlement during normal years of up to 449 current 590 lcd. The conservation program has MCM from the Mokelumme river, 50 percent allowed Tucson to postpone investments in more than the annual water requirement of the groundwater wells and transmission facilities district (270 MCM). However, during drought estimated at $75 million in 1990. periods, its available supply is less than the maximum entitlement. Two reservoirs, Pardee CONCLUSIONS and Camanche, provide protection against a single dry year since their combined storage Tucson's experience can be called a qualified capacity is 790 MCM per year. But, when two or success, with the potential to be much more more succeeding dry years occur, the quantity 46 UNDP-WORLD BANK WATERAND SANITAnON PROGR.AM Figure 5.7: Short-term measures to reduce water demand in California, USA Voluntary Measures Mandatory Measures Pereont Reducdon (O - 25%) (25 - 39%) After a drought determinaton. adopt regulatory measures induding water ratoning penalties, restrictions on annexatons and new connecdons -25% Encourage vokintary restricdon of water use, conduct water audits of water intensive customers, implement water conserving rate structure -15% Create public awareness of problem and explain water conservation methods through New Media and Public Information program; Intensify water conservation efforts. 0% Step 1: Step 11: Step III: Public Voluntary - Mandatory Awareness Measures Measures available for carry-over storage declines and Camanche Reservoirs was 90 percent of normal supply deficiencies arise. level. By the end of September 1987, the storage To deal with the 1988-89 drought, the was nearly 70 percent of normal level, and it EBMUD adopted the Water Supply Availability was predicted to fall below 50 percent. The and Deficiency Policy enacted in May 1985. In perceived water shortage in the near future was general, this policy requires an annual review an impetus for the EBMUD to consider and and evaluation of the adequacy of water sup- implement a water conservation program. plies to meet customer's demands in the current and following year. If deficiencies are projected, ADOFTED MEASURES then appropriate demand management mea- sures must be implemented to reduce water Between June and September of 1987, the consumption. According to the policy, the EBMUD adopted a voluntary conservation acceptable maximum level of demand is 330 program aiming at 12-percent reduction in MCM per year and customers should not suffer consumption. This reduction was measured from water deficiencies greater than 39 percent, against the consumption of 1986. As a result of which occurred during the drought period 1976- the voluntary program, only 3.5 percent reduc- 77. Figure 5.7 presents the steps involved in tion was achieved, equivalent to one-third of the implementing short-term measures for reducing reduction target. The discouraging result forced demand according to the policy. EBMUD to adopt a more stringent drought The EBMUD experienced a sharp drop in program aiming to achieve conservation targets storage supplies during a three-year period of 25 percent and 15 percent during 1988 and starting in October 1986. By March 1987, the 1989, respectively. The new program was combined storage from the Pardee and implemented by mandatory conservation goz.ls Currents 47 Table 5.3: 1986 Water consumption by customer group and by season in MCM Summer greater Annual Summer Winter than winter Customer Total Percent Monthly Total Monthly Total Percent Single-family 125.3 46.3 13.6 67.8 8.2 26.6 62.8 Multifamily 43.5 16.1 4.0 19.9 3.4 3.0 7.1 Industrial 46.6 17.2 4.2 20.8 3.7 2.3 5.5 Commercial 38.8 14.3 3.6 18.0 3.0 3.2 7.5 Irrigation 16.6 6.1 2.2 11.1 0.8 7.3 17.1 Total 270.9 27.5 137.6 19.0 42.4 Table 5.4: Conservation targets by customer group, EBMUD, USA in MCM 15 Percent 25 Percent Summer Reduction Summer Reduction Total Percent Share Total Percent Share Single family 21.6 31.9 13.0 19.1 Multifamily 2.4 12.2 1.5 7.3 Industrial 1.9 9.1 1.1 5.5 Commercial 2.6 14.3 1.5 8.6 Irrigation i9 52.9 3.5 31.7 Total 34.4 25.0 20.6 15.0 by customer group, strict ordinances on water example, the total target reduction was 21.6 use, an increasing block rate structure, and an MCM or 32 percent of summer consumption. extensive public awareness program. Some of Table 5.4 presents conservation targets per the measures adopted by EBMUD to cope with customer group for a 25 percent and a 15 per- the drought are described below: cent overall reduction of the summer consump- Increasing Block Rate Structure or "Drought tion. Water Rate". To provide financial incentives to To design the respective rate structure, the all customers, the utility established an increas- EBMUD determined the appropriate financial or ing block rate structure that progressively neutral rate corresponding to a reduction on the increases the cost of water use above a mini- sale volume. Under normal conditions, the mum allocation. Once the EBMUD estimated financial water rate was $0.25/m3. However, in that the shortfall of supply would be about 25 order to reflect the reduction of overall sales of percent of the normal summer consumption either 25 percent or 15 percent, the estimated level, then three different conservation targets neutral water rates were $0.37/m3 and $0.32/ of 20 percent, 25 percent and 35 percent were m3, respectively. looked at. Finally, the 25 percent conservation For each percentage of reduction in water target of peak summer consumption (defined as demand, the water utility designed two differ- the summer consumption greater than the ent rate structures. The first one was for single- winter one) was selected for implementation. In family customers based on "consumption terms of volume, the 25 percent conservation blocks",'7 and the second one was for other target represented 34.4 MCM reduction of customers (multi-family, industrial, commercial, summer consumption. and irrigation) based on the "percentage of Table 5.3 shows the annual and the seasonal prior use."'8 Figures 5.9 and 5.10 present water consumption by customer groups, as well drought rates for a 15 percent and 25 percent as the peak summer consumption. To derive the reduction in consumption. A rate of $0.25/im3 conservation target for each custor er group, was applied to the first block from 0 to 22.7 m3 the EBMUD distributed the total volume sup- (basic needs) of single-family consumption. posed to be saved among all customers in Regulations. The EBMUD passed the "28 proportion to their peak summer consumption. Drought Ordinance" that included: In the case of the single-family group, for * Cars or other vehicles could not be 48 UNDP-WORLD BANK WATER AND SANITATION PROGR AM Figure 5.8: Drought rates for single-family customer group, EBMUD, USA 1.20- 070. 20 . 0 0. 80 100 120 140 1. 1 (cubic meter per month) i 989 (15% reductio.n) lm1988 (25%; reduction) Figure 5.9: Drought rates for customers other than single family, EBMUD, USA 2.20- -1 ...... 2.00 :.Io 1.80i ' ._ ~........ ,.,,_ 0.80 '°1--. 1 . I 989 (1 5% reductIon) I 19 (25% rduc tio Figure 5.BO Drough rae for- cutm r ote tha sigefml,E M D S t5 120' .0.00- 0.20 10 20 3% 4% (Percentage of base allocation) M 1989 (115%reduction) E3 1988 (25%reduction) Currents 49 Figure 5.10: Percentage reduction from 1986 level by customer group, EBMUD, USA 60% |Target Actal | c 4D%- Year 1988 Year 19l: 5Jngle Famnily Muld amily Industrial Commerdial Irragadion Overall washed without the use of a shutoff nozzle. Similarly, during 1989, the actual reduction was * No new turf could be installed, and only 27 percent against the target of 15 percent. All drought-tolerant planting was allowed, customer groups except irrigation were able to * New service connections were adhered to respond to the mandatory reduction. Appar- a written drought-compliance agreement. ently, the reduction target of 53 percent for * No annexations of territory outside the irrigation was unrealistic since two thirds of i :s district's ultimate service boundary were al- annual consumption takes place during the lowed. summer. * A wastewater patrol was established to Regarding the program's economic effi- identify violations. ciency, a rigorous analysis is constrained by t ie * Flow-restricting devices could be installed lack of data. Nevertheless, a rough assessment in the event of prolonged noncompliance, has been made. The unit cost of saved water Other Measures. To inform the public of the was estimated at $0.08/in3 by dividing the tot:al severity of the drought, a campaign was con- cost of the program, about $2.5 million, into tae ducted by radio, TV, newspapers, billboards, volume of saved water, on average 32 MCM per and shopping-mall displays. Educational pro- year. If the utility had chosen to buy water from grams on conservation were provided in local farmers (at a minimum unit cost $0.16) or to schools. In addition, 55,000 conservation kits'9 bring in water by tankers (at a minimum unil: were distributed free of charge among 20 per- cost of $0.65) instead of carrying out this pro- cent of the customers. About 90 percent of these gram, the cost of additional water would has e kits were installed. been several times the cost of saved water. IMPACTS CONCLUSIONS During the summer of 1988 the overall conser- The case of the East Bay Municipal Utility vation target of 25 percent was exceeded with District (EBMUD), California, illustrates the -ole an actual reduction of 39 percent (figure 5.10). of a comprehensive water conservation program 50 UNDP-WORLD BANK WATER AND SANITAnON PROGRAM Figure 5.11: Cost-benefit analysis of marginal cost pricing S/m3 c Suppty (Marginal Costs) E G \ F Demand D IMr~a BeXnI { E ) o K A H m3lyear in improving efficiency of water use and reduc- 5.1.4 Water Demand Management ing water demand during drought periods. The in Perth, Australia20 program was implemented by a mandatory conservation program, strict ordinances on Perth, located on Australia's West Coast, has a water use, a progressive water rate structure, markedly seasonal climate with dry summers. and an extensive public relations program. Most of the population live in the suburbs ,n During the summer of 1988, the actual reduc- detached single-family houses with a low tion in consumption was 30 percent, well above density of development. In 1975, there were the target of 25 percent conservation over 1986. 245,000 water accounts or connections. Water Similarly, during 1989 the actual reduction was was distributed as follows: metered residen.tial 27 percent, well above the target of 15 percent. in-house use 20 percent; metered residential The success of the program, measured as the sprinkling outdoor use 36 percent; metered reduction of demand, was a response not only nonresidential use 15 percent; unmetered use 14 to the increasing block rate structure, but also to percent; and leakage 15 percent. About 73 other factors such as the severity of the drought, percent of annual water produced was in the public awareness, and community involvement. summer period. Nevertheless, the steeply progressive water rate structure has emerged as the main instrument ADOPTED MEASURES to achieve water rationing targets. The public viewed these rates as a more equitable means to Hanke (1982) analvzed the various ways open allocate water during a drought compared to to the Perth water authorities for managing the direct mandatory reduction. In terms of equity, demand for water to conserve it and avoid the poorest were less affected by this policy, costly investments in new supply. A simple since predrought rates were applied to single economic model of supply and demand was households consuming less than 2.> m3 per used to evaluate costs and benefits of the main month (about 150 lcd for a family of 5 mem- options which were: the use of marginal cost bers). pricing, with and without seasonal differentia- tion; the implementation of a leak detection .md Currents 51 control program; the introduction of meters; Increased Installation of Water Meters. In Pertn and the regular application of summer restric- in 1977, unmetered water use was 14 percent of tions. total production. Almost 18,000 customers were not metered. Likely reductions in water use IMPACTS were estimated from multiple regression analy- sis of historical demand, resulting in an estimnate The analysis of the various options used the of 35 percent reduction. The costs of metering cost-benefit methodology described in case are made up of resource costs falling on the 5.1.1. utility and consumers, plus the value of water Marginal Cost Pricing. In theory, this will foregone by consumers. Benefits comprise the always be justified in cost-benefit terms, since saving in marginal cost of supply taken here to the value of the decrement in demand AHFB in be $A 0.125/m3. The analysis shows metering to figure 5.11 will be less than the savings in be an economically attractive option in this case. marginal cost of supply AHIB. The opposite Restrictions on Water Use. Restrictions on the situation, where prices are too high, is rare in use of outside sprinklers in the summer season practice, though the same kind of reasoning are estimated to reduce consumption by 11- L4 would still apply to justify lowering them to percent, based on historical data. The benefi, is marginal cost levels. In practice, the benefits of the marginal cost saving of reduced supply. The using price as a conservation policy are the value of foregone water use constitutes the sole savings in long-term marginal costs from re- cost of the policy. However, the benefit in this duced consumption. These are compared to case falls short of the cost, and the policy is not costs, of which three types are distinguished: economically justified.22 the resource cost incurred by the water utility in implementing the policy, which in this case is CONCLUSIONS presumed to be nil; the resource costs falling on the water consumers, also taken to be nil; and Not all water conservation measures are sup- the value of useful water consumption fore- posed to be cost-effective. Policy makers should gone, equivalent to the reduction in the area adopt and implement those measures for which under the demand curve. Comparing benefits their benefits surpass their costs. From an and costs thus conceived shows that the net economic-efficiency point of view, only 3 out of benefit is $A75,000.2' the 5 conservation measures adopted by the Differential Summer-Winter Pricing. In water utility were found to be desirable during principle, prices should reflect the different normal conditions; e.g, marginal cost pricing, marginal costs of producing the water in winter leak detection and control program, and meter- (the "base" load) and summer (when demand ing. Restrictions were found to be desirable peaks with the addition of outdoor sprinkling, only during drought situations. The analysis etc.). However, seasonal pricing would entail also reveals that costs involved in implementing reading meters quarterly and rendering sea- a summer-winter water pricing structure during sonal bills. The extra resource costs to the utility normal conditions exceed its associated benefits. would exceed net cost savings from reduced supply, and this course is not therefore eco- 5.1.5 Water Demand Management in nomically justified. Melbourne, Australia23 Leak Detection and Control. These programs would apply to the system before the water In Melbourne, as in many other Australian reaches the consumer's premises, hence would cities, water demand management measures not affect users directly. The cost-benefit analy- were initially introduced to cope with droughts. sis is therefore a straightforward matter of Nowadays, they are extensively used for defer- comparing the resource costs of the programs ring future water supply investments by curb- with the cost savings from the reduced supply ing demand growth.24 of water. In this case, two programs were The case of Melbourne differs from other analyzed, respectively reducing le.l,s by half (to cases where the adoption of water demand 7.5 percent) and by two thirds (to 5 percent). management measures during dry years have Both are found to have high economic rates of resulted in temporary reduction of consump- return. tion. The normal behavior is that water con- 52 UNDP-WORLD BANK WATER AND SANITAnON PFOGRAM Figure 5.12: Water demand trends in Melbourne, Australia 600 duringthedrought.Butwhenever gPrro.hrend 300, E .200 00 es 69 72 75 78 el 84 87 Note: 'R measns restncnons. sumption decreases by as much as 30 percent ADOPTED MEASURES during the drought. But when everything becomes normal again, consumption reaches a The first step to improve the situation of the level even higher than before the drought. In the water supply sector was the creation of a Task case of Melbourne, however, water consump- Force on demand management in 1983, r eplaced tion was kept on average 16 percent lower than in 1985 by the State Liaison Committee. The the predrought consumption. Moreover, the objective of the task force was to promote more growth rate of demand was reduced by one efficient use of the resource without exceeding third, from 3 percent to only 2 percent per year. the limits dictated by "economic principles." Its The Melbourne Metropolitan Board of Works main responsibility was to implement measures (MMBW) adopted a rigorous water conserva- that would reduce domestic water use by 20 tion program after the severe drought of 1982- percent. The adopted measures were as follows: 83, during which severe restrictions were Advertising. Initially, the program was based imposed on domestic consumers. Awareness solely on advertising campaigns that started as arose among the authorities regarding the soon as the drought was over. As shown in increasing demand in the long run; demand figure 5.12, between 1982 and 1983, when water was growing at 3 percent per year. The MMBW restrictions were imposed, water demand fell to realized that something had to be done, other- 27 percent below normal level. Once all restric- wise the capacity of the water supply system tions were lifted, demand rose only by 9 per- would have to be doubled every 24 years to cent. Thus, a new trend started at a level sub- match demand. In addition, the authorities were stantially lower than the one before the disrup- aware of the pronounced increase in develop- tion. This reduction was originated by changes ment and environmental costs sin e the cheap- in consumer behavior and attitudes toward est and closest sources were already developed water. These changes, in turn, were induced by and next alternatives contemplated more costly the advertising campaign on water conservation sources. via television, radio, local newspaper, posters, stickers, calendars, and brochures. Currents 53 Figure 5.13: Impact of the conservation program on water demand in Melbourne, Australia 800,- Available Water Supply 600 .......... _.._....__ 3 500 . - . a 20 1981 Trenid -- - -Cufr nt Trend --Future Trend 77 80 83 85 89 92 95 98 2001 4 7 10 13 16 19 22 25 Public Education. The second measure after this price reform domestic consumption adopted by the MMBW to reduce water con- dropped 2 percent in the first year. sumption was a comprehensive educational program aimed at school children in 1986. The IMPAACTS purpose of the program was to develop "an appreciation of the value of water in everyday Figure 5.13 presents the impact on total water lift" that would eventually influence the whole demand of the water conservation efforts made household's attitude toward the use of water. It by the MMBW. Melbourne's current water was estimated that the education program demand projection differs substantially from the caused a drop of about 15 percent. 1981 trend. The shift to the right of the water Introduction of Water-Saving Devices. The trend curve has delayed the need for additional third measure adopted by the MMBW was the supplies by about six years, from 1998 to 2004. redesign and promotion of water-saving de- This deferral of investment was evaluated at vices, for example, dual-flush cisterns that $A32 million (in 1991 prices). Increased water require only 9 and 6 liters per flush replaced conservation efforts in the future could provide those that require 11 liters; shower heads that additional lead-time for new water supply deliver 9 liters per minuted instead of the usual augmentation projects by another 10 years, up 12 liters per minute. to 2014. Thus, the total present value of demand Water Pricing Reform. The introduction of a management could be as high as $A72 million. new water tariff system was the last conserva- tion measure adopted by the MMBW. The price CONCLUSIONS reform of June 1986 established two compo- nents for the water bill: one based on the do- The Melbourne Metropolitan Board of Works mestic property value, and the second one has considered adapting water demand man- based on the volume of water used. This mea- agement measures on a regular basis in order to sure provided an economic incentive to change balance water supply and demand. Incorporat- wasteful use of water. It was estimated that ing conservation measures into its long-term 54 UNDP-WORLD BANK WATER AND SANITATION I 'ROGRAM planning has allowed the city the need for new Table 5.5: Comparative profile of ZACL and IEL water augmentation investments by reducing ZACL IEL water demand growth by one-third, i.e. from 3 ZACL IEL percent per year to 2 percent per year. Cur- Water consumed per month (m3) 330,000 630,000 rently, the MMBW perceives its mandate as one Water cost (Rs per m3) 2.50 0.16 of controlling rather than just meeting water Total Water Cost (Rs) 825,OOC 100,000 Total output of nutrient 32,07C 25,875 demand. The motive for such transformation (N+P20o) per month (ton) has been the imminent increase in both develop- Water cost per ton of nutrient (Rs) 25.72 3.86 mental and environmental costs associated with Water use per ton of nutrient (m3) 10.2S 24.35 the expansion of the system's capacity. mm3 paid to the Irrigation Department and the 5.2 Managing Industrial Demand related pumping of water. Public Pressure and Stringent Pollution 5.2.1 Effects of Water Tariff and Regulations on Control Measures. In the early stages of setting the Fertilizer Industry, Goa, India25 up the fertilizer unit at Goa, there was a loud protest of activist groups against the way the Many industrial processes require large quanti- firm was disposing its liquid effluent. Untreated ties of water. Apart from ensuring leakage effluent was dumped into the sea, harming fish, control, water conservation strategy in indus- cattle, plant life, agricultural production, and tries should include introduction of appropriate drinking water quality in the area. The Water technology to ensure efficient use of cooling and Prevention and Control of Pollution Act of 1974 process water and necessary pollution control provided for the creation of Central and State mechanisms. The quantity of water used by Pollution Control Boards as the agencies for industries depends on raw materials used and monitoring and enforcement of the Act. In the type of processing technology employed. particular, these Boards set water quality and Sound water budgeting in industry can effluent standards and permit or prohibit the considerably reduce water demand. Industrial discharge of wastes into water bodies. water conservation measures in industry usu- ally include review of alternate technologies IMPAcTS from the viewpoint of water consumption; ensuring proper plant maintenance practices In the fertilizer plant at Goa, water consumption and housekeeping; minimizing spills and leaks; was reduced from 22,000 m3 per day to 11,000 and optimization of treatment to achieve maxi- m3per day over a six-year period (1982-88) as a mum recycling. result of a number of measures involving a This case examined water conservation capital cost of Rs 6.5 million ($0.23 million) for practices in the fertilizer industry, whose water effluent treatment and water conserva:ion and requirements are very high. For comparison, reuse. In contrast, the water consumption in the two fertilizer industrial units, the Zauri Agro IEL unit at Kampur is about 21,000 m3 per day. Chemical Limited (ZACL) in Goa on the Ara- In terms of water consumption per ton of bian Sea and the Indian Explosives Limited nutrient, the water rate in the ZACL was only (IEL) located in Kampur on the Ganges in Uttar 10.3 m3compared with 24.4 m3 in the IE L factory Pradesh, were chosen for the analysis. As (table 5.5). shown in table 5.5, these units are almost of the The significant water reduction in the ZACL same size. was mainly a response to the higher price of water and government pressure to reduce MonvEs industrial effluent. The price of water and its availability seem to be the most important Higher Price of Water Supply. During the factors influencing the adoption of water con- period of analysis, from 1982 to 1988, the ZACL servation practices by the ZACL. Since the was meeting all its needs using municipal water ZACL was dependent on municipal water, costing Rs 2.50/m3, whereas the EL was meet- which could be supplied in limited quantities, ing its water needs mainly from lower Ganges the management made concerted efforts to Canal and tubewells at a cost of Rs 0.16/m3. reduce water consumption. Apart from taking This cost includes the nominal fee of Rs 0.002/ various measures to make suitable modifica- Currents 55 tions in the plant, an attempt was also made to is located there. Over time, a number of associ- reuse and recycle water. The ZACL has done ated companies of the Tata Group have been everything to see that even lower-quality water established in the city, along with a number of does not go to waste by using it for sanitation. ancillary units. In the metropolitan area, there Seepage has been reduced by preparing ce- are 13 major industrial units, 16 medium indus- mented drains. tries, and 472 small industrial units. Total water The loud protest of activist groups forced the withdrawals by these industrial units in 1990 management of the ZACL to pay compensation were estimated at 57.5 MCM. An additional 66 to farmers (Rs 32,000 each to about 50 farmers) MCM of water was treated and distributed for and fishermen, and to install 22 taps for drink- domestic and institutional uses to the estimated ing water in affected areas. In subsequent 1.0 million population. years, the environmental consciousness created In Jamshedpur, there are three sources of by activist groups, combined with the govern- water supply for the industries: a private com- ment pressure to reduce effluent discharge, pany (TISCO), a public agency (the Public caused this industrial unit to invest in a number Health and Engineering Department of the of water pollution control and reuse facilities. Government of Bihar, PHED), and self-provi- In contrast, the IEL has not so far experienced sioning by industries through borewells and the problems of Zauri, such as limited access to tankers. TISCO supplies water to its own steel water and high cost. At the time of the analysis, plant and to its associated companies, whi]e the IEL was able to get adequate supply PHED supplies are mainly available to indus- through the Ganges and from tubewells at a trial units in Adityapur. TISCO accounts for 96 cost of about 16 paise/m3. The discharge of percent of the total water intake by industries 6,000 m3 per day compared to an intake of 21,000 while PHED's share is only 3 percent. TISCO is m3per day was easily disposed of. Thus, the not only the major supplier of industrial water IEL had absolutely no incentive for initiating but is also its major user, accounting for 88 any special measures to reduce its use of water, percent of total intake. mainly because of the low cost of water to the TISCO pumps water from SubernarekhaL unit. The IEL had of course to meet the pollu- river. The cost of pumping water has been tion standards prescribed by the Water Pollu- reported as Rs 1.68/m3 ($0.066/m3) inclusive of tion Board, but beyond that, given the low cost the amount paid to the irrigation department for of water, the industrial unit did not find it water released from the Getalsud reservoir worthwhile to reduce the quantity of dis- (upstream of Jamshedpur). TISCO charges Rs charge. 1.68/m3 ($0.066/m3) for raw water provided to its associated companies. CONCLUSIONS Although TISCO supplies water to the associated companies at $0.066/m3, its cost of Water conservation in Zauri was the result of a operation and maintenance is estimated to be combination of factors: (i) the environmental $0.03/m3. At this low price, there is no incentive consciousness created by activists through for TISCO to economize on the use of water. For protests; (ii) the stringent measures by the example, the 1.6 MCM per year of effluent Central Water Pollution Board; and (iii) the coming from the coke oven plant, which con- dependence on a high-priced and limited tains high levels of phenol and ammonia, is not municipal water. Nevertheless, the above case treated before discharge but instead is diluted study supports the notion that the price of water using 5 MCM of fresh water to reduce the level and its availability are the most important of concentration. factors in influencing the adoption of water The PHED also supplies water to the conservation practices by industrial units. Adityapur Notified Areas from a small darn and from deep tubewells. In 1990, PHED supphed 5.2.2 A Mix of Water Tariffs, Pollution Charges, 1.83 MCM of water to industrial units at a fixed and Fiscal Incentives Encourages Conservation charge of Rs 2.5 per thousand gallons ($0.021 / and Pollution Abatement, India26 m3), about one-third of the price charged by TISCO to its associated companies. This fixed Jamshedpur, in eastern India, is known as a charge is only one-third of the estimated opera- "steel city" because one of the oldest steel mills tion and maintenance cost, which implies a in India (Tata Iron and Steel Company, TISCO) subsidy of Rs 1 million per year to industrial 56 UNDP-WORLD BANK WATER AND SANITATION PROGRAM Table 5.6: Unit cost and quantity of water conserved and recycled by various processes Type of conservation Quantity Unit Cost Investment or recycling Type (MCM) ($Im3) ($ mi,lion) Reuse of effluent from existing wastewater Rl 1.0 0.035 0.2C treatment plant Treatment and reuse of cooling water R2 11.8 0.035 3.0C presently being discharged Treatment and reuse of acidic discharge from R3 2.0 0.048 0.4C pickling plant using neutralization through alkali and settlement Treatment and reuse of waste from coke ovens R5 5.0 0.000 0.0C and blast furnaces containing high levels of phenol, ammonia, suspended solids, COD, through bioxidation, settlement, and chlorination (5 MCM of fresh water added for dilution) R4 1.7 0.450 3.9C Treatment and reuse of waste (fly ash and coal R6 6.2 0.127 3.6( particles) from power plant by adding coagulants and settlement Replacement of cooling ponds by cooling C1 12.0 0.135 7.3C towers Reuse of treated effluent from sewage treatment C2 11.6 0.145 10.0C plant consumers. total water intake and effluent discharge, a Three medium-size industrial units depend policy simulation exercise has been carried out partly on their own supplies (borewells) where to simulate the responses of the company's their shares range between 4 percent to 60 management to the following policy instru- percent. The average cost of pumped water is ments: (i) increase in the price of water our- reported as $0.133/m3, about six times the price chased or the cost of water intake from .ts own charged by the PHED. One industrial unit also sources; (ii) increase in effluent charges to be purchases one-third of its needs from private paid by the industrial unit to the municipality tankers at $0.14/m3. or the government for the effluent discharged in In Jamshedpur, most industrial units dis- the river; and (iii) financial incentives for instal- charge their virtually untreated industrial lation of effluent treatment plants. effluent to the Subemarekha river or its tribu- Assuming that management would like to tary. TISCO accounts for almost 90 percent of minimize the total costs of provision and use of the total industrial pollution in the region. water, its responses depend on the follcwing Other contributors are TELCO (3 percent) and information: (i) the cost of conservation of water major companies in Jamshedpur (about 1 through process change so that both wE ter percent each). Although part of the municipal intake and effluent discharge are reduced (table sewage is treated, it is not recycled for industrial 5.6); (ii) the cost of effluent treatment and use because fresh water is available at low cost. recycling to reduce water intake and effluent Adityapur's industrial waste is discharged into discharge (table 5.6); and (iii) the effects of open drains that ultimately discharge into the subsidies or soft loans for investment and Kharkai river, the main tributary of the operating costs of treatment plants. Subemarekha river. Available data show that for the process side there are five stages where demand can be POTENTIAL MEASURES reduced by reducing leakage and waste, and by recycling treated effluent. On the cooling side Water tariffs and pollution charges. Since there are two stages possible (table 5.7) The TISCO's plant accounts for over 90 percent of simulation model keeps track of the vo. ume of Currents 57 Table 5.7: Technological options to reduce water purchased and effluent discharged in MCM Stage Water Total Total Total Add'l Total Add'l Total To'al intake recycled losses outflow treated treated saved saved discharge Process Current 19.00 0.00 0.40 18.60 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 18.60 Stage RI 18.03 1.00 0.43 18.60 1.00 1.00 0.00 0.00 17.60 Stage R3 16.08 3.00 0.48 18.60 2.00 3.00 0.00 0.00 15.60 Stage R4 11.20 5.00 0.60 18.60 5.00 8.00 0.00 0.00 10.60 Stage R5 9.59 9.65 0.64 18.60 1.65 8.75 0.00 0.00 8.95 Stage R6 3.52 15.88 0.80 18.60 6.23 15.88 0.00 0.00 2.72 Cooling Current 30.80 0.00 19.00 11.80 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 11.10 Stage R2 19.60 11.80 19.60 11.80 11.80 11.80 0.00 0.00 0.(,0 Stage Cl 7.60 0.00 7.60 11.80 0.00 11.80 12.00 12.00 0.(0 Table 5.8: Technological options available to TISCO, India Option Description Water Purchased Evap/Losses Effluent Disch.3rged MCM MCM MCM Current Current situation 49.80 19.40 30.40 Option I Stages Rl plus R2 37.63 20.03 17.60 Option II As Option l, plus stage R3 35.68 20.08 15.60 Option III As Option lI, plus stages R4 and R5 29.19 20.24 8.95 Option IV As Option Ill, plus stage R6 23.12 20.40 2.72 Option V As Option IV, plus Cl 11.12 8.40 2.72 Option VI As Option V, plus C2 11.12 8.40 2.72 water to be purchased and the volumes of and $0.001, respectively, to $0.10 and $0.04/ m3, effluent to be disposed of, treated, recycled, and respectively, will encourage TISCO to reduce its saved by cooling process changes. The effluent water purchased and effluent discharged by 54 from the plant is assigned an effluent charge percent and 91 percent, respectively, by adopt- added to the total cost of water use seen by the ing technological option IV. The total annu il plant managers. The five process choices and cost for TISCO will be about $4.5 million, w nich the two cooling choices are added together to represents 0.6 percent of annual manufacturing give six technological options, which are shown expenses and 5.3 percent of annual profits. in table 5.8. Water Tariffs Alone. Using available data Table 5.9 shows the minimum cost option for the "cost of conserved water" curve (figure 3.16) a given combination of water price and effluent has been prepared for 26 industrial units in tax. While the water price varies from zero to Jamshedpur, i.e. the marginal cost of water $0.32/m3, the effluent charge varies from zero to obtained through demand management me i- $0.40/m3. The higher the water price, the more sures. The estimated curve shows that if the treatment and conservation will be chosen. water tariff is fixed to cover financial costs, it More important, these results allow for the may encourage industrial units to invest in derivation of demand curves for the effects of water-saving technologies and permit conse rva- the price of water and effluent charges on the tion of up to 15 MCM or 25 percent of total demand for water and effluent discharges. For industrial water demand. If water tariff is set to instance, figures 5.14 and 5.15 show the derived reflect economic costs including the opporttnity demand curves for a given effluent tax of $0.04/ cost of water in alternative uses, it may encour- m3. age conservation of an additional 5 MCM. The above analysis allows to estimate the However, even when the tariff includes the implications for TISCO if the price of water and opportunity cost of water, it does not "internal- the effluent charges are increased from their ize" another important externality, which is the current levels. For example, an increase in the cost of damages borne by downstream users. price of water and the effluent tax from $0.066 Since it is difficult to estimate "damage fun(- 58 UNDP-WORLD BANK WATER AND SANITATION PROGRAM Table 5.9: Minimum cost option for a given combination of water price and effluent tax Effluent Tax 0.00 0.02 0.04 0.06 0.08 0.10 0.12 0.14 0.40 Water Pricc 0.00 C C I 11 VI V I VII IV IV 0.02 C I 11 V V 11 IIV IV IV IV 0.04 l OT 11 I3. 17.v IV IV IV 0.06 1l If if [if1 IV IV IV IV IV 0.08 11 11 I7 IV IV IV IV IV 0.10 11 _ IV IV IV IV IV IV IV 0.12 III I IVOPT IV IV 7IV 0.14 VOPTIO V 1 V V V. V 0.16 VI VI V 1 V1 V2 VI VI VI VI 0.32 VI VI VI VI VI VI VI VI VI Technological Water Effluent Option Purchased Discharged CURRENT 49.8 30.4 OPTION I 37.6 17.6 OPTION 11 35.7 15.6 OPTION III 29.2 9.0 OPTION IV 23.1 2.7 OPTION V 1112.7 OPTION VIl1. 2.7 tions" for deterioration of water qualitv, the legally and administratively. "clean-up" cost required after a particular use Given the administrative difficulties of may be an alternative of the likely adverse enforcing pollution control regulations on impact of water quality deterioration. In powerful industrialists by low-paid government Jamshedpur, wastewater treatment costs for officials, it will be necessary to use financial recycling were $0.137-0.45/m3(Rs 3.5-11.5//m3). incentives, e.g., soft loans, investment support, Raising the water tariff by 45 percent will and direct subsidies for the investment cost, to provide an incentive to treat and reuse at least make it worthwhile for industrial units to reuse 18 MCM. treated effluent. In Jamshedpur, the required Regulatory Measures and Fiscal Incentives. subsidy would be 25-30 percent of the invest- Improved efficiency and environmental qualitv ment cost, about $4.5 million. may be achieved by means of legislation requir- ing treatment of effluent water, and providing IMPACTS soft loans and/or subsidies for wastewater treatment plants. In India, there is no experience Pollution Abatement and Water Savings. E'n- of implementing pollution control legislation, couraging industries and power plants to treat and it is difficult to visualize the extent to which their effluent and recycle or reuse it in their own such regulatory measures could be enforced processes provides the twin benefits of environ- Currents 59 Figure 5.14: Demand for water as a function of water price 0.2 ale . ......................... ...................................... ............... .......................... .............................. . ..... 0.24- . . . ......... . .......... . ...................................... .... ..................................... ............................ ............ 0.20- . .......... .. ........... ... ................................................................. . .......................... . .............. 0.12- 0.04 . ..-........ ........ .... 0.00 0 10 20 30 40 Water Purchased (MCM) Figure 5.15: Effluent discharged as a function of water price 0.32 0.2B - 0.08- . ...................... ................... .............................. ..-............. ............ ........................................ 0.20 - Effluent Charge-Uis0.04dm3 0.18 IL 0.00. 0 5 1 is 20 Effluent Discharged(MCM) 60 UNDP-WORLD BANK WATER AND SANITATION PROGRAM Figure 5.16: Cost of conserved water for industrial use in Jamshedpur 0.45- 0.40- 0.35- ~0.30- I ) n 0.25- 0 0.20- c 0.15* Tariff to include treatment cost 0.05 0. 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 50 55 60 Ouantity (In milllion cubic meters) Notes: 1. Includes conservation plans In TISCO, Tln Plate 2. Includes cost of rouse of treated municipal efiluent. mental quality improvement and economic cant for the urban poor would be made avail- gain. It reduces withdrawals of water for indus- able. trial use since part of its requirements are met Industrial units in Jamshedpur could save as from recycled water. This reduction provides a much as 38 MCM (about 50 percent of total net economic benefit if water at the withdrawal industrial use) of water through demand man- point has a higher economnic value than if it agement measures. This volume would increase were used downstream. It also provides an the drinking water supply to areas that were environmental benefit by improving the quality getting inadequate water and would provide a of water bodies. more than adequate 220 lcd to about 0.6 million Effect of Reduced Industrial Withdrawals on persons. Domestic Water Supply. In 1990, about 90 percent of the water required for domestic and CONCLUSIONS commercial use in Jamshedpur and surround- ing areas was supplied by TISCO, and the Many policy instruments can promote efficient, municipality supplied the rest. For almost 60 environmentally sound use of water resources. percent of the population, the quantumn of water Demand for water is influenced by pricing supplied in the TISCO area was around 280 lcd. policies and technology, and by the cost and the The level of coverage of water supply in areas technologies of wastewater disposal. Policy served by the municipalities is much lower: makers can choose to influence the user'.s average consumption is around 60-140 lcd. behavior either through water supply prices or The distribution of water could be made effluent charges and fiscal incentives for techno- more equitable if additional supplies were made logical change. available by encouraging conservation and This case illustrates that the mix of public recycling. Economic incentives ft recycling and policies based upon changes in water supply reuse could ensure that an industrial unit treats price and assessing effluent charges needs to be its effluent for its own reuse. Water quality carefully orchestrated. When prices of water would not be lowered by industrial pollution, supply are set at low levels, conservation and and fresh water supplies that could be signifi- recycling do not appear attractive optiors Currents 61 regardless of the level of effluent charges be- Tertiary Sewage Treatment Plants. The cause cheap water can be used to dilute the second response of the MRL and the MFL has effluent and make it palatable for recycling. been tertiary treatment of sewerage effluent obtained from Metrowater. The MFL plant's 5.2.3 Conservation in Refinery and Petrochzemi- cost was Rs 230 million ($9 million), and treat- cal Industries, Madras, India27 ment cost is expected to be Rs 24/m3 ($0.94,'m3). Additional staff required is estimated to be at In response to shortages of water supplied by least 60 persons, including six or more supervi- Metrowater, the Madras water supply agency, sors. Both the MRL and the MFL expect tertiary- three major industrial units-Madras Refineries treated water to meet about 30 percent of their Limited (MRL), Madras Fertilizers Limited total requirements. However, the water frorn (MFL), and Manali Petrochemical Limited the treatment plant is three times as expensive (MPL)-have adopted water conservation as water from Metrowater, which is currently measures and reuse of effluent. The first two sold to industries at Rs 8.4/m3. Moreover, ,ince industries are public-sector enterprises, and the water supply from this source is variable, third is privately owned. The MRL and MFL are treated effluent can be used only as a supp-e- the largest industries in the metropolitan area. ment to water from Metrowater. Manali Petrochemical, established as an import- Secondary Sources. The MPL has responded substituting industry in 1990, is about one-fifth to the water shortage by an increased reliance their size. on secondary sources. Over 1-2 months in [990 The three industrial units have indicated MPL bought water from private trucks. The clearly that present levels of water supply are company required an average of 100 trucks per inadequate for current production and planned day, each with a capacity of 10,000 m3. The cost expansion. The MFL, for example, plans expan- was Rs 190-200 per truck, approximately two sions that will require at least an additional 5 and a half times higher than water from mgd. The responses of the industrial units to the Metrowater. Water from these secondary water shortage differ according to their sizes. sources was more silica and thus of much poorer quality, and the supply from private ADOPTED MEASURES AND IMPACTS tankers became very scare over the period June- September 1991. In-Plant Water Conservation Measures. The Reduction of Output. The MPL was been MRL and MFL have responded to the shortage forced to shut down operations 2-3 days per of water by adopting water conservation mea- week over one month. The estimated financial sures including an increase in the number of loss from these shutdowns was Rs 5 million cooling water cycles from 3 to 6, process con- ($200,000) per month, and they have consider- densate recovery, hydrolyzed stripping, and the ably eroded the company's profits. Operating use of regenerated water. The MRL has doubled capacity was only 75 percent from the yea4-ly capacity to 5.6 million ton per year but keeping average capacity. In addition, the causal labor water consumption unchanged at 2.5 mgd. force of about 90 persons a day was asked not to Similarly, the MFL maintained capacity while come in on shut-down days. The company also reducing water use from 4 to 3.6 mgd. foth restored to an 11,000 ml-storage tank, sufficient industries have indicated, however, that a for three production days. Unlike large compa- ceiling had been reached on water conservation, nies, the MPL can not engage in tertiary treat- and no further scope existed for additional ment since its size prevents it from capturing water savings. Operation and maintenance costs economies of scale that would justify the invest- associated with water-savings measures were ment. It will also not be feasible to buy treated minimal. It is worth noting that there is an water from either MRL or MFL in the fututre for implicit cost and real danger with increasing the technical reasons, i.e. use of treated effluent number of cycles in cooling. Increasing the would require investment in a dual-pipe system cooling water cycle results in an increase in the and two processing systems. salt content of the residue. The suisequent build-up may corrode the pipes, leaving a CONCLUSIONS coating behind. The normal concentration rate in India is 250-300 ppm. Currently, the MFL Overall, it appears the larger public-sector runs cycles as high as 1,500 ppm. companies have been able to maintain current 62 UNDP-WORLD BANK WATER AND SANITATnON PROGRAM (close to full) operating capacity using a number mum consumption levels and increasing block of strategies. First, a higher fraction of their tariffs. Financial equilibrium is guaranteed by demand is being met by Metrowater. Second, requiring each utility to set its average tariff for their scales of operations are large enough to water supply and sewerage service at a level enable them to invest in recyding, although that will cover its service cost, which is defined recycled water is expensive and not a fully as the sum of exploitation expenses, annual adequate substitute for that currently supplied allowance for depreciation, doubtful actounts, by Metrowater. Third, there are high initial and amortization of expenses; and remunera- learning costs since this is the first project of its tion for investment (interest payments and kind in India. It is unlikely that the companies capital amortization). will be able to maintain operational capacity in The NTL also requires water tariffs tc. be the future without additional water, and plans differentiated by final use, and average rates for for expansion appear to be contingent on ob- commercial and industrial users to be greater taining additional water. The experience of the than the average rate for all customers. Subsi- smaller private-sector companies is probably dies are denied to commercial and industrial more similar to the MPL's. These firms receive customers. Effluent charges might be set at the less priority in having their water requirements same level than water rate. met, and face more costly alternatives. The Sao Paulo Metropolitan Region (SPMR) concerns Sao Paulo city (the state capita,) and 5.2.4 Effects of Effluent Charges on Reducing more than 37 municipalities spread over 8,000 Industrial Water Demand in Sao Paulo, Brazil28 square kilometers. In 1984, there were about 11,000 industries in this region, which generated Sao Paulo is the richest and most populated 35 percent of Brazil's GNP. state in Brazil. In Sao Paulo, the water supply The water supply is assured by an integrated and sewage systems are operated by the munici- system of many reservoirs and linked distribu- palities and by SABESP (Companhia de tion pipes operated by the SABESP and by small Saneamiento Basico do Estado de Sao Paulo). isolated systems operated jointly by the SABESP Water services are constitutionally delegated to and the municipalities. The water distribution the municipalities in Brazil; therefore SABESP, is assured by SABESP to 28 municipalities or by as all state water companies in Brazil, operates the other municipalities themselves. The sewage under concessions granted by the municipal system is structured in an important number of governments. SABESP, created in 1973, is a networks and treatment plants, mainly operated limited corporation 93 percent owned by the by SABESP. Pretreatment of industrial sewage is state of Sao Paulo. Some service indicators are required only if high concentrations of certain shown in table 5.10. toxic substances are detected. The aim of this policy is to minimize industrial treatment costs and optimize the use of SABESP's treatment Table 5.10: Statistics of Sao Paulo water plants. According with a decree of the Sao Paulo supply system in 1988, Brazil State (No 15425 of 07/23/80), all industries Number of municipalities of Sao Paulo 572 located in areas with sewage systems must Total urban population 28 million discharge their effluent into sewerage networks Municipal water systems unless the quality of the effluent is such that it Urban population in SABESP's systems 19 million can be discharged directly into a body of water. Population connected to water 17 million In localities without sewage systems, industries Percent connected to water 90 percent must truck their effluent to the nearest treat- Population connected to sewerage 11 million ment plant. Percent connected to sewerage 61 percent ADOPTED MEASURES Brazil's water supply and sewerage utilities operate under a uniform tariff structure set by In 1978, SABESP began to implement a new the 1978 National Tariff Law (NTL). The NTL tariff policy for industrial effluent. The tariff seeks to meet two general objectives: financial covered operation and maintenance costs and equilibrium and social equity. To improve social subsidized low-income customers. The objective equity, utilities are required to accommodate of this policy was to keep industrial tariffs users' ability to pay through the use of mini- below the cost of individual treatment facilities. Currents 63 The formula below was used to calculate the of the analysis. monthly charge when discharging into The Pharmaceutical Industrial Unit Level. SABESP's network. The main output of this unit was heparin, an expensive drug, made from the intestinal mu- CM = (0.63 + 0.37K)TV + F cosa of pigs and cattle. The firm used to dispose if effluent is discharged directly its effluent through trucks into a SABESP to SABESP treatment plant, at a frequency of 52 trips per CM = 0.37KVT month. Tables 5.11-5.13 show production data, if effluent is discharged by trucks effluent characteristics, and unitary coefficients K = (BOD + SS)/600 of volume and pollution. Between 1980 and 1982, production increased from 1,399 kg/ year CM: Monthly Payment (Cr$/month) to 1,709 kg/year, but the monthly volume of T: Unitary effluent charge (Cr$/m3) effluent decreased from 2,051 m3 per month to V: Volume of effluent (m3/month) 1,270 m3per month. The average concentration K: Overcharge factor of BOD and SS were also reduced from 58 ton/ BOD: Concentration of biochemical oxygen month to 50 ton/month and from 10 ton/month demand (mg/I) to 6 ton/month, respectively. The unitary SS: Concentration of suspended solid (mg/l) coefficients of effluent, BOD, and SS per one ton F: Monitoring fee (Cr$/month) of production decreased by 49 percent, 30 percent, and 46 percent, respectively. The value of T was reviewed and corrected The firm's manager attributed the reduction for inflation every three months. Depending on in the volume of effluent to the improvements the type of contract, the value of T differed made in the production process and to stock among industries. The value of F was also products kept by the previous owner. The corrected by changes in the wage rates, and reductions in the concentration of BOD and SS prices of chemicals, fuel, and other inputs. In were the results of modifications within th e the case of an industrial unit without metering, plant: input substitution, changes in the produc- the monthly volume of effluent was estimated tion process, and recuperation and sale of a part on the basis of the water supplied by SABESP of the final effluent. and adjusted by the self-supplied water, if any. To evaluate the economic impact of the Concentrations of BOD and SS were determined improvements made by the firm, a comparison from samples taken once a month in the differ- has been made between the unitary cost of ent discharge points (if any) on random dates water and waste service between 1980 and 1982. and then weighted by the respective effluent The analysis has assumed the following: (i) a flows. In cases where meters were not available, basic tariff "T" equals to Cr$123,00/m3 ($0.49/ the adopted value of BOD or SS concentration mi3); (ii) the firm buys all its water from the was the mean of the sample ignoring those public utility at a price of Cr$123,00/m3 ($0.49! values lower than 300 mg/l. 113); and (iii) the consumptive use of water is negligible. An estimate of the firm's annual IMPACTS payment is shown below.29 Miglino and Harrington (1984) assessed the UWC = 12 T'V/P impacts of the industrial effluent tariff policy USC = 12 K'TV/P described above on one pharmaceutical indus- trial unit, one food-processing industrial, and Where: one dairy industrial unit located in SPMR, and K' =(0.63 + 0.37K) or 0.37K whose effluent were treated by SABESP since (if the firm discharges its effluent into the 1980. The analysis considered monthly data on network or by trucks, respectively) production, water consumption, effluent vol- UWC = Unitary annual cost of water (per ume, BOD concentration, and SS concentration. unit of production) Statistical regressions (taking into account USC = Unitary annual cost of waste services seasonal effects) were used to assess the evolu- (per unit of production) tion of parameters. In addition, unitary coeffi- T' = Water tariff cients of effluent volume and pollution (annual P = Firm's annual production (in mass of averages) were estimated. Below are the results output) K, T and V are described above. 64 IJNDP-WORLD BANK WATER AND SANITATION PROGRAM Table 5.11: Annual production of a pharmaceutic firm in Sao Paulo Year 1980 1981 1982 Minimum (kg/month) 31 0 0 Maximum (kg/month) 169 230 206 Average (kg/month) 117 124 142 Total (kg/year) 1,399 1,490 1,709 Table 5.12: Effluent characteristics of a pharmaceutic firm in Sao Paulo 1980 1981 19S2 Parameters VoIa BODb SSc VoP BODb SSc VoI BOD° SSO Minimum 1,840 0.0 0.0 1,700 11 1.3 200 0.5 0.1 Maximum 2,300 117 48 2,040 102 84 1,860 96 26 Average 2,051 58 10 1,901 51 20 1,270 50 6 Total 24,615 698 115 22,807 612 240 15,240 600 76 a. cubic meters/month b. tons BOD/month c. tons SS/month Table 5.13: Unitary effluent coefficients of a pharmaceutical firm in Sao Paulo Parameters 1980 1981 1982 1980/1982 Volumea 17,595 15,307 8,917 49 BODb 500 410 351 30 SSC 82.5 161 44.4 46 a. m3 of effluent per ton of production b. tons BOD per ton of production c. tons SS per ton of production 1980 two thirds of total waste was generated by the UTWC = 12*(0.49*2,051)/1,399 = $8.64 refining of edible oil, a principal input for most USC = 12*(0.37*55.13*0.49*2,051)/ of firm's products. Tables 5.14-5.17 show data 1,399 = $175.80 on production, effluent characteristics, and Total = $184.44 per kg of heparin unitary coefficients of volume and pollution loads. Even though production increased ay 6 1982 percent between 1980 and 1982, the annual UWC = 12*(0.49*1,270)/1,709 = $4.32 volume of effluent decreased by 39 percent over USC = 12*(0.37*73.78*0.49*1,270)/1,709 = the same period. As shown in table 5.14, thie $119.28 unitary coefficients of total effluent volume and TOTAL = $123.60 per kg of heparinr concentration of BOD and SS per ton of output were also reduced by 42 percent, 42 percent, The results show that between 1980 and 1982 and 43 percent, respectively. there was a 33 percent reduction in total water The firm's manager attributed these red uc- and waste service costs. If the firm had not tions to improvements in the washing process taken the above measures to conserve water and of the edible oil, reduction of the frequency that reduce effluent loads, it would have had an floors and equipment should be cleaned and the additional cost of about $100,000 during 1982. quantity of water used for those purposes, The Food-Processing Industrial Unit Level. improvements in sewage and drainage systems, The main outputs of this firm were margarine, and reduction of losses of the edible oil and of soap, glycerine, and mayonnaise. The firm was other inputs (these lowered concentrations of directly connected to the interceptor of SABESP. BOD and SS in the effluent). The increasing The volume of wastewater discharged into the effluent charge was mentioned as the main system was measured by a flow metering incentive to undertake such modifications. As in located just before the point of discharge. About the case of the pharmaceutical industrial uiiit, Currents 65 Table 5.14: Annual production of a food-processing firm in Sao Paulo Year 1980 1981 1982 Minimum (ton/month) 9,973 7,451 9,367 Maximum (ton/month) 12,403 12,329 13,750 Average (ton/month) 11,083 10,779 11,720 Total (ton/year) 132,996 129,348 140,645 Table 5.15: Effluent characteristics of a food-processing firm in Sao Paulo 1980 1981 1982 Parameters Vol BODb SSC VoP BODb SSC Vol8 BODb SS' Minimum 18,476 15 0.9 11,984 1.8 1.3 5,741 17 0.9 Maximum 21,028 332 68 24,433 64 27 14,880 92 46 Average 19,804 74 27 15,581 41 15 12,118 45 16 Total 237,654 887 318 186,971 494 182 145,415 541 191 Table 5.16: Unitary effluent coefficients of a food-processing firm in Sao Paulo Parameters 1980 1981 1982 80/82 Volume' 1.79 1.45 1.03 49 BODb 6.66 3.82 3.85 42 SSC 2.39 1.40 1.36 43 a. m3 of effluent by ton of production b. kg BOD by ton of production c. kg SS by ton of production Table 5.17: Annual production of a dairy firm in Sao Paulo Year 1980 1981 1982 Minimum (ton/month) 300 370 690 Maximum (ton/month) 550 900 990 Average (ton/month) 463 573 858 Total (ton/year) 5,560 6,880 10,290 Table 5.18: Effluent characteristics of a dairy firm in Sao Paulo 1980 1981 1982 Parameters Vol" BODb SSC VoP BODb SS& vor BODb SSc Minimum 500 17 0.6 495 15 0.4 488 3 0.3 Maximum 949 36 1.9 796 32 2.5 519 27 1.6 Average 713 26 1.0 525 19 1.1 498 20 0.8 Total 8,558 308 12.0 6,303 227 14.0 5,970 243 0.0 Table 5.19: Unitary effluent coefficients of dairy firm in Sao Paulo Parameters 1980 1981 1982 80/82 Volume' 1.54 0.92 0.58 62 BODb 55.33 32.94 23.72 57 SSc 2.18 1.98 0.92 55 a. m3 of effluent per ton of production b. tons BOD per ton of production c. tons SS per ton of production 66 UNDP-WORLD BANK WATER AND SANITATION PROGRAM the unitary water and waste service costs have less than a year. been calculated for 1980 and 1982. Since the An estimate of the magnitude of the firm's firm discharged its waste into SABESP's net- annual payment for water and waste services is work, the first formula has been used. Below is shown below. Since the firm delivered its an estimate of the firm's annual payment. effluent to SABESP by trucks, the second for- mula has been used. 1980 UWC = 12*(0.49*19,804*0.60)/11,083 = $6.36 1980 USC = 12*(0.67 + 0.37*8.45)* 0.49*19,804/ UWC = 12*(0.49*713.2)/5,560 = $0.72 11,083 = $39.84 USC = 12*(0.37*62.28*0.49*713.2)/5,560 = TOTAL = $46.20 (water and waste costs per $17.40 ton of output) TOTAL = $18.12 (water and waste ccists per ton of output) 1982 UWC = 12*(0.49*12,118*0.60)/11,720 = $3.60 1982 USC = 12*(0.67 + 0.37*8.40)*0.49*12,118/ UWC = 12*(0.49*497.5)/10,290 = $0.28 11,720 = $22.92 USC = 12*(0.37*70.69*0.49*497.5)/10,!90 = TOTAL = $26.52 (water and waste costs per $7.44 ton of output) TOTAL = $7.72 (water and waste costs per ton of output) As with the pharmaceutical industrial unit, if the food-processing firm had not taken mea- As with the previous industrial units, if this sures to save water and reduce pollution loads, firm had not taken measures to save water and it would have incurred an additional cost of reduce pollution loads, it would have incurred about $2.8 million in 1982. The lack of informa- an additional cost of about $100,000 per year. tion on the cost of the program precludes The SABESP Level. Miglino (1984) estimated making a cost-benefit analysis. the impact of the industrial effluent tariff on The Dainy Industrial Unit Level. The major SABESP's total revenue expectations. Assuming outputs of this industrial unit were yogurt, that all industrial firms in the Sao Paulo Metro- desserts, and petit suisse cheese. The effluent politan Region would respond in the same coming from cheese production was trucked to manner as the industrial units described early a SABESP's treatment plant at a frequency of 41 and that the price elasticity of effluent service trips per month. Information about total pro- demand for the whole industrial sector equals duction, characteristics of the effluent, and the average of the three price elasticities, then unitary coefficients of pollution for the period total annual revenue losses of SABESP would be 1980-82 are shown in tables 5.17-5.19. Total about $112 million or 29 percent of expected water consumption decreased by 30 percent revenue. despite an 85-percent increase in production. Also, the unitary coefficients of total volume of CONCLUSIONS effluent and concentration of BOD and SS per ton of product decreased by 62 perceni, 57 The three industrial units that were asked to percent, and 55 percent, respectively, between pay effluent charges to the central effluent 1980 and 1982. treatment facility reduced the amount of water To reduce its volume of effluent and con- used in their processes and the volume of centration levels of BOD and SS, the firm ex- effluent discharged, with reductions ranging panded the capacity of its on-site pretreatment from 42 percent to 62 percent in 1982 over 1980. plant, improved its production process, and In the pharmaceutical industry, the volumes of reduced the amount of water used in the wash- water purchased and effluent discharged per ing process. The motive behind these changes unit of output in 1982 was a 49 percent below was the high effluent fee imposed by the 1980. In the food processing industry, water SABESP. The firm installed an anaerobic di- purchased and effluent were reduced by 42 gester to treat part of its waste. Unfortunately, percent per unit of output in 1982 compared to the costs involved in this operation were not 1980. In the dairy industry, the unitary coeffi- mentioned, but the firm's manager stated that cients of volume of effluent and water ue were the cost of the treatment plant was paid off in reduced by 62 percent. Currents 67 Water savings and indust{ial discharge mote conservation, especially in the industrial reductions were an unexpected effect of the sector. A few cities have adopted administra- establishment of the industrial effluent charge tive, legislative, economic, and technological in the early 1980s under which industries paid measures required to encourage recycling, according to the volume and biological and reuse, and adoption of more water-efficient chemical quality of the wastewater. The sewer- processes. Some of these measures are described age company failed to determine criteria to be below. used in estimating the charges to industries that Water allocation or quotas. Each factory has would encourage them to connect to the sewer been assigned water and effluent quotas based network. The company assumed that industrial on factors such as total value of production, units would always prefer to discharge their industry type, machinery type, and size. The waste into the sewage treatment plant and pay national policy mandates that all factories install the corresponding fees. Technological changes and maintain water- and effluent-metering and price elasticities of demand were not taken devices. Industrial water use is monitored bv' into account in the planning process. the Water Saving Office (WSO) [The World The implementation of the tariff policy for Bank 1990a], which maintains files for each industrial effluent can be qualified as a "market- industrial unit containing water flow balances based incentive affecting water use." With for every machine and workshop and for the respect to SABESP's financial interests, the whole factory. policy implemented was not successful, but Water saving administrative organization. society benefited from it since pollution was The Water Conservation Minister is in charge of abated and public investment in water supply the formulation of water supply policies, the postponed. planning of water resources development, the allocation of water resources among users, and 5.2.5 Effects of Quotas and Penalty the administration of legislation. This Minister Fees in China has also set up the Construction Committee to operate the WSO. China, despite its vast water reserves, faces Penaltyfor overuse. Under the current water shortages in a number of urban centers, espe- pricing system, consumers who exceed their cially in the northern region. Urbanization and allocation have to pay triple, e.g., Yingkuo industrialization have escalated demand for [LUCEC 19881, to as much as fifty times,3' e.g., water in urban areas. Reservoirs originally Tianjin [The World Bank 1990a] and Beijing designed for irrigation are now being used to [Zhongjie], the standard tariff of Y 0.35/m3 for supply urban areas. At the end of 1988 total the volume of water beyond the assigned quota. urban domestic and industrial demand was Industrial water audit programs. For indus- estimated at 44 BCM [ADB 1990]. Total urban trial users consuming more than 3,000 m3 per water demand is expected to grow at 7 percent month, water audit programs are carried out by per year and reach 85 BCM by 2000 [Zhongjie]. WSO's staff to inspect for leaks and evaluate the Industrial water demand is approximately 75 effectiveness of the factory's water-saving percent of the water supplied to the cities, and measures. Recommendations are made for cost- domestic consumption accounts for 22 percent. effective changes to improve water use-effi- Despite of the government efforts to promote ciency. In Tianjin about 1,700 factories, 42 conservation in the industrial sector, factories in percent of industrial customers, have been some cities are still being designed to waste audited by the WSO [The World Bank 1990a]. water, using three to ten times the volume Economic incentives. Rewards have recently required by similar industries in developed been introduced for consumers who use less countries to produce the same output than their quotas. In Fuxin, for example, cus- [Zhongjei]. tomers are awarded a discount equivalent to the volume saved times 20 percent of the standard ADoPrED MEASURES rate [LUCCEC 1988]. Since the late 1970s, China has been planning IMPACTS water supply augmentation and practicing strict economies in its use.30 The government has Statistics maintained by the WSO on the 82 enacted laws, regulations, and policies to pro- major Chinese cities show that at present w iter 68 UNDP-WORLD BANK WATER AND SANITATION PROGRAM recycling remains low. Theination-wide average water by 250 percent and 270 percent during rate is 56 percent; however, this rate varies 1981-88 and 1978-84, respectively. The adopted among cities according to their water scarcity measures include: a strict water quota and index [Zhongjie]. In the southern cities with effluent quota per production unit, a penally relatively abundant water, the average rate is 22 water price system, and a water audit program percent, while in the northern and coastal cities, and regular water flow surveys under which with limited water, the rate reaches 73 percent. industrial enterprises are inspected for leaks Cities like Da-tong, Zibo, and Baotou, with and effectiveness of water saving measures. serious shortages, have recycling rates of 93 percent, 92 percent and 88 percent, respectively. 5.2.6 Effects of Restrictions, Quotas, and Between 1981 and 1988, Tianjin was able to Licenses in Israel achieve a 250 percent increase in its value of industrial output per cubic meter of water, from In light of the scarcity of its water resources, Y 28 to Y 69 (1980 prices). In 1988 the rate of Israel has made intensive efforts to reduce water recycling was about 65 percent [The World demand in all sectors. Water conservation and Bank 1990a]. Beijing was also able to achieve a efficient use of water have evolved over mcre 270 percent increase in its value of industrial than 40 years, and the achievements have been output per cubic meter of water between 1978 remarkable. This case study documents Israel's and 1984, from Y 11 to Y 30 [Zhongjie], respec- efforts to improve efficiency in industrial water tively. The Dalian City's comprehensive conser- use. vation program has led it achieve a recycling In view of the scarcity of water, in 1952 the rate of 93 percent resulting in a value of indus- Government of Israel began formulating a trial output of Y 110/m3, the highest in China. comprehensive water legislation. In 1959 it Since cooling water accounts for about 70 enacted the Water Law which adopted the percent of industrial water demand, efforts have following principles [Arlosoroff 1977]: been made to reduce this specific water use. * Public property. "Water resources are Many Chinese industrial units have achieved public property, subject to the control of thE remarkable results by recycling cooling water State, to be used to provide for the needs of the [Zhongjie]: the Taiwan Nitrogenous Fertilizer population and the development of the coun- Factory in Luzhou City,32 a small factory pro- try." ducing about 500 ton per year, used about 241 * Ministerial responsibility. "Executive m3/hr of water for cooling. However, after the authority is vested in the Water Commission factory installed a recycling system, only 7 (headed by the Water Commissioner), a sepa- percent of that volume was needed as supple- rate entity under the jurisdiction of the Ministry mentary water. Also its effluent volume has of Agriculture. The Water Commission is decreased by 94 percent, from 380-520 m3 to 20- responsible for the planning, management and 30 m3 per ton of ammonia. supervision of all matters related to water." Industries have also made technological * Water rationing. "No withdrawal, supply changes to conserve process water. For example, or use of water is permitted from any sourct the Tianjin No. 5 timber mill has adopted wet- except under an annual license issued by the process fiberboard production with a recycling Water Commission. The criteria for water rate of 90-98 percent. Water consumption per allocation vary according to hydrological condi- ton of output has dropped from 80 m3 to only 5 tions, water requirements, water qualities and m3, and the level of COD has also decreased by supply possibilities." 74 percent. * Water metering. "Water metering is obligatory without exception." CONCLUSIONS ADOPTED MEASURES Some Chinese cities have adopted conservation and recycling of water in response to water To ensure efficient water use, the Water Com- shortages. With education and vai.ous eco- mission has adopted the measures described nomic, administrative, and legislative measures, below. Tianjin and Beijing, for example, have increased License of water supply. Water is allocated their rate of industrial output per cubic meter of to each industrial firm according to a licensing Currents 69 provision. The total volume io determined by ever, from the public's point of view a conserva- norms that consider the nature of the end tion project is justified if its cost equals or is product, the production process, the existing below to the marginal cost of water supply. l o equipment, raw material(s), the technology encourage industries to invest in water conser- available for efficient use of water, and the vation, the government offers low-interest loins quality of effluent. The norms are updated from for up to 80 percent of the related investment .33 time to time as new technologies become avail- Low-cost financing is also available for separate able. In the dairy industry, for example, the metering for each production process to identify approved norm was 3.5 liters of water per liter where leaks take place. of milk in 1964, but in 1973 the norm was reduced to 1.7 liters. By 1977, the norm was IMPACTS reduced again, to 1.45 liters [Arlosoroff 1977]. The annual water allocation to each industrial Figure 5.17 shows that the overall industrial unit is then calculated by multiplying the water use in terms of cubic meters per thousand planned volume of production by the appropri- Israeli pounds (in constant prices) of output has ate norm. decreased steadily during the period 1962-82, Metering. Metering of water is the most from 20 m3 to 6 m3. A 300 percent increase in important administrative instrument for enforc- industrial output was achieved with only a 20 ing allocation. Industrial water use is metered at percent increase in water consumption. During each firm, with a differentiation between water the same period, the overall value of industrial qualities. output per cubic meter of water has increased Surcharges. In order to keep consumption by 233 percent, from NIP 50,000/m3 to NIP within the volume allocated to the industrial 166,700/m3 (figure 5.18). unit, a special surcharge of about 200 percent is It is worth noting that the approach adopted levied on the volume used beyond its quota. by the Water Commission has been always to Water-saving technologies. The licensing examine costs and benefits involved in increas- system forces industries to adopt water-saving ing efficiency in the use of industrial water. On measures. The government, in turn, supports that basis, one can say that the adopted mea - research and development of technologies to sures are justified in cost-benefit terms. How- reduce industrial water consumption and ever, there still exits the uncertainty about the pollution. Recycling of cooling water through cost-effectiveness of this command-and-control cooling towers has became a standard practice, policy. It may be the case that more reliance on and other improvements include recycling of market-based incentives could have produced blowdown water from steam and heating the same results at a lower cost. The absence of systems; recycling of seal-water in vacuum data precludes the undertaking of a cost-effec- pump systems; introduction of accessories such tive analysis. as pressure regulators, valve regulators, auto- matic or semiautomatic valves; reuse of rinsing CONCLUSIONS water; and use of low-grade water. Promotion and dissemination. The Water Israel's policy encouraging industrial water Commission provides technical advisory ser- conservation and recycling is based on: (i) vices to disseminate information about water- annual water allocation on the basis of efficient saving technologies. The Commission also production norms; (ii) introduction of water participates with the private sector in research saving technologies; (iii) subsidized financing and development activities. for investments in water saving processes and Subsidizedfinancingfor investment. The appliances; and (iv) undertaking of research and government has established a fund to provide development programs. The result has been a low-cost financing to construct projects that can steady decline on the average amount of water reduce water consumption at a cost at least 10 consumed per unit value of production. Be- percent below the marginal cost of supply. tween 1962 and 1982, industrial water consump- Thus, from the industrial unit's point of view, tion fell from 20 m3 to about 6 m3 per thousand an investment in water saving is justified only if Israeli pounds of production, a 70 percent the value of water saved equals or surpasses the saving. cost of improving water-use efficiency. How- The approach taken by the Water Commis- 70 UNDP-WORLD BANK WATER AND SANITATION PROGRAM Figure 5.17: Industrial w4ter consumption per unit of output, Israel 160- 1 1972 20* .0 L Mining Food Textiles Wood Paper Plasic Chemical Average Source:Saul Arlosoroff "Water Management in Arid Zones," Ivory Coast, 1985. sion has evolved around the following prin- average incremental cost of water from the ciple: If the unit of water would not have been current scheme is about $0.82/m3. The newlv saved, an extra unit would have been devel- designed water supply project for the city is oped, produced, and conveyed to users with all expected to be still more costly; it would has e the associated investments required. On that an even longer transmission line, and the water ground, the adopted measures are justified in would have to be pumped over an elevation of cost-benefit terms. Lack of data precludes the 2,000 m to the city [Cestti 1989]. undertaking of a cost-effective analysis to assess the cost-effectiveness of the command-and- ADOFTED MEASURES AND IMPACTS control policy as opposed to a market-based incentives policy. In 1989, a group of 26 industrial units in the Vallejo area of Mexico City decided to find an 5.2.7 Reuse of Treated Municipal alternative to the piped water supplied by the Effluent in Mexico City, Mexico municipality. The result was the creation of l for-profit company, Aguas Industriales de Water resources problems are very serious in Vallejo, to rehabilitate and operate the old Mexico City because of its rapid economic municipal wastewater treatment plant. These growth, industrialization and urbanization, 26 companies represent a variety of sectors which has led to an increasing water demand including paper, electronic supplies, and cherni- for domestic, industrial, and commercial pur- cal. Each provided equity on the basis of its poses. In order to satisfy increasing demand water requirement, approximately $8,000 for and prevent the further deterioration of the each liter per second or $0.25/m3. The total Mexico Valley aquifer, it has becol.ie imperative equity of $0.9 million was enough to renovate to undertake increasingly costly projects, e.g., and operate the plant. No debt was incurred, pumping water over an elevation of 1,000 m and it was expected that the companies would into the valley of Mexico from the Cutzamala recover their investment in less than three ye.lrs. river through a pipeline of about 180 km. The One of the shareholder companies, Compaiias Currents 71 Figure 5.18: Value of outplut per cubic meter in selected industries 500-~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~16 10~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~17 E 3200. E 0|0 ........ ........ . ....... .............. ........ . ....... 0- Mining Food Textiles Wood Paper Plastc Chemical Average Source:Saul Arlosoroff, 'Water Management in Arid Zones," Ivory Coast, 1985. Mexicanas de Aguas which manufactures water the price charged by the municipality, e.g., treatmnent equipment, maintains and operates $0.71 /m3. Industrial units use the water mainly the wastewater treatment plant under contract for cooling, but some units use this water for to Aguas Industriales de Vallejo [The World processing purposes also. The government uses Bank 1992]. this water for irrigation and for washing gov- Aguas Industriales de Vallejo operates the ernment vehicles [The World Bank 1992]. wastewater treatment plant under a ten-year renewable concession from the Departamento CONCLUSIONS del Distrito Federal. The plant with a total capacity of 100 liters per second receives mostly The increasing price of municipal water suppLy residential wastewater and provides secondary- and the imminent water shortage have moti- level treated effluent. At present, the plant vated the adoption of municipal wastewater provides 60 liters per second of treated effluent reuse for industrial purpose in Mexico City. to the shareholder companies (eventually this Contrary to the general belief that reuse of will increase to 70 liters per second) and 30 liters wastewater requires public financing supporl, per second to the government as payment for this case demonstrates that the financing, the concession. The agreement contemplates organization, execution, and operation of suc: receiving up to 200 liters per second of waste- projects can be entirely in the hands of the water from the municipal system. Plans are private sector. under way to expand the capacity of the treat- ment plant by 100 percent within the next five 5.2.8 Potentialfor Conservation in the years. It is important to note that the Jabotabek Region, Indonesia34 Departamento del Distrito Federa; built the distribution system linking each company to the The Jabotabek region has changed drastically in treatment plant [World Bank 1992]. the last few years and a continuing dramatic As of November 1991, the shareholder change is foreseen. Its current population is companies were getting water at 75 percent of about 20 million and it is expected that by the 72 UNDP-WORLD BANK WATERAND SANITATION PROGRAM year 2025 it will rise to aboAat 50 million. This wastewater treatment plant. The final rinse population growth in conjunction with an water after bleaching or dyeing operations can increasing industrialization of the region will be easily recycled without affecting the overall inevitably increase competition for the most production or increasing overall cost. This can readily available water sources between all save about 480 m3 per day (0.14 MCM per year) water-use sectors. At present there is clear at very low cost (Rp. 210/m3). Increased recy- evidence of the existence of water shortage in cling of cooling water can save about 0.26 \ICM the region. per year at a cost of Rp. 250/m3. The reuse of Recent estimates of future water demand treated effluent will save an additional 0.42 show that although present water requirements MCM at a cost of Rp. 735/mn3. for municipal and industrial purposes is not At present, this industry is treating only the high in relation to total water demand (only 20 effluent of the process water to meet current percent), this will steadily increase in the near quality effluent standards, discharging the final future. By the year 2025, it is expected that its effluent to the nearby river. However, the total share will reach 46 percent. Although management of the firm is concerned with industrial water demand is marginal compared water conservation projects in the event that to other demands, by year 2025 it will represent regulations become more stringent or a chiarge approximately 40 percent of household demand has to be paid for raw water taken from the in the region. river, as in happening in the Botabek region. This firm will adopt measures to save w ater POTENTIAL MEASURES AND IMPACTS due to water quantity and quality constraini only when authorities send it the right signals. During the course of an industrial water use In this regard, a simulation model has beet E survey covering 100 industrial units in the developed to assess how a tax on discharged Jabotabek region, Southern Cross Textile, a effluent and a higher price for river water may textile industrial unit, and Toyota-Astra Motor, affect the decision of the firm regarding conser- an automobile industrial unit, were visited to vation, recycling, and reuse of treated affluent assess the potential for improving efficiency in within the firm. This analysis follows more or water use. The major findings of the analysis less the methodology presented in the case (55.2). are as follows. This textile firm was assumed to be facing Textile Industrial Firm. Southern Cross the supply curve for water presented in table Textile unit is a very large industrial unit of 5.20 (unit cost is estimated as the sum of annual- about 1,550 employees located in east Jakarta ized investment and operation and maintenance that runs processes for scouring and bleaching costs at 10% divided by the annualized voluime). of raw cotton and spinning and dyeing of As can be seen, besides the traditional water cotton. Apparently the location of the firm was sources, the firm has three new options to rneet determined by closeness to the river. Presently, water demand: better housekeeping, increasing the river provides 7,200 m3 day or 88% of daily recycling, and reusing treated effluent. Ass uim- requirements; while the rest comes from ground- ing that these options can be added to each water. This is a self-supplied industrial unit. other, then the firm will face the technologi cal Since water from the river is withdrawn free options presented in table 5.21. By doing so, the of charge, the firm is using more water than firm will be able to reduce its water intake aind what is technically necessary. Total water use per unit of output is about 560 m3/ton, wvhich is Table 5.20: Water supply costs for the firm more than similar industries in developed countries (180 m3 in Israel and 250 m3 in Bel- Maximum gium). According to the management, this firm Item Unit Cost Volume could save as much as 0.37 MCM per year or Status Quo 36% of total intake at low cost; however, at Water from River 200 2,246,000 present the firm does not have incentives to Water from Groundwater 1,285 316,000 implement measures that will reduce water use. Water intake in this textile industry can be Modifications reduced through better housekeeping of rinse Befter Housekeeping 210 144,000 water, increasing recycling of cooling water, Increased Recycling 250 262,000 and reuse of treated effluent coming from the Reuse of Treated Effluent 750 421,000 Currents 73 Table 5.21: Technological Iptions to reduce water demand and effluent discharge Additional Sources Final Discharge Option Intake Water Conservation Recycling Reuse Total Treated Untreated C 2562000 0 0 0 1786000 421000 1365000 1 2418000 144000 0 0 1642000 421000 1221000 11 2156000 144000 262000 0 1380000 421000 95900 III 1735000 144000 262000 421000 959000 0 95900 Note: Measured in m3 per year C = Current situation. I = Better housekeeping of rinse water. 11 = Increased recycling of cooling water. Ill = Reuse of current treated effluent. Table 5.22: Water demand and effluent discharge for a given option Technological Water Reduction Effluent Reduction Option Withdrawal in MCM From Current Discharge in MCM From Current C 2.56 -- 1.79 -- 1 2.42 5.5% 1.64 8.4% 11 2.16 15.6% 1.38 22.9% III 1.74 32.0% 0.96 46.4% final effluent by the amounts given in table 5.22. from tankers include the following points listed An analysis of the minimum cost option below. available to the firm for a given combination of * Better housekeeping, at a cost of Rp. 300/ river water price and effluent charges shows mi3, saving 72,000 m3. that the higher the water price and effluent * Reuse the current treated effluent after charge the more conservation will be chosen. sand filter and activated carbon treatment for The results also infer that if the effluent tax and toilet flushing, water gardening, and other low water price are set at Rp. 350 and Rp. 450, quality purposes, at the cost of Rp. 1,300/m3. respectively, then this firm will cut back water * Construction of a wastewater treatment intake by 32% and effluent discharge by 46% in plant that will treat all effluent including waste- order to maximize profits. This implies the water from toilets, showers, and kitchen, an(d establishment of a river water users' charge of reuse half of the treated effluent within the about Rp. 150/mt. plant at an additional cost of Rp. 1,400/mt. Automobile Industrial Firm. The Toyota- Despite the firm's investments in wastewater Astra Motor, a foreign company located in treatment facilities, at present it lacks economic northern Jakarta, assembles 50,000 automobiles incentives to reuse the effluent within the plant, per year. At present, this firm uses 300,000 m3 which would reduce their water intake. The cost per year. Almost one-third of its water require- of conserved water is a little higher than the ment comes from piped supplies (Rp. 2,500/m3), current cost of groundwater. one-half comes from groundwater (Rp. 1,250/ The diagram below (figure 5.19) explains the in3) and the rest comes from tankers (Rp. 5,000/ cost minimization behavior of the firm. If In3). The management is planning to triple its conservation and reuse are practiced, then level of output by year 2000, which will demand water and pollution costs decline by 25 percent, about 720,000 m3 per year. However, the likeli- and water intake decreases by 40 percent. hood of getting more water from PDAM Jaya is very low. The second source is becoming 5.3 Managing Agricultural Demand heavily polluted. Thus, the only alternative source is to buy water from tankers. 5.3.1 Effect of Quotas and Volumetric The management of this comp..ny is fully Charges in Israel aware of the water situation of Jakarta and is fully committed to conserving water in order to Israel's water resources are inadequate to meet maximize profits and reduce costs. In this case, the demand for water for its total irrigable area. the firm's responses to the high price of water Total renewable fresh water available is ap- 74 UNDP-WORLD BANK WATER AND SANITAnON PROGRAM Figure 5.19: Cost-minimiz4tion behavior of an automobile industrial unit, Indonesia If nothing is done: Piped 108,000 m3 [m3 GW 156,000 m3 LE J0 Tanker 456,000 mS ORp.700Wm3) 342,000 rn3 (untreated) Total water and polludon control cost Rp. 3.0 bilIlon Water Intake: 720.000 m3 Treated Effluent 324,000 m3 Untrealed Effluent 342,000 m3 If conservation and reuse were practiced: 304,4000 mS F-7@ Rp.1,300mr3) Piped 108,000m3 mS GW 156,000m3 Tanker 162,000 m3 (@ Rp.1,000/m3) Total water and polludon control cost: Rp. 2.3 billion Water Intake: 426,000 m3 Treated Effluent 200,000 m3 proximately 1.6 BCM per year, enough to 40 percent. Total output from irrigated land irrigate 10 percent of the total gross area. In grew tenfold (at fixed prices) during the same addition, Israel faces high unit costs for new period [Tahal Consulting Engineers 1991], water supply, estimated at about $0.35/m3 yields increased significantly, and productivity [Tahal Consulting Engineers 19911. Scarcity of per cubic meter almost tripled. water has motivated the government and citizens to make special efforts to attain the ADOPTED MEASURES maximum return per unit of water through increased efficiency in water use, specially in The Water Commission of the Ministry of irrigation, the country's largest water user Agriculture is responsible for administration of (Tahal Consulting Engineers 1991). the Israel's water policy. To ensure an efficient Development and adoption of efficient use of irrigation water, the Water Conmmission irrigation techniques have made possible an has adopted the following measures: increase in the area under irrigation without Water allocation and pricing. Allocations of increasing water use. From 1951 to 1985, irri- water to the irrigation sector are fixed. Alloca- gated area increased fivefold, but wvater use tions are based on annual licenses. Each increased only threefold. Water use per hectare farmer's allocation is based on the area culti- dropped, on average, from a high of 8,200 m3 vated, the crop mix, and water requirements of ["Irrigation News for Israel" 1982] to about each crop. There are norms and maximum 5,200 m3 [Idelovitch 1987], a decrease of about quantities of water allowed for different crops, Currents 75 Figure 5.20: Efficient use of water in the irrigation sector, 1948-1988 240,000 185,000 8,200 8.000 105000 | 6500 ~~:.'~~~ 5,200 1951 1956 1973 1985 _ Irrigated Area (ha) Water Rate (m3/ha) Sources: *Inigation News mrom wrae,' l,rtnews. 1982 and Israel Wate Sector Reew,' Tahal, 1990. Figure 5.21: Irrigation water application rates for major crops, 1970-1984 1,500 1,250 ...m .92~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~*~ i1,000-,i' 750- 500- ..................... ............................ . . Potatoes Conon Citius Avocado Appes 1984 E 1970 76 UNDP-WORLD BANK WATER AND SANITATION PRO;RAM as determined by field estlmates. The allocation m3 in the 1970s and 5,200 m3 in recent years, system provides an incentive for efficiency since with steadily increasing yields (figure 5.2 L). farmers must sustain their farms on the allo- Efficiency has been increased by use of cated volume. Wasteful practices may cause pressure methods, sprinkle and drip irrigation, farmers to reduce their irrigated areas or pay water-saving devices, and computer-cont-olled penalties for overconsumption. systems. Gravity irrigation had been completely Charges for irrigation water are based on a replaced by sprinkler and drip irrigation. At progressive block rate structure. In July 1990, for present about 90 percent of total irrigated area is example, water charges were as follows [Tahal watered by sprinklers and the rest by drip Consulting Engineers 1991]: 80 percent of the methods. Efficiencies of 80 percent or more have allocated volume was charged at $0.125/m3, the been obtained in most areas under sprinkle and remaining 20 percent was charged at $0.20/m3, drip irrigation. For example, drip irrigation has and consumption above the allocated limit was produced higher crop yields with lower water charged at $0.26/m3. Seasonal pricing is also consumption rates on a 700-hectare banar a field practiced. During peak months Uuly-August), a [Tahal Consulting Engineers 1991] (table 5.23). 40-percent premium is charged because the energy required per unit of water supplied CONCLUSIONS increases due to greater hydraulic losses in overloaded pipelines. The adopted policy to encourage efficient use of Metering. To keep effective control of the water in the irrigation sector is based on: (i) resource, the Law of Water Metering was annual water allocation on the basis of efficient introduced in 1955. Under this law, "no one will norms determined by field estimates; (ii) imple- produce, supply, or consume water without mentation of an increasing water rate structure; being measured." (iii) introduction of water metering; (iv) suibsi- Research and Development. The govern- dized financing for investments in more effi- ment, through the Irrigation Efficiency Unit, cient irrigation equipment and water app]ica- under the Efficient Water Utilization Division of tion control devices; and (v) undertaking of the Water Commission, supports research for research and development programs and development of water-saving devices and extension services. The results have been a systems, including automatic control systems, steady decline on the average water application aiming at reducing consumption of water per rate per hectare and a notable increase in irriga- unit of crop area and per unit of crop yield. The tion efficiency. Between 1951 and 1985, water Irrigation Efficiency Unit also promotes pilot application rate fell from 8,200 m3/ha to 5 200 projects and sets up large-scale demonstration m3/ha [Arlosoroff 1985], a 36 percent redt ction. farms and projects. Irrigation water use in this period increased by Extension Service. To introduce proven 200 percent, whereas the area under irrigation technologies, a special agency, the Irrigation increased by 380 percent. and Soil Field Service, now a unit under the Ministry of Agriculture Extension Service, was 5.3.3 Economics of Irrigation established in the 1950s to deal exclusively with Canal Lining, Bihar extension services. Soft Loans. The government makes loans at SUMMARY attractive interest rates to water users for install- ing more efficient irrigation equipment and The Auranga Main Canal in Bihar, in nort7ieast- water application control devices. In addition, ern India, extends 135 miles and has a full the market prices of these devices have been supply capacity of 1,840 m3/sec at its heac, reduced. tapering to 337 m3/sec at the end. Central government guidelines were to line main canals IMPACTS up to the point where they carried 1,000 nr.3/sec, whereas the project authorities were planning to The major contributors to the incrwase in area line it up to 550 m3/sec, an additional 20 nmiles. under irrigation have been the increase in Sinha and Bhatia (1982) examined the economic irrigation efficiency and the decrease in water case for lining different lengths of the canal. application rate per hectare (figure 5.20) from The five options examined were (i) leax ing some 8,000 m3 in the mid-1950s to about 6,000 the canal unlined, (ii) lining up to 64 miles, (iii) Currents 77 Table 5.23: Improved efficiency in a 700 ha banana area under drip irrigation Drip Irrigation Annual Water Yields Consumption Year Percent m3/ha t/halyear m31t 1972 0.0 50,000 30.5 1,640 1973 8.3 47,000 26.9 1,750 1974 14.1 42,740 24.2 1,770 1975 20.7 45,580 39.1 1,170 1976 35.6 39,000 42.4 920 1977 48.3 40,700 36.1 1,130 1978 61.3 38,300 41.7 920 1979 77.8 37,170 44.2 840 1980 75.8 32,030 40.2 800 1981 80.6 28,540 40.9 700 lining up to 84 miles, (iv) lining up to 122 miles, analyzed project is the Subernarekha Multipur- and (v) lining the full length of 135 miles. The pose Project, which is planned for irrigation of cost of lining was expressed in social cost terms, 160,00 ha in Bihar, 90,000 ha in Orisa, and 5,000 taking shadow prices for unskilled and semi- ha in West Bengal. skiled labor and deducting taxes and transfer payments. POTENTIAL MEASURES The benefits of lining were less land required for construction; lower conveyance losses from In this situation, improvement in irrigation seepage and evaporation, releasing more water efficiency could be effected mainly through for domestic, industrial, or irrigation use; lower lining of the canals in different subsystems and maintenance costs; less danger of breaches; less better water management practices such as on- risk of passing excessive discharges; reduced farm development works (levelling and con- water-logging in adjacent land; and increased touring of the fields); additional infrastructure; operational efficiency. and enforcing scheduling. The first three items were figured into the cost-benefit analysis, and the remainder were LIKELY IMPACTrS treated as intangible benefits. Discounted at 10 percent over 25 years, all the lining options This section presents a cost-benefit analysis for show handsome rates of return against the each one of the improvement measures outlined unlined option. The net present value is maxi- above. The estimated capital costs of these mized when the canal is fully lined, giving a improvements are shown in table 5.24. The benefit-cost ratio of 5.2. Table 5.24: Cost of irrigation improvements CONCLUSION Cost Measure Rs mln Lining the full length of a main irrigation canal Additional cost of lining was found to be economically justified. The Main canal, branches, distributors distribution of benefits was equitable since the and minors 673.4 less influential farmers at the end of the system Water courses 860.0 tended to suffer from irregular supplies. Leak- Field channels 2,468.6 age along a conveyor is sometimes necessary to Better water management practices replenish an aquifer, a possible concern to small On-farm development works farmers, but in this particular case the repaired Land leveling and shaping 105.4 leakage had caused water-logging, and its Field channels (unlined) 63.4 reduction counted as a benefit. Infrastructure improvement 5.3.3 Economics of Improving Irrigation Communication 50.0 Efficiency, Bihar, India 3s1 Agrimet station 2.0 Control and regulation structures 50.0 This case study illustrates the economic aspects Total 4,297.8 of conservation in the irrigation sector. The 78 UNDP-WORLD BANK WATER AND SANITAnON PROGRZAM additional capital outlay qf Rs 4,298 million may save an additional 5 percent of irrigation annualized at 12 percent opportunity cost of water at 24 percent of the cost of marginal capital (with 50 years of economic life) is Rs 518 water. million. Adding to this operation and mainte- nance costs estimated at Rs 50 per hectare gives 5.4 Managing Municipal Water Supply a total annual cost of Rs 526 million. Systems The benefits derived from improvements in terms of increased irrigation efficiency are 5.4.1 Unaccounted-for Water Program in shown in table 5.25. In terms of volume of Bangkok, Thailand36 saved water, the benefits are as follows (table 5.26): The Metropolitan Waterworks Authority * By lining the canal system down to mi- (MWA), an agency under Thailand's Ministry of nors, the saving in water is about 234 MCM. Interior, is responsible for the water supply of * By lining of water courses the saving in Bangkok and environs. The MWA is in charge water is about 29 MCM. of the production, supply, distribution, and sale * By lining of field channels, the saving is of water to the service area, which includes 34 MCM. metropolitan Bangkok and the neighboring * By improvement in field application provinces of Nonthaburi and Samut Prakan. through scheduling and rotational water sup- The service area covers 475 square kilometers. ply, the saving in water could amount to 91 As of 1986, the production capacity of the water MCM. This will be possible only with the supply system was 911 MCM of treated water, construction of field channels, additional con- which provided service to 67 percent of the trol and regulating structures, and better man- population in MWA's service area (4.8 million). agement. Table 5.27 compares the four conservation ADOPTED MEASURES options in terms of total capital cost per cubic meter of water saved. Table 5.28, in turn, com- In 1983, the MWA updated its projections of pares the improvement measures in terms of water demand made in the 1970 Master Plan. their annualized cost per cubic meter of water The new estimates showed that demand would saved, including both capital, operation and increase by 4.6 percent per annum, a very high maintenance costs. All options with the excep- growth rate. MWA decided to curb the rate of tion of lining of field channels have a unit cost demand growth through a water conservation below marginal cost of water supply, e.g. Rp. program. The program contemplated the 3.5/m3. If all options are implemented, the following measures: increasing tariff on coII- average cost of saving water would be equal to sumers with high demand; a public information Rs 1.42/m3. If field channels are not lined, the campaign to promote conservation; and a average cost of conservation would be equal to program to reduce UFW. Rs 0.73/m3. Available data show that before the imple- mentation of programs to reduce UFW, the CONCLUSIONS MWA's level of UFW had increased steadily, reaching 56 percent in 1973. Between 1974 and Water economy measures should be subjected 1980, efforts were made to reduce the level of to cost-benefit analyses to determine whether or UFW, but without great success. The UFW level not it makes sense to devote scarce resources to was reduced by 1 percent per year and reached save all possible water. Conservation measures 49% of total production in 1980. This level was should be adopted when the associated cost is so excessive that MWA could no longer dis re- below the cost of producing and transporting an gard the problem of UFW, especially when the additional unit of water. In the case of the public utility realized that any increase in the Subernarekha Multipurpose Projects, lining the system's production and delivery capacity conveyance system may save 13 percent of would incur higher investment and operating irrigation water at a relative low Lost, e.g. 10 costs. Thus, the increasing cost of water supply percent of marginal cost of water. Improve- marked the beginning of the implementation of ments in system performance, e.g., additional water conservation programs by the MWA that control/regulating structures, strengthening would minimize water losses. In 1983, it was communication systems, enforcing schedules, estimated that the major components of UFW in Currents 79 Table 5.25: Efficiency of the current irrigation system, Bihar Kharif Rabi and Hot Weather Lined Unlined Lined Unlined Subsystem l: Conveyance from head to end of minor 85.0 77.0 83.0 75.0 Operational 94.0 91.0 92.0 90.0 Conveyance efficiency 80.0 70.0 76.5 67.!5 Subsystem II: Channel water course 97.0 94.0 95.0 92.0 Field channel 93.0 90.0 92.0 87.0 Channel losses 90.0 85.0 87.5 80.0 Subsystem Ill: Field application Without scheduling 85.0 85.0 75.0 75.0) With scheduling 95.0 95.0 83.5 83.5 Overall efficiency Without scheduling 61.2 50.4 50.2 40.' With scheduling 68.5 56.3 55.9 45.- Table 5.26: Water savings by conservation measures, Bihar Water Percent Percent Subsystem saved in MCM of water use of saving Lining conveyance system down to minors 234.1 12.9 60.4 Lining of water courses 29.3 1.6 7.6 Lining of field channels 33.5 1.8 8.6 Improvement in system performance 90.7 5.0 23.4 Total 387.6 21.3 100.0 Table 5.27: Capital outlay on conservation measures Capital outlay Saving Cost Conservation measures Rs mln in MCM Rs/m3 Lining conveyance system down to minors 673.4 234.1 2.9 Lining of water courses 860.0 29.3 29.4 Lining of field channels 2,468.6 33.5 73.7 Improvements in system performance 295.8 90.7 3.3 Table 5.28: Discounted cost of saved water Annual cost Capital O & M Total Water saved Water cost Conservation measures Rs min MCM Rs/rr,3 Lining of conveyance system 81.1 (4.25) 77.8 234.1 0.33 Lining of water courses 103.0 (1.70) 101.9 29.3 3.48 Lining of field channels 297.3 (2.55) 294.7 33.5 8.80 Improvement in system performance 35.6 42.50 77.1 90.7 0.85 Total 517.5 34.00 551.5 387.6 1.42 Bangkok were as follows: leakage, 32-42 per- efficiency, tracing illegal connections, and cent; public use, 1-2 percent; illegal use, 2-5 improving distribution system operation and percent; and metering losses, 2-6 percent. control. In addition to leak detection ar I control programs, the utility adopted meter replace- IMPACTS ment, pipe replacement, establishment of a Water Loss Reduction Office to carry out sys- The MWA was able to reduce UFW at a rate of tematic leakage detection, improved metering two percentage points per year, from 45 percent 80 UNDP-WORLD BANK WATER AND SANITATION PROC.RAM in 1983 to only 34 percent i 1988. The efforts of the level of coverage in the urban centers out- MWA to reduce UFW took into consideration side the capital reached only 15 percent. In the range of UFW beyond which the cost to rural areas, the situation was even more serious. reduce UFW is not worth the expected benefits. Most of the rural population relied on weils, An extensive study carried out in Bangkok by while others were supplied with water from Camp Dresser & McKee, Inc. in conjunction boreholes. The government, in its efforts to with Metropolitan Engineering Consultants, reduce the disparity in living conditions be- Ltd. estimated that UFW could be reduced to 30 tween urban and rural areas, assigned high percent in an economic way (leakage 24 percent, priority to the water supply sector. As part of metering losses 2 percent, illegal use 3 percent the 12-year water development program 1974- and public use 1 percent). 85, the government undertook a redefinition of The total change in benefits from adopting the institutional responsibilities for the sector this policy is the product of the total saved including among other things the transfer of the water times the marginal cost of supply. In this operation and maintenance of the system from case, it was assumed that as a result of this the electricity corporation to a private company, policy leaks were reduced by 12 percent over Societe de Distribution d'Eau de la C6te d'Ivoire the six-year period 1983-1988. Total water (SODECI). savings were 110 MCM. The average incremen- tal cost of producing water, based on 1975 ADOPTED MEASURES projections and 1975 prices, varied between $0.15/m3 (B 3.00/m3) and $0.20/m3 (B 4.00/m3) In the past 25 years the urban water sector in [Saunders 1976]. Average annual benefits C6te d'Ivoire has been operated by a privaIte amounted to $5.6 million in 1987 prices (B 145 company, SODECI, under concessions and lease million). To estimate the change in costs, it was contracts. SODECI was established in 1960 as a assumed that the utility invested about $13.6 (B subsidiary of the Societe d'Amenagement 350) per connection as capital cost. In addition, a Urbain et Rural (SAUR), a large French water 10-year lifetime was assumed for the repair utility, to operate the water supply system of works. Consequently, at 10 percent annual Abidjan under a concession contract. Subse- discounted rate, the change in costs reached quently, the majority of the equity was acquired $1.36 million (B 35 million). Thus, the adopted by Ivorian shareholders and the shares are policy was economically justified since the net traded on the Abidjan stock exchange. cost savings for the utility were $4.2 million (B In 1974 SODECI's contract was extended to 110 million) per year. include three new elements: a lease contract for the operation and maintenance of all urban and CONCLUSIONS rural water supply outside the capital; a conces- sion contract for Abidjan including investment This case shows that water utilities can cope in boreholes as well as the operation and -nain- with growing demands and capital shortages by tenance of the system; and a maintenance other actions besides establishing economic contract for Abidjan's sewerage and drairage. incentives. Reduction of unaccounted-for water The Water Directorate of the Ministry of I'ublic offers, in most of the cases, substantial savings Works and Transportation was responsible for for the utility. planning and investment, without consulting SODECI. SODECI collected the approvec tariff 5.4.2 Privatization as an Impetusfor from consumers, subtracted its due fees, and Conservation in Cote d'Ivoire37 transferred the remainder to the two public funds in the water and sanitation sector. During the early 1970s, most of the urban centers of the Cote d'Ivoire enjoyed piped water IMPACTS supply. Systems were generally well equipped and maintained, but the population growth in For some years this arrangement performed connection with the rapid urbanization strained well in important respects. By 1989, 72 percent the capacity of the infrastructure. The results of the urban population had access to safe were that by 1975 only 50 percent of the popula- water, compared to 30 percent in 1974. About tion in Abidjan had access to piped water, while 80 percent of the rural population was served by Currents 81 water points equipped with handpumps, as industries began to recycle water-a desirable compared to 10 percent in 1974. There was a result provided it was not taken to uneconomic high level of operating efficiency in urban areas, lengths-and used cheaper private sources. with unaccounted-for water only 12 percent and In the context of conservation, Ivorian experi- the collection rate for private consumers 98 ence shows that privatization can be a good percent. Urban tariffs were high, especially on opportunity for raising urban and industrial industrial users, to subsidize the rural pro- water tariffs, reducing unaccounted-for water, grams. They were almost certainly above the and maximizing revenue collections. In this level of long-term marginal costs, and subse- case urban tariff increases were carried to quent changes have been in a downward direc- unacceptable lengths because of the need to tion. Demand was depressed and revenues fell cross-subsidize rural from urban consumers. I I~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ CHAPTER 6 IMPROVED WATER ALLOCATION 6.1 Reallocation Among Different Sectors among users about allocation arrangements. The NCWCD included areas of very different 6.1.1 Development of Water Markets in water supplies; some areas had senior rights to Colorado, USA3" large, reliable supplies, while others had inad- equate and unreliable access to water. In public The Colorado-Big Thompson Project (CBT) meetings people rejected a mandatory and transfers water from the western slopes of the uniform assignment of water and preferred to Rocky Mountains to northeastern Colorado, choose whether or not to subscribe to the new where it is distributed by the Northern Colorado source. As a result, in 1957 an allotment was Water Conservation District (NCWCD). Since defined as a freely transferable contract between 1957, the CBT has provided an average of district and holder, subject to demonstration of 230,000 acre-feet, or 17 percent of the region's beneficial use within the district boundary. The total water supply. Although CBT water is used CBT supply was evenly divided between the mainly for supplemental irrigation, it is also fixed number of allotments, with water alloca- used as a fresh-water supply by urban and tion based on the proportional system. Propor- nonagricultural industrial consumers. The water tional rights systems are more efficient where markets that have evolved are unusually effi- user demand functions and risk avoidance are cient and can serve as models for study by other similar. They also mean homogeneous allot- systems. ments, which help market creation. The NCWCD was formed in 1934 to represent The NCWCD decides annually how much of regional water interests and proved helpful in the potential maximum water available will be negotiating the passage of the CBT scheme, requested from the Bureau of Reclamation, and which turned out to be difficult and costly. A this request sets the size of a single allotment. contract was agreed to in 1983 between the Buyers and sellers of allotments must have their NCWCD and the Bureau of Reclamation govern- proposal examined by a field crew to verify ing the allocation of costs, repayment, and beneficial use, and this increases transaction quantities to be supplies. Two features were costs. Brooking services have risen. important to the subsequent evolution of water Since the mid-1960s, urban and industrial markets. First, the NCWCD owned all return growth on the eastern flanks of the Rockies have flows of water under the scheme and thus been rapid. Most of the water needed by these avoided any legal claims against the return flows new users has been provided by the transfer of and relieved buyers and sellers from po$sible NCWCD allotments from agriculture. In 1957, legal damages. This provision was possible irrigators started with 85 percent of the allot- because all CBT water was new to the receiving ments, whereas by 1982 their share had fallen to basin. Second, the usual Bureau of Reclamation 64 percent (though this exaggerates the shift, limits on the size of farms allowed to benefit since cities tend to acquire more allotments than from federal water did not apply, and this also they are likely to need and rent back the surplus promoted free transfer of water between users. to farmers). Average allotment prices increased by a compound annual rate of 19 percent be- ADOPTED MEASURES tween 1960-73, and by 33 percent between 1973- 80. Prices then fell back as a rival source of When the scheme was about to cc me on-stream water became available. in the mid-1950s, there was vigorous discussion A refinement of the market for allotments has 84 UNDP-WORLD BANK WATER AND SANITATION PROGRAM been that for rentals (transfers of water for only total supply, but it is widely held throughout one season). These rentals are usually arranged the area. Since its transaction costs are the directly between buyer and seller, but are also lowest, it represents the easily tradeable margin often advertised and occasionally auctioned. and plays a disproportionate role in ensuring Around 30 percent of all CBT water is rented, the efficient use of all water. The fact that other largely from towns by farmers. Rentals have sources are effectively nontransferable or trans- shown little or no real increase in value since ferable only at high cost is less important where the 1960s because they are uncertain and less the tradeable margin is widely held. reliable, and the water is more likely to be * Return-flow externalities were nol at issue applied to low-value, low-cost crops. Another in this case, since the district owned return reason is the strong moral pressure that the flows. Apart from the legal position, the net district exerts on renters not to profiteer at the third-party effects of the sale and rental of expense of farmers. allotments are likely to be positive. Since the CBT water delivered through NCWCD initial transfer is likely to be from a less produc- auspices is in allotments that are uniform, easily tive area to a more productive one, gains to transferred, and reliable. These factors favor the users downstream from buyers are likely to creation of markets compared, for example, to exceed losses from users downstream from individually owned water rights established sellers. Moreover, many of the return-flow under state law. The implicit cost of holding an effects will accrue to parties much further allotment is $174 per acre-foot of water, whereas downstream, who would be unaffected by its marginal value in agriculture is only $32 transfers of water within the same district. according to one estimate. The implication is As a generalization: "...allocative efficiency that farmers are holding water allotments in the requires evaluation of third party effects, and expectation of price increases. market efficiency in particular requires the establishment of property rights in return IMPACTS flows ... these property rights must be quantifi- able in value and enforceable by law. The efficiency of the CBT-NCWCD water [Ideally,] ... return flow externalities ... arc best market arrangements has been assessed: "...the treated by identifying and quantifying he NCWCD system is more efficient than the externalities, facilitating compensation to typical Bureau of Reclamation contractual damaged parties, and allowing the buyer to sell arrangements, which tie water perpetually to return flows. "[Howe et al. 19861 the same land and, in many cases, to the same * The development of the market for allot- uses .... Inflexibility in patterns of water use like ments was supported by a majority of users those found in central Arizona and the Central from the outset. Valley of California either stifle further eco- * Making more efficient use of existing nomic development or require enormously supplies avoids the costs of developing new expensive new water projects to supply water supply sources, including compensating the for growth. The Central Arizona Project and the basins of origin, and avoids the increas ngly California State Water Project are two of the high cost of conflict resolution in western water most expensive projects every undertaken issues. anywhere in the world. The well-known study of the role of water in affecting the growth of CONCLUSIONS the Arizona economy ... showed decisively that an efficient transfer of relatively small amounts Water markets in the western United S:ates of water out of low value agriculture to the function well in allocating water to higher-value newly-emerging urban and industrial uses was uses in agriculture and between agriculture and adequate to maintain rapid state growth with- urban and industrial sectors. The process is out the Central Arizona Project. In a water efficient and, at least between the parties to the market system, such transfers take place." transaction, equitable since sellers are compen- [Howe et al. 19861. sated at market prices. Whether a transaction The success of water markets as an alloca- that is efficient in private terms (net benefits tion device can be attributed to these factors: after transaction costs) is socially optimal * CBT water accounts for only 17 percent of depends critically on whether third-party and Currents 85 Table 6.1: Cost per acre-foot for proposed water projects Projected yield Unit cost Altematives maf 1981 $/acre-foot State Water Project (SWP) Cottonwood Creek 0.07 310 Thomes-Newville 0.08 355 Los Vaqueros 0.10 435 Los Bafnos Grandes 0.05 440 Federal Central Valley Project Enlarge Shasta Dam NA 85 Surplus water 1.0 NA Demand management Through pricing at SWP rates 0.30-0.45 NA Through pricing at SWP incremental cost 0.49-0.73 NA During droughts 0.50 NA Colorado River Contracts-Imperial Spill-interceptor canals 0.03 199 Tailwater recovery 0.20 210 Lining main canal 0.10 253 Lining All-American Canal 0.07 300 environmental effects are internalized. ing aqueducts Any of these schemes would comfortably 6.1.2 Exchange of Water Rights in bridge the projected supply deficit. The four California, USA39 options were compared according to the amount of water made available and their Since early in this century Los Angeles has respective costs per acre-foot (table 6.1). The engaged in long-term planning to secure water "cost" of the demand management option was supplies. Despite a succession of major invest- not considered, on the assumption that the loss ment projects, notably the Los Angeles Aque- of consumers' surplus is less than the savings in duct from Owens Valley, the Colorado River the resource cost of supplying that increment. Aqueduct, and the California Aqueduct, by the Among the other options, the enhancement of early 1980s the Metropolitan Water District the SWP is the most expensive. A deal with the (MWD) projected a supply deficit by 2000. This FCWP would be cheaper but would have to deficit was expected to arise in part from contin- recognize prior rights of farmers using federal ued population growth and also because the water. city could not count on a constant volume of Conservation in the HID eventually became water. Available supply, estimated to be 3.47 the favored option. It had considerable scope. million acre-feet (maf) per year, would fall About one third of water delivered to the 140,000 acre-feet short of projected demand in scheme from the Colorado was being lost to an average year. productive use. The irrigated area was large (450,000 ac), there was an extensive, complex ADOPTED MEASURES network of canals, drains, gates, spillways, etc., and the main feeder (the All-American Canal) The MWD examined various options for coping was earth-lined. Given the low price paid for with the deficit, in particular: (i) enhancing the water ($9 per acre-foot), farmers had little State Water Project (SWP) by constructing inLentive to conserve it: seepage and spillage reservoirs in central California; (ii) enlarging the were widespread. Shasta Dam on the Federal Central Valley The unit cost of three of the four schemes for Project (FCVP); (iii) demand management water conservation in the Imperial project through increasing the price of water; and (iv) compared favorably with the other supply- water conservation in the Imperial irrigation based options, and the fourth (lining the All- District (IID) with the savings pumped along American Canal) was close to the cost of the the Colorado River Aqueduct. The first two Shasta Dam option. The cost of the Imperial schemes would pump water south along exist- conservation schemes includes an allowance for 86 UNDP-WORLD BANK WATERAND SANITATION P]OGRAM a small loss of energy potential in the Parker 6.1.3 Water Banking in California, USA40 Dam and at hydroelectric units on the All- American Canal, and the more substantial costs From 1987 through 1991, California experienced of pumping the water to the MWD. The largest a critical drought during which annual run-off item, however, is salinity cost, owing to the barely reached 50 percent of normal. In early higher salinity of water supplied from the 1991, storage in several reservoirs fell to 60 Imperial scheme compared to other sources percent of average. Some urban areas suffered available to the MWD. Salinity costs would fall 50-percent shortages of water. on the fabric of the water system and on user appliances. ADoPTED MEASURES IMPACTS To cope with the drought, the governor directed the Department of Water Resources (DWR) to MWD agreed with the IID to provide $10 establish the Drought Water Bank to allow and million annually toward conservation invest- facilitate water transfers. The interconnected ments in the IID in return for 100,000 acre-feet "plumbing" system of California, formed by of water. Among other reasons, apart from cost, aqueducts and reservoirs of the State Water this option was selected because: Project (SWP) and the Central Valley Project * Demand management through price (CVP), made possible the sharing and exchang- increases would have provoked public resis- ing of water. Through the Water Bank, the state tance and would have triggered similar sup- was able to allocate water for critical u-ban and porting action by 27 member agencies of the agricultural needs, fish and wildlife, and 1992 MWD. Marginal-cost pricing would have given carryover storage. The purpose of the Drought MWD a revenue bonanza that would have Water Bank was to establish a centralized violated its revenue constraint. account for total sales and purchases o; water. * The legal situation was more favorable to The DWR was responsible for negotiating and this option than others. IID holds the water coordinating all transfers. rights, but in the Federal project the Bureau of Reclamation owns the water, and there are IMACIS various obstacles to be overcome in using it for nonfarm purposes [Veux 19911. Other parties From January through June 1991 [Kennedy with prior legal rights to any water saved were 19911, farmers sold approximately 925 MCM on prepared to waive their rights in favor of the a voluntary basis. There were 340 separate MWD. California had already taken steps to purchase contracts. The total volume represents permit water agencies to sell, exchange, or about 11 percent of municipal and industrial transfer surplus water, and to define conserva- demand of California under normal circum- tion and transfer as "beneficial use," a basic stances. The water supplied to the Bank came tenet of appropriative water rights doctrine. from these sources: * IID needed little persuasion to enter into * Reduced consumption by follow ing the deal because it was under pressure to farmlands (53 percent);41 reduce the environmental harm caused by its * Pumped groundwater (28 percent);42 and high volume of wastewater. * Releases of water in excess of their re- * The economic benefit of the water transfer quirements from local reservoirs (19 percent). was overwhelmingly clear to the parties in- The offered price was sufficient to compen- volved. The ID did not feel threatened by the sate rice, corn, and tomato farmers for all fixed transaction. No farmers served were to get less costs including investment in land and income water (unlike the bitter fight over the Owens forgone. For example, a rice grower was offered Valley water earlier in the century). But it was $925 for every hectare not planted, 25 percent evident that the value of water saved would be more than the benefit he or she could get other- much greater to the MWD than to expand wise. Each hectare of rice requires about 9,100 irrigation: the economic benefit ol irrigation m3 of water per year, so the farmer was paid the water was estimated to be $35 per acre-foot in equivalent of $0.10/m3 of water that some get Imperial Valley land, far less than the cost of free of charge. alternative supplies to the MWD. By June 1991, almost half (500 MCM) of the Currents 87 Table 6.2: Total water cost Purpose Water bank Variable Total Service area $,tOOO in3 South Bay Urban 142 14 156 San Joaquin Valley Agriculture 142 8 150 Southern Califomia Urban 142 53 195 water was sold at an average price of $0.14/m3, annual and perennial pasture. Historically, and the remaining supply stayed in the Water Victoria has sought to promote settlement by Bank as water stored for future allocation. There small family farms. Water was made available were in total 10 purchasers from the Bank. to irrigators, based on the amount of land held, About 80 percent of the water sold was used to at the cost of operating and maintaining the satisfy critical urban needs, and 20 percent went system. Water is also allocated to individuals to satisfy critical agricultural needs. The irriga- through a system of water rights, licenses, and tion agencies used the Water Bank's supply only permits. Private diverters account for 10 percent to maintain permanent trees and vine crops of irrigation water and pay $A 0.003-0.004/m3 with high capital investments. ($0.0023-0.003/m3) to cover direct and adminis- The difference between the price paid by the trative costs of supply. In contrast to farms in Water Bank and the sale price ($0.04/m3) cov- public irrigation districts, private diversions ered all administrative costs of the program and serve more market gardens, orchards, and vines. compensated operational losses due to the Victoria's water economy has now matured water transfers. Those who purchased water to the point where many of the low-cost dam from the Water Bank incurred mostly one sites have been developed and consumption additional variable cost, the pumping power, matches availability on most streams. The since the necessary infrastructure for delivery of completion of the Dartmouth Dam gives supply the water was already in place. Table 6.2 shows security to the whole region, making a further water costs to three service areas of the SWP. 35 MCM available for private use. The Depart- Despite its benefits, the Water Bank has ment of Water Resources has decided to allocate sometimes had a negative impact, especially to this water in ways that maximize the econornic third parties. The drought-related transfers, for return to the state, ensure equity between which expedited approval procedures have irrigators, and recover a portion of capital costs. been established, do not take economic and environmental externalities into account. ADOPTED MEASURES CONCLUSIONS Victoria has established a water auction to allocate new irrigation water. The auction was This case shows that the Drought Water Bank limited to private irrigation diverters, and they was in general a success. The state was able to were required to bid for a 15-year license on the supply 11 percent of its normal delivery to basis of their willingness to pay for one thou- urban users. This experience also illustrates that sand cubic meters of water. Provided the re- water transfers and exchanges are playing an serve price was reached, the highest bidder important role in California's water manage- could have an unlimited amount of water up to ment. They allow more efficient use of existing 10 percent of the volume available. Any water water storage and conveyance facilities. not taken up was available to other bidders at the same price. A reserve price of $A 0.10/m3 6.2 Reallocation within the Same Sectors ($0.076/m3) was set, notionally equal to the financial value of water in growing lucerne. 6.2.1 Water Auctions in Victoria, Australia43 This price is considered to be below the true value of water to many farmers. Three quarters of the water harv st of Australia's Victoria state is distributed through public IMPACTS irrigation systems to 10 irrigation districts. In 1986, 2.5 BCM of irrigation water were provided Six auctions offered a total of 31 MCM of water to 18,000 farms. Over 80 percent is used for were for sale. About 23 MCM were disposed of 88 UNDP-WORLD BANK WATER AND SANITATION PROGRAM Table 6.3: Results of the water auctions in Victoria, Australia Volume offered Volume sold Median price Average price River '000 in '000 m3 $A/mn3 $A/rP Loddon 2,000 2,000 0.239 0.330 Goulburn 10,100 10,100 0.175 0.158 Broken 10,000 5,100 0.107 0.105 King 2,400 569 0.102 0.105 Goulburn-Broken 4,885 4,611 0.106 0.100 King-Ovens-Buffalo 1,800 588 0.103 0.100 Source: Benjamin Simon and David Anderson, 'Water Auctions as an Allocation Mechanism in Victoria, Australia." through the auction, most at the reserve price. 6.2.2 Groundwater Markets, India44l The range of prices and the median price in each case are shown in table 6.3. Fifty of the 200 In several parts of India, the green revolution successful bidders were new irrigators, and half (based on high yielding varieties of seeds and of these bought 20,000 m3 or less. fertilizers) is largely attributed to the large The higher prices were paid for smaller expansion in area under assured irrigation from quantities of water, and lower prices for larger modern groundwater lifts, the number of which amounts. Those who paid high prices for small has increased from 0.4 million in 1961 to 6.7 volumes tended to be involved in high-value million in 1982. In several states, especially crops such as vines. Some water remained Punjab, Uttar Pradesh, and Haryana, ground- unsold in the later auctions, implying that the water has become the major source of water for market clearing level was below the reserve irrigation. According to the latest official esti- price. Differences in the bid prices reflect differ- mates, the net area irrigated by tubewel Is ences in rainfall in the various basins, differing accounts for 61 percent, 57 percent and -18 opportunities to grow higher-value crops, and percent, respectively (table 6.4). Furthermore, variations in the extent to which farmers had these three states together account for 7 5 per- already invested in land levelling and other cent of the total area irrigated by tubewells in preparatory work. India. One of the aims of the auction-to allocate The widespread diffusion of groundwater water to its highest-value uses-was not met. lifts has produced sizeable growth of ground- "The bulk of water purchased in all of the water markets in several areas. Agroeccnomic auctions appears to be destined for low-value surveys indicate that in many areas a large uses such as pasture production [Simon and number of farmers, especially marginal and Anderson 1990]." The reason is that most small farmers, depend on purchased groundwa- existing irrigated land is used for pasture, and ter for irrigation. For instance, in Gujareat 40-60 large-scale shifts in production have not oc- percent of total groundwater extracted is sold. curred. In addition, some producers are buying The value of water sold is estimated to be water for drought security. around Rs 3 billion per year [Shah and :Zaju The design of the auction included trade-offs 1988]. In many areas groundwater markets have that prevented it from maximizing bid prices become an important component of the rural and revenues. The staging process and volume economy. Although several studies indicate the limits were intended to protect the smaller size of groundwater markets, analysis if the irrigators and prevent large corporate farmers structure, role, and operation of these nmarkets from taking most of the water. Limiting bids to has received scant attention. Shah's analysis of private diverters meant excluding the much the groundwater markets in selected areas is the larger number of public irrigation district first major effort in this direction. members as well as urban consumers. Both This case study gives a brief review of the these features helped protect small farmers and available evidence on groundwater markets in made the auction more acceptable to affected India. It focuses on the principal aspects of parties. But they also limited its benefits for groundwater markets: their size, structure and public finance and restricted the potential rise in impact, pricing, and implications for efficient prices, which suppressed the incentive to put and equitable development and utilization of the water to higher-value uses. groundwater resources. Currents 89 Table 6.4: Net irrigated area, 1986-1987 Canals Tanks Tubewells Tubewells Other wells Others All '000 ha '000 ha '000 ha Percent '000 ha '000 ha '000 na Bihar 1,106 116 934 7.6 132 669 2,957 Orissaa 853 234 226 1.9 360 - 1,673 West Bengalb 717 263 689 5.6 23 219 1,911 Haryana 1,203 1 1,126 9.2 14 4 2,348 Punjab 1,440 - 2,263 18.5 10 4 3,717 U.P.b 3,356 142 5,768 47.2 565 301 10,132 Andhra Pradesh 1,780 777 193 1.6 690 110 3,550 Karnataka 799 259 75 0.6 449 234 1,816 Tamil Nadu 819 510 120 1.0 890 17 2,356 Gujarata 434 28 321 2.6 1,536 5 2,324 Madhya Pradesh 1,394 198 119 1.0 1,310 324 3,345 Maharashtra 410 281 - 0.0 1,063 127 1,881 Rajasthan 1,205 124 264 2.2 1,790 38 3,421 All India 16,320 2,983 12,211 100.0 8,835 2,700 43,049 a. 1984-85. b. 1985-86. Source: Fertilizer Statistics, 1989-90 SIZE AND STRUCTURE OF GROUNDWATER MARKET mentation of holdings. In order to insure irr: ga- tion, many large farmers install lifts on more The existence of groundwater markets is essen- than one fragment and sell extra water to other tially due to the indivisible nature and high cost farmers. On the other hand, some large farmers of modern electric and diesel groundwater lifts. install a lift only on their largest fragment and Five-horsepower (5 HP) lifts are the most purchase water for other fragments. In fact, common, although smaller lifts are marginally there are many large farmers who are both cheaper. Smaller lifts are suitable only for areas buyers and sellers of groundwater. It is thus with a very high water table. Even in such areas obvious that the purchase of groundwater is. not farmers prefer 5HP or larger lifts to draw the confined to small farmers. Likewise, sale of maximum volume of water during the short water is not confined to medium and large periods when electric power is available. In- farmers. Many small farmers have installed deed, the chronic problem of inadequate, erratic tubewells with the help of official subsidies and supply of electricity accounts for the installation credit. For them selling groundwater is essential of large numbers of oversized lifts. to make their investment economically viable. The minimum farm size for optimal use of a The size of groundwater markets is also 5 HP life is about 4 hectares. The high invest- influenced by the locational pattern of farms ment cost of a 5 HP lift puts it beyond the reach and pattern of ownership of groundwater lifts. of marginal and small farmers, about 73 percent Given the pattern of location of farms, convey- of all farmers in the country. Ownership of ance of water beyond adjoining farms is not groundwater lifts is highly skewed in favor of feasible. Therefore, a lift owner can sell water large farms despite two decades of substantial only to a few adjoining farms. Likewise, those institutional credit and subsidies to marginal not owning lifts can purchase water only fronm and small farmers for installation of groundwa- adjoining farmers who own lifts. The result is ter lifts. that groundwater markets are small and seg- The indivisibility factor also affects holdings mented. This problem has been solved in some of larger size. For instance, if a lift of 5 HP is villages of Gujarat with the help of under- viable for a 4-ha farm in a region, the next ground pipes running across farms [Shah and available size (7.5 HP) is not viable for farms Raju 1988]. This has enabled resourceful farmers between 5 to 7 ha. In order to meet their irriga- to install large tubewells (15-25 HP) and expand tion requirements, these farms either continue the market for groundwater. Many of these to own 5 HP lift and purchase ads 'tional water large tubewells are owned by so-called "water from others or install a bigger lift and sell extra companies" formed by a group of farmers. water to other farmers. Both situations create a These companies are professional enterprises, demand for water markets. The problem of and they keep accounts of their sales, and issue indivisibility is further compounded by frag- receipts to water buyers. 90 UNDP-WORLD BANK WATER AND SANITATION PROGRAM Table 6.5: Groundwater markets in Walidpur village, U.P. Marginal Small Medium Large All Farm size in acres up to 2.5 2.5-5 5.0-10 10+ Farm households in the village 50 13 22 16 101 Households owning tubewells 22 10 22 16 70 Households having joint ownership 22 10 13 4 49 Water sellers 4 3 2 3 12 Average annual income household from water sale per (Rs) 575 883 675 486 667 Water Buyers Households 28 6 4 2 40 Average water charges paid per buyer (Rs) 103 625 1,101 125 283 Percent net irrigated area by purchased water 48 26 25 1 16 Source: Tyagi 1988 Table 6.6: Groundwater markets in Andhra Pradesh and Gujarat Andhra Pradesh Gujara Number of sellers 34 26 Number of buyers 72 11it Average number of buyers per seller 2.6 15.6 Average area of buyer land irrigated per seller (acres) 7.8 43.8 Average hours of tubewell used per buyer 56.0 27.(i Average water charge Rs 3 Rs 25.2 Total investment Rs 7,358 Rs 88,60x Average annual sale of water per seller Rs 1,370 Rs 30,00C Gross value of output per acre Sellers Rs 7,986 Rs 5,42E Buyers Rs 7,302 Rs 2,62C Cost of irrigation as percent of gross value of crop output Sellers 2.4 7.C Buyers 4.7 27.6 Joint or cooperative ownership of groundwa- water is highest (56 percent) among marginal ter lifts restricts groundwater markets. A recent farmers and lowest (12 percent) among large socioeconomic survey of a village in west Uttar farmers. Average annual water charges paid per Pradesh shows that 70 out of 101 farmers in the buyer varied from Rs 103 for marginal farmers village owned tubewells [Tyagi 19881. The to Rs 1,101 for medium farmers. Only 12 percentage of tubewell owners was lowest (44 tubewell owners reported water sales. The percent) among marginal farmers and highest portion of water sellers was highest (33 percent) among medium and large farmers (100 percent). among small farmers. Significantly, the portion The most significant feature is that as many as of water sellers does not show a consistent 44 percent of marginal and 77 percent of small pattern. Further, the total income from sale of farmers owned tubewells, and all of them were water reported was about 25 percent below the joint owners (table 6.5). total water charges paid by water buyers in the One tubewell was jointly owned by eight village. Obviously, a few water sellers did not marginal farmers. It is evident that joint owner- report sales, and others underreported their ship has enabled a large number of marginal income. This is a common practice and, there- and small farmers to get the benefit of assured fore, data collected from water sellers should be irrigation. On the other hand, joint ownership of used with caution. tubewells by sizeable numbers of marginal and Studies of groundwater markets in Andhra small farmers has restricted groundwater sale to Pradesh and in Gujarat [Shah and Raju 1988] 27 farmers not owning tubewells and 13 illustrate the role of various factors mentioned tubewell-owning farmers. As shown in table 6.5, above on the size and pattern of these markets. the portion of farmers reporting purchase of The two villages have comparable groundwater Currents 91 resources and limited alternative irrigation from cent of tubewells were owned by farmers canals. Both have had well-developed ground- cultivating more than 10 acres each. Most (94 water markets for over a decade, but the two percent) of the tubewells were of medium size markets differ considerably. The Andhra (5-10 HP). Average gross area irrigated per Pradesh village has shallow tubewells of 60 feet tubewell varied from 15 acres for 5 HP average depth and investment cost of Rs 7,358 tubewells to 44 acres for tubewells over 20 HP per lift (table 6.6). The low investment cost has in size. Only 1.8 percent of tubewell owners encouraged many small farmers to install reported sales of water. The proportion of tubewells. In contrast, in the Gujarat village water sellers was marginally more (2 percent) only a few prosperous farmers have installed among the small farmers compared with t1he deep tubewells with average depth of 160 feet large farmers. Hours of tubewell service used and investment cost of Rs 88,602 per tubewell, for water sale increased for larger farms, 2(9 13 times greater than in the Andhra Pradesh hours per tubewell for small farmers and 624 village. hours for large farmers. This is mainly due to The impact of the investment cost of the ownership of large size tubewells by la:rge tubewells is reflected in the pattern of tubewell farmers. Average annual income from wate r ownership and the size of groundwater mar- sales was Rs 3,307 among large farmers and Rs kets. In the Andhra village over half the 767 for small farmers. The study shows tha: the tubewells are owned by small farmers, while in groundwater markets in Punjab were very the Gujarat village most of the owners are limited and confined to a few tubewell ownters medium and large farmers. Water buyers in who earned sizeable income from water sales. both are mostly marginal and small farmers. In NABARD (1987, 1988a and 1988b) has carried the Gujarat village all the owners sell water, and out several ex post evaluations of tubewells a few are also buyers of water. The groundwater financed by commercial banks with the hel ? of market in this village is quite large: a network of refinancing facilities from NABARD. Most a underground pipelines constructed by the same these surveys do not provide information about seller partnerships that constructed the wells groundwater markets. A few of these do pro- and pumping systems has allowed tubewell vide some information about water sales br owners to supply large numbers of water tubewell owners. For instance, the study of buyers. An average tubewell owner sells water shallow, diesel-powered tubewells in the to 16 farmers and the average season acre of Purnea district of Bihar [NABARD (1988a)] water sold per seller is about 44. A tubewell during 1981-82 shows that about a third of owner earns a gross revenue of about Rs 30,000 tubewell owners reported sales of water per year from sale of water. In contrast, in the amounting to 45 hours per farmer and anni tal Andhra Pradesh village water sellers serve only income from sales of water of Rs 270 each. E'ach the adjoining farms. Many owners of tubewells owner served two to three farmers. The limited do not sell water for lack of buyers. Therefore, water markets are partly due to the existence of the average number of buyers per seller in this a large number of relatively cheap tubewells village is only 2.6 farmers, and the average area fitted with bamboo pipes, and partly to the of buyer land irrigated per seller is much problem of recovery of water charges. It may be smaller, 7.8 acres versus 43.6 acres in Gujarat. noted that the cost of a bamboo tubewell was Rs Average gross revenue from water sale is much 6,606 compared with Rs 10,400 for the conven- smaller (Rs 1,370) than in the Gujarat village. tional tubewell. Another problem highlighted in A 1979 survey of tubewells in Punjab pro- the study is that the increase in the bamboo vides some useful information on groundwater boring increased income of owners of mobi le markets. The survey covered 49,887 farm hold- diesel pumps. The average cost of bamboo ings spread all over the state. However, the boring was only Rs 720, and the mobile diesel scope of the study was very limited and the pump rented for Rs 9 per hour, compared to Rs report largely consists of a few aggregate tables. 10 per hour for pumping water from a fixec, According to this study about 56 ner cent of diesel-powered pump. farmers owned tubewells (table_. .'). The pro- A study of the Muzzafarnagar District ol portion of farmers owning tubewells varied Uttar Pradesh by NABARD (1987) shows larger from 29 per cent among small farmers to 76 per groundwater markets. About 60 percent of cent among the large farmers. Altogether 61 per tubewell owners reported water sales. The 92 UNDP-WORLD BANK WATER AND SANITATION PF:OGRAM Table 6.7: Pattern of groundwater markets in Punjab, 1979 Farm size in acres Less than 5 5-10 10-20 More than 20 Total Number of sample farm households 13,550 14,990 14,134 7,213 49,887 Percent households owning TW/PS 29 57 69 76 56 Number of lifts owned per owner 1.06 1.16 1.31 1.29 1.31 Percent of lifts involved in water sales Kharif 1.74 2.10 1.42 1.02 1.54 Rabi 2.07 2.10 1.71 1.12 1.78 Total 2.00 2.38 1.71 1.12 1.78 Hours used for water sale per TWN/PS Kharif 106 141 85 233 133 Rabi 103 138 79 391 155 Total 209 279 164 624 288 Annual income from water sale per TWIPS used for water sale Rs 767 Rs 948 Rs 552 Rs 3,307 Rs 1,172 Water charges per hour Rs 3.92 Rs 3.61 Rs 3.69 RS 5.49 Rs 4.33 TW = Electric lift PS = Diesel lift. Sources: Survey of Tubewells and Pumping sets in Punjab, 1979, Economic & Statistical Organization, Punjab 1981. proportion of water sellers among small farmers the costs considered for pricing varies depend- was higher, 76 percent. The study noted the use ing upon the conditions of demand for and of tubewells for running threshers on custom supply of groundwater in the village and the hire. A few of the tubewell owners, mostly electricity tariff prevalent in the area. Most small farmers who invested in threshers to owners of lifts are "marginal" sellers who use improve the economic viability of their invest- only the excess capacity of their lifts for selling ments in tubewells, earned as much as Rs 2,000 water. They try to charge both incremental fixed per year. and operating costs, plus a profit, but many can Given the large variations in farm size and cover only incremental costs and make no fragmentation of holdings and the pattern of profit. In areas with a flat-rate tariff for electric- ownership and investment costs of groundwa- ity, incremental power costs are nil, and lift ter lifts, the size and structure of groundwater owners charge on the basis of fixed costs plus markets vary enormously across regions and profit. Shah has pointed out that in one Gujarat villages within the same region. Much more village (45 km from the village in his study), information is required for a clear understand- canal irrigation greatly reduced the bargaining ing of the groundwater markets in India. power of lift owners and, therefore, many sold water below the average pumping cost. On the OPERATION OF GROUNDWATER MARKET other hand, a few farmers have installed large- capacity lifts mainly to sell water. For these, Important issues relating to the operation of water sale is a profit-making business and they groundwater markets are: (i) prices and related sell at high prices to maximize profits. terms of the contract; (ii) timing and mode of The cost of pumping is, of course, one of payment of water charges; (iii) coverage of the several factors that influence prices. In scme contract (for example, one-time or seasonal areas prices are high because good groundwater watering of a crop or group of crops); and (iv) is scarce. In villages around Delhi, groundwater the relationship between water charges and is scarce and its price is Rs 10 per hour ccrm- timeliness of delivery. Littie is known about the pared with Rs 5 in Haryana villages. Secondly, terms of water contracts, and information about the price of water from diesel-powered lifts is groundwater prices is scarce and cannot always often nearly double that of water from electric be compared between regions. Th-e available lifts. For example, the prices per hour for evidence, however, reveals sevel broad fea- groundwater in Haryana villages around Delhi tures of pricing. are about Rs 10 per hour from diesel-powered First, groundwater prices are generally set on lifts and Rs 5 from electrically operated lifts. cost-plus" basis. However, the composition of NABARD (1987) and other studies show a Currents 93 similar picture of prices of water from diesel- for measuring the monopoly power of water and electric-powered lifts. Higher prices for sellers. A profit-maximizing water seller wil I water from diesel-powered lifts arise primarily sell water at a price "w" such that w = (e/e- L)c, from higher fuel costs. Most areas have a flat- where "e" is the price elasticity of demand for rate electrical tariff, and the incremental cost of water and "c" is the incremental pumping cost. pumping by electric-powered lifts is nil. Monopoly power is expressed by (e/e-1). Water Third, in most areas prices of groundwater prices and pumping costs can be estimated, but are generally the same within a village. How- available data do not permit estimation of puice ever, Shah has found price variation within elasticity of demand for water, especially ac- villages, arising out of variation in pumping cording to segments of groundwater markets. costs and the extent of monopoly power enjoyed Shah has estimated e for the Gujarat village Io by lift owners. In both villages covered in his be around 1.8, but he gives no details of ho' study, average pumping costs decline with this estimate was arrived at. In view of the rising capacity utilization of lifts. In the Andhra complexity of estimating price elasticity, one Pradesh village lift ownership is widely distrib- has to consider simpler measures of monopoly uted among farmers of all size groups, and power. As noted earlier, groundwater markets some of the benefits of higher-capacity lift use are often fragmented into several segments are passed on to buyers in the form of lower within a village. A lift owner might have a prices. Prices per hour vary from Rs 4.53 for lifts monopoly only in his segment. Furthermore, of less than 1,000 hours of annual use to Rs 2.55 monopoly power depends on the number of for lifts having annual use of 3,000 hours or buyers, excess capacity of the seller's lift, and more. In contrast, in Gujarat village lift owner- availability of water from other sellers. Mea- ship is restricted to medium and large farmers, surement of monopoly power in groundwater and buyers do not have the advantage of markets is complex and requires detailed anoly- higher-capacity use of lifts. As a result, water sis of individual segments. prices are high and vary within a narrow range, Rs 24.5 to Rs 26.5 per hour. IMPACTS The study of tubewells in Punjab (mentioned above) does not present details of variations in Groundwater markets play three roles in the water prices across districts but shows only development and utilization of groundwater average prices by farm size. The average water resources. First, they enable marginal and small price per hour in 1979 varied between Rs 3.92 farmers to enjoy the benefit of (capital-inten- for small farmers to Rs 5.49 for large-scale sive) groundwater lifts and thereby help en- farmers. As noted earlier, water sales are largely hance their incomes. Second, groundwater confined to about 2 percent of tubewell owners markets help owners to improve the economic with large, higher-cost lifts. The study does not viability of their lifts by increasing capacity give reasons for the differential water charges utilization. Third, these markets help the society across farm size, but the higher price charged by by minimizing investment in groundwater litts. larger farmers appears to arise from their mo- Although the benefits of groundwater markets nopoly power. are known, they are difficult to quantify. . Fourth, prices of groundwater vary across For owners of lifts, water sales increase the ir regions. Shah's study, noted above, shows large capacity utilization and economic viability. variations in prices between the two villages. Additional income from water sales varies The regional variations in water prices are considerably between villages and among largely explained by the variations in the cost of farmers within a village. Shah's study shows pumping and the supply of groundwater in that an average lift owner in the Andhra village relation to market demand. Available evidence earned about Rs 1,370 per annum. In contrast shows the following pattern: the sale price of the average income from sales of water in the water is higher in areas having deep tubewells. Gujarat village was up to Rs 30,000 per year, Water prices are also higher in areas with a pro enough to repay the original investment in three rata electricity tariff compared tc .hose with a to four years. flat-rate tariff. Water prices also increase in Studies by NABARD (1987, 1988a and areas with fewer groundwater lifts. 1988b) show that income from water sales Shah has constructed a theoretical framework depends upon the power source of the lift 94 UNDP-WORLD BANK WATER AND SANITATION PROC RAM Table 6.8: Details of sample tubewells in Muzaffar Nagar, Uftar Pradesh Electrical tubewells Diesel tubewells Small Other Total Small Other T-otal Number in sample 17 25 42 25 20 45 Average farm size (acres) 5.2 13.4 10.1 5.3 12.6 8.5 Net sown area (percent) 90 69 74 94 70 78 Use of tubewell (hours/year) Own-farm irrigation 462 870 705 539 789 6i48 Water sale 194 106 142 152 68 -115 Thresher power, etc. 196 181 187 10 30 21 Total 852 1157 1034 701 887 '84 Owners reporting sales (percent) 76 40 55 76 50 64 Annual value of sales (Rs) 776 424 568 1216 544 920 O&M cost per hour of operation (Rs/h) 1.7 1.4 1.5 4.5 4.7 4.7 Water charges (Rs/h) 4.0 4.0 4.0 8.0 8.0 8.0 Incremental income (Rs/y) 1908 7055 4971 1659 4302 2835 Incremental employment 224 322 281 265 282 271 (worker-days) Source: NABARD 1987 (diesel or electric) and size of the farm. In value of crops of water buyers compared to only Allahabad owners of diesel-powered lifts 2.5 percent in the Andhra Pradesh village. The earned more than owners of electrically pow- per-acre gross value of output in the Gujarat ered lifts, but the opposite was true in the village was about half that of the Andhra Muzafarnagar district. In both districts, small Pradesh village. Further, in the Gujarat village farmers earned more from water sales than continuous increases in pro rata tariffs raised others. Significantly, in both the districts income water prices considerably and caused a decrease from water sales was about 30 percent of the net in the area under lucrative but labor-intensive incremental farm income resulting from invest- crops. ment in groundwater lifts. On the other hand, The detailed study of tubewells in Punjab NABARD's study of the arid districts of mentioned above does not assess the impact of Haryana shows that only 10 percent of lift tubewell irrigation. The study indicates that sale owners reported sales of water and, that was of groundwater was confined to only 2 percent only on a small scale, around Rs 150 per annum of farmers who earned Rs 1,177 per year per per owner. The study explained that marginal farm from water sales. water sales in this region are the result of appre- The evaluative studies of tubewells by hension of borehole failure from excess draft of NABARD (1987) provide little informationi water from tubewells and erratic electrical about groundwater markets. A few give details supply. about the impact of groundwater irrigation on Shah's study describes the impact of ground- the area irrigated. For instance, the report for water markets on farm incomes and employ- Muzafarnagar in Uttar Pradesh shows that the ment. In the Andhra Pradesh village buyers and impact of groundwater irrigation depended sellers of water had similar crop patterns, input upon the type of irrigation available before use, crop yields, and gross value of output per investment in tubewells. The impact was nigh- acre. The benefit of groundwater irrigation est when tubewell irrigation was provided on increased considerably with the 1982 change to rainfed areas (table 6.8), and electric pumps a flat rate tariff. The reduction in pumping costs produced higher incremental income than caused water sales, area devoted to water- diesel pumps. Per acre incremental income is intensive crops, and demand for hired labor to shown in table 6.9. increase. In the Andhra village the groundwater POLICY IMPLICATIONS market increased the intensity of irrigation. In the Gujarat village, where the cost of groundwa- The growth of groundwater markets has nelped ter was much higher, the cost of purchased large numbers of marginal and small farmers to water contributed about 28 percent of gross share the benefits of capital-intensive ground- Currents 95 Table 6:9. Incremental income generated by SUMMARY electric pump and diesel pump Groundwater is currently used to irrigate 28 Incremental income in Rp/acre million hectares of land in India, and 70-80 Type of shift in imgation A B million ha may be exploitable from this source. Groundwater potential can be developed for the From rain fed to L ' Electric pump 883 1188 benefit of poorer farmers by installing public or Diesel pump 627 707 community tubewells. Alternatively, water markets can be further encouraged to enable the From canal irrigation to efficient disposal of water from existing or Electric pump 631 749 planned private tubewells. About 95 percent of Diesel pump 370 472 the area served by groundwater in India is A = Includes value of both family and hired labor supplied by privately owned modem wells. B = Includes value of hired labor only Well-developed water markets have existed in Gujarat for 70-80 years. Technology has water lifts. In addition, groundwater markets increased the supply of water in excess of the benefit owners by improving the capacity needs of well owners and stimulated growtlh of utilization and economic viability of lifts. water markets. Farmers with fragmented lar,d According to Shah and Raju (1988), groundwa- holdings are often both buyers and sellers oi ter markets "can become powerful water. As much as half the area irrigated by instrument[s] for efficient and equitable modern private wells may be supplied by water groundwater development" because they are purchased through water banks. Farmers on amenable to certain policy interventions, espe- land irrigated by canals often supplement that cially changes in electricity tariffs. He cites the water from their own or other ground sources. example of Gujarat, where the shift from a pro The productivity of water purchased through rata to a progressive, flat-rate tariff caused markets tends to be high, since buyers can g t it groundwater prices to decrease by 25-60 per- when they need it. Buyers are often small, poor cent. However, it may be noted that, given the farmers who purchase small but crucial qua iti- high subsidy on electricity in most states, the ties of water when investment in a modern well cost of power is a very small part of total pump- is not viable or not affordable. There is empi ri- ing costs. Therefore, there is little scope for cal evidence from India, Pakistan, and lowering groundwater prices through adjust- Bangladesh that water obtained from private ment in electricity tariffs. (either owned or purchased) sources is more Another policy option is to encourage invest- productively employed than that from state ment in groundwater lifts by marginal and tubewell schemes. Private supplies are usually small farmers whose land is suitably located to more efficiently run, more reliable, provide water sales to small and marginal unbureaucratic, and offer flexibility of payment. farmers. For these farmers water sales could The degree to which water markets are become an important source of additional developed in specific situations is influenced by income, and their presence in the market could five main factors. help curb the monopoly power of large lift- * Nature of transactions. The most favor- owning farmers and ensure availability of able situation is the widespread use of cash, the groundwater to marginal and small farmers at sale of water per hour of pumping, and the use reasonable prices. of standardized lease contracts. Markets tend to Another important option is to reduce pump- be less developed where in-kind payment ing cost through promotion of energy conserv- predominates and where leases vary greatly in ing measures. Most pumps in India do not meet form. For instance, in one part of Andhra the Indian Specifications (IS) and are low- Pradesh three types of lease contracts exist: i) a efficiency and have high operating costs. The labor contract based on the exchange of labcr sale of pumps not satisfying minimum effi- and draft power for water; (ii) crop sharing; and ciency standards should not be p_rmitted, and (iii) crop and input sharing. As markets de- concessionary financing and/or subsidies velop, the multiplicity of in-kind contracts gives should be available only for pumps that meet way to cash payment. the specifications. * Portion of output sold. Water markets a-e 96 UNDP-WORLD BANK WATER AND SANITATION PROG LAM more highly developed where a relatively high markets. Modern seed and fertilizer technology percentage (typically 40-90 percent) of owners' has spread slowly, land is not, in general, used water is sold. The two features reinforce each intensively, and there is a semi-feudal social other: an active and efficient market induces structure. Power supply is inadequate and sellers to offer more of their water. That in- unreliable. creases the size of the market, and so on. It is evident that the development of water * Homogeneity of operations. Relatively markets in the Indian context is not primarily a uniform cropping patterns, input use, and device for reallocating a given quantum of technology are conducive to efficient markets water from less-efficient to more efficient uses. and, vice versa, where there are large differ- In most cases, the ability to sell water will l esult ences between well owners and others. in more pumping. In some instances, probably * Portion of buyer land irrigated with the minority, well owners may decide that purchased water. The larger the percentage, the selling water is more profitable than using it on better-developed the water markets. their own crops, in which case the process is one * Objectives and motives of well owners. of pure reallocation. But this study does not Markets tend to be more highly developed indicate how common this case is. In the long when owners, in addition to meeting their own term, on a scenario where the potential for irrigation needs, aim to maximize their returns groundwater development is largely taken up, from the sale of water. In certain cases, this the development of water markets will, of return may be the owner's primary concern. In course, result in a more productive use of the Gujarat, selling water is a highly developed resource and, in this sense, reallocation occurs. commercial business, whereas in Punjab farm- However, the growth of groundwater mar- ers are more typically concerned to secure their kets may risk over-exploitation of the resource, own water needs and are less interested in especially in areas of low groundwater potential selling surpluses (A. Bottrall, personal commu- and high utilization. The main thrust of the nication). Underlying these factors are more research is in devising electric power charges general explanations. One is social attitudes that encourage development of water for sale towards the sale of water: in some areas farmers and reduce the monopoly power of well own- have deep misgivings about selling surplus ers. Flat rate tariffs-a uniform monthly rate water. The development of water markets is, in based on pump capacity-would encourage a general, greatest in areas where modern crop greater output and sale of water than one based production methods are widely practiced and on actual consumption of power. A flat rate the full economic potential of irrigated farming system would also discourage oligopolistic is recognized. Other key factors are the extent of behavior and benefit poor water buyers, buit rural electrification and the predominance of could cause inefficient use of power and water. modern wells. The cost of installing modern In peripheral irrigation command areas, the wells is an additional determinant: in some growth of groundwater markets has on occasion areas the cost is so low that virtually every increased the depletion of aquifers that lack any farmer has a well. recharge except rainfall. In such a situation the In Eastern India, there is great scope for encouragement of groundwater irrigation in development of water markets that will benefit core command areas would both improve the poor. Both demand and supply have pro- drainage and release more canal water to r e- duced only limited development of water charge aquifers in the peripheral areas. REFERENCES 1. This study was initiated in response to the need 10. Maximum consumption was fixed at 30 cubic of staff in SODs to document cases where policy meters per month. The surplus was to be used to instruments were successfully used for water de- supply water to people waiting for a connectioni. mand management. 11. It is worth noting that a proper tariff structuire 2. For a discussion of the economic value of water must be designed in accordance with two basic in alternative uses see Young (1986) and Gibbons (1986). economic objectives: (a) to encourage the efficient allocation of limited resources available; and (bi to 3. In the case of irrigation, receipts in may develop- ensure that the low-income population consum-Zs the ing countries were less than 10 percent of the full minimum volume necessary for their basic need s. costs of irrigation services in 1984. In the case of water supply, data from urban water supply projects 12. The incremental cost of a scheme with capa city to initiated between 1966 and 1981 shaw that the satisfy 45 rn3 per household per month is estimin ted at realized effective price was slightly over $0.17 per Rp 440/m3. Assuming that 10 per cent increase in cubic meter or about one third of the incremental output is obtained with about 7 per cent increase in cost. For details, see reference Bhatia and cost, i.e., an economy of scale parameter of 0.67 the Falkernmark (1992). related unit cost for an output of 160m3 will be Rp. 1120/m3. 4. Costs are given in constant 1989 dollars. 13. The estimated cost to repair leaks amounts :o Rp. 5. US Army Corps of Engineers Report prepared in 101,241. Thus, assuming that the repair will hax e a 1984 lists various studies of residential water use life of at least 18 months and a discount cost of .0%, based on data from developed countries. The re- the equivalent monthly cost is about Rp. 6,080 ported water price elacticities rank from -0.15 to -1.09. [IWACO-WASECO 1989a]. Also, the range of the most likely long-run elasticities is from -0.20 to -0.40 [US Army Corps of Engineers 14. Only 66% of the total reduction of 35m3 per 1984]. month, from 160 to 125, is considered to be the hift in demand which entails "useful" consumption 6. Water price elacticity ranges for the residential forgone. The 34% left, reduction of leaks, does not and industrial sectors are derived from table 2.1 and involve any loss. table 2.2. Estimates of price elacticity of demand for irrigation water are derived from six Californian case 15. Based on references Martin and Kulakowsk studies [Fredrick 1992]. (1991), Martin and Ingram (1988) and El-Asrv and Gibbons (1986). 7. In theory, two approaches can be used to address excessive water quality degradation caused by the 16. Based on references EBMUD (1985) and Gilbert absence of a market for clean water: the "consumer- et al. (1990). pays" principle, by which the government forces payments from the people who enjoy improvements 17. Under this approach, incremental block rates are in water quality, and the "polluter-pays" principle by applied to the quantity within a specific range. which the government demands a compensation from the polluters who degrade the resource. The 18. Under this approach, a "base" volume of wa ter is second approach transfers the burden of remedying allocated to each group. The base volume is obtained water pollution damage from the public sector to the by applying the conservation targets shown in Figure private sector. Each approach has its own impacts in 5-10. Any consumption in excess of the base volume terms of distribution, implementation, and collected is subject to an increasing block rate structure, e g., a revenue. customer who consumes 140% of the volume allo- cated to him or her would have to pay 6 times rr ore 8. Losses, in this case, refer to leakages, evapora- than a customer who consumes 100°%. tion, percolation or any other avoid; 'e wastages in the production or the utilization of water resources. 19. They contained water-saving devices, such E Is low-flow shower heads and toilets tank inserts. 9. See references INDEC et al (1987) and IWACO- WASECO (1989a, 1989b, 1990). 20. Based on reference Hanke (1982). 98 UNDP-WORLD BANK WATER AND SANITATION PROGRAM 21. The average price elasticity of demand was 31. In Beijing, consumers who exceed their water estimated to be -0.24 (-0.29 in summer and -0.1 in allocation have to pay between 10 and 50 tinies the winter). normal charge. Those who consume from 1-.0 percent above their quota pay 10 times the regular 22. The impact of restrictions was estimated from price; from 11-20 percent, 20 times; from 21-30 multiple regression analysis of time series data for a percent, 30 times; from 31-40 percent, 40 times; and 30-year period, during which time summer water use above 41,50 times. restrictions were operative for 13 of these years. 32. Cooling accounts for from 70% to 80% of the 23. Based on Duncan (1991) . water use in fertilizer production. 24. In Australia, a partially effective integration in 33. The proportion of the investment relatec to water water resources management has been achieved by savings are determined by the following formnula: the creation of the Department of Water Resources. (total annual cost-annual benefits other than water Even though this department has increased the saving)/total annual costs. significance of regionalization of water resources management, there is still a lack of a basin-wide use 34. Based on "Policies for Water Demand Manage- of the price mechanism, especially in the irrigation ment and Pollution Control in the Industrial and sector. Household Sectors in the Jabotabek Region, Indone- sia," by R. Cestti, R. Bhatia, and C van der Berg 25. This section is based on a paper prepared by (draft) 1993. Devandra B. Gupta, Institute of Economic Growth, Delhi, India. 35. This section is based on a paper prepared by Mr. Basawan Sinha 1991, Metaplanners and Management 26. Based on Bhatia et. al. (1994). Consultants, Patna, India. 27. This section is based on a note prepared by Manu 36. Based on reference ADB (1998). (1991) after a field visit to these industries in the Manali Industrial Park near Madras. 37. Based on reference Triche (1990). 28. This section is based on a report prepared by 38. Based on Howe et. al (1986). Oscar Cordeiro-Netto during a summer internship at the World Bank 1991. 39. Based on Vaux (1991). 29. It was assumed that the firm bought 60 percent 40. Based on Kennedy (1991) and Vaux (1991). of its water from SABESP. 41. Farmers with established surface water rights. 30. The Water Law of China stipulates that the "State shall exercise a unified administration system on 42. Farmers with overlying rights to groun(dwater. water resources in association with administration at various levels by departments." The State Council has 43. Based on Siman and Anderson (1990). established the National Leading Group for Water Resources and Soil Conservation to reinforce the 44. 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