98544 Indigenous Latin America in the Twenty-First Century The First Decade Indigenous Latin America in the Twenty-First Century | i ii | The World Bank Indigenous Latin America in the Twenty-First Century The First Decade Social, Urban, Rural & Resilience Global Practice Latin America and the Caribbean Region © 2015 International Bank for Reconstruction and Development / The World Bank 1818 H Street NW Washington DC 20433 Telephone: 202-473-1000 Internet: www.worldbank.org This work was originally published by The World Bank in English as Indigenous Latin America in the Twenty-First Century, in 2015. In case of any discrepancies, the original language will prevail. This work is a product of the staff of The World Bank with external contributions. The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed in this work do not necessarily reflect the views of The World Bank, its Board of Executive Directors, or the governments they represent. 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Cover photo: Kike Arnal Graphic design: Shinny Montes Contents Foreword 6 Acknowledgments 7 Executive Summary 8 Introduction 13 How Many and Where They Are 17 The Politics of Recognition 18 Indigenous People in Numbers 22 Mobility, Migration, and Urbanization 29 Better, but Not Well… 41 Development with Identity 45 Participation and Changes in Legal Frameworks 47 Participation and the Right to Self-Determination 50 Poverty and Vulnerability 57 The Capacity to Change… 73 Education 79 Toward a Post-2015 Agenda 89 Appendix A: 98 Countries, Years, and Variables Available for Identifying Indigenous Peoples in Censuses and Household Surveys of the Region Appendix B: 100 State of Intercultural Bilingual Education in Seven Latin American Countries Appendix C: 106 Regional Comparative Data Figures 20 Figure 1 Mother Tongue by Age Cohort (Peru 2007) 21 Figure 2 Urban Indigenous Population of Working Age by Language and Employment Status 27 Figure 3 Indigenous Language and Self-Identification 31 Figure 4 Percentage of Indigenous People Living in Urban and Rural Settings 32 Figure 5 Percentage of Indigenous People with Access to Electricity, Piped Water, and Sewerage 34 Figure 6 Rural-Urban Gaps in Access to Electricity, Piped Water, and Sewerage: Indigenous People (IP) vs. Non-Indigenous People (Non-IP) 34 Figure 7 Indigenous People’s Educational Attainment: Rural vs. Urban 36 Figure 8 Rural-Urban Gap in Educational Attainment: Indigenous People (IP) vs. Non-Indigenous People (Non-IP) 41 Figure 9 Home Ownership among Indigenous People 59 Figure 10 Percentage of People Living on Less than US$1.25, US$2.50, and US$4 per Day Late-2000s weighted average for Bolivia, Brazil, Ecuador, Guatemala, Mexico, and Peru. 60 Figure 11 Poverty Evolution in Bolivia, Ecuador, Guatemala, and Peru 61 Figure 12 Increase in Probability of Being Poor for Similar Households if the Household Head Is Indigenous 62 Figure 13 Decrease in Probability of Completing Primary and Secondary Education if a Person Belongs to an Indigenous Household 62 Figure 14 Increase in Probability of Being Poor if Indigenous Household Is Headed by a Woman 63 Figure 15 Increase in Probability of Being Poor if Indigenous Household Is Rural 66 Figure 16 Employment Status and Type of Employment of Indigenous People in Urban Areas 68 Figure 17 Increase in Probability of Working in the Informal Sector if a Person Belongs to an Indigenous Household in Bolivia and Guatemala 69 Figure 18 Decrease in Income in Five Countries if a Person Belongs to an Indigenous Household: Urban and Rural 69 Figure 19 Income by Indigenous Status and Gender in Panama and Brazil 70 Figure 20 Progress in Access to Public Services by Indigenous People 71 Figure 21 Access to Public Services by Indigenous Status 72 Figure 22 Progress in Access to Basic Services for Indigenous Households from the Early 2000s to the Late 2000s: Rural vs. Urban Areas 73 Figure 23 Access to Cell Phones 74 Figure 24 Access to Computers 74 Figure 25 Access to the Internet 75 Figure 26 Perception of Social Mobility; Weighted Average for Bolivia, Ecuador, Guatemala, Mexico, and Peru 80 Figure 27 Children’s School Attendance: Indigenous vs. Non-Indigenous 81 Figure 28 Indigenous People of School Age Attending School in Rural and Urban Settings 82 Figure 29 Share of Population with 1–6 Years of Schooling Compared with 7–12 Years of Schooling, by Gender and Indigenous Status, in Peru; Data for Population 24 Years Old and Above 83 Figure 30 Reasons for Not Attending School in Colombia by Gender and Indigenous Status 85 Figure 31 Percentage of Indigenous People Who Speak Indigenous Language by Level of Educational Attainment (Age 24 and Above) 88 Figure 32 Illiteracy and Knowledge of Indigenous Languages (Indigenous Population 10+) 4 | The World Bank Tables 20 Table 1 Variables Available for Identifying Indigenous Peoples in Censuses and Household Surveys 25 Table 2 Indigenous Population in Latin America in 2010 26 Table 3 Indigenous Peoples and Languages in Latin America 40 Table 4 Lack of Access to Piped Water, Electricity, Sewerage, and Building Materials (Dirt Floor) in Indigenous and Non-Indigenous Urban Households 48 Table 5 International Treaties and Covenants on Indigenous Rights 52 Table 6 Legal Frameworks Pertaining to Electoral Participation of Indigenous Peoples in Latin America Maps 23 Map 1 Distribution of the Indigenous Population in LAC 38 Map 2 Areas of Oil and Mineral Extraction in the Amazon Indigenous Latin America in the Twenty-First Century | 5 Foreword The first decade of the millennium brought impressive has informed our approach to setting high standards gains to Latin America and the Caribbean in general, for participatory and inclusive development projects raising approximately 70 million people out of poverty that integrate indigenous peoples’ views. This and expanding the middle class to over one-third process has also helped identify key areas of focus of the population. Indigenous peoples shared in for a coordinated and joint development approach. these gains alongside non-indigenous populations in many respects: important advances in poverty There are prolific examples of engagements, in reduction were accompanied by improved access partnership with governments from across the to basic services and expanded access to primary region, to enhance social and economic inclusion education. Legal frameworks to address indigenous for indigenous peoples. Today, World Bank-financed needs and rights were approved across the region, projects in Latin America include special provisions to and indigenous peoples achieved greater inclusion address indigenous peoples’ needs, and are designed in decision making and development planning. and implemented in partnership with national Through involvement in electoral processes, governments and through an iterative and consultative indigenous leaders occupied official government process with local and indigenous communities. posts at every level. Evidence continues to show that while all these Nonetheless, indigenous peoples did not benefit efforts are necessary, they might not be sufficient. proportionately during the “golden decade,” and As we look to the post-2015 development agenda, despite many positive developments, they still we remain cognizant of the fact that, despite face sizable challenges. In urban environments, recent gains, indigenous peoples face structural for example, indigenous households tend to live in and cultural barriers that inhibit full social and conditions that are less secure, less sanitary, and economic inclusion. Eliminating barriers will require more disaster prone than those of non-indigenous the combined efforts of all actors that influence urban residents. Overall, they are 2.7 times more sustainable economic and social development, likely to live in extreme poverty when compared with including governments, civil society, development the non-indigenous population. agencies, academia, and the private sector, all the while working in tandem with indigenous Based on a survey of census and household data communities. across the region, this report finds that there are structural conditions that might anchor indigenous Change is unlikely to happen overnight, and although peoples to poverty and preclude their full potential there have been a number of positive developments for economic opportunity. These conditions are an in recent years, a number of critical barriers still important focus of the World Bank’s agenda for the remain. This report provides evidence that with the region and beyond. concerted effort of relevant stakeholders, change is possible. Within the requisite enabling and Over the past decade the World Bank has redoubled participatory frameworks, indigenous peoples will its efforts to contribute to the social and economic be central to eradicating extreme poverty in Latin inclusion of indigenous peoples. A two-year dialogue America and ensuring inclusive growth through with indigenous organizations from around the world increased shared prosperity across the region. Jorge Familiar Calderón Ede Ijjasz-Vasquez Regional Vice President Senior Director Latin America and the Caribbean Region Social, Urban, Rural & Resilience Global Practice 6 | The World Bank Acknowledgments This report was prepared by a World Bank preliminary draft of this report was presented team led by Germán Freire, under the guidance and discussed. of Markus Kostner, Practice Manager, and Ede Ijjasz-Vasquez, Senior Director of the Social, The team also gives special thanks to Laura Urban, Rural & Resilience Global Practice. The Chioda for her guidance and inputs on the core writing team comprised Steven Schwartz poverty analysis, as well as to Maitreyi Das, Orellana, Melissa Zumaeta, Rita Damasceno Karin Kemper, Juan Martínez, and Harry Costa, and Jonna Lundvall, with support from Patrinos for their invaluable contributions during the Statistical Development Team for the Latin the review process. Several colleagues have America and the Caribbean Region in the also commented on and contributed to this Poverty Global Practice, particularly Martha report at various stages of the study, including Viveros, Leonardo Lucchetti, Laura Moreno, Gayatri Acharia, Javier Aguilar, Jorge Araujo, and Liliana Sousa. Lila Barrera and Luis Enrique Kristyna Bishop, Abel Caamano, Roberto López-Hurtado prepared background papers Campos Navarro, Carine Clert, Alberto Coelho and contributed with substantial inputs to the Gomes Costa, Augusto de la Torre, Luis Felipe report. Maria Eugenia Genoni, Kiyomi Cadena, Duchicela, Daniela Durán, Jorge Familiar, Andrés Cuyul, and Aimé Tillett contributed with Manuela Ferro, Maninder Gill, Susan Goldmark, brief notes on best practices and case studies. Mary Lisbeth González, Carlos Felipe Jaramillo, Sarah Keener, Jason Jacques Paiement, The report benefited from an ongoing dialogue Sergi Perez, Emmanuel Skoufias, Venki between the World Bank and the Foro Indígena Sundararaman, Jorge Treviño, Rodrigo Villagra, Abya Yala, a regional network representing over Andrés Villaveces, Jorge Villegas, Deborah 40 indigenous organizations. In particular, the Wetzel, Giuseppe Zampaglione, Alonso Zarzar, team thanks Ramiro Batzin and Dianna Pizarro and José Zevallos. for providing the space to discuss the evolving study in a workshop organized in Washington, Finally, this report would not have been possible DC, in November 2013, a follow-up meeting without the assistance and support of Ana in January 2014, in Kuna Yala, Panama, and Gabriela Strand, Elizabeth Huamán Carnero, and the World Conference on Indigenous Peoples, Mara Elena La Rosa. The graphic edition of the held in New York in September 2014, where a report was coordinated by Julio Cesar Casma. Indigenous Latin America in the Twenty-First Century | 7 Executive Summary The first decade of the millennium will probably be Colombia, and Nicaragua. Electoral systems offer remembered in Latin America for economic growth an opportunity for political engagement, enabling and unprecedented reduction of inequality.1 Over 70 indigenous representatives to bring their agendas to million people escaped poverty in 10 years, because mainstream debates, thereby increasing their voices of a combination of tailwinds in the economy and the within the state. In a similar vein, these waves of implementation of important redistributive policies. reform have strengthened the implementation of Already dubbed by some the “golden decade,” this tools that enable local participation and decision period of growth and prosperity left indigenous Latin making, such as free, prior and informed consent Americans with a somewhat different story, with (FPIC). Today, the question in the region no longer mixed and often contrasting results. is whether indigenous peoples should be involved in deciding matters that directly or indirectly affect their The decade coincided with the end of the United lives and well-being, but how and when. Nations’ First International Decade of the World’s Indigenous Peoples (1995–2004) and the better There have also been socioeconomic gains. The part of the second (2005–2014), when indigenous region has made progress in terms of poverty peoples strengthened their position as relevant reduction, which benefited indigenous people. actors in the political and social life of the region. The percentage of indigenous households living Fifteen of the 22 countries that have ratified the in poverty declined in Peru and Bolivia, while the International Labour Organization’s Convention No. proportion living in extreme poverty was reduced in 169 are in Latin America, and owing to the tenacity Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Ecuador, and Peru. The wage of their social movements, many countries have gap was reduced in urban Bolivia and Peru, though passed laws and regulations to protect and promote big differences remain in rural areas and within indigenous peoples’ rights. Though in practice many indigenous households if considered by gender. of these regulatory frameworks remain at a trial- Primary education has reached most indigenous and-error stage, the signs are certainly encouraging. latitudes, probably representing one of the greatest and clearest achievements of recent decades; in The development of international treaties and some countries—Ecuador, Mexico, Nicaragua— declarations reaffirming indigenous peoples’ the gap between indigenous and non-indigenous aspiration to self-determination has been children was in fact closed. Likewise, access to accompanied by their increasing involvement in electricity, piped water, and sanitation improved the political life of the region. Indigenous peoples’ across the region to various degrees. It is therefore political participation today takes place at the level evident that the favorable economic context, of local or national parliaments, in municipalities, combined with the right policies, has yielded and even in the highest levels of state power, economic gains and positive changes. with active involvement of leaders who partake in national political parties or have created indigenous These gains, however, have not been uniformly political parties. Today, indigenous parties exist distributed across the region, nor within the countries. with large influence in Bolivia and Ecuador, and in Overall, indigenous peoples have benefited less than smaller proportions in countries such as Venezuela, non-indigenous people on most accounts, which 1 World Bank, Office of the Regional Chief Economist, Latin America and the Caribbean as Tailwinds Recede: In Search of Higher Growth (2013). 8 | The World Bank has contributed to the persistence—and in some This report presents a critical review of the data cases growth—of important gaps. The number of available and the main challenges facing indigenous indigenous persons living in poverty has fallen, but Latin Americans with the aim of contributing the gap separating them from other Latin Americans to these discussions. The report is based on has either remained stagnant or widened. Poverty, in microdata extracted from censuses in 16 countries fact, afflicts 43 percent of the indigenous population and household surveys in 9 countries, as well in the region—more than twice the proportion of as on a review of secondary data, regulatory non-indigenous people—while 24 percent of all frameworks, and regional experiences. Though indigenous people live in extreme poverty, 2.7 times there are limitations in the available regional data more than the proportion of non-indigenous people. on indigenous people, which are intrinsic to both cultural and methodological discrepancies between Furthermore, being born to indigenous parents indigenous milieus and the majority society, the data substantially increases the probability of being raised presented here have been reviewed for accuracy in a poor household, contributing to a poverty trap and consistency. that hampers the full development of indigenous children. In Ecuador, the probability of a household Census and household data are differently treated to be poor increases by 13 percent if the household throughout the report. Census data are used to head belongs to an indigenous group, regardless of highlight observable patterns in the distribution of his or her level of education, gender, urban or rural services, demographic characteristics, increases location, and number of dependents. In Bolivia and in coverage, and the like, without delving into Mexico, the probability is 11 percent and 9 percent explanations of causality. Overall, these data show higher, respectively. Similarly, despite a general persistent gaps in access to many services across expansion of basic services, indigenous peoples’ the region. Household data, for their part, are access to sanitation and electricity is 18 percent and mainly used in an econometric analysis intended 15 percent lower than that of other Latin Americans.2 to respond to the fundamental question of whether those observable gaps are reinforced by conditions The problem with these remaining gaps is not affecting indigenous peoples, in particular, or the only that they reflect exclusionary patterns in the poor in general. The poverty section provides distribution of wealth in times of growth, but that unambiguous evidence that indigenous peoples they also increase the vulnerability of indigenous fare worse on most accounts, independently from peoples as the region moves forward to a new and other factors such as level of education, age, urban less favorable economic and social scenario. This or rural location, type of work, and characteristics of calls for a thorough reflection on the need to build the household. a post-2015 agenda that breaks away from the structural barriers and glass ceilings that impede The persistence of many gaps, amid an closing the gaps between indigenous peoples and exceptionally favorable wave of inclusive policies the majority society, regardless of the context, while and economic growth, suggests that some of the maintaining and reinforcing their social and political policies intended to address indigenous peoples’ achievements of the past two decades. situations need to be revised, as well as the lens 2 The regional weighted averages for electricity access are 82 percent for indigenous persons and 97 percent for non-indigenous persons, while the weighted averages for access to sewerage are 57 percent and 75 percent (authors’ calculations based on regional census data). Indigenous Latin America in the Twenty-First Century | 9 under which development is being implemented in censuses and across countries. However, the only indigenous milieus. Although development tends country that reported a decrease in its indigenous to be associated with the attainment of specific population in the past decade is Bolivia, for reasons political, economic, and social goals, this report that probably have more to do with discrepancies in acknowledges that indigenous peoples usually how the data were collected between the last two have a more nuanced understanding of what censuses than with a real trend to negative growth. development is and why it matters. If indigenous peoples are to assume their role as key actors in Although traditional territories have been one of the post-2015 agenda, these alternative voices and the main referents of historical continuity, identity, ideas need to be considered. This entails reviewing and self-determination for indigenous peoples, not only the procedures under which development the report finds that 49 percent of the indigenous is implemented, but also how development goals population in Latin America currently lives in are set and the mechanisms used for assessing urban areas. Migration from rural to urban areas progress toward them. is motivated by an array of factors and generates mixed outcomes and expectations. Urban spaces The definition of who is and who is not indigenous can broaden the quantity and quality of services, has become increasingly relevant and controversial expand access to health care and education, and in the region, because in the wake of a new set provide more economic opportunities. Regionally, of legal frameworks, covenants, and international indigenous people living in urban settings have agreements safeguarding indigenous peoples’ 1.5 times better access to electricity and 1.7 rights, indigenous peoples often rely on their official times better access to piped water than their rural recognition to be protected from or included in counterparts. Primary education completion is also aspects of decision making that could affect their 1.6 times higher for urban indigenous people than lives, assets, and cultures. While we focus on the for their rural counterparts, secondary education 3.6 gaps separating indigenous and non-indigenous times higher, and tertiary education 7.7 times higher. actors, this report underscores the complexity of Moreover, the urban space can be a vehicle for identifying indigenous people across the region and reducing gender-based discrimination and enabling argues that the conditions of indigeneity vary over new forms of political participation and cultural time and are, in some cases, context- and country- expression for indigenous peoples. Though rural- specific. urban migrations do not affect indigenous people alone, what is distinctive of indigenous peoples is Based on the latest censuses available in the region, how hard rural-urban disparities hit them. In Peru, in 2010 there were about 42 million indigenous for instance, an indigenous household is 37 percent people in Latin America, representing nearly 8 less likely to be poor and 26 percent less likely to be percent of the total population. Mexico, Guatemala, extremely poor if it lives in an urban area, regardless Peru, and Bolivia had the largest populations in both of other factors such as gender and education level absolute and proportional terms, accounting for of the household head or the number of dependents. more than 80 percent (34 million) of the regional total. It is difficult to estimate increases in the indigenous However, urban environments are also characterized population across the region because of disparities by large disparities between indigenous and non- in how census data have been collected between indigenous dwellers in terms of access to public 10 | The World Bank services and economic opportunities. Urban funds, and other legal compensations than non- indigenous populations remain highly vulnerable indigenous workers. compared with non-indigenous urban dwellers, and are exposed to new dimensions of exclusion. Even if an indigenous person completes tertiary The percentage of indigenous people living in slums education, his or her earnings are often significantly almost doubles the proportion of non-indigenous lower than those of a non-indigenous person with urban dwellers. Thirty-six percent of all indigenous the same qualification. Household data show that, urban dwellers inhabit insecure, unsanitary, and regardless of educational background, gender, age, polluted environments. In Mexico, indigenous urban number of dependents, and place of residence, dwellers have less than half the access to electricity an indigenous person likely earns 12 percent less and piped water than other city dwellers have, one- than a non-indigenous person in urban Mexico, fifth the access to sanitation, and live nearly three and about 14 percent less in rural areas. In Bolivia, times more often in houses with dirt floors. Urban an indigenous person likely earns 9 percent less in migrations also disrupt social safety nets and urban settings, and 13 percent less in rural areas; traditional land tenure systems, potentially exposing and in Peru and Guatemala, he or she makes about indigenous people to further marginalization. 6 percent less. In Peru and Bolivia, however, the In Bolivia, while in rural areas 90 percent of the wage gap for indigenous people living in urban indigenous population own their homes, in cities areas was reduced during the decade; in Peru, by only 61 percent do. nearly a third since the beginning of the decade. For indigenous women, however, the wage gap More generally, the growing economic inequality is much wider than for indigenous men. Bolivian between indigenous and non-indigenous Latin indigenous women earn about 60 percent less than Americans is associated with disadvantaged non-indigenous women for the same type of jobs. conditions of market inclusion. In cities, indigenous At the same time, the gap in education between people work mostly in low-skill/low-paying jobs. In indigenous men and women grew in both countries, countries with large urban indigenous populations, suggesting that investments in education could such as Peru, Ecuador, Bolivia, and Mexico, the considerably help improve market inclusion for percentage of indigenous persons occupying high- indigenous peoples. skill and stable jobs is two to three times smaller than the percentage of non-indigenous people. Moreover, The expansion of various public services to in many countries the probability of working in the indigenous households has improved in absolute informal sector has increased or remained stagnant terms, yet it has not always been accompanied by throughout the “golden decade” for indigenous a qualitative change that can truly help indigenous workers. In Ecuador and Guatemala, the probability peoples achieve their chosen paths of development of working in the informal sector increases by 12 and overcome their persistent exclusion. For percent and 8 percent, respectively, if a person example, the expansion of education, especially belongs to an indigenous group, regardless of primary education, has been one of the most his or her level of education, gender, number of significant gains of the last decade, closing or dependents, or place of residence. Indigenous minimizing a gap that for decades had excluded workers are therefore less likely to receive benefits indigenous children. The expansion of the school such as social security, health insurance, retirement system, however, has not been accompanied by Indigenous Latin America in the Twenty-First Century | 11 a significant improvement or adaptation in the accounting for less than 8 percent of the population. quality of education that would allow indigenous Undoubtedly, the reduction of key gaps and the children to develop their full potential, neither as unrelenting expansion of legal frameworks in the last members of the state nor as members of their decade improved the lives and rights of indigenous people. Despite widespread laws and regulations peoples, yet more needs to be done. The exclusion protecting indigenous languages and cultures, of indigenous peoples not only prevents them along with recognition of the importance of providing from receiving the potential benefits of the region’s intercultural bilingual education (IBE) to indigenous economic growth, but it is also costly and detrimental children, education attainment is still strongly for Latin American economies. associated with the loss of indigenous languages and cultures. There is abundant evidence that IBE In sum, the first decade of the millennium left can help reverse this tendency, but it needs to be indigenous peoples with two contrasting stories: implemented well, which is most often not the case. one of important gains, such as the unprecedented expansion in their capacity to voice and decide what Indigenous people also have not benefited equally kind of future they collectively want, and another of from the exponential growth and democratization of persistent exclusion, which still limits their ability to new technologies. While Latin America has become contribute to and profit from the benefits of the state the world’s second-fastest-growing market for mobile without renouncing their cultures and identities. phones, indigenous people own a cell phone half By now, the region has accumulated significant as often as non-indigenous Latin Americans. They knowledge and experience to face many of the also lag behind in Internet access and computer challenges raised by this contradiction. Driving the ownership. The digital divide reinforces prior forms inclusion of indigenous peoples forward is not only of exclusion insofar as access to technologies is important in itself, as a way of constructing a more becoming a key aspect of social capital in increasingly equitable, just, and prosperous society, but it is also globalized Latin American societies. a collective necessity, as Latin America is unlikely to end poverty and achieve sustainable development As a result of this persistent pattern of social without the participation of indigenous societies. exclusion, indigenous people today represent This report aims to deepen the understanding of about 14 percent of the poor and 17 percent the many facets of development with identity, and to of the extremely poor in Latin America, despite offer suggestions to advance these goals. 12 | The World Bank Introduction In 2013 the World Bank set itself two ambitious in every country, leading to legal and constitutional goals: to end extreme poverty within a generation reforms that have acknowledged the multiethnic, and to boost the prosperity of the bottom 40 percent multicultural, and multilingual makeup of the region. At of the population worldwide. In Latin America, the international level, to mention two examples, the regarded as the most unequal region in the world,3 International Labour Organization’s Convention No. the significance of both goals cannot be overstated. 169 on Indigenous and Tribal Peoples (1989) and the Despite progress over the past two decades, when UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples poverty was nearly halved, the richest 5 percent of (2007) established a new scenario in which the the population today absorbs more than 25 percent relationship between indigenous and non-indigenous of the income, while the poorest 25 percent absorbs people had to be redefined. The recognition of less than 5 percent.4 Yet, poverty and other forms collective indigenous rights, for instance, broke away of social exclusion do not affect all Latin Americans from the individualistic perspective that dominates in the same way. Indigenous people account for the understanding and implementation of human and about 8 percent of the population, but represent property rights worldwide.7 14 percent of the poor and over 17 percent of all Latin Americans living on less than US$2.50 a day.5 In many respects, these national and international Together with Afro-descendants, who remain by and realignments reflect the growing acceptance that, as large statistically and socially invisible, indigenous culturally distinct societies, indigenous peoples have people give a predominantly ethnic face to Latin the right to play a part in the national and regional America’s exclusion. The extent to which the Bank’s order without renouncing their languages, cultures, twin goals can be achieved will therefore depend to a and aspirations. They also reflect the realization large degree on whether ethnic minorities participate that, although development tends to be associated in and benefit from the region’s prosperity. with the attainment of specific political, economic, and social goals—such as eradicating monetary While several studies have reported little or no progress poverty or stimulating growth—indigenous peoples regarding the economic inclusion of indigenous usually have a more nuanced understanding of what people,6 the last two decades have been marked development is and why it matters. If indigenous by their increasing visibility and political participation. peoples are to become key actors in the post-2015 Their involvement in national and international agenda, these alternative voices and ideas need to political discussions has had a significant impact be taken into serious consideration. World Bank, Do Our Children Have a Chance? The 2010 Human Opportunity Report for Latin America and the Caribbean, http://siteresources.worldbank.org/ 3 INTLACREGTOPPOVANA/Resources/840442-1285865149017/overview_english.pdf. 4 CEDLAC/World Bank. 5 The basic World Bank indicator for extreme poverty globally is the percentage of people living on less than US$1.25 a day. However, this report uses US$2.50 per day for extreme poverty (an average of national extreme poverty lines in the region) and US$4 a day for moderate poverty, which are more appropriate in light of prevailing costs of living in the region. This estimate combines poverty rates calculated from household surveys and population trends calculated from censuses of the late 2000s, in countries with available data (Bolivia, Brazil, Ecuador, Mexico, and Peru). 6 See Gillette Hall and Harry Anthony Patrinos, eds., Indigenous Peoples, Poverty and Human Development in Latin America 1994–2004 (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006); Hall and Patrinos, eds., Indigenous Peoples, Poverty, and Development (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2012); Harry Anthony Patrinos and Emmanuel Skoufias, Economic Opportunities for Indigenous Peoples in Latin America (Washington, DC: World Bank, 2007); Emmanuel Skoufias, Trine Lunde, and Harry Anthony Patrinos, “Social Networks among Indigenous Peoples in Mexico” (policy research working paper 4949, World Bank, 2009). 7 S. James Anaya, “Indian Givers: What Indigenous Peoples Have Contributed to International Human Rights Law” Washington University Journal of Law & Policy 22 (2006): 107–20. Indigenous Latin America in the Twenty-First Century | 13 A focus on development with identity therefore demands not only a careful revision of the procedures Indigenous peoples’ priorities for under which development is implemented—for development are predicated on the example, more or less participation; more or less full, equal and effective recognition of our government involvement—but also a reexamination rights to lands, territories, resources, air, of how development goals are set, as well as the ice, oceans and waters, and mountains mechanisms used to assess progress toward them. and forests and the connection between Though the World Bank has chosen two general customs, belief systems, values, languages, indicators for measuring progress toward its twin cultures and traditional knowledge. We goals—the proportion of people living on less than therefore recommend that rights, culture US$1.25 a day (purchasing power parity, 2005) and spiritual values be integrated into and the growth of real capital income among the strategies that relate to development bottom 40 percent of the population—this report acknowledges that these indicators offer only a partial including sustainable development goals view of the obstacles preventing many indigenous and the post 2015 UN Development peoples from achieving their chosen paths of Agenda.”8 development. These leave aside, for example, the political and cultural components that underpin past and current forms of material deprivation. For that reason, and echoing the call of indigenous leaders throughout the region,9 this report focuses not only Indigenous peoples’ ideas of development envision on issues of poverty, but also on other aspects that culture not as a means to achieve conventional might limit indigenous peoples’ ability to protect development goals, based solely on growth or themselves from economic and sociocultural market integration, but rather as a central aspect shocks, and that might reduce their autonomy and in defining what type of development is collectively their capacity to benefit from the region’s prosperity. wanted and how it should be implemented. To that end, indigenous organizations have long promoted Social exclusion is a complex, multilayered problem, ideas such as development with identity, ethno- as a recent World Bank report points out.10 Analyses development, alter-development, and culturally focused on poverty indicators or quantitative data pertinent development, which define development alone might therefore fail to identify its root causes. as a process that originates in and is led by Race and ethnicity, as well as gender, religion, sexual communities. These models have different—and orientation, and many other criteria, have been found at times contrasting—views about the ways of to contribute to social exclusion. Social inclusion addressing the balance between cultural continuity strategies are hence unlikely to work if focused on or and integration. Yet, what is certain is that these aimed at solving a single factor. Indigenous women, alternative notions of development aspire to allow for example, are often discriminated against because indigenous societies to pursue their own chosen they are both indigenous and women. The report paths of self-improvement, while strengthening notes that in Bolivia, Quechua women are 28 percent their autonomy, reducing their vulnerabilities, and less likely to complete secondary school than a non- fostering the sustainable management of their indigenous Bolivian woman, while Quechua men environments, resources, and knowledge. are 14 percent less likely to complete secondary 8 Global Indigenous Preparatory Conference for the United Nations High Level Plenary Meeting of the General Assembly to be known as the World Conference on Indigenous Peoples, 10–12 June 2013, Alta, http://wcip2014.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/06/Adopted-Alta-outcome-document-with-logo-ENG.pdf. 9 Parallel to this report, the World Bank carried out a series of dialogues, both in Latin America and worldwide, which included a workshop held November 25–27, 2013, in Washington, DC, where eight members of Abya Yala (AY), a regional network representing some 40 indigenous organizations from North and South America, recommended identifying indicators that better reflect their own views and needs of development. A second meeting took place in late January 2014, in Kuna Yala, Panama, and a draft of this report was presented and discussed at the United Nations World Conference on Indigenous Peoples, celebrated Sep- tember 22–23, 2014. This final version incorporates, to the best of the authors’ abilities, the views and recommendations of the indigenous delegates present at these events. 10 World Bank, Inclusion Matters: The Foundation for Shared Prosperity (Washington, DC: World Bank, 2013). 14 | The World Bank school than non-indigenous men.11 Change toward Database for Latin America and the Caribbean social inclusion therefore needs to start with the (SEDLAC) of the Universidad Nacional de La Plata right diagnosis—it needs to “ask why”—and not and the World Bank, for household surveys, and just account for poverty trends. Paramount to this the Integrated Public Use Microdata Series (IPUMS) approach is the critical review of the data available of the University of Minnesota,13 for all censuses and the recognition of knowledge gaps, which except for Argentina (Indigenous Census 2004–05), should be accompanied by work toward defining Bolivia (2012), Costa Rica (2011), Guatemala (2002), indicators and goals that reflect indigenous peoples’ Honduras (2001), Paraguay (2012), and Venezuela own understanding and aspirations of development. (2011), which were manually collected from each country’s National Statistical Institute websites and This report seeks to contribute to these discussions subsequently harmonized. by offering a brief, preliminary glance at the state of indigenous peoples in Latin America at the end of Despite important progress, several technical and the first decade of the millennium. From the outset, sociocultural problems persist in the collection this report was not envisioned to propose guidelines and presentation of regional data on indigenous for policy action or development operations, but people. The report makes a critical analysis of the rather to provide the World Bank and the larger many inconsistencies present in much of the data, audience of development planners and indigenous which in many cases are intrinsic to the difficulties organizations with a succinct, updated view of the of approaching indigenous issues with tools and status of indigenous peoples in Latin America in data sets not originally intended to account for or light of the latest data available. The authors believe include indigenous peoples’ voices and special that this is the first, necessary step to start working needs. However, several corrections have been on a concerted and evidence-based agenda for applied to the data for consistency. While household subsequent work in critical areas of development such data are not uniformly gathered across countries, as education, health, and land rights. Nevertheless, for example, the SEDLAC database maximizes in the concluding section of the report, we offer a comparability between countries and over time series of guiding principles that should inform the by harmonizing the surveys. This is done by using construction and implementation of policies and similar definitions of variables in each country and programs for indigenous peoples. As the report year, and by applying consistent data-processing demonstrates, the results of the first decade of the methods. Censuses gather information on the twenty-first century—considered by many the golden whole population, and all estimates calculated for decade of economic growth for Latin America—have this report were revised for consistency. The table been mixed for indigenous Latin Americans. While in Appendix A summarizes the countries, years, and important steps have been taken to raise awareness variables available for identifying indigenous people on the special needs and rights of indigenous in both statistical tools. In all cases, self-identification peoples, most countries and development agencies was prioritized for identifying indigenous people for still lack institutionalized and efficient mechanisms reasons discussed in the first section of the report. to implement indigenous peoples’ rights. The region Whenever possible, years were selected with the has also shown a limited capacity to learn from best objective of covering the beginning and end of practices and cumulative knowledge. the first decade of the twenty-first century (early 2000s to late 2000s). Microdata were combined The report is based on microdata extracted from and critically reviewed with qualitative assessments censuses in 16 countries and household surveys in 9 of the situation of indigenous people in terms of countries,12 unless otherwise indicated. Harmonized poverty, vulnerability, participation, and access to data sets were collected from the Socio-Economic public and social services. 11 Ibid. 12 Although indigenous variables are found in 9 household surveys in the region, this report includes data only from the eight countries where the indigenous pop- ulation and/or the sample households included were sufficiently large to be statistically representative of the larger indigenous population; namely Bolivia (2002, 2011), Brazil (2001, 2012), Chile (2003, 2011), Ecuador (2004, 2012), Guatemala (2000, 2011), Mexico (2010, 2012), Peru (2004, 2012), and Uruguay (2006, 2012). 13 Integrated Public Use Microdata Series, International version 6.3 (machine-readable database), Minnesota Population Center, University of Minnesota, 2014. Indigenous Latin America in the Twenty-First Century | 15 Census and household data are treated differently In the third section—“Development with Identity”— throughout the report. Census data are used to we briefly discuss the concept of poverty and reflect highlight observable patterns in the distribution of on how the use of predominantly Western indicators services, demographic characteristics, increases of well-being might condition the understanding of in coverage, and the like, without delving into indigenous peoples’ situations and needs. In light of explanations of causality. Overall, these data show this, we argue that other, noneconomic aspects— persistent gaps in access to many services across such as the violation of indigenous people’s rights the region. Household data, for their part, are or exclusion from political discussion—can reinforce mainly used in an econometric analysis intended their vulnerability and deter development efforts. to respond to the fundamental question of whether those observable gaps are reinforced by conditions The fourth and fifth sections broaden this argument by affecting indigenous peoples, in particular, or the focusing on two particular instances of exclusion— poor in general. The poverty section provides the market and education. Despite the growing unambiguous evidence that indigenous peoples fare endorsement of progressive legal instruments, worse on most accounts, independently from other these changes have not been followed by a factors such as level of education, age, urban or significant reduction in inequality, structural violence, rural location, type of work, and characteristics of the and vulnerability among indigenous people, which household. When possible, the analysis evolves from has led to a gap between legal frameworks and the areas where the decade left positive outcomes to economic inclusion. The Millennium Development the areas showing challenges, so as to highlight the Goals have failed ethnic minorities by most policy implications of what has worked well. indicators,14 and the gaps separating indigenous people from the majority population have remained The report is divided into six sections. The first the same or increased for much of the past decade. part—“How Many and Where They Are”—provides Similarly, efforts to deliver educational services a demographic overview of indigenous people in the to indigenous people have resulted in expanded region, including population, geographic distribution, coverage and a universal agreement on the need number of ethnic groups, and indigenous languages. to provide indigenous children with an education While the region has made considerable progress that reinforces their right to remain culturally and in collecting statistical data on the indigenous linguistically distinct. However, these efforts have population, there remain many gaps and areas proved insufficient, inasmuch as the gap between that require improvement. Demographic invisibility, the progressive policies of intercultural bilingual exclusionary definitions of indigeneity, and the use of education and the quality and types of education disparate statistical criteria are some of the factors indigenous children receive seems to be widening. that keep indigenous people from overcoming their Schooling today in indigenous territories is strongly vulnerabilities. associated with the loss of indigenous languages and knowledge. The second section—“Mobility, Migration, and Urbanization”—describes a growing tendency Finally, though this report aims simply to update among indigenous people to migrate to Latin our understanding of the regional trends in American cities, which are becoming critical, though development aspects related to indigenous largely ignored, areas for political participation and peoples—as seen from the lens of the statistical market articulation. In addition to describing the tools and indicators available today—and to review magnitude of rural-urban migrations, the section the policy frameworks, the final section reflects looks at the socioeconomic consequences that on the challenges ahead and advances some these migratory trends have on the lives of a growing considerations for the construction of a post-2015 number of indigenous people. agenda of development with identity. 14 George Psacharopoulos and Harry Anthony Patrinos, eds., Indigenous People and Poverty in Latin America: An Empirical Analysis (Washington, DC: World Bank, 1994); Hall and Patrinos, Indigenous Peoples, Poverty and Human Development. 16 | The World Bank How Many and Where They Are The Politics of Recognition in the region. The definition of who is and who is not indigenous has become increasingly relevant To determine the exact number and distribution and controversial in recent decades, not only of indigenous people in Latin America and the because of the reemergence of groups thought Caribbean is not easy for several reasons, ranging to be extinct,19 but also because in the wake of from the lack of accurate and accessible information a new set of legal frameworks, covenants, and to the very nature of indigenous identities. Though international agreements safeguarding indigenous there has been tremendous progress on this front rights, indigenous peoples often rely on their over recent decades,15 many limitations and room official recognition to be protected from or included for improvement remain. Thirteen Caribbean in aspects of decision making that could affect countries have no statistical information concerning their lives, assets, and cultures.20 As a result, the indigenous people,16 and only 10 have included resurgence of indigenous forms of belonging and ethnic variables in their household surveys, which indigenous peoples’ increasing visibility in the offer a more detailed and updated view of the regional arena have brought about old and new status of indigenous households. Likewise, only a debates on the definition of indigeneity, and thus handful of countries have included ethnic variables on the rights that derive from their recognition as in other key statistical tools, such as their national indigenous. epidemiological records, judicial records, and electoral statistics. The impact that political decisions have on the number and visibility of indigenous identities can Moreover, there are dissimilarities in the criteria be clearly appreciated at times of progressive used to account for the indigenous population, and legal reforms. In Venezuela, for example, the 1999 many countries do not consider indigenous groups constitution included a set of articles protecting that have recently migrated to their countries. In indigenous peoples’ rights, which conferred these Argentina, for example, a recent report suggests groups, for the first time, the full status of adult that current estimates of its indigenous population citizens, with special provisions for the protection do not include a substantial number of individuals of their cultures, languages, territories, natural who entered through the Bolivian and Paraguayan resources, customary forms of social order, and borders in recent years who self-identify as Guaraní, health (including their traditional healing systems), Quechua, or Aymara.17 Multinational censuses are among others (Chapter VIII, Articles 119–226). rare and difficult to operationalize, so many countries Chapter VIII of the constitution, which was find it problematic to account for individuals who passed because of the tenacity of the indigenous lead transnational lives.18 movement during this period of constitutional reform, overrode a 1915 law—known as the In most cases, however, the main challenge to Missions’ Law (Law 12,562)—that delegated the determine the precise number and distribution of responsibility to oversee most indigenous persons’ indigenous people is political, related to the legal basic civil rights to the Catholic Church. As a or implicit definitions of indigeneity that prevail result of these changes and the new opportunities 15 Seventeen Latin American countries included ethnic variables in their last round of censuses, compared with only a handful that had done so in the 1980s. In addition, the prevailing criterion today is “self-identification,” with Peru being the only country in the region that still uses “language” as a defining criterion. 16 Aruba, The Bahamas, Barbados, Cayman Islands, Cuba, the Dominican Republic, Grenada, Haiti, Jamaica, Puerto Rico, Saint Kitts and Nevis, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, and Trinidad and Tobago. Source: UNICEF and FUNPROEIB Andes, Atlas Sociolingüístico de Pueblos Indígenas en América Latina (Cochabam- ba, Bolivia: UNICEF and FUNPROEIB Andes, 2009). 17 Luis E. López, “Pueblos, Culturas y Lenguas Indígenas en América Latina,” in Atlas Sociolingüístico de Pueblos Indígenas en América Latina, 71. 18 In 1992, for example, Venezuela and Colombia conducted the first (and last) binational census of the Wayuu population. The Wayuu live on both sides of the border and have taken advantage of this citizenship status and identity for generations. The international census allowed both countries to have a more accurate and realistic view of this transnational population, but the logistical and political complexities involved in this census have discouraged follow-up exercises (Roberto Lizarralde, personal communication, 2006). 19 See Karen Stocker, “Locating Identity: The Role of Place in Costa Rican Chorotega Identity,” in Who Is an Indian? Race, Place, and the Politics of Indigeneity in the Americas, ed. Maximilian Forte (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2013); M. Forte, “Carib Identity, Racial Politics, and the Problem of Indigenous Recognition in Trinidad and Tobago,” in Who Is an Indian?; Circe Sturm, Becoming Indian: The Struggle over Cherokee Identity in the Twenty-First Century (Santa Fe, NM: School for Advanced Research Press, 2011); Terence Turner, “Representing, Resisting, Rethinking: Historical Transformations of Kayapo Culture and Anthropological Consciousness,” in Colonial Situations: Essays on the Contextualization of Ethnographic Knowledge, ed. George W. Stocking Jr. (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1991). 20 Jerome M. Levi and Bjorn Maybury-Lewis, “Becoming Indigenous: Identity and Heterogeneity in a Global Movement,” in Indigenous Peoples, Poverty, and Devel- opment, 75. 18 | The World Bank created within the state, the indigenous population The fact is that indigenous societies are not fixed and rose by 164 percent in the following census (2001) homogenous, but rather diverse and adaptable social and an additional 43 percent in the most recent groups, as more than 500 years of resistance and census (2011). This proportional expansion was continuity can attest. Also, there is a difficult balance accompanied by an equivalent increase in the in the push for improving the terms of recognition and number of ethnic groups, which went from 22 to benefit sharing with the larger national society and the 50, and the reappearance of peoples that were struggle for preserving cultural distinctiveness and thought to be extinct or about to be extinct for traditions. These opposing forces lead to constant decades.21 Posterior specialized studies have reconfigurations, realignments, and, often, difficult found many of these claims to be historiographically political decisions. However, many of these tensions and ethnographically sound.22 are intrinsic to indigenous identities. This is why Latin American demographic institutes have increasingly These processes of ethno-genesis have become recognized the complexities of defining indigeneity common in the region, and go hand in hand with according to fixed and external categories. Rather, the recognition and greater visibility of indigenous they have adopted “self-identification” as the main peoples’ rights and voices. Though the reappearance criterion for statistical recording (see table 1). or resurgence of new forms of indigeneity is often seen as opportunistic and economically motivated, The use of native languages as a criterion in collecting the reality is much more complex, as even in those demographic data on indigenous groups is in cases ethnicity usually overlaps and coexists with decline, inasmuch as it can create fixed and unreal multiple factors that might lead to a rise of inequities divides between who is and who is not indigenous. and disadvantages.23 As a matter of fact, new and Peru is the only country still providing mother traditional forms of indigeneity are consistently tongue as the only proxy variable for identifying associated with higher than average poverty rates indigenous people in its census. The 2007 census and other forms of exclusion. In Uruguay, where the set the number of indigenous-language speakers at indigenous population was either assimilated into the 4.4 million (16 percent of the total), but the rapid settler society or tragically decimated during the first trend of linguistic replacement among indigenous half of the nineteenth century, the current population youngsters makes this figure unrealistic. As shown identifying itself as of “indigenous descent” (the only in figure 1, the main indigenous languages in the country to include this modality in its household country are being rapidly replaced by Spanish, survey) shows a pattern of exclusion common to especially among younger generations. For this other urban indigenous populations in the region. report, we have therefore considered all members Poverty among urban Uruguayans who recognize of a household where the household head speaks themselves as having indigenous ancestry is 1.7 a native language as indigenous, which elevates times higher than among other Uruguayans, and the number of indigenous Peruvians to about 7.6 extreme poverty is 1.4 times higher. Moreover, on million (26 percent of the total). This figure probably average they complete one fewer year of schooling falls short of accounting for the full amount of by age 18, are more often hired in the informal indigenous Peruvians but is much closer to other sector (37 percent vs. 30 percent), and have less projections, based on self-identification, such as access to sanitation (57 percent vs. 65 percent). Peru’s household surveys (2012), which estimate Ethnically based exclusion has pervasive social and the indigenous population at about 9.7 million economic consequences that outlive the existence people (31 percent of the total)—more than twice of ethnic groups. the number of speakers of a native language.24 21 Miguel A. Perera, ed., Los aborígenes de Venezuela, 2nd ed., vol. 2 (Caracas: Fundación La Salle de Ciencias Naturales, Instituto Caribe de Antropología y Sociología, Ediciones IVIC, Monte Ávila Editores, 2008 [1988]). 22 Cecilia Ayala Lafée-Wilbert and Werner Wilbert, Memoria histórica de los resguardos guaiquerí: propiedad y territorialidad tradicional (Caracas: IVIC, 2011). 23 World Bank, Inclusion Matters; World Bank, Voice and Agency: Empowering Women and Girls for Shared Prosperity (Washington, DC: World Bank, 2014). 24 The reasons behind the persistent use of mother tongue as a defining criterion in Peruvian official records date to the 1970s, when the Agrarian Reform divided the indigenous population in two by adopting the term peasant for the sedentary indigenous farmers of the Andes and native for the Amazonian indigenous peoples. As a result, a majority of the Quechua- and Aymara-speaking populations favored the use of “peasant communities” (comunidades campesinas) and rejected the more internationally accepted label “indigenous communities.” This semantic distinction has had not only demographic consequences, but also negative effects at the time of recognizing indigenous peoples’ rights, such as the right to free, prior and informed consent, protected under Peruvian law. In fact, FPIC has not been implemented in highland indigenous settings because of disagreements over their indigenous authenticity. Indigenous Latin America in the Twenty-First Century | 19 Table 1 Variables Available for Identifying Indigenous Peoples in Censuses and Household Surveys Self-identification Language Household Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Ecuador, Guatemala, Bolivia, Chile, Ecuador, Guatemala, surveys Mexico, Nicaragua, Peru, and Uruguay Mexico, Nicaragua, Paraguay, and Peru Censuses Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Costa Rica, Ecuador, El Salvador, Colombia, Costa Rica, Ecuador, El Guatemala, Honduras, Mexico, Nicaragua, Salvador, Guatemala, Mexico, Nicaragua, Panama, Paraguay, and Venezuela Paraguay, Peru, and Venezuela Figure 1 Mother Tongue by Age Cohort (Peru 2007) 100% 89% 87% 87% 88% 87% 87% 85% 84% 82% 81% 80% 77% 76% 74% 74% 73% 73% 90% 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 26% 26% 27% 27% 20% 23% 24% 18% 19% 20% 16% 10% 15% 13% 13% 12% 13% 13% 11% 0% 0 to 4 5 to 9 10 to 15 to 20 to 25 to 30 to 35 to 40 to 45 to 50 to 55 to 60 to 65 to 70 to 75 to 80+ 14 19 24 29 34 39 44 49 54 59 64 69 74 79 Indigenous mother tongue Other mother tongue Source: national censuses. Although the existence of indigenous peoples and lack of political participation. While the extinction without native languages is in part the result of of languages is not a novel process, several reports recent processes of indigenization and ethno- suggest that this trend is accelerating in the midst of genesis,25 the loss of an indigenous language is rapid globalization, especially among economically generally associated with poverty, social exclusion, vulnerable communities.26 It is noteworthy that out of 25 Inge Sichra, “Introducción,” in Atlas Sociolingüístico de Pueblos Indígenas en América Latina, 13. 26 UNESCO Ad Hoc Expert Group on Endangered Languages, “Language Vitality and Endangerment” (adopted by the International Expert Meeting on UNESCO Programme Safeguarding of Endangered Languages, Paris, 2003), http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0018/001836/183699E.pdf. 20 | The World Bank the 10 factors contributing to the loss of indigenous Moreover, because the loss of a native language languages in Latin America identified by the Atlas generally takes place in societies with greater Sociolingüístico de Pueblos Indígenas en America exposure to poverty and social exclusion, elevating Latina,27 only three pertain to linguistic processes— language as a defining criterion of indigeneity might intergenerational transmission, role of oral traditions, paradoxically reinforce and deepen the level of and sociolinguistic context. The remaining seven are economic and social vulnerability that led to the related to the socioeconomic conditions that native loss of the language in the first place (see box 1). speakers face in their daily lives, including political In Mexico, for example, urban indigenous Spanish conflict, dependence on external entities, political speakers have a 33 percent higher employability asymmetries, economic exclusion, and the lack of rate than those who speak only a native language legal and effective recognition of indigenous rights.28 (see figure 2). Figure 2 Urban Indigenous Population of Working Age by Language and Employment Status 1.2% 1.4% 3.9% 2.8% 2% 1.1% 100% 90% 26.6% 31.4% 80% 35% 34.3% 46.6% 70% 54.3% Employed 60% Inactive 50% Unemployed 40% 72.3% 66.6% 30% 63.6% 61.8% 50.6% 20% 44.6% 10% 0% Speaks Speaks Speaks Speaks Speaks Speaks indigenous only indigenous only indigenous only and Spanish indigenous and Spanish indigenous and Spanish indigenous Ecuador 2001 Bolivia 2001 Mexico 2010 Source: national censuses. 27 UNICEF and FUNPROEIB Andes, Atlas Sociolingüístico de Pueblos Indígenas en América Latina. 28 Another important factor associated with language replacement—and culture change in general—is formal education. This is not to say that formal education or Spanish proficiency necessarily erodes indigenous cultures, but the way formal education is being implemented in indigenous milieus in much of the region is not contributing to their development with identity. This need not be, as abundant evidence on intercultural bilingual education shows. IBE can offer indigenous peoples the alternative of taking part in and benefiting from the prosperity of the state without having to renounce their languages and cultures (see “Education” section for more information). Indigenous Latin America in the Twenty-First Century | 21 Box 1 | Language as a Category of Exclusion In the settlement of El Mayor, in northern Mexico, the Cucapa people (also known as Awiłł Kwñchawaay) are facing restrictions over their fishing rights, in part because this group has failed to satisfy the official criteria used to recognize indigenous peoples. One of the key arguments used to delegitimize the Cucapa’s demands for land titles and fishing rights is their adoption of Spanish as their primary language. While native speakers of the Yuman-family language have been reduced to a handful of elders, the younger generations have adopted Spanish in their daily lives. Although this did not previously pose a problem, many of their members are now “finding that a lack of fluency in their indigenous language and traditions is increasingly delegitimizing their current legal claims.”29 The Cucapa case illustrates the extent to which language proficiency can not only undermine the right of attaining food security and preserving customary forms of production, but also—and more remarkably—reinforce existing forms of discrimination. If in previous decades the Cucapa were excluded for not being properly integrated into national society (that is, for not speaking Spanish), they now face the risk of being discriminated against on the basis of not being properly “indigenous” (that is, for not speaking a native language). The role that languages can play in the recognition of indigenous rights has become so critical that other groups, such as the Pataxó of northeastern Brazil, have made strenuous efforts to adopt a foreign indigenous language (Maxakali) to fulfill the demands of authenticity enforced by Brazilian government agencies.30 Establishing rigid criteria of language proficiency can also hamper development programs that might help indigenous people overcome poverty. Among the Cucapa, several projects based on ecotourism have been halted because sponsors require “a certain level of ‘cultural knowledge’ and reflexivity… [and] language competency is often used as the indicator for such qualities.”31 Screening out indigenous populations on the basis of noncompliance with externally defined features of indigeneity can therefore have serious social consequences, as well as negative outcomes in terms of promoting development—such as the impossibility of reclaiming fishing rights or collective land titles. In sum, self-identification not only reasserts indigenous peoples’ agency to decide their forms of adscription, but it also allows accounting for the changing and historically specific character of indigeneity, as well as the distinctive ways indigenous peoples cope with national society, market forces, state politics, and development agencies. Establishing rigid criteria for the identification of indigenous people can therefore trigger negative consequences for those who do not meet all the “relevant” benchmarks—giving rise not only to stereotypical and discriminatory notions of “generic,” “new,” or “fake” indigenous peoples, but also to concrete forms of social exclusion, displacement, and violation of rights. Indigenous People in Numbers in absolute and proportional terms, comprising more than 80 percent of the total (34.4 million). El Salvador, According to the last round of censuses available, in Brazil, Paraguay, Argentina, Uruguay, Costa Rica, and 2010 there were about 42 million indigenous people Venezuela had the smallest proportions of indigenous in Latin America, representing nearly 7.8 percent of population, with El Salvador and Costa Rica having the total population. Mexico, Peru, Guatemala, and the smallest indigenous populations in absolute terms Bolivia had the largest indigenous populations both (14,865 and 104,143 people, respectively) (see map 1). 29 Shaylih Muehlmann, “‘Spread Your Ass Cheeks’: And Other Things that Should Not Be Said in Indigenous Languages,” American Ethnologist 35, no. 1 (2008): 36; see also Muehlmann, Where the River Ends: Contested Indigeneity in the Mexican Colorado Delta (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2013). 30 See Alcida Rita Ramos, Sanumá Memories: Yanomami Ethnography in Times of Crisis (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1995), 268. 31 Muehlmann, “‘Spread Your Ass Cheeks,’” 40. 22 | The World Bank Map 1 | Distribution of the Indigenous Population in LAC N Mexico Guatemala Honduras El Salvador Nicaragua Costa Rica Panama Venezuela Colombia Ecuador Pacific Brazil Ocean Peru Bolivia Chile Paraguay Legend: > 5,000,000 2,000,000 — 5,000,000 Argentina 1,000,000 — 2,000,000 500,000 — 1,000,000 100,000 — 500,000 < 100,000 Source: national censuses. Indigenous Latin America in the Twenty-First Century | 23 However, comparing census data across countries proportion of indigenous people in Bolivia (from 62 can be problematic for several reasons. El percent to 41 percent of the population) has in fact Salvador, for example, has the lowest percentage been widely discussed, as it has puzzled both the of indigenous people (0.2 percent), but about 86 international community and the national authorities. percent of its population identifies as “mestizo,” an Some preliminary explanations point to the effect of option not present in many other country surveys. changes in the census questionnaire, as in 2001 Had this option not been available it is difficult to Bolivians were asked if they “identified” with an know how many “mestizos” would have identified indigenous people, and in 2012 the question was as “indigenous.” Also, official data on indigenous whether they “belonged” to one.33 people are not conclusive, as many technical and sociological difficulties persist in census data As for the number and distribution of ethnic groups, collection. Other sources based on estimates the issue is even more problematic and the regional and unofficial data refer to 50 million indigenous censuses might not be the best source, because inhabitants in Latin America (about 10 percent of ethnic frontiers rarely match national borders and the total population).32 For this report, however, we no country keeps track of cross-border populations. will refer to the official—albeit imperfect—numbers Also, different ethnic groups sometimes receive provided by the national censuses (see table 2). homonymous names. Maku, for instance, is an Arawakan term used to refer to various peoples It is difficult to estimate increases in indigenous of Colombia, Venezuela, and Brazil without population across the region because of disparities connection; Nhengatu, Geral, and Yeral are names in how the census data were collected, between given to several unconnected peoples throughout censuses and across countries, and the fact that the Amazon who speak varieties of a lingua some countries are still using data from the previous franca spread by Jesuit missionaries during the round of censuses (for example, Honduras, seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, based on an Chile, and Guatemala). Nevertheless, the most extinct language of the Tupi-Guarani family. On the significant increases occurred in Venezuela, where other hand, a single group or linguistic family might the indigenous population went from 1.5 percent receive different names in different countries—such to 2.8 percent of the total population between as the several groups of Maya peoples inhabiting a censuses (an increase of 218,251); Panama, where large area of southern Mexico and Central America. it went from about 10 percent to 12.2 percent of the total population (an increase of 105,855); According to the Atlas Sociolingüístico de Pueblos Costa Rica, from 1.7 percent to 2.4 percent of Indígenas en América Latina, the Amazon is the the total population (an increase of 40,267); and region with the largest diversity of indigenous Ecuador, from 6.8 percent to 7 percent of the total peoples (316 groups), followed by Mesoamerica, population—a small percentage increase but one the Orinoco basin, the Andes, and the Chaco region. that reflects an increase of 187,758. Brazil had a The areas with the smallest diversity are the Pacific modest increase, with its indigenous population coast and Patagonia. However, the total number of going from 0.4 percent to 0.5 percent of the total indigenous peoples is not conclusive or fixed; rather, population (an increase of 83,836 people). it needs to be understood as a variable figure that is continually changing as a result of new forms of The only country that showed a decrease in its indigenization, ethno-genesis, and legal recognition. indigenous population is Bolivia, for reasons that The Fondo para el Desarrollo de los Pueblos have probably more to do with the way the data Indígenas y del Caribe, for instance, has estimated were collected during the last census than with a the number of indigenous peoples at 626,34 and the real trend to negative growth. The decrease in the Economic Commission for Latin America and the 32 López, “Pueblos, Culturas y Lenguas Indígenas en América Latina.” 33 http://eju.tv/2013/08/censo-menos-indgenas-es-un-mensaje-poltico/; http://red.pucp.edu.pe/ridei/politica/bolivia-censo-2012-algunas-claves-para-entend- er-la-variable-indigena/. 34 The countries that provide information on specific indigenous peoples in the census are Bolivia, Colombia, Costa Rica, Ecuador, Guatemala, Nicaragua, Pana- ma, and Venezuela; for these countries approximately 300 indigenous peoples are listed. 24 | The World Bank Table 2 Indigenous Population in Latin America in 2010 Country Last available Estimated indigenous population at Proportion of the total census the end of the decadea (in millions) populationb Mexico 2010 16.83 15.0% Peru 2007 7.60 26.0% Guatemala 2002 5.88 41.0% Boliviac 2012 4.12 41.0% Colombia 2005 1.53 3.3% Ecuador 2010 1.02 7.0% Argentinad 2010 0.95 2.4% Brazil 2010 0.82 0.5% Venezuela 2011 0.72 2.8% Chile 2002 0.79 4.6% Honduras 2001 0.55 7.2% Panama 2010 0.42 12.2% Nicaraguae 2005 0.35 6.0% Paraguay 2012 0.11 1.7% Costa Rica 2011 0.10 2.4% El Salvador 2007 0.01 0.2% Latin Americaf -- 41.81 7.8% Source: national censuses. a For countries without census data available for the end of the decade, the indigenous population was estimated by applying the percentage of the last census to the 2010 projection of the national population. b The indigenous population was estimated using “self-identification” in all the censuses, except for Peru, which provides only “mother tongue” as a means of identification. In this case, the indigenous population was estimated by identifying as “indigenous” all the members of a household where the head of the household speaks an indigenous language. c In Bolivia, only respondents 15 years of age or older were asked if they self-identified as indigenous, so the estimate in the table extrapolates the percentage of indigenous population in the segment “15 years of age or older” to the segment “14 years of age or younger.” d Includes people who self-identify as belonging to an indigenous group and people of indigenous descent. e In Nicaragua, self-identification includes indigenous peoples, Creoles, and mestizos. The latter two categories were not included in this estimate for consistency with the rest of the report, though they are usually listed as indigenous population in the official data of the country. f The regional estimate was constructed as a weighted average, using country population as weights. Indigenous Latin America in the Twenty-First Century | 25 Table 3 Indigenous Peoples and languages in Latin America Country Indigenous Indigenous Legal status of indigenous peoples languages languagesa Argentina 30 15 Languages of education Belize 4 4 No recognition Bolivia 114 33b Co-official with Spanish Brazil 241 186 Languages of education Chile 9 6 Languages of education Colombia 83 65 Co-official with Spanish Costa Rica 8 7 Languages to be preserved Ecuador 32 13 Of official regional use El Salvador 3 1 No recognition French Guiana 6 6 Languages of education Guatemala 24 24 National languages Guyana 9 9 Languages of education Honduras 7 6 Languages of education Mexico 67 67 Co-official with Spanish Nicaragua 9 6 Of official regional use Panamac 7 7 Languages of education Paraguay 20 20 Guarani as co-official Peru 52 47 Of official regional use Suriname 5 5 No recognition Uruguay 0 0 No recognition Venezuela 50 37 Co-official with Spanish Latin America 780 560 Compiled for this report by Luis Enrique Lopez-Hurtado. a The legal status of indigenous languages is based on the definitions found in the constitution, as well as in existing education and language laws. Sources: national censuses of Bolivia, Costa Rica, Ecuador, Guatemala, Nicaragua, Panama, and Venezuela, and I. Sichra, coord., Atlas Sociolingüístico de Pueblos Indígenas en América Latina. b According to the 2009 constitution. c According to the Plan de Desarrollo Integral de Los Pueblos Indigenas (2013). 26 | The World Bank Caribbean (ECLAC) recently listed 826 indigenous speak an indigenous language in the three censuses peoples.35 Table 3 is therefore intended to serve as of the region that offered both alternatives (Bolivia, a mere reference of the ethno-linguistic diversity— Mexico, and Ecuador). rather than as a definitive list—and of the legal status and protection this valuable knowledge enjoys at present in the region, at least on paper. Figure 3 Indigenous Language and Self-Identification It is estimated that half of the existing languages in the world will become extinct during this century.36 In 45% Latin America, about one-fifth of indigenous peoples Identifies as indigenous 40% have already lost their native languages in recent 41% Speaks indigenous language decades (44 of them now speak Spanish, while 55 35% speak Portuguese). Based on an analysis of 313 30% indigenous languages, a recent report concludes 25% 29% that 76 percent (239) of them are spoken by fewer than 10,000 people.37 Although population size and 20% language replacement are not necessarily related, a 15% study by the Comisión Nacional para el Desarrollo 15% de los Pueblos Indígenas in Mexico found that of 10% 62 languages analyzed, 22 were in rapid process 5% 7% 7% of replacement (including large linguistic groups 5% 0% such as the Maya and Otomí), and an additional Bolivia 2012 Mexico 2010 Ecuador 2010 19 were in slow process of replacement, including the most common indigenous languages in the Source: national censuses. country: Nahuatl and Zapotec.38 Figure 3 shows the discrepancies between the percentage of people Note: In Bolivia the language is identified by the question “first language who identify as indigenous and the percentage who learned as a child.” 35 ECLAC, Guaranteeing Indigenous People’s Rights in Latin America (Santiago, Chile: ECLAC, 2014). 36 Michael Krauss, “The World’s Languages in Crisis,” Language 68, no. 1 (1992): 1–42; Luisa Maffi, “Linguistic, Cultural, and Biological Diversity,” Annual Review of Anthropology 34 (2005): 599–617; UNESCO, Atlas of the World’s Languages in Danger (Paris: UNESCO Publishing, 2010). 37 López, “Pueblos, Culturas y Lenguas Indígenas en América Latina,” 85. 38 Comisión Nacional para el Desarrollo de los Pueblos Indígenas, Estados Unidos Mexicanos, Indice de reemplazo etnolingüístico, Mexico (2005). Indigenous Latin America in the Twenty-First Century | 27 Mobility, Migration, and Urbanization Although traditional territories have been one of the Salvador, Mexico, and Peru already resides in urban most overarching referents of historical continuity, settings. Most notably, in Chile and Venezuela the identity, and self-determination for indigenous indigenous population living in cities surpasses 60 peoples, 49 percent of the indigenous population percent of the total. In the case of Peru, though in Latin America currently lives in urban areas. This the 2007 census reported a 53 percent urban transition has been triggered by numerous factors, indigenous population, more recent household including dispossession of land, ecological depletion, survey data elevate this number to 60 percent. The displacement due to conflict and violence, and urbanization of indigenous societies calls for at least natural disasters. Migration from rural to urban areas, two obvious questions: Why this is happening, and however, is also driven by new and improved access what are the implications of this trend for poverty to basic services, such as health care and education, reduction strategies? as well as improved market opportunities. Fast urbanization is clearly not unique to indigenous For women, migrating to cities can also be an people. Latin America has become one of the opportunity to break away from gendered roles most urbanized regions in the world, with about and enjoy greater independence, even while facing 76 percent of the overall population currently living more disadvantages in cities than men.39 A recent in urban settings,42 as a result of massive and fast UN-Habitat report found that urban women enjoy rural out-migration over recent decades. It is safe greater social, economic, and political opportunities to assume that the driving forces behind ethnic and and liberties than their rural counterparts.40 non-ethnic migrations are quite similar, as countries However, it is also important to note that women are with a high proportion of indigenous people living in a heterogeneous group, in which younger women urban settings, such as Chile and Venezuela, are also face a range of risks that might be exacerbated among the most urbanized countries in the region in the urban setting, such as personal safety and (with 87 and 88 percent urbanization, respectively). security concerns, as well as the possibility of Throughout the region, unequal access to health contracting HIV/AIDS and other communicable care contributes to important gaps in life indicators diseases. Often, women face unequal access to between rural and urban sectors. In Lima, to cite formal work, as their economic opportunities are one example, there are 15 medical doctors for every concentrated mostly in low-skill/low-paying jobs and 10,000 people on average, while in Huanuco (rural the informal sector, such as domestic workers. As Peru) there are only 4. 43 a regional trend, nevertheless, women outnumber men in cities, particularly older women, and the What is distinctive about indigenous peoples is the share of female-headed households is growing strength with which rural-urban disparities hit them. faster than that of male-headed households.41 The life expectancy of indigenous people is 30 years shorter in the Peruvian highlands than in Lima.44 Census data show that while over 60 percent of the Nearly half of all indigenous Amazonians in Peru are indigenous population in Brazil, Colombia, Ecuador, under 15 years of age; only 2 percent are above Honduras, and Panama still lives in rural areas, 64.45 While this imbalance might be due to several over 40 percent of the indigenous population in El reasons, poor access to health services and other 39 For more on gender and migration, see Sylvia Chant, “Cities through a ‘Gender Lens’: A Golden ‘Urban Age’ for Women in the Global South?” Environment and Urbanization 25, no. 1 (2013): 9–29; UN-Habitat, State of Women in Cities Report 2012/13 (Nairobi: UN-Habitat, 2013); Cecilia Tacoli, Urbanization, Gender and Urban Poverty: Paid Work and Unpaid Carework in the City (New York: IIED and UNFPA, 2012). 40 UN-Habitat, State of Women in Cities. 41 Chant, “Cities through a ‘Gender Lens.’” 42 Authors’ calculation using national census data for the countries considered in this report. 43 Ministerio de Salud, Departamento de Información Estadística, 2012. http://www.minsa.gob.pe/index.asp?op=2. 44 Chris Hufstader, “The Injustice of Racism,” Oxfam America, Nov. 30, 2010, http://www.oxfamamerica.org/articles/the-injustice-of-racism. 45 Instituto Nacional de Estadística e Información, Censos Nacionales 2007: II Censo de Comunidades Indígenas (INEI, Lima, 2009). 30 | The World Bank Figure 4 Percentage of Indigenous People Living in Urban and Rural Settings Latin America 49% 51% Chile (2002) 65% 35% Venezuela (2011) 63% 37% Mexico (2010) 54% 46% Peru (2007) 53% 47% El Salvador (2007) 51% 49% Bolivia (2012) Urban 48% 52% Rural Costa Rica (2011) 41% 59% Nicaragua (2005) 38% 62% Brazil (2010) 29% 71% Panama (2010) 24% 76% Colombia (2005) 22% 78% Ecuador (2010) 21% 79% Honduras (2001) 15% 85% 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% Source: national censuses. Note: LAC average weighted by total population for the countries and years included in the figure (last year available). Rural/urban variables were obtained directly from censuses. forms of exclusion from state benefits are critical center,47 many of them inoperable, and about 90 factors. The highest percentage of people without percent of childbirths in these communities occur access to health care in Peru have an indigenous without any institutional assistance.48 language as their mother tongue; about 61 percent of all Quechua speakers and 80 percent of Aymara In cities throughout Latin America, indigenous people speakers have no regular access to health care also have better access to basic services and market services.46 Similarly, only 41 percent of indigenous opportunities. Indigenous people living in cities Amazonian communities have a community health have 1.5 times more access to electricity and 1.7 46 Fernando Lavandez, Julie Ruel-Bergeron, and Alejandra Leytón, “Hacia un Perú más saludable: desafíos y oportunidades del sistema de salud,” in Perú en el umbral de una nueva era, vol. 2, eds. Susan G. Goldmark, C. Felipe Jaramillo, and Carlos Silva-Jáuregui (Lima: World Bank, 2012), 434–65. 47 Instituto Nacional de Estadística. 48 Lavandez, Ruel-Bergeron, and Leytón, “Hacia un Perú más saludable.” Indigenous Latin America in the Twenty-First Century | 31 times more access to piped water than their rural population, including indigenous residents, only 61 counterparts. In Panama, Bolivia, and Peru, urban percent and 68 percent of indigenous rural dwellers indigenous people have 3.9, 3.6, and 2.6 times better have access to this service in their homes. In Peru access to electricity, while in Venezuela, Ecuador, and Bolivia, indigenous urban dwellers have three Brazil, and Chile, the gap is somewhat narrower (see times and twice, respectively, the access to piped figure 5). Differences in access to piped water and water that their rural counterparts have. Indigenous sewerage are even more pronounced than the gap urban dwellers also have nearly 15 times better in electricity. In Chile and Costa Rica, where piped access to sewerage than their rural peers in Bolivia, water coverage is virtually universal for the urban and 8.5 times in Peru. Figure 5 Percentage of Indigenous People with Access to Electricity, Piped Water, and Sewerage Access to electricitY 100% 98% 98% 100% 97% 98% 90% 94% 91% 93% 93% 80% 88% 91% 84% 85% 70% 80% 75% 77% 60% 65% 50% 40% 48% 49% 30% 34% 33% 20% 28% 26% 24% 10% 0% Bolivia Brazil Chile Colombia Costa Rica Ecuador El Salvador Mexico Nicaragua Panama Peru Venezuela (2001) (2010) (2002) (2005) (2000) (2010) (2007) (2010) (2005) (2010) (2007) (2001) Urban Rural Access to piped water 100% 90% 99% 80% 99% 91% 92% 70% 93% 95% 82% 88% 60% 80% 50% 78% 65% 63% 40% 68% 73% 71% 30% 61% 20% 48% 50% 40% 41% 37% 30% 10% 24% 25% 0% Bolivia Brazil Chile Colombia Costa Rica Ecuador El Salvador Mexico Nicaragua Panama Peru Venezuela (2001) (2010) (2002) (2005) (2000) (2010) (2007) (2010) (2005) (2010) (2007) (2001) Urban Rural 32 | The World Bank Access to sewerage 100% 90% 80% 70% 96% 86% 60% 86% 90% 50% 40% 66% 68% 59% 63% 46% 48% 54% 30% 20% 41% 26% 31% 31% 10% 7% 6% 8% 29% 4% 3% 1% 0% Bolivia Brazil Chile Costa Rica Ecuador El Salvador Mexico Nicaragua Panama Peru Venezuela (2001) (2010) (2002) (2000) (2010) (2007) (2010) (2005) (2010) (2007) (2001) Urban Rural Source: national censuses. While differences in access to basic services are gender, education level of the household’s head, consistent with prevailing disparities in access among and number of children under 15 years of age in the urban and rural non-indigenous people, these gaps household; see section “Poverty and Vulnerability”). are generally wider for indigenous peoples (see figure 6). For example, rural-urban gaps in access to Just as important, completion of primary education electricity are two to five times wider for indigenous throughout Latin America is 1.6 times higher people than for non-indigenous people in Ecuador, for urban indigenous people than for their rural Panama, and Brazil. Rural-urban gaps in access counterparts, 3.6 times higher for secondary to piped water are 3.4 times larger for indigenous education, and 7.7 times higher for tertiary people in Panama and 1.6 in Brazil. In Peru, while the education. In Bolivia the difference between rural gap between rural and urban settings is above 50 and urban areas in primary education completion percent for the entire population, ethnicity does not is 34 percent, while in Peru the gap is 26 percent. seem to play a major role. However, it is important Mexico and Ecuador have 17 and 16 percent gaps, to note that because mother tongue is the only respectively. The pattern for secondary education is available variable for identifying indigenous people in more pronounced, with indigenous urban residents Peru, part of the disparity between non-indigenous having three, four, or more times better chance of urban and rural dwellers might include the peasant/ completing high school. Urban indigenous dwellers indigenous population of the highlands who declare complete secondary education more than four to speak Spanish. In fact, the probability in Peru of times as often as their rural counterparts in Bolivia, an indigenous household to be poor decreases by and more than three times as often in Mexico and 37 percent if it lives in an urban setting (regardless Peru. Tertiary education, meanwhile, is markedly the of other conditions contributing to poverty, such as urban privilege of a few. Indigenous Latin America in the Twenty-First Century | 33 Rural-Urban Gaps in Access to Electricity, Piped Water, and Sewerage: Indigenous People Figure 6 (IP) vs. Non-Indigenous People (Non-IP) 80% 77% 70% 69% 64% 59% 61% 60% 57% 52% 53% 55% 52% 50% 50% 50% 45% 45% 40% 33% 35% 30% 26% 28% 20% 17% 18% 20% 14% 10% 7% 6% 0% Brazil Ecuador Panama Peru Brazil Ecuador Panama Peru Brazil Ecuador Panama Peru (2010) (2010) (2010) (2007) (2010) (2010) (2010) (2007) (2010) (2010) (2010) (2007) Electricity rural-urban gap Piped water rural-urban gap Sewerage rural-urban gap Urban-Rural IP Urban-Rural IP Urban-Rural IP Urban-Rural Non-IP Urban-Rural Non-IP Urban-Rural Non-IP Source: national censuses. Figure 7 Indigenous People’s Educational Attainment: Rural vs. Urban 80% 74.7% 70.6% 70% 59.8% 60% 60.3% 62.2% 60.1% 60% 58.3% 56.4% 54.6% 51.1% 50% 48.1% 44.1% 42.8% 40.5% 40% 36.1% 33.6% 34.2% 27.1% 27.7% 29.6% 30% 24.4% 23.1% 18.8% 20% 10% 0% Bolivia Brazil Chile Colombia Costa Rica Ecuador El Salvador Mexico Nicaragua Panama Peru Venezuela (2001) (2010) (2002) (2005) (2000) (2010) (2007) (2010) (2005) (2010) (2007) (2001) Urban Rural Primary Education 34 | The World Bank 40% 36.2% 34.5% 35% 30% 25.2% 24.6% 25% 22.3% 20% 17.6% 17.7% 17.2% 17.9% 18% 16.9% 15% 11% 10% 8.9% 7.8% 6.7% 7.2% 6% 5.2% 5.3% 5% 3.1% 4.2% 3.3% 2.7% 2.1% 0% Bolivia Brazil Chile Colombia Costa Rica Ecuador El Salvador Mexico Nicaragua Panama Peru Venezuela (2001) (2010) (2002) (2005) (2000) (2010) (2007) (2010) (2005) (2010) (2007) (2001) Urban Rural Secondary Education 6% 5.6% 4.9% 4.9% 5% 4.6% 4.4% 4.8% 4.2% 4% 3.4% 3.4% 3% 2.3% 2% 1.8% 1% 0.7% 0.7% 0.7% 0.4% 0.5% 0.5% 0.5% 0.3% 0.4% 0.2% 0.3% 0% 0% Bolivia Brazil Chile Colombia Costa Rica Ecuador El Salvador Mexico Nicaragua Panama Peru Venezuela (2001) (2010) (2002) (2005) (2000) (2010) (2007) (2010) (2005) (2010) (2007) (2001) Urban Rural Tertiary education Source: national censuses. Finally, though the rural-urban gap in education and tertiary education show in general a wider gap affects the non-indigenous population as well, the for the non-indigenous population, probably because primary education gap is higher for indigenous of indigenous people’s overall lower attainment of people in Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, secondary- and tertiary-level degrees, irrespective of Ecuador, El Salvador, and Panama, and lower in their location (see figure 8).49 Mexico, Nicaragua, Peru, and Venezuela. Secondary 49 For more comparisons on the marginal probability of completing primary and secondary education, controlled against other variables and based on household data, see section “Poverty and Vulnerability.” Indigenous Latin America in the Twenty-First Century | 35 Rural-Urban Gap in Educational Attainment: Indigenous People (IP) vs. Figure 8 Non-Indigenous People (Non-IP) 40% 36% 35% 34% 33% 31% 32% 32% 29% 30% 30% 29% 30% 28% 29% 25% 26% 26% 25% 23% 19% 20% 17% 18% 17% 16% 17% 15% 14% 12% 10% 5% 0% Bolivia Brazil Chile Colombia Costa Rica Ecuador El Salvador Mexico Nicaragua Panama Peru Venezuela (2001) (2010) (2002) (2005) (2000) (2010) (2007) (2010) (2005) (2010) (2007) (2001) Urban-Rural IP Urban-Rural Non IP Primary education gap 40% 36% 35% 34% 30% 27% 26% 25% 25% 24% 23% 21% 20% 20% 20% 19% 19% 19% 18% 17% 17% 18% 15% 16% 15% 15% 14% 12% 10% 10% 6% 5% 0% Bolivia Brazil Chile Colombia Costa Rica Ecuador El Salvador Mexico Nicaragua Panama Peru Venezuela (2001) (2010) (2002) (2005) (2000) (2010) (2007) (2010) (2005) (2010) (2007) (2001) Urban-Rural IP Urban-Rural Non IP Secondary education gap 36 | The World Bank 12% 10% 10% 9% 8% 8% 8% 7% 7% 6% 6% 6% 6% 5% 4% 4% 4% 4% 4% 4% 4% 4% 3% 3% 3% 2% 2% 1% 0% 0% 0% Bolivia Brazil Chile Colombia Costa Rica Ecuador El Salvador Mexico Nicaragua Panama Peru Venezuela (2001) (2010) (2002) (2005) (2000) (2010) (2007) (2010) (2005) (2010) (2007) (2001) Urban-Rural IP Urban-Rural Non IP Tertiary education gap Source: national censuses. Another important factor associated with rural-urban Currently, there are 81 active oil blocks in the migration is the great deal of pressure indigenous Amazon, and at least 327 potential blocks are being territories have been subjected to over the past decades. explored and negotiated (spread over 15 percent Although the causes behind indigenous mobility vary of the Amazon basin); 78 percent of all blocks are greatly from one case to the next, the Amazon, a controlled by nine state-owned and/or transnational multinational area cutting across nine countries, is a oil companies.54 Potential oil blocks overlap with good example of some of the forces pushing indigenous indigenous territories to different degrees,55 but the peoples out of their traditional territories. majority (80 percent, 263 oil blocks) are located in the region contiguous to the Andes and their piedmont, With the highest ethnic diversity and the largest an area in which more than half of Amazonian proportion of languages in the region,50 the Amazon indigenous groups are located, some of which live basin currently faces important pressures from internal in “voluntary isolation” or in some degree of initial and external actors.51 Although about 45 percent of the contact. Today, there are active oil blocks on 13 region is protected under different legal jurisdictions, percent of the indigenous land in the Amazon, but 21.5 percent of which is considered “indigenous the blocks that are being targeted and negotiated territory,”52 there are few de facto guarantees for cover about 50 percent of the indigenous land (see indigenous people, even within these protected areas.53 map 2).56 50 The Amazon comprises 7.8 million square kilometers, with 12 basins and 158 sub-basins, cutting across Bolivia (6.2 percent), Brazil (64.3 percent), Colombia (6.2 percent), Ecuador (1.5 percent), Guyana (2.8 percent), Peru (10.1 percent), Suriname (2.1 percent), Venezuela (5.8 percent), and French Guiana (1.1 percent). This area is occupied by 33 million people and 385 indigenous peoples, many of which are in a situation of “voluntary isolation” or initial contact. 51 RAISG, Amazonía bajo presión (2012), http://raisg.socioambiental.org/amazonia-bajo-presion-2012. 52 Ibid., 11. 53 Ibid., 12. 54 Ibid., 24. 55 In Peru, 66.3 percent of all oil blocks overlap indigenous territories, but none do so in Brazil. RAISG, Amazonía bajo presión, 24. 56 Ibid., 29. Indigenous Latin America in the Twenty-First Century | 37 Map 2 | Areas of Oil and Mineral Extraction in the Amazon Barranquilla Maracaibo Caracas Valencia PANAMA Panama N VENEZUELA Georgetown Medellin GUYANA Paramaribo Atlantic Ocean Bogota SURINAME FRENCH COLOMBIA Cali GUIANA Quito ECUADOR Belem Guayaquil Manaos PERU Los Angeles MEXICO Guadalajara Legend: Puerto Principe Ciudad de Mexico Belmopan Kingston Santo Domingo Caribbean Sea Guatemala Tegucigalpa San Salvador Managua Indigenous Territories in San Jose Caracas VENEZUELA Georgetown Medellin Paramaribo the Amazon Bogota Cali COLOMBIA Quito Pacific PERU Active and potential areas of Ocean Lima BRAZIL Salvador oil extraction in the Amazon La Paz BOLIVIA Brasilia Sao Rio de PARAGUAY Paulo Janeiro Asuncion URUGUAY Active and potential areas Santiago Buenos Aires Montevideo ARGENTINA of mineral extraction in the CHILE Amazon Source: RAISG. 38 | The World Bank Legal and illegal mining also constitute a major development of extractive projects. There, after the threat to indigenous lands, and are important drivers government-led consent process got off to a rocky for migration and conflict.57 One-fifth of the Amazon start, the Ministry of Hydrocarbons and Energy basin (1.6 million square kilometers [km2]) has been agreed to relaunch it and to follow the Guaraní identified as having potential for mineral extraction; communities’ proposed methodological guidelines about 20 percent is indigenous land. Garimpagem for redirecting the consent process in accordance (illegal gold mining) has also spread throughout the with their traditional organization and processes. region, causing deforestation, river pollution, and After a phased consent process within the violence.58 A recent study by the Carnegie Amazon indigenous communities, according to their rules, Mercury Ecosystem Project (CAMEP) found that the communities gave their written consent to the Peruvian indigenous communities registered five project. As reported by the local non-governmental times more toxic mercury than what the World organization (NGO) providing training to the Guaraní: Health Organization considers safe, doubling the amount found among urban dwellers.59 The high “[The government] acted in a receptive, open, and level of mercury is the result of the recent gold rush proactive manner with indigenous leaders so that in the Madre de Dios region of Peru.60 Illegal gold the consultation process could arrive at a positive mining has also been prevalent in Guyana, Suriname, conclusion. The case of Charagua Norte reinforces French Guiana, Brazil, and Venezuela. Currently, 19 the need for government agencies to maintain percent of indigenous territories are located in areas an attitude of openness and respect towards being used for legal and illegal mining; 94 percent indigenous peoples’ demands for prior consultation of this area (381,857 km2) is within indigenous and consent.”63 territories with official recognition and 6 percent (25,437 km2) in indigenous lands with no legal Finally, another critical driver of displacement recognition.61 In other words, land titles alone seem in indigenous territories is crime and violence, to provide indigenous people with little protection which are sometimes related to illicit economies. against these practices if not accompanied by other About 17 percent of the land within indigenous government action. resguardos in Colombia is estimated to be used for illegal crops,64 and of the 6.4 million victims of the However, the extractive industries can also Colombian conflict officially registered from 1958 to be a pull factor for indigenous peoples, with 2012,65 30 percent belonged to Afro-Colombian or diverse outcomes, and, despite many negative indigenous communities. Approximately 89 percent experiences, there are many cases that prove that of the victims66 were internally displaced;67 and out the interests of extractive industries and those of of 720,000 forcefully displaced people in Colombia indigenous peoples do not have to be at odds with today, over 125,000 belonged to an indigenous each other.62 The case of the Charagua Norte and community. Thus, despite representing 3.3 percent Isoso gas exploration project, in Bolivia, represents of the total population, indigenous people account positive recognition of indigenous institutions in the for over 17 percent of the internally displaced people. 57 In Peru, for example, there were about 1,073 active conflicts related to mining in 2012 alone, accounting for about 55 percent of all active conflicts registered by the Ombudsman Office. 58 “Ungreen Gold,” the Economist, Nov. 18, 2010, http://www.economist.com/node/17525904. 59 Cecilia Jamasmie, “Peru’s Illegal Gold Mining Poisoning Children, Natives—Report,” Mining.com, Sept. 9, 2013, http://www.mining.com/perus-illegal-gold-min- ing-poisoning-children-natives-report-41973/. 60 CAMEP, Carnegie Institution for Science, Department of Global Ecology, http://dge.stanford.edu/research/CAMEP/Findings.html. 61 RAISG, Amazonía bajo presión, 35–36. 62 James Anaya, United Nations, “Extractive Industries and Indigenous Peoples: Report of the Special Rapporteur on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples,” July 1, 2013. 63 Iván Bascopé Sanjines, CEJIS, “Case Study: Bolivian Government Consultation with the Guaraní Indigenous Peoples of Charagua Norte and Isoso, Proposed Hydrocarbons Exploration Project in San Isidro Block, Santa Cruz, Bolivia,” Nov. 15, 2010, http://www.oxfamamerica.org/static/media/files/oxfam-bolivia-consulta- tion-process-nov-2010-final.pdf. 64 Marcelo M. Giugale, Olivier Lafourcarde, and Connie Luff, eds., Colombia: The Economic Foundation of Peace (Washington, DC: World Bank, 2002), 797. 65 Red Nacional de Información, Unidad para la Atención y Reparación Integral a las Victimas, April 2014. 66 According to a local NGO, CODHES (Consultoría para los Derechos Humanos y el Desplazamiento), 5.4 million Colombians were displaced from 2005 to 2011. 67 Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre, Global Overview 2012: People Internally Displaced by Conflict and Violence (Geneva: IDMC, Norwegian Refugee Coun- cil, April 2013). Indigenous Latin America in the Twenty-First Century | 39 Lack of Access to Piped Water, Electricity, Sewerage, and Building Materials (Dirt Floor) in Indigenous Table 4 and Non-Indigenous Urban Households Country Year Dirt floor No No No Slum electricity piped water sewerage Indigenous Bolivia 2001 15% 9% 12% 41% 47% Brazil 2010 – 2% 7% 39% 40% Chile 2002 1% 2% 1% 4% 5% Colombia 2005 22% 7% 18% – 32% Costa Rica 2000 6% 0% 1% 14% 16% Ecuador 2010 6% 3% 9% 10% 21% El Salvador 2007 24% 12% 20% 37% 40% Latin 17% 6% 13% 23% 36% America Mexico 2010 8% 2% 8% 14% 23% Nicaragua 2005 21% 16% 37% 74% 80% Panama 2010 9% 7% 5% 40% 47% Peru 2007 45% 15% 22% 32% 57% Venezuela 2001 22% 6% 35% 54% 65% Non-Indigenous Bolivia 2001 11% 8% 8% 34% 39% Brazil 2010 – 0% 2% 26% 27% Chile 2002 0% 1% 0% 3% 4% Colombia 2005 7% 2% 8% – 9% Costa Rica 2000 1% 0% 0% 4% 5% Ecuador 2010 4% 2% 9% 9% 17% El Salvador 2007 13% 5% 11% 37% 40% Latin 3% 1% 4% 16% 20% America Mexico 2010 3% 1% 4% 3% 8% Nicaragua 2005 28% 5% 10% 55% 60% Panama 2010 3% 2% 2% 31% 31% Peru 2007 25% 8% 16% 20% 37% Venezuela 2001 3% 1% 9% 9% 17% Source: national censuses. 40 | The World Bank Better, but Not Well… considerably higher than that of non-indigenous people; often twice as high or more. Regionally, The urbanization of indigenous spaces raises 36 percent of the indigenous population, about 15 numerous questions, not only regarding aspects million people, lives in the precarious conditions of cultural continuity, but also in terms of protecting generally known as slums, compared with 20 their collective rights, including the right to remain percent of the non-indigenous population. In culturally distinct, and to be able to engage in Venezuela and Nicaragua, slum dwellers account targeted programs and policies for improving their for over 60 percent of the urban indigenous social inclusion. Also, even if generally better off population, while in Peru and Bolivia, they account than their rural peers—in material terms at least—36 for 57 percent and 47 percent, respectively. The percent of indigenous urban dwellers are relegated most common problems in almost every country are to slums, or to the so-called “informal city,” where lack of sanitation and piped water, though in Peru they often face extreme poverty, inhabiting insecure, the most common problem is inhabiting unfinished unsanitary, and polluted areas. As such, while or poorly built houses (with dirt floors). indigenous urban populations have better chances of accessing public services than their rural peers, Additionally, slums usually have no land tenure system, they lag behind non-indigenous urban dwellers and are exposed to natural disasters and crime, and are exposed to new dimensions of exclusion. have limited market opportunities. In Bolivia, while in rural areas 90 percent of the indigenous population Based on a simplified definition of slum, determined own their homes, in cities only 61 percent of them by the absence of at least one basic public service do.68 Moreover, the rate of home ownership among (water, electricity, or sewerage) or the presence of indigenous people has decreased in the past decade dirt floors as a proxy for poor construction materials, in countries such as Ecuador (down by 5 percentage regional censuses show that in most countries the points), while in countries where it has increased, such percentage of indigenous people living in slums is as Peru and Mexico, it has done so only marginally. Figure 9 Home Ownership among Indigenous People 100% 94% 92% 90% 92% 90% 89% 89% 84% 84% 86% 82% 84% 80% 79% 80% 76% 76% 74% 71% 71% 70% 69% 65% 65% 61% 60% 53% 52% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% Bolivia Brazil Chile Colombia Costa Rica Ecuador El Salvador Mexico Nicaragua Panama Peru Venezuela (2001) (2010) (2002) (2005) (2000) (2010) (2007) (2010) (2005) (2010) (2007) (2001) Urban Rural Source: national censuses. 68 Indigenous people across the region are 19.6 percent less likely to own a house in urban settings. This gap is even more substantial in some cases such as Ecuador (64.7 percent less likely) and Panama (29.2 percent). Indigenous Latin America in the Twenty-First Century | 41 Urban migration also disrupts traditional land tenure as much as women in rural areas (1,110 Bs to 530 systems, which in the long run limit individuals’ Bs). However, over half of all indigenous women (53 capacity to secure affordable housing, forcing them percent) in urban areas had no insurance to cover to occupy—or remain within—places with poor these costs, compared with 39 percent of non- infrastructure and services. This can often lead to indigenous women.71 chronic marginalization and homelessness.69 That said, the cityscape can also be a place of Higher costs of public services also hit indigenous participation and empowerment. One illuminating people harder. The average cost of giving birth in example of how cities delineate citizenship rights Bolivia in 2011 was about 800 Bs,70 for instance, and political participation is El Alto, Bolivia—the but women in urban areas paid more than twice poorer, larger neighboring city of La Paz (see box 2). Box 2 | El Alto, Bolivia Rural migrations, partly sparked by agrarian reform and the emergence of economic opportunities around the railway system, the airport, and a growing industrial sector, accelerated El Alto’s growth during the second half of the twentieth century. Today it hosts over 800,000 people, mostly Aymara. With the transition to El Alto, Aymara-speaking dwellers began to organize themselves in juntas de vecinos (neighborhood organizations), and already by 1979 these local associations had gained a certain degree of autonomy, structured around the Federación de Juntas Vecinales. Through collective organization, “El Alto residents saw a larger share of municipal resources being spent in the city center and thus demanded access to and control over their own financial resources.”72 During the 1980s, with the privatization of tin mines and the implementation of other policies that deteriorated the living conditions of many rural families, there was a massive influx of miners to El Alto, which triggered an 11-fold increase in the informal sector from 1989 to 1995 (at an average rate of 130 percent per year). Today the informal sector is one of the main economic activities in El Alto. The widespread informality in El Alto has transformed juntas into the main political voice for indigenous people. In El Alto, the juntas thus became the most important grassroots organizations. Neighborhoods organized the boards to plan, finance, and build basic infrastructure and provide services. The boards were the main instrument used for building the city and were also a tool of mediation, representation, and accountability in both public and private spaces. El Alto has also become a place to express indigenous forms of urbanization and beauty.73 69 UN-Habitat, Securing Land Rights for Indigenous Peoples in Cities (Nairobi: UN-Habitat, 2011), 2. 70 The figures presented are based on an analysis of Bolivian 2011 household survey data. Bolivianos, or Bs, is the national currency. According to the May 2014 exchange rate, 100 Bs is approximately US$15. 71 World Bank, Bolivia: Challenges and Constraints to Gender Equality and Women’s Empowerment (Washington, DC: World Bank, forthcoming); World Bank, Office of the Regional Chief Economist, Latin America and the Caribbean as Tailwinds Recede: In Search of Higher Growth (2013). 72 Carlos Revilla, “Understanding the Mobilizations of Octubre 2003: Dynamic Pressures and Shifting Leadership Practices in El Alto,” in Remapping Bolivia: Resources, Territory, and Indigeneity in a Plurinational State, eds. Nicole Fabricant and Bret Gustafson (Santa Fe: School for Advanced Research Press, 2011), 119. 73 “Vea cómo son las mansiones de los millonarios aymara de Bolivia,” video, 2:21, from BBC Mundo, May 29, 2014, http://www.bbc.co.uk/mundo/video_fo- tos/2014/05/140529_video_bolivia_cholets_mansiones_men.shtml. 42 | The World Bank In the wake of this rapid and complex indigenous fastest rate of language loss, and cultural continuity urbanization, it is noteworthy that current regulatory is clearly more at risk there than in their communities frameworks on indigenous rights have little or no of origin, yet intercultural bilingual education is reference to indigenous people living in cities.74 A not usually implemented in urban settings. Thus, UN-Habitat report argues that “urban indigenous should urban spaces be prioritized given the current people are seen as an economic and political liability migratory trends? Many of these questions do to local and governmental authorities, a further strain not have clear-cut answers, but if we are to end on existing services, facilities and infrastructure, poverty within a generation, while respecting the especially in overpopulated cities.”75 Additionally, the right of indigenous peoples to develop with identity templates and strategies used by governments and and dignity, evidence suggests we can no longer the development community to attend to indigenous postpone asking them. peoples’ special needs and priorities are designed and intended for “traditional” rural areas. Finally, even if the urbanization of about half of the indigenous population in Latin America is a In cities, indigenous people therefore run the risk striking finding—as it challenges our collective of becoming politically invisible, with remarkable representation of what being indigenous is and what exceptions such as El Alto. This ultimately prevents indigenous city dwellers’ special needs might be— governments from delivering culturally specific public the fact that the other half still lives in rural areas services and guaranteeing that indigenous rights within the most urbanized and rapidly urbanizing are protected. Neither the development community region of the world is just as striking, perhaps even nor the academia have clear answers to many more so. The attachment of such a large proportion basic questions pertaining to the needs and views of indigenous households to the rural world, in the of indigenous people in urban environments. For face of pressing and often growing inequalities instance, should free, prior and informed consent be between the urban and rural milieus, confirms the implemented in urban settings? Or, given their better strong connection between indigenous peoples and access to other forms of political inclusion, should their territories, which are not only essential to their indigenous people be encouraged to increase their collective rights and assets, but which have been visibility via political parties and electoral politics? repeatedly proved to be an integral part of their And, if so, how? Urban indigenous people have the identities and their ideas of well-being. 74 International organizations such as the World Bank, for their part, do not usually execute safeguard policies aimed at indigenous peoples in urban environments, as territoriality and continuity—of traditions, institutions, etc.—are common screening criteria to determine whether indigenous people are in the area of influence of a project. 75 UN-Habitat, Securing Land Rights for Indigenous Peoples in Cities, 3. Indigenous Latin America in the Twenty-First Century | 43 Development with Identity Poverty means different things to different people, reflect cultural patterns and preferences, forms all of them bad, as sociocultural anthropologist of social organization, and worldviews that might Arjun Appadurai puts it. “It is material deprivation differ from those held by indigenous peoples, such and desperation. It is lack of security and dignity. as the provision of sanitation, health, education, It is exposure to risk and high costs for thin and electricity services, or per capita income comforts. It is inequality materialized. It diminishes from officially recognized economic activities. But its victims…”76 A common denominator of poverty is these indicators do not necessarily reflect reality in the lack of material or immaterial aspects that limits indigenous milieus. the enjoyment of a life worth living. Yet, what makes “a life worth living” is where indigenous peoples Indigenous peoples hold different conceptions might disagree with poverty assessments and of value and production,77 as well as contrasting with the development solutions proposed by non- social and cultural characteristics that can make indigenous actors. them more or less vulnerable in the midst of economic, environmental, or political shocks. Different tools to assess poverty trends, such as the For many indigenous societies of the Amazon several criteria used to define poverty lines, including region, for instance, it has been argued that the Gini coefficient, the Human Development wealth was traditionally constructed not around Index, and the Physical Quality of Life Index, have the accumulation of goods or foodstuff, but rather increasingly incorporated more nuanced, and on the reproduction of kin, which was ultimately therefore more comprehensive, dimensions of translated into a workforce capable of increasing the poverty, but they can inevitably offer only partial social and economic autonomy of the group.78 Given views of what poverty means. It is difficult to account the relatively even distribution of natural resources for the social or historical elements that reinforce and the simplicity of the material culture, a wealthy a group’s exclusion in numerical or quantifiable person was not one who had a particular amount terms. However, these—perhaps unquantifiable— of material goods or foodstuff, but rather someone dimensions of poverty are particularly pertinent who belonged to a large and healthy household.79 in the case of indigenous peoples, whose cultural distinctiveness requires approaches that capture Since the accumulation of material goods or foodstuff historically contingent and socially embedded made little sense in this context, surpluses were notions of poverty. usually spent on reinforcing social ties that increased the group’s productive and reproductive capacity, Although there is an undeniable correlation such as in reciprocal exchanges. From this political- between membership in an indigenous group economic point of view, accumulation and social and socioeconomic deprivation today, it must stratification were perceived as threats to the core be stressed that depicting indigenous peoples principles of a good life, and thus rejected. Although as invariably poor is influenced by predominantly the articulation of these groups to the market and the Western indicators of well-being. These indicators monetization of their local economies have of course 76 Arjun Appadurai, “The Capacity to Aspire: Culture and the Terms of Recognition,” in Culture and Public Action, eds. Vijayendra Rao and Michael Walton (Wash- ington, DC: Stanford University Press and World Bank, 2004), 64. 77 See Appadurai, “Introduction: Commodities and the Politics of Value,” in The Social Life of Things: Commodities in Cultural Perspective, ed. Appadurai (Cam- bridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988); David Graeber, Toward an Anthropological Theory of Value: The False Coin of Our Dreams (New York: Palgrave, 2001); Chris Hann and Keith Hart, Economic Anthropology: History, Ethnography, Critique (Cambridge, UK: Polity Press, 2011); Marshall Sahlins, “The Econom- ics of Develop-Man in the Pacific,” Res: Anthropology and Aesthetics 21 (spring 1992): 12–25; Turner, “The Beautiful and the Common: Inequalities of Value and Revolving Hierarchy among the Kayapó,” Tipití: Journal of the Society for the Anthropology of Lowland South America 1, no. 1 (June 2003): 11–26. 78 Pierre Clastres, Society against the State: Essays in Political Anthropology (New York: Zone Books, 1987); Peter Rivière, “Aspects of Carib Political Economy,” Antropológica 59–62 (1983–84): 349–58; Rivière, “Of Women, Men and Manioc,” in Natives and Neighbors in South America: Anthropological Essays, eds. Har- ald O. Skar and Frank Salomon (Gothenburg: Gothenburg Ethnographic Museum, 1987); Michael A. Uzendoski, “Manioc Beer and Meat: Value, Reproduction and Cosmic Substance among the Napo Runa of the Ecuadorian Amazon,” Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 10, no. 4 (December 2004): 883–902. 79 The health of a household refers here to much more than the absence of diseases, starvation, or death. It extends to a household’s relationship with the material and symbolic worlds behind such apparent states from an indigenous point of view. See Germán Freire, ed., Perspectivas en Salud Indígena: Cosmovisión, Enfermedad y Políticas Públicas (Quito: Ediciones Abya-Yala, 2011). 46 | The World Bank altered many pre-market dynamics in the region, America regarding indigenous peoples’ rights. the economic rationale behind what have come to Law and public policy have moved from a clearly be loosely known as “gift-economies” remains an assimilationist paradigm—intended to integrate important factor behind many indigenous actors’ indigenous peoples into mainstream society— economic and political decisions today.80 Numerous to a multiculturalist agenda, aimed at preserving anthropologists have documented cases in which cultural differences and safeguarding the rights of the circulation of money, consumer goods, and indigenous peoples to reproduce their cultures services has not eroded preexisting moral regimes and languages, manage their lands and natural of value and accumulation.81 Ignoring the rationale resources, and govern themselves according to behind these economic and political decisions their political systems and customary laws.83 These often makes the implementation of preconceived changes were instigated by a global trend toward development programs impracticable. For many legal realignments, led by indigenous peoples Amazonian societies, preserving high levels of themselves, which began taking international autonomy is therefore not only logical in terms of notoriety with the ILO Convention on Indigenous food security and resiliency, it is also coherent with and Tribal Peoples (ILO No. 169, 1989) and reached their own understanding of wealth and poverty. its peak with the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP, 2007). Therefore, because indigenous peoples can hold different notions of value, as well as different social Both the letter of ILO No. 169 and interpretative and cultural strategies to prevent individuals from ILO materials clearly affirm that consultation and experiencing deprivation, it is important to focus not participation are fundamental for operationalizing only on poverty in monetary terms, or on the lack the rights contained in the convention.84 UNDRIP, of access to services, but also on how these and adopted after two decades of discussion, is also other expressions of poverty, such as dependency, very much oriented toward indigenous peoples’ right discrimination, land insecurity, and political to self-determination; that is, the right of indigenous exclusion, contribute to perpetuate or increase peoples to determine their own economic, social, their vulnerabilities. Under this lens, participation in and cultural development. Other treaties and decision making might be a more significant asset covenants, as well as international bodies such as for indigenous peoples than, say, monetary income. the Inter-American Human Rights System, have This is, in fact, how most indigenous organizations increasingly shaped the meaning and content see it today.82 of aspects determinant to indigenous peoples’ effective participation in different areas, such as Participation and Changes in Legal the right to free, prior and informed consent (FPIC), Frameworks indigenous children’s rights, the role of indigenous peoples in the preservation of the environment, and The last two decades have seen a positive shift the elimination of all forms of discrimination (see in the legal and political frameworks of Latin table 5). 80 See, for example, Monica C. DeHart, Ethnic Entrepreneurs: Identity and Development Politics in Latin America (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2010); Jessica R. Cattelino, High Stakes: Florida Seminole Gaming and Sovereignty (Durham: Duke University Press, 2008). 81 Freire, “Indigenous Shifting Cultivation and the New Amazonia: A Piaroa Example of Economic Articulation,” Human Ecology 35, no. 6 (December 2007): 681–96; Fernando Santos-Granero, “Hybrid Bodyscapes: A Visual History of Yanesha Patterns of Cultural Change,” Current Anthropology 50, no. 4 (August 2009): 477–512; Rudi Colloredo-Mansfeld, Jason Antrosio, and Eric C. Jones, “Creativity, Place, and Commodities: The Making of Public Economies in Andean Apparel Industries,” in Textile Economies: Power and Value from the Local to the Transnational, eds. Patricia A. McAnany and Walter E. Little (Walnut Creek, CA: AltaMira Press, 2011); Colloredo-Mansfeld, The Native Leisure Class: Consumption and Cultural Creativity in the Andes (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999). 82 Monetary inequality, however, is not irrelevant for indigenous peoples, as will be shown below. It is, in fact, increasingly relevant as indigenous peoples become more dependent on monetary exchanges to reduce their vulnerabilities, and it remains, to this day, a useful proxy for highlighting other forms of social exclusion. 83 Karen Engle, The Elusive Promise of Indigenous Development: Rights, Culture, Strategy (Durham: Duke University Press, 2010); Mario Blaser, Ravi de Costa, Deborah McGregor, and William D. Coleman, eds., Indigenous Peoples and Autonomy: Insights for a Global Age (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2010); Blaser, Harvey A. Feit, and Glenn McRae, “Indigenous Peoples and Development Processes: New Terrains of Struggle,” in The Way of Development: Indigenous Peoples, Life Projects, and Globalization, eds. Blaser, Feit, and McRae (New York: Zed Books, 2004); Nancy Grey Postero and Leon Zamosc, “Indigenous Movements and the Indian Question in Latin America,” in The Struggle for Indigenous Rights in Latin America, eds. Postero and Zamosc (Brighton, UK: Sussex Academic Press, 2004); Edward F. Fischer, ed., Indigenous Peoples, Civil Society, and the Neo-Liberal State in Latin America (New York: Berghahn Books, 2008). 84 See ILO, 98th Session, “General Observation: Indigenous and Tribal Peoples Convention, 1989 (No. 169),” in Report of the Committee of Experts on the Application of Conventions and Recommendations (Geneva: International Labour Office, 2009). Indigenous Latin America in the Twenty-First Century | 47 Table 5 International Treaties and Covenants on Indigenous Rights Country ILO 169[1] UNDRIP[2] ICCPR[3] ICESCR[4] ICERD[5] CRC[6] CEDAW[7] Rio CITES[9] (ratified) 1992[8] Argentina P P P P P P P P P Belize O P P P P P P P P Bolivia P P P P P P P P P Brazil P P P P P P P P P Chile P P P P P P P P P Colombia P P P P P P P P P Costa Rica P P P P P P P P P Dominica P P P P O P P P P Ecuador P P P P P P P P P El Salvador O P P P P P P P P Guatemala P P P P P P P P P Guyana O P P P P P P P P Honduras P P P P P P O P P Mexico P P P P P P P P P Nicaragua P P P P P P O P P Panama O P P P P P P P P Paraguay P P P P P P P P P Peru P P P P P P P P P Suriname O P P P P P O P P Uruguay O P P P P P P P P Venezuela P P P P P P P P P Source: IWGIA. [1] ILO’s Indigenous and Tribal Peoples Convention, 1989 [2] UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples [3] International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights [4] International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights [5] International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination [6] Convention on the Rights of the Child [7] Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women [8] Convention on Biological Diversity [9] Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Flora and Fauna 48 | The World Bank In many respects, these national and international be of equal legal status to districts and departmental legal frameworks reflect the intention to break regulations within the Colombian state. away from the tradition of exclusion, racism, and discrimination against ethnic, cultural, and linguistic But regardless of their hierarchy within any given legal minorities. They also recognize the existence of other system, wherever ratified, ILO No. 169 provisions are sociocultural patterns, other ways of understanding binding, and states are under an immediate duty to the relationship between humans and nature, and respect, fulfill, and protect the indigenous peoples’ other ways of thinking and knowing. The existence of rights affirmed therein. In most cases, the provisions these legal frameworks illustrates the extent to which of ILO No. 169 can be considered self-executing. In indigenous social movements have succeeded other words, they apply regardless of whether the in elevating their concerns on the national and state has complied with its obligation to issue laws international levels. Indigenous peoples have in fact and regulations facilitating their implementation. expanded the scope of the human rights system Specifically in relation to FPIC, Chile’s Constitutional in at least three aspects, according to the former Court has ruled that Articles 6 and 7 of ILO No. UN Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human 169 are self-executing.87 The Constitutional Tribunal Rights and Fundamental Freedoms of Indigenous in Peru has issued a similar ruling. In Colombia, Peoples: (1) the emphasis on collective rights over where laws and regulations concerning FPIC are individual rights; (2) the inclusion of the term peoples limited, and despite the mining industry’s request when referring to indigenous societies—a category for a set of clear rules, FPIC implementation relies precluded by many states; and (3) the relevance on the guidance provided by the prolific activity of given to non-state actors and the globalization of the Constitutional Court, which has had numerous local struggles, via NGOs, indigenous movements, occasions to define its content and requirements.88 and international forums, among others.85 The fact that, where ratified, ILO No. 169 provisions In countries such as Bolivia and Colombia, human may be self-executing or even turned into rights treaties—of which indigenous peoples–related national laws and regulations does not mean their instruments are a part—enjoy the same rank as the implementation is unproblematic. For example, constitution. Other countries such as Ecuador and in Guatemala, where FPIC regulation under ILO Guatemala give those treaties a rank below their No. 169 is stuck in a contentious battle between constitutions but above ordinary legislation.86 In indigenous groups and the executive branch, the some cases, indigenous peoples’ rights have been Constitutional Tribunal has declared that extractive included in national constitutions in very specific licenses awarded without consultation are illegal, terms. For example, Articles 246, 287, and 330 of leaving stakeholders scrambling for a solution.89 the Colombian constitution provide that indigenous In Peru, the approval of a Prior Consultation Law territories are self-governing, autonomous entities, in 2011 was followed by several problems in its authorized to devise, implement, and administer application. Notwithstanding the difficulties in internal social, economic, and political policies, implementing indigenous peoples’ rights, the fact which enjoy a jurisdiction in accordance with that 15 countries in the region have ratified ILO No. indigenous (customary) law and are considered to 169—out of 22 worldwide—is an encouraging sign 85 Anaya, “Indian Givers.” 86 TerraLex, “Application of Convention No. 169 in Latin America,” Oct. 9, 2010, http://www.carey.cl/download/noticias/application_of_concention_no._169_in_lat- in_america.pdf. 87 Edesio Carrasco and José Adolfo Moreno, IAIA, “Indigenous Consultation and Participation under Chilean Environmental Impact Assessment,” May 2013, http://www.iaia.org/conferences/iaia13/proceedings/Final%20papers%20review%20process%2013/Indigenous%20Consultation%20and%20Participation%20 under%20Chilean%20Environmental%20Impact%20Assessment%20.pdf?AspxAutoDetectCookieSupport=1. 88 Minda Bustamante Soldeviila, “La regulación de la consulta previa en los países andinos,” Feb. 4, 2014, http://www.noticiasser.pe/02/04/2014/nacional/la-consulta- previa-del-convenio-169-de-la-oit-entre-la-tecnica-juridica-y-la-rei. See also ILO, Application of Convention No. 169 by Domestic and International Courts in Latin America (Geneva: ILO, 2009). 89 Mash-Mash and José Guadalupe Gómez, “Two Views of Consulta Previa in Guatemala: A View from Indigenous Peoples,” Americas Quarterly (spring 2014), http://www.americasquarterly.org/content/two-views-consulta-previa-guatemala-view-indigenous-peoples; Silvel Elías and Geisselle Sánchez, “Country Study: Guatemala,” Americas Quarterly (spring 2014), http://www.americasquarterly.org/content/country-study-guatemala. Indigenous Latin America in the Twenty-First Century | 49 about where the region is directed. Indeed, advances within indigenous territories is through indigenous in recognizing and implementing indigenous rights peoples’ involvement in the design, implementation, to participation and consultation can be seen even and monitoring of development programs. By de in those countries where the convention has not facto rule or by law, the question in Latin America been ratified. The region, however, is still at the trial- is no longer whether indigenous peoples should be and-error stage, and numerous lessons are being involved in decision making, but how and when. learned. Participation and the Right to Another common area of disagreement regarding Self-Determination the implementation of pro-indigenous policies and laws, including those on participation and Political participation and the implementation of consultation, derives from the lack of a clear practices based on indigenous rights are tantamount and universally accepted legal definition of what to well-being and development for indigenous constitutes an “indigenous” person. Although peoples. The Second International Decade for the most legal documents refer to distinct criteria in World’s Indigenous Peoples (2005–14) delineated various degrees—self-identification, specific cultural five general goals, which focused not on economic practices, own language, and collective attachment growth but rather on the need to expand and refine to a territory—each nation-state tends to fabricate the terms of indigenous participation, improve its own definition of indigeneity and criteria for targeted policies, and advance social inclusion as recognition. While this flexibility might generally be a means for improving indigenous peoples’ lives.91 considered a positive, the lack of legal precision has driven some states to undertake, willingly or not, Indigenous peoples have traditional forms of discriminatory practices. In Peru, the opposition governance and decision-making processes that met by the Prior Consultation Law, from sectors reassert their right to self-determination and to with vested interests in extractive industries, led to maintain and promote their institutional structures, questioning the indigenous status of the Quechua which is protected under Articles 3, 4, 20, and 34 population—and therefore the applicability of of the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous the law. By reworking the definition of indigenous Peoples. Traditional authorities can be beneficial peoples, governments and other development not only in terms of cultural preservation and actors might fall into the trap of delegitimizing or historical continuity, but also as a sign of indigenous failing to address the specific needs and claims of autonomy. However, often these institutions are not indigenous peoples. properly recognized by state and non-state actors, or are not properly regulated and articulated by the Besides violating indigenous peoples’ rights, legal framework of each country. The right to self- semantic disputes over who is and who is not determination has also been a controversial aspect protected by specific national and international of indigenous political participation, largely because laws, such as those implementing FPIC, have countries might perceive it as a potential path for proved to be costly and detrimental, not only to the secession or as a disruption of the territorial integrity communities, but also to governments and private of the state.92 Experience of the past decade shows, stakeholders.90 Experience of recent decades however, that self-determination reinforces the shows that, no matter how imperfect, the only participation and involvement of indigenous peoples way to advance development projects successfully in the processes of the state. 90 Rachel Davis and Daniel Franks, “Costs of Company-Community Conflict in the Extractive Sector,” in Corporate Social Responsibility Initiative Report No. 66 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard Kennedy School, 2014). 91 UN Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues, Dec. 22, 2004, http://undesadspd.org/IndigenousPeoples/SecondDecade.aspx. 92 Levi and Maybury-Lewis, “Becoming Indigenous,” 114. See also Anthony Stocks, “Too Much for Too Few: Problems of Indigenous Land Rights in Latin America,” Annual Review of Anthropology 34 (October 2005): 85–104. 50 | The World Bank The rise of international treaties and declarations in democratic elections. For instance, according reaffirming indigenous peoples’ aspiration to self- to an Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) determination has been accompanied by their database,95 while the entire region has generated increasing involvement in democratic elections, both rules that ensure some sort of territorial jurisdiction as representatives and as voters. This is reflected for indigenous peoples, only eight countries have in the number of indigenous political parties and created laws and procedures for indigenous voters, indigenous representatives that have been elected to six reserve seats in local and national legislatures public office over the past two decades. Indigenous for indigenous representatives, and only four have peoples’ political participation today takes place changed the political-administrative division of the at the level of local or national parliaments, in country to favor special electoral jurisdictions for municipalities, and even at the highest levels of state indigenous peoples (see table 6). power (for example, the presidency of Evo Morales in Bolivia), with active involvement of leaders who The advance of the indigenous rights agenda in Latin partake in political parties or have created indigenous America has also spurred the creation of high-level political parties. Today, indigenous parties have a government bodies dedicated to overseeing the major influence in Bolivia and Ecuador, and are also implementation of indigenous rights. Though their active in smaller proportions in countries such as organization and effectiveness varies by country, the Venezuela, Colombia, Guatemala, and Nicaragua.93 fact that they exist is a positive signal, which is already starting to shed valuable lessons. For example, Discourses on multiculturalism and self- Colombia’s Permanent Negotiation Roundtable development, and the advance in pro-indigenous with Indigenous Peoples (Mesa Permanente de political frameworks, have intensified indigenous Concertación con los Pueblos Indígenas), created peoples’ engagement in political activities in their in 1996 as a response to indigenous peoples’ countries. Data from Latinobarómetro show that over protests and at the urging of the Constitutional 60 percent of the indigenous respondents in Bolivia, Court, has already amassed an impressive track Ecuador, Guatemala, Mexico, and Peru believe record. Its activities cover nationwide decision that the right to political participation is somewhat making and do not replace local communities’ or completely guaranteed by their states, slightly FPIC in projects that affect them directly. At least above non-indigenous respondents. Also, over 41 in part, its success can be attributed to two key percent of all indigenous respondents identify with a features devised to level the playing field. On the political party (against 35 percent of non-indigenous one hand, it empowers indigenous participants peple), and 75 percent of them support or strongly by convening high-level authorities from both support that party (Latinobarómetro 2011). government and indigenous organizations. Most important, it enjoys governmental support in terms Electoral systems offer an opportunity for of funding, including support to obtain expert advice political engagement, which allows indigenous on the part of indigenous peoples and to reach representatives to bring their political agendas into grassroots communities for internal consultations.96 mainstream debates, thereby increasing indigenous An example of measures currently under discussion peoples’ voice within the state.94 However, only a is the transfer of educational functions to indigenous few countries have enacted laws that broaden peoples to establish their own indigenous education the political participation of indigenous peoples system.97 93 See Donna Lee Van Cott, “De los movimientos a los partidos: retos para los movimientos de los pueblos indígenas,” in Pueblos Indígenas y Política en América Latina: El reconocimiento de sus derechos y el impacto de sus demandas a inicios del siglo XXI, ed. Salvador Martí i Puig (Barcelona: Fundació CIDOB, 2007); Van Cott, From Movements to Parties in Latin America: The Evolution of Ethnic Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005); Kay B. Warren and Jean E. Jackson, “Introduction: Studying Indigenous Activism in Latin America,” in Indigenous Movements, Self-Representation, and the State in Latin America, eds. Warren and Jackson (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2002); Ferran Cabrero, “Ejercer derechos, refundar el Estado,” in Ciudadanía Intercultural: Aportes desde la participación política de los pueblos indígenas de Latinoamérica, coord. Cabrero (Quito: PNUD, 2013). 94 UN Human Rights Council, “Final Study on Indigenous Peoples and the Right to Participate in Decision-Making: Report of the Expert Mechanism on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples,” 2011. 95 Indigenous Legislation DataBank, IDB, http://www.iadb.org/Research/legislacionindigena/leyn/. 96 Vladimir Pinto López, “Implementación del derecho de la consulta previa a los pueblos indígenas en la región andina: avances y desafíos. Lecciones aprendidas y recomendaciones para la cooperación alemana,” http://wikindigena.org/images/temp/8/8d/20131115164512!phpyLAP3L.pdf. 97 Sonia Mercedes Rodriguez Reinel, “La Política Educativa (Etnoeducación) Para Pueblos Indígenas en Colombia a Partir de la Constitución de 1991” (Universi- dad Nacional de Colombia, 2011), http://www.bdigital.unal.edu.co/5328/1/soniamercedesrodriguezreinel.2011.parte1.pdf. Indigenous Latin America in the Twenty-First Century | 51 Table 6 Legal Frameworks Pertaining to Electoral Participation of Indigenous Peoples in Latin America Country Vote Special Reform of political- constituency administrative divisions Argentina O O O Belize O O O Bolivia P P P Brazil O O O Chile O O O Colombia P P O Costa Rica O O O Ecuador P O O El Salvador O O O Guatemala O O O Guyana P O O Honduras O O O Mexico P O O Nicaragua O P O Panama P P P Peru P P P Suriname O O O Uruguay O O O Venezuela P P P Source: IDB Indigenous Legislation DataBank. Another critical point has to do with the political example, indigenous women’s participation was participation of women. Empowering indigenous strengthened as a result of lobbying to influence women is an effective route for reducing social the content of the new constitution of 2009. These exclusion and poverty, as well as for creating women were able to develop more autonomous innovative ways of self-development. Indigenous forms of mobilization outside their indigenous women in Latin America struggle within the movement and create coalitions with the feminist indigenous movements to keep their unity and to movements gaining a more prominent political advance gender-specific interests. In Bolivia, for role.98 Indigenous Bolivian women managed to 98 World Bank, Bolivia: Challenges and Constraints. 52 | The World Bank position themselves as a central collective actor peoples are the majority of the population, 41 of the through different civil society organizations and 130 MPs are indigenous, but only 9 are women.100 played a leading role in feminist movements to However, it is noteworthy that, despite these gaps, promote specific women’s rights and positive indigenous women are generally better represented discrimination.99 In Bolivia, where indigenous in the political sphere than non-indigenous women. Box 3 | Free, Prior and Informed Consent Although many questions remain, the region’s continued and persistent FPIC practice is starting to shed light onto some of the requirements and best practices for its successful implementation. Despite numerous setbacks, stakeholders across the region increasingly accept that FPIC is essential to sustainable decision making. Their perseverance is starting to bear fruit. While the issue of consent as an objective or an outcome, as well as the controversy over indigenous peoples’ right to veto decisions, continues to prompt heated debates, Colombian constitutional law practice has shed light on the requirements for the cases in which the ultimate decision has to be taken by the government. In those cases, according to the Colombian Constitutional Court, the authority’s decision must: - Be free from bias and authoritarianism; - Be objective, reasonable, and proportional to the state’s constitutional mandate to protect the social, cultural, and economic identity of the indigenous community; and, - Provide the necessary means to mitigate, correct, or repair the resulting impacts, present and future. In addition, echoing the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, Colombia’s Constitutional Court has gone further to suggest indigenous peoples may have binding decision-making power in cases of large-scale development projects or measures that might threaten their cultural and material survival.101 One of the lessons learned concerning the material dimension of FPIC is the need for quality, unbiased baseline information on the situation of indigenous people. Quality baseline information allows proponents to identify measures that should be consulted on with indigenous people. Here, again, one can refer to the Colombian experience with the law on reparations to the victims of violence.102 In that case, a diagnosis by the Constitutional Court of the situation of indigenous communities resulting from the decades of violence singled out indigenous people as having been particularly vulnerable to the injustices that the law was meant to address. The court’s report triggered a FPIC process that has been hailed as one of the most successful in Colombian history.103 Crafting Costa Rica’s Biodiversity Law (1998) showed that a strong, principled basis for FPIC negotiation, backed by political will, can deliver solid outcomes. In setting out to legislate under the CONTINUE 99 Stéphanie Rousseau, “Indigenous and Feminist Movements at the Constituent Assembly in Bolivia: Locating the Representation of Indigenous Women,” Latin American Research Review 46, no. 2 (2011): 5–28. 100 United Nations, State of the World’s Indigenous Peoples (New York: United Nations, 2009). 101 César Rodríguez Garavito, Meghan Morris, Natalia Orduz Salinas, and Paula Buriticá, La consulta previa a pueblos indígenas: Los estándares del derecho inter- nacional (Bogotá: Universidad de los Andes, 2010). 102 Ley 1448 de 2011, Ley de Víctimas y Restitución de Tierras. 103 Rodríguez Garavito et al., La consulta. Indigenous Latin America in the Twenty-First Century | 53 Convention on Biological Diversity, Costa Rica defined the parameters of the legislation as based on the following principles: 1) equal access to and distribution of the benefits from the use of biodiversity; 2) respect for human rights, particularly of groups marginalized because of cultural or economic conditions; 3) sustainable use of biodiversity components to respect the development options of future generations; and 4) democracy as a guarantee of greater participation of all citizens in decision making. Accordingly, the Biodiversity Law was the result of extensive consultations including indigenous people, farmers, industry, scientists, and other relevant stakeholders. Consultations with indigenous people were conducted separately as a special and distinct group. After two failed drafts, the final Biodiversity Law passed in Costa Rica is hailed as an example of sustainability. Among other things, it requires consultations with indigenous communities before conducting any research on genetic resources, and benefits-sharing arrangements for any commercialization of those resources. In addition, the law was designed to allow refinements and adjustments in consultation with those affected, including indigenous people.104 Though outside the confines of state–indigenous peoples relations, the experience and practices of UN agencies in Nicaragua also demonstrate that including broad representation of indigenous peoples to participate in decision making can improve the effectiveness and efficiency of the result. In 2009, Nicaragua’s UN offices supported the creation of the Consultative Committee of Indigenous and Afro-Descendant Peoples (in Spanish, CCPIAN). The CCPIAN is made up of 12 members including indigenous representatives, Afro-descendant representatives from the Caribbean coast, and three eminent individuals known for their experience, knowledge, and commitment to indigenous and Afro- descendant peoples’ rights. It offers advice to UN agencies working in Nicaragua to help them better incorporate the rights of indigenous peoples into UN programs and activities, with program objectives and activities discussed and agreed jointly. CCPIAN members also serve on the program’s executive and advisory boards. Its contributions to the decision-making process of UN agencies in Nicaragua have led to improvements in the coherence and overall benefits of UN programs for indigenous peoples in the country.105 From these and other cases, it seems that, at minimum, striving for adequate FPIC implementation requires that the following aspects are considered: Representation: Identified indigenous representatives should be vetted by the communities they purport to represent. Before engaging in the process of FPIC, there needs to be a clear understanding about who can represent and who can make a decision for an indigenous community (which are not necessarily identical). While local leaders tend to have the skills and experience needed to engage directly with development actors, it is important to ensure that their actions and viewpoints convey the interests of all individuals, especially of those members who lack voice or face greater vulnerability. Moreover, indigenous peoples’ representation should be wide, meaning that—where possible—there is direct community participation in addition to elected representatives; or, alternatively, that the communities, through their own procedures and channels, express conformity with being represented and, where applicable, are bound by the word of their designated representative(s). CONTINUE 104 Vivienne Solis Rivera and Patricia Madrigal Cordero, “Costa Rica’s Biodiversity Law: Sharing the Process,” Grain, July 9, 1999, http://www.grain.org/es/article/en- tries/1907-costa-rica-s-biodiverity-law-sharing-the-process; CISDL and World Future Council, “Crafting Visionary Biodiversity Laws: Costa Rica’s Biodiversity Law 1998,” November 2011, http://www.worldfuturecouncil.org/fileadmin/user_upload/PDF/WFC-CIDSL-Costa_Rica_BD_Paper-111114.pdf; Preston Hardison, “Prior Informed Consent (PIC) Prior Informed Approval (PIA) Part I,” Monthly Bulletin of the Canadian Indigenous Caucus on the Convention on Biological Diversity, October 2000, http://trade.ec.europa.eu/doclib/docs/2005/april/tradoc_122179.pdf. 105 UNIPP, “UNIPP Success Stories: Cooperating to Promote & Protect Indigenous Peoples’ Rights,” May 1, 2014, http://www.ilo.org/newyork/issues-at-work/indige- nous-peoples/WCMS_243275/lang--en/index.htm. 54 | The World Bank Indigenous institutions and procedures: During the implementation of FPIC, all actors must make sure that indigenous institutions, procedures, and decision-making instances are respected and taken into account. The involvement of indigenous authorities and institutions not only enables the broad participation of local stakeholders, but also reasserts their legal rights as culturally distinct societies. Indigenous institutions can also help avert the exclusion of women, elders, or individuals who live in geographically remote areas or under conditions of voluntary isolation. Likewise, indigenous institutions can also expand the degree of accessibility to critical information inasmuch as they can offer timely and culturally appropriate translations, especially concerning aspects such as land use, natural resources, environment, and social impacts. Time: Sufficient time must be allotted for the correct implementation of FPIC. Procedural constraints and contractual conditions, particularly those that set rigid time limits, can exert significant pressure and set a pace for the decision-making process that can hardly be compatible with indigenous peoples’ traditions and processes. Limited time frames usually lead to uninformed or non-consensual decisions about any future project. Furthermore, inappropriate time frames also impose unfair limits on the number and geographic reach of stakeholders that can participate in the process. Finally, operating under flexible and mutually agreed time frames can be another form of inclusion, insofar as it permits traditional institutions and leaders to function according to their own procedures and phases of deliberation and decision making. Flexibility: Interested parties need to remain open and flexible during the entire process. Given the complexity and lengthiness of FPIC, it is important for actors to be willing to change along the way. Agreements that are made during the first stages of the process might be disputed further down the line, or might require more information or time for deliberation. Moreover, community structure, leadership positions, and collective priorities might change dramatically over time. Thus, it is important to view FPIC as an organic endeavor in which the rules, methodologies, and objectives can be subject to continuous revisions. Indigenous participation can also take place in the self-determination are far from complete, the learning form of hands-on management or co-management curve in the region has been steep over the past of shared assets. For example, under the Bolivian two decades. Governments, indigenous peoples, constitution, whenever protected areas overlap and private stakeholders are contending with with indigenous territories, indigenous peoples decades, even centuries, of an institutional culture must be included in their management. Bolivia’s that stressed assimilation as the ultimate goal of experience involving indigenous peoples, through policies and practices involving indigenous peoples. their direct participation in the management of Experience shows that change does not happen just assets and areas of cultural and socioeconomic by willing it into place through law or regulation. It relevance, has produced positive results in terms is by taking the combined efforts of administrators, of indigenous empowerment and progress toward legislatures, the courts, indigenous peoples, industry, self-development and overall growth.106 and even NGOs and outside stakeholders such as international financial institutions and international In sum, though the effective participation of industry organizations that it is possible to slowly turn indigenous peoples and the respect for their right to the ship around. Change, however, is happening. 106 Oscar Castillo, Bonifacio Barrientos, and José Avila, Wildlife Conservation Society, “The Kaa-Iya Experience: Trends toward Financial Sustainability” September 2003, http://conservationfinance.org/guide/WPC/WPC_documents/Apps_10_Castillo_v3.pdf. Indigenous Latin America in the Twenty-First Century | 55 Poverty and Vulnerability Poverty is not a natural trait of indigenous peoples, taxes and transfers can alleviate ethnic and racial but a by-product of a protracted history of external inequality, which suggests that the social programs aggressions on their values and economies. Yet, as that were implemented in Latin America have exerted the need for a new epistemology of development a positive impact among ethnic minorities.108 becomes apparent and widely demanded, we also have to consider that the market economy Access to education is probably the most successful and its concomitant forms of consumerism, labor story of the decade, with indigenous children organization, and monetary exchanges have been poised to catch up with non-indigenous children penetrating indigenous families, communities, and in school attendance at primary and—to a smaller territories for decades, even centuries. The creation degree—secondary levels. In Mexico, Nicaragua, of fair conditions for market inclusion is therefore and Ecuador, the gap in primary school attendance an increasingly important element to reduce the was virtually erased, while in El Salvador, Panama, vulnerabilities of a large and growing number of and Peru, the gap is below 6 percent. Rural-urban indigenous households, in both rural and urban gaps also narrowed considerably in some countries, settings. with Mexico and Ecuador leading the region in equal access, at 96 percent for both rural and urban The 2000s were one of the most successful decades indigenous households. All these gains indicate that in Latin America in terms of economic development a favorable economic climate, together with the and poverty reduction. The consistent growth of right policies, can yield highly positive results.109 the GDP per capita and the reduction of inequality (the Gini coefficient dropped from 0.57 in 2000 to Many challenges remain, however, as these gains 0.52 in 2012) led to a sharp decline in the number of have not been followed by an equally significant individuals living in poverty.107 The “golden decade” reduction of inequality. In fact, apart from education, also left important economic and social gains for the gaps separating indigenous households from indigenous peoples. The percentage of indigenous non-indigenous households have either stagnated people living in poverty dropped significantly in or increased over much of the past decade on many countries—in Peru and Bolivia, about one- most accounts.110 Several studies show that the third and one-fourth of indigenous households Millennium Development Goals (MDG) have failed escaped monetary poverty, while the wage gap in ethnic minorities by most indicators.111 In other urban areas narrowed significantly. words, the benefits of the last decade have been unevenly distributed, a trend aggravated by the There has also been unquestionable improvement in enduring effects of economic globalization, rising the overall access to basic services throughout the demand for natural resources, and insufficient region. Indigenous households’ access to electricity protection of indigenous peoples’ rights. increased by nearly 50 percent in Panama and Peru, and access to sewerage increased by 60 percent Inequality, however, does not affect indigenous or more in Peru, Bolivia, and Costa Rica. The level people alone. Despite important growth over the of participation in the labor force and earnings of past decade, Latin America is still regarded as the indigenous peoples also grew—even though gaps most unequal region in the world.112 The incidence with non-indigenous workers persist. In a similar of poverty was nearly halved from 2000 to 2012, vein, recent studies have shown that targeted and extreme poverty fell by almost two-thirds, but 107 Renos Vakis, Jamele Rigolini, and Leonardo Lucchetti, Left Behind: Chronic Poverty in Latin America and the Caribbean (Washington, DC: World Bank, 2015), 7. 108 Nora Lustig, “Fiscal Policy and Ethno-Racial Inequality in Bolivia, Brazil, Guatemala and Uruguay” (working paper no. 22, Commitment to Equity, Tulane Universi- ty, New Orleans, January 2015). 109 Hugo Ñopo, New Century, Old Disparities: Gender and Ethnic Earnings Gaps in Latin America and the Caribbean (Washington, DC: World Bank, Inter-American Development Bank, 2012). 110 See ECLAC, Guaranteeing Indigenous People’s Rights; Hall and Patrinos, Indigenous Peoples, Poverty and Human Development; Patrinos and Skoufias, Eco- nomic Opportunities; Skoufias, Lunde, and Patrinos, “Social Networks.” 111 Psacharopoulos and Patrinos, Indigenous People and Poverty; Hall and Patrinos, Indigenous Peoples, Poverty and Human Development. 112 World Bank, Inclusion Matters. 58 | The World Bank progress varies considerably from one country to As a result of these gaps, in the Latin American another and, even more so, within countries.113 In countries for which data are available, the proportion Brazil, for example, the richest 1 percent absorbs 13 of indigenous households living in poverty today percent of the total income, compared with only 4 still doubles the proportion of non-indigenous percent going to the poorest 21 percent.114 households living in poverty, is 2.7 times as high for extreme poverty, and is three times as high for people Moreover, a recent study by the World Bank found living on less than US$1.25 a day (see figure 10). that, despite the favorable economic conditions of the 2000s, one in four Latin Americans still endures “chronic poverty.” Chronic poverty affects Figure 10 individuals in rural and urban settings, and it is difficult to overcome even in a context of accelerated Percentage of People Living on Less than economic growth and healthy labor markets.115 It is US$1.25, US$2.50, and US$4 per Day noteworthy that many countries with high chronic Late-2000s weighted average for Bolivia, Brazil, poverty identified in the report are also countries Ecuador, Guatemala, Mexico, and Peru where indigenous poverty is the highest in the region.116 Bolivia, Peru, Guatemala, and Ecuador, 50% for example, are above the regional average, while Mexico is just below the average. In Bolivia, where 45% 43% the report found important downward mobility in 40% terms of chronic poverty, the poverty gap between indigenous and non-indigenous households 35% increased by 32 percent during the same period. 30% 25% 24% To be sure, the regional trend in poverty reduction— 21% in monetary terms—also significantly benefited 20% indigenous peoples, but the growing gaps reflect 15% an unbalanced distribution of wealth that ultimately reinforces their subaltern position. For example, 10% 9% 9% from the early 2000s to the late 2000s, the 5% 3% proportion of indigenous people living in moderate poverty (US$4/day) fell by 45 percent in Peru, 32 0% <$1.25 <$2.5 <$4 <$1.25 <$2.5 <$4 percent in Bolivia, and 23 percent in Ecuador, but in Guatemala it increased by 14 percent. Extreme Indigenous Non-Indigenous poverty (US$2.50/day) fell by approximately 38 Source: SEDLAC data (CEDLAS and World Bank). percent in Bolivia, 31 percent in Ecuador, and 50 percent in Peru, but increased by nearly 21 percent in Guatemala. Clearly, with the exception of In fact, the income gaps in Bolivia, Ecuador, Guatemala, the trend shows significant progress. At Guatemala, and Peru either remained unchanged or the same time, however, the poverty gap between widened throughout most of the decade, particularly indigenous and non-indigenous people increased after 2009 (see figure 11). Furthermore, World Bank by 32 percent in Bolivia, 13 percent in Ecuador, and analyses of Mexico show that indigenous people 99 percent in Brazil, while in Guatemala it decreased are more susceptible to economic downturns, 0.36 percent. so a widening gap in income inequality, even if 113 ECLAC, Achieving the Millennium Development Goals with Equality in Latin America and the Caribbean: Progress and Challenges (Santiago: UN, 2010), http:// www.eclac.org/cgi-bin/getProd.asp?xml=/publicaciones/xml/5/39995/P39995.xml&xsl=/tpl-i/p9f.xsl&base=/tpl/top-bottom.xsl#. 114 LAC Equity Lab tabulations of SEDLAC (CEDLAS and World Bank). 115 Vakis, Rigolini, and Lucchetti, Left Behind, 7. 116 Ibid., 13. Indigenous Latin America in the Twenty-First Century | 59 Figure 11 Poverty Evolution in Bolivia, Ecuador, Guatemala, and Peru Extreme poverty (<$2.50) Poverty (<$4) 60% 80% 50% 70% 60% 40% 50% BOLIVIA 30% 40% 20% 30% 20% 10% 10% 0% 0% 2002 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2011 2002 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2011 60% 80% 50% 70% 60% 40% ECUADOR 50% 30% 40% 20% 30% 20% 10% 10% 0% 0% 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 60% 90% 80% 50% 70% GUATEMALA 40% 60% 50% 30% 40% 20% 30% 20% 10% 10% 0% 0% 2000 2006 2011 2000 2006 2011 45% 70% 40% 60% 35% 50% 30% 40% PERU 25% 20% 30% 15% 20% 10% 10% 5% 0% 0% 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 Indigenous Non-Indigenous Source: SEDLAC (CEDLAS and World Bank). 60 | The World Bank accompanied by other gains, might in effect increase if the household head belongs to an indigenous their vulnerability.117 Given the economic relevance group. In Bolivia and Mexico, the probability is 11 of the indigenous population in these countries, percent and 9 percent higher, respectively (see and their disproportionate representation among figure 12). This pattern might not be exclusive to the poor, closing these gaps is not only important in ethnic minorities, as chronic poverty not only tends itself, as a way to build a more prosperous and just to be geographically focused, but also is frequently society, but it is also important because not doing so passed down from generation to generation.118 severely limits the chances of achieving sustainable Yet, what is particularly telling about these findings development and eradicating poverty, and growth is that even under similar conditions, indigenous alone does not seem to deliver results. people experience worse outcomes compared with non-indigenous peers living in the same context and Being born to indigenous parents in fact substantively with similar life trajectories. increases the probability of being raised in a poor household, regardless of other conditions such as Additionally, despite important gains in education, level of education of the parents and size or location indigenous people still have less probability of completing of the household, contributing to a poverty trap primary and secondary education than non-indigenous that hampers the full development of indigenous people, which reduces their chances of economic children’s potential. In Ecuador, for example, mobility within the market economy. In Mexico, for considering two similar households—where the instance, indigenous youngsters are 2.6 percent less household head has completed primary education, likely to complete primary education than other people, is married, and has two children—the probability and 8 percent less likely to complete secondary of being poor increases by 13 percent and the education. In Guatemala, indigenous youngsters are 12 probability of being extremely poor by 15.5 percent percent less likely to complete primary education, and Figure 12 Increase in Probability of Being Poor for Similar Households if the Household Head Is Indigenous 18% 16% 15.5% 14% 13.1% 13.1% 11.8% 11.4% 12% 9.7% 9.7% 10% 9.0% 8.7% 8.8% 8.4% 7.7% 8% 6.7% 5.7% 6.1% 6% 6% 5.2% 4% 2.3% 2.5% 2% 1% 1.1% 0% 2012 2002 2011 2012 2004 2012 2000 2011 Mexico Bolivia Ecuador Peru Guatemala $1.25 $2.50 $4 Source: SEDLAC (CEDLAS and World Bank). Methodological note: marginal probabilities estimated using an OLS regression on household’s poverty status (using alternative definitions of $1.25, $2.50, and $4 per day), controlling for ethnicity, area (urban/rural), household head’s gender, marital status, educational attainment and age, number of kids (com- pared with the median number of children per household in the country), and local region size (defined by population). These probabilities are statistically significant (at least p<0.01). 117 World Bank, Country Partnership Strategy for the United Mexican States (Washington, DC: World Bank, 2013). 118 Vakis, Rigolini, and Lucchetti, Left Behind. Indigenous Latin America in the Twenty-First Century | 61 Decrease in Probability of Completing Primary and Secondary Education if a Person Figure 13 Belongs to an Indigenous Household Mexico Bolivia Ecuador Peru Guatemala 2012 2002 2011 2012 2004 2012 2000 2011 5.0% 1.2% 0.0% -2.6% -2.9% -2.4% -5.0% -4.8% -5% -8% -10.0% -8.7% -11.6% -11.9% -15.0% -12.7% -16.7% -20.0% -18.8% Complete primary or higher Complete secondary or higher Source: SEDLAC (CEDLAS and World Bank). Methodological note: marginal probabilities estimated using OLS regressions on individual’s educational attainment status (completed primary education or higher and completed secondary education or higher), controlling for ethnicity, gender, area of residence (urban/ rural), marital status, and size of the region (defined by population). Observations included only people from 15 to 25 years of age for primary and 20 to 35 for secondary education. These probabilities are statistically significant (at least p<0.01). Figure 14 Increase in Probability of Being Poor if Indigenous Household Is Headed by a Woman 7% 6% 5.81% 5% 4.53% Poor ($1.25) 4% 3.56% 3.3% Poor ($2.50) 3% 2.51% 2.55% 2.52% 2.16% Poor ($4) 2% 1% 0% Mexico 2012 Bolivia 2011 Ecuador 2012 Guatemala 2011 Source: SEDLAC (CEDLAS and World Bank). Methodological note: marginal probabilities (logit regression) of being poor (using alternative definitions of $1.25, $2.50, and $4, at USD2005), controlling for household location (urban/rural), ethnicity, gender and educational attainment of the household’s head, and number of children under 15 years of age in the household. These probabilities are statistically significant (at least p<0.05). 62 | The World Bank 13 percent less likely to complete secondary education more likely in Bolivia (see figure 14). In Peru, the (see figure 13). However, there has been significant same type of indigenous household is 37 percent improvement of about 36 percent in the probability more likely to be poor if it is rural than if it is urban, a of completing primary education in Guatemala from pattern that repeats in every country considered for the beginning to the end of the decade, and of nearly this study (see figure 15). 60 percent in the probability of completing secondary education in Bolivia. As a result of these patterns of persistent exclusion, indigenous households are disproportionately The poverty trap is further exacerbated by other represented among the chronically poor, the segment dimensions, such as gender and prevailing rural- of Latin American societies that has not benefited urban gaps. In Ecuador, for instance, the same type equally from the past decade of economic growth. An of indigenous household is 6 percent more likely to illuminating example is the case of rural Guatemala, be poor if it is headed by a woman, and 4 percent referred to in box 4. Figure 15 Increase in Probability of Being Poor if Indigenous Household Is Rural 40% 37% 37% 37% 35% 34% 31% 30% $1.25 30% 25% 25% 25% 26% 26% $2.50 25% $4 20% 17% 17% 15% 15% 14% 12% 12% 10% 10% 6% 6% 5% 5% 4% 5% 0% 2012 2002 2011 2012 2004 2012 2000 2011 Mexico Bolivia Ecuador Peru Guatemala Source: SEDLAC (CEDLAS and World Bank). Methodological note: marginal probabilities estimated using an OLS regression on household’s poverty status (using alternative definitions of $1.25, $2.50, and $4 per day), controlling for ethnicity, area (urban/rural), household head’s gender, marital status, educational attainment and age, number of kids (com- pared with the median number of children per household in the country), and local region size (defined by population). These probabilities are statistically significant (at least p<0.01). Indigenous Latin America in the Twenty-First Century | 63 Box 4 | Ethnicity and Chronic Poverty in Rural Guatemala Indigenous people in Guatemala have historically faced economic and social exclusion. During the civil war (1960–96), many indigenous communities in the western highlands were affected by the internal armed conflict. The historic legacy of decades of violence and exclusion contributed to a morbid association between belonging to an indigenous household and chronic poverty. In 2011, for example, three out of four people living in persistently poor rural areas (chronically poor areas) belonged to an indigenous household (figure B4.1). Indigenous Population by Municipality Type Figure B4.1 | Share of Indigenous Population in Figure B4.2 | Chronically Poor and Improved Chronically Poor vs. Municipalities with Economic Areas in Municipalities with a Majority of Indigenous Growth (Improved) Population 100% 80% 25% 80% 60% 53% 60% 60% 40% 40% 75% 20% 47% 20% 25% 28% 17% 0% 0% Chronically Poor Improved Majority indigenous Majority non-indigenous Indigenous Non-Indigenous Chronically Poor Improved Source: Javier Baez, Kiyomi Cadena, Maria Eugenia Genoni, and Leonardo Lucchetti, “Chronic Poverty in Guatemala: Analysis Using Poverty Maps” (forthcoming). Methodological note: data calculated using poverty maps for 2000 and 2011, for rural areas only. Chronically poor municipalities are those where rural poverty rates were above 75 percent at the beginning and end of the decade (2000 and 2011). Improved municipalities are areas where rural poverty was above 75 percent in 2000 but below 75 percent in 2011. “Majority indigenous” are municipalities where more than 50 percent of the population is indigenous. Even though there is evidence of progress in some geographic areas with a high proportion of indigenous population—that is, the share of people in rural areas that improved was similar in indigenous and non- indigenous municipalities (see figure B4.2)—in general, indigenous people in chronically poor areas are persistently worse off than non-indigenous people. In chronically poor areas, adults living in municipalities with a majority of indigenous population had lower education levels and smaller improvements during the 2000–11 period. In addition, school attendance rates were lower for indigenous children in these areas (see table B4.1). Malnutrition rates were also high for indigenous people, regardless of whether they lived in chronically poor or improved municipalities. However, in areas that showed improvement, the share of indigenous population was lower than in chronically poor areas (that is, in both areas this share was higher than 50 percent). Finally, chronically poor indigenous municipalities are more likely to be located in the northern and southwestern regions of the country. In contrast, the indigenous municipalities that improved were more likely to be in the northwestern and central regions (figure B4.3). This evidence suggests that low initial endowments and context matter in the dynamics of chronic poverty. CONTINUE 64 | The World Bank Table B4.1 | Characteristics of Chronically Poor and Improved Municipalities with a Majority of Indigenous Population Chronically poor Improved municipality Majority indigenous Majority indigenous Circa 2000 Circa 2011 Circa 2000 Circa 2011 Moderate poverty rate 0.92 0.87 0.87 0.67 Moderate poverty gp 0.47 0.36 0.40 0.2 Share of population indigenous 0.94 0.94 0.85 0.82 Share of adults 18+ with primary complete or more 0.11 0.18 0.15 0.24 Share of households where at least a member with 5 0.46 0.49 0.47 0.57 or more years of education Share of children 6–11 attending schoola 0.88 0.9 Share of children 12–16 attending schoola 0.65 0.66 Children in primary school with low height-for-weight 0.64 0.62 0.64 0.58 Number of municipalities 71 45 Source: Baez et al., “Chronic Poverty in Guatemala.” Methodological note: data calculated using poverty maps for 2000 and 2011, the 2002 national census, and the 2008–11 census for the targeting of the program “Mi Familia Progresa”; for rural areas only. Chronically poor are municipalities where rural poverty rates were above 75 percent in both 2000 and 2011. Improved municipalities are areas where the rural poverty rate was above 75 percent in 2000 but below 75 percent in 2011. Majority indigenous are municipalities where more than 50 percent of the population is indigenous. Numbers are weighted by population. a Data from the Encuesta Nacional de Condiciones de Vida 2011. Figure B4.3 | Location of Municipalities with Majority of Indigenous Population by Type 50% 40% 45% 30% 35% 31% 28% 26% 20% 16% 10% 4% 11% 3% 1% 0% Chronically Poor Improved North Northwest Southwest Central Other Source: Baez et al., “Chronic Poverty in Guatemala.” Methodological note: data calculated using poverty maps for 2000 and 2011, for rural areas only. Chronically poor are municipalities where rural poverty rates were above 75 percent in 2000 and 2011. Improved municipalities are areas where the rural poverty rate was above 75 percent in 2000 but below 75 percent in 2011. Bars show percentage of people in 2011. Indigenous Latin America in the Twenty-First Century | 65 The growth in the poverty gap separating indigenous proportion is about two-thirds. Disaggregated along from non-indigenous households can be at least specific employment types, in Chile, the percentage partially attributed to the way indigenous people are of non-indigenous workers almost doubles the being incorporated into the market and mainstream percentage of indigenous workers in areas such as society, where education plays a pivotal role. “professional work” (10 percent vs. 5 percent) and “technician” (15 percent vs. 10 percent). In Mexico, While there seems to be no major difference in 8 percent of indigenous workers are categorized terms of unemployment, urban indigenous people as “unpaid workers,” typically in family-owned work mostly in low-skill/low-paying jobs—a pattern businesses, according to the national censuses. that resonates with the finding of a recent World Bank report119 (see figure 16). In countries with The prevalence of informal jobs exacerbates the large urban indigenous populations, such as Peru, precariousness of the labor force, as indigenous Ecuador, Bolivia, and Mexico, the percentage of workers are less likely to receive benefits such as indigenous persons occupying high-skill jobs is social security, health insurance, retirement funds, consistently smaller than the percentage of non- and other legal compensations. In Bolivia, a person indigenous people. Indigenous people in Peru are with the same education, gender, and age is almost half as likely to work in high-skill employment as 7 percent more likely to work in the informal sector non-indigenous persons, while in Ecuador they are if he or she belongs to an indigenous household; about one-third as likely. In Mexico and Bolivia, the and 14.5 percent in Guatemala. What is more, the Figure 16 Employment Status and Type of Employment of Indigenous People in Urban Areas Employment status 4% 5% 4% 4% 2% 3% 2% 2% 4% 2% 4% 4% 7% 6% 100% 90% 22% 80% 31% 35% 34% 36% 39% 41% 39% 35% 38% 39% 70% 40% 49% 46% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 74% 65% 60% 63% 63% 59% 61% 60% 57% 57% 56% 55% 10% 47% 48% 0% Indigenous Non-Indigenous Indigenous Non-Indigenous Indigenous Non-Indigenous Indigenous Non-Indigenous Indigenous Non-Indigenous Indigenous Non-Indigenous Indigenous Non-Indigenous Ecuador 2011 Bolivia 2001 Mexico 2010 Nicaragua 2005 Costa Rica 2000 Colombia 2005 Venezuela 2001 Employed Inactive Unemployed 119 Vakis, Rigolini, and Lucchetti, Left Behind, 7. 66 | The World Bank Type of employmenta 0% 0% 0% 0% 0% 0% 0% 0% 0% 0% 0% 0% 0% 0% 0% 1% 0% 0% 100% 6% 5% 4% 3% 1% 2% 6% 3% 3% 3% 5% 4% 8% 6% 4% 7% 8% 9% 9% 10% 10% 8% 3% 90% 8% 3% 6% 80% 70% 55% 57% 51% 39% 64% 66% 52% 74% 68% 70% 65% 60% 58% 70% 70% 74% 69% 62% 73% 71% 75% 83% 66% 50% 40% 30% 51% 45% 20% 42% 41% 38% 31% 31% 31% 29% 30% 26% 25% 27% 25% 24% 10% 20% 22% 17% 20% 19% 16% 11% 0% Indigenous Non-Indigenous Indigenous Non-Indigenous Indigenous Non-Indigenous Indigenous Non-Indigenous Indigenous Non-Indigenous Indigenous Non-Indigenous Indigenous Non-Indigenous Indigenous Non-Indigenous Indigenous Non-Indigenous Indigenous Non-Indigenous Indigenous Non-Indigenous Bolivia 2012 Brazil 2010 Chile 2002 Costa Rica 2011 Ecuador 2010 El Salvador 2007 Mexico 2010 Nicaragua 2005 Panama 2010 Venezuela 2001 Peru 2007 High-skill employment Low-skill employment Agriculture/rural Unspecified Source: national censuses. a Skill-level variables have been calculated by grouping predefined occupation categories obtained directly from country censuses: high-skilled employment includes armed forces, clerks, legislators, senior officials and managers, professionals, technicians, and associate professionals; low-skilled employment includes crafts and related trades workers, elementary occupations, plant and machine operators and assemblers, service workers, and shop and market sales; and agriculture/rural includes agricultural and fishery workers. probability of an indigenous household member to qualification. International comparative studies work in the informal sector has increased in both on remuneration and income have found that countries over the past decade, by about 1 percent indigenous workers “are confronted with ‘glass for Bolivia and over 5 percent for Guatemala (see ceilings’ or access barriers while trying to obtain figure 17). high-paid positions.”120 Household data show that an indigenous person with the same level of education Even if an indigenous person completes tertiary and household characteristics likely earns nearly education, he or she might earn considerably less 12 percent less than a non-indigenous person for than a non-indigenous individual with the same the same type of work in urban Mexico, and 14 120 Juan Pablo Atal, Hugo Ñopo, and Natalia Winder, “New Century, Old Disparities: Gender and Ethnic Wage Gaps in Latin America” (working paper series no. IDB- WP-109, Inter-American Development Bank, Washington, DC, 2009), 45. Indigenous Latin America in the Twenty-First Century | 67 percent in Mexico (from 18 percent to 12 percent), Increase in Probability of Working in the Informal Sector if a Person 73 percent in Guatemala (from 23 to 6), and 30 Figure 17 Belongs to an Indigenous percent in Peru (from 8 to 5.6).121 A similar effect Household in Bolivia and is found in rural areas. Similarly, the reduction in Guatemala urban wage gaps observed in Peru (14 percent to 6 percent) and Bolivia (12 percent to 9 percent) 16% throughout the decade (see figure 18) is consistent 14% with the expansion of primary education to 14.5% indigenous households in both countries. However, 12% a slight increase in the rural wage gap in Bolivia 10% suggests that the benefits of this expansion have 8% 9.34% not been equally distributed among rural and urban 6% 6.87% households, which is also consistent with a slight 4% 5.7% imbalance in the expansion of the education system. 2% Nevertheless, both results highlight the impact that 0% expansion of the education system can have on 2002 2011 2000 2011 the lives of more and more indigenous households. Bolivia Guatemala The next section delves further into this aspect, as well as the need to invest more on its quality and adaptation, for the education system holds the key Source: SEDLAC (CEDLAS and World Bank). for the social inclusion of indigenous peoples with Methodological note: marginal probability of working in the informal sec- respect for their rights, cultures, and priorities. tor (logit regression), controlling for ethnicity, gender, age, square of age, and educational attainment. Observations include people older than 14 years of age, who were not working in the agricultural sector, and were Data are very limited on the discrimination of the living in urban areas. These probabilities are statistically significant (at least disabled, the elderly, the underage employed, and p<0.1). other vulnerable groups within indigenous societies, but several studies have found that for indigenous women, the wage and education gaps are wider percent less in rural areas. In Bolivia, an indigenous than those of indigenous men. A World Bank study person likely earns 9 percent less in urban settings, estimated that indigenous Bolivian women earn and 13 percent less in rural areas; and in Peru and about 60 percent less than non-indigenous women Guatemala, he or she makes about 6 percent less for the same types of jobs.122 Comparing census (see figure 18). data, Brazilian indigenous men earn on average 39 percent less than non-indigenous men, while There have been improvements in urban Peru indigenous women earn nearly 58 percent less than and Bolivia, where the wage gap narrowed by 60 non-indigenous men. In Panama, indigenous men percent and 25 percent, respectively (see figure earn on average 57 percent less than non-indigenous 18). A disaggregated analysis of the data shows men, while indigenous women earn about 70 that improvements in access to education might percent less than non-indigenous women (see figure be playing an important role in these positive 19). Other studies, however, have found significant developments, which are observed throughout the improvement in the gender divide in indigenous region. When wages are compared among people societies across the region, which suggests an with similar characteristics and the same level of association between improved access to education education, the urban wage gap decreases by 33 for women and a reduction in earning differentials.123 121 These marginal effects of education on wages were estimated using OLS regressions, based on SEDLAC (CEDLAS and World Bank). 122 World Bank, Gender in Bolivian Production: Reducing Differences in Formality and Productivity of Firms (Washington, DC: World Bank, 2009). 123 Ñopo, New Century, Old Disparities. 68 | The World Bank Decrease in Income in Five Countries if a Person Belongs to an Indigenous Household: Figure 18 Urban and Rural Mexico Bolivia Ecuador Peru Guatemala 2012 2002 2011 2012 2004 2012 2000 2011 0.0% -2.0% -4.0% -6.0% -5.6% -6% -6.3% -8.0% -10.0% -9.1% Urban -12.0% -11.1% -11.4% -11.8% -12.4% Rural -12.7% -14.0% -14.1% -14% -16.0% Source: SEDLAC (CEDLAS and World Bank). Methodological note: These marginal effects were estimated using OLS regressions on income per hour, controlling for ethnicity, gender, experience (defined as potential experi- ence, which is equal to the difference between age and years of schooling minus six years), square of experience, marital status, educational attainment (complete primary, complete secondary and tertiary), age cohort (18–24, 25–44, 45–54, 55–65 years of age), number of children in the household (compared with country’s median), type of work (wage workers, self-employed, and no-wage workers), informality status, and size of region of residence (defined by population). Observations included only people from 18 to 65 years of age, out of the agriculture sector and in urban areas for the urban estimate (the urban model, in addition, controls for sector of work including construction, commerce, manufacturing, transport, mining and utilities, and other services); and people from 18 to 65 years of age, in the agriculture sector and living in rural areas for the rural estimate. These probabilities are statistically significant (at least p<0.01). Figure 19 Income by Indigenous Status and Gender in Panama and Brazil 4,199 Indigenous Brazil (2010) 6,168 Not indigenous 6,888 10,033 Female Male 1,621 Indigenous Panama (2010) 2,927 5,450 Not indigenous 6,835 - 2,000 4,000 6,000 8,000 10,000 12,000 Source: Panama and Brazil censuses. Methodological note: income refers to all personal income from all sources received during a year, and includes labor income and income from sources such as retirement, pension, social programs, and returns on financial investments. Numbers collected on a monthly basis in US dollars in Panama and in reais in Brazil; 2010 exchange real/dollar exchange rate was used to convert amounts in reais to dollars. Indigenous Latin America in the Twenty-First Century | 69 There has also been significant improvement over the However, despite these improvements, the past decade regarding indigenous people’s access to proportion of indigenous people having access services (see figure 20). For instance, there was a 53 to sanitation still is considerably smaller than that percent increase in electricity access for indigenous of non-indigenous people. In Bolivia, Mexico, and households in Peru, 49 percent in Panama, 32 Ecuador, all with large indigenous populations, non- percent increase in Costa Rica, 24 percent in Bolivia, indigenous have 1.3 to 1.8 times better access and 16 percent in Ecuador. Access to sewerage to sanitation than indigenous people. Something increased by 65 percent in Peru, 60 percent in Bolivia, similar happens regarding electricity. In Panama, 58 percent in Costa Rica, 41 percent in Ecuador, and non-indigenous people have 2.3 times more access 35 percent in Panama, with only Brazil decreasing in to electricity at home. In Colombia, non-indigenous coverage, by 26 percent. More modestly, indigenous people have 1.6 times more access to this service. households’ access to piped water increased by The regional average in access to piped water 20 percent in Peru, 8 percent in Panama, and less shows a 19 percent gap between the two groups than 4 percent in Bolivia, Brazil, and Costa Rica. (71 percent access for indigenous peoples vs. 90 The expansion of services is another positive sign percent for non-indigenous people) (see figure 21). that the region is trying to close the gap that divides indigenous and non-indigenous people. Figure 20 Progress in Access to Public Services by Indigenous People 90% 84% 80% 72% 81% 70% 80% 70% 71% 78% 70% 76% 60% 62% 60% 61% 55% 50% 48% 61% 50% 44% 43% 40% 40% 40% 40% 35% 36% 40% 30% 30% 31% 24% 20% 27% 20% 15% 20% 10% 10% 0% 0% Early 2000s Late 2000s Early 2000s Late 2000s Access to electricity Connected to sewerage 80% 75% 77% 71% 75% 70% 69% 67% 65% 60% 64% 60% 53% 50% 50% Bolivia Panama 43% 40% Costa Rica Peru 30% 20% Ecuador Brazil 10% 0% Early 2000 Late 2000 Source: national censuses. Note: for Peru first point of data corresponds Access to piped water to 1993. 70 | The World Bank Figure 21 Access to Public Services by Indigenous Status 100% 95% 98% 99% 96% 99% 97% 99% 90% 94% 95% 92% 92% 90% 88% 81% 84% 80% 80% 76% 78% Access gap for electricity 70% 70% 62% 61% 60% 58% 50% 50% 40% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% Bolivia Chile Colombia Costa Rica Ecuador El Salvador Mexico Nicaragua Panama Peru Venezuela Brazil (2012) (2002) (2005) (2011) (2010) (2007) (2010) (2005) (2010) (2007) (2001) (2010) 100% 96% 92% 92% 90% 86% 79% 80% 76% 77% Access gap for sewerage 70% 70% 69% 67% 67% 65% 60% 55% 50% 43% 43% 40% 44% 40% 36% 34% 30% 20% 20% 26% 10% 10% 0% Bolivia Chile Costa Rica Ecuador El Salvador Mexico Nicaragua Panama Peru Venezuela Brazil (2012) (2002) (2011) (2010) (2007) (2010) (2005) (2010) (2007) (2001) (2010) 100% 97% 97% 93% 94% 93% 90% 87% 86% 87% 84% 84% 82% 80% 75% 77% 76% 77% Access gap for piped water 74% 70% 69% 65% 65% 69% 61% 60% 61% 60% 53% 50% 41% 39% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% Bolivia Chile Colombia Costa Rica Ecuador El Salvador Mexico Nicaragua Panama Peru Venezuela Brazil Guatemala (2012) (2002) (2005) (2011) (2010) (2007) (2010) (2005) (2010) (2007) (2001) (2010) (2002) Indigenous Non-Indigenous Source: national censuses. Indigenous Latin America in the Twenty-First Century | 71 Has improved access to services contributed to the more balanced in Ecuador. On the other hand, piped growth of rural-urban migrations? The available data water has shown nearly a nine-fold expansion in rural suggest that the expansion has benefited both rural Peru and Panama compared with urban gains, while and urban indigenous people, without a clear pattern urban indigenous dwellers in Ecuador have doubled of preference. However, urban indigenous people the improvement in access to piped water compared clearly have benefited more from the expansion with their rural counterparts (see figure 22). of sewerage in the three countries where data are available for the period of the early 2000s through the Limited market inclusion is also associated with poor late 2000s (Ecuador, Peru, and Panama). Progress technical skills and access to new technologies. in access to sewerage was nearly four times higher Computers, cell phones, and the Internet offer new for urban indigenous dwellers in Ecuador compared ways of connecting to markets, services, and the with indigenous people living in rural areas, and three public sphere. Mobile communications “offer major and 2.7 times higher for urban indigenous people opportunities to advance human development— in Panama and Peru, respectively. Improvement from providing basic access to education or health in access to electricity has been more significant information to making cash payments … to stimulating for rural indigenous dwellers in Panama and Peru citizen involvement in democratic processes.”124 Latin compared with urban indigenous residents, and America, in fact, has become the second-fastest- Progress in Access to Basic Services for Indigenous Households from the Early 2000s to Figure 22 the Late 2000s: Rural vs. Urban Areas 45% 42% Urban Rural Urban Rural Urban Rural 40% 35% 30% 27% 25% 21% 20% 17% 15% 15% 14% 13% 13% 11% 10% 9% 10% 8% 6% 6% 5% 4% 2% 2% 1% 0% Ecuador Panama Peru Ecuador Panama Peru Ecuador Panama Peru (2010) (2010) (2007) (2010) (2010) (2007) (2010) (2010) (2007) Electricity Sewerage Piped water Source: national censuses. 124 World Bank, Information and Communications for Development 2012: Maximizing Mobile (Washington, DC: World Bank, 2012). 72 | The World Bank growing market for mobile technologies in the world, and one-ninth as often in Colombia (see figure 25). and mobile technologies constitute about 3.7 percent The digital divide reinforces prior forms of exclusion, of the region’s GDP.125 Indigenous people, however, insofar as access to technologies is becoming a key have not benefited equally from the exponential aspect of social capital in increasingly globalized growth and democratization of these technologies in Latin American societies. the last decade. The Capacity to Change… While in many Latin American countries the number of mobile phone subscribers outstrips the number Several studies have shown that one consequence of people, indigenous people in general have access of persistent patterns of exclusion like those to cell phones half as often as non-indigenous experienced by indigenous Latin Americans is persons (see figure 23). Similarly, Internet access reduced agency or the “capacity” to find ways out among indigenous people in Bolivia is four times of poverty.126 A recent World Bank report therefore smaller than among non-indigenous people, and calls for improvement in how individuals and groups six times smaller in Ecuador (see figure 24). Finally, take part in society, which involves “improving indigenous people have access to computers half the ability, opportunity, and dignity of people, as often in Bolivia, a third as often in Brazil and Peru, disadvantaged on the basis of their identity, to Figure 23 Access to Cell Phones 100% 91% 89% 90% 85% 81% 80% 70% 70% 67% 64% 60% 55% 54% 53% 48% 50% 50% 46% 44% 40% 39% 30% 24% 24% 20% 13% 10% 0% Brazil Chile Costa Rica Ecuador El Salvador Mexico Nicaragua Panama Peru (2010) (2002) (2011) (2010) (2007) (2010) (2005) (2010) (2007) Indigenous Non-Indigenous Source: national censuses. 125 GSMA, Mobile Economy, Latin America 2013 (London: GSMA, 2014). 126 Appadurai, “The Capacity to Aspire.” Indigenous Latin America in the Twenty-First Century | 73 Figure 24 Access to Computers 100% 90% 80% 70% 60% 50% 39% 40% 36% 36% 34% 32% 29% 30% 23% 20% 16% 17% 18% 15% 12% 13% 13% 10% 11% 10% 8% 8% 2% 4% 5% 6% 3% 2% 0% Bolivia Brazil Chile Colombia Costa Rica Ecuador El Salvador Mexico Nicaragua Panama Peru Venezuela (2012) (2010) (2002) (2005) (2011) (2010) (2007) (2010) (2005) (2010) (2007) (2001) Indigenous Non-Indigenous Source: national censuses. Figure 25 Access to the Internet 100% 90% 80% 72% 70% 60% 52% 50% 40% 35% 30% 25% 20% 16% 16% 14% 11% 8% 9% 10% 4% 4% 4% 2% 3% 4% 2% 0% 1% 1% 0% Bolivia Chile Costa Rica Ecuador El Salvador Mexico Nicaragua Panama Peru Venezuela (2012) (2002) (2011) (2010) (2007) (2010) (2005) (2010) (2007) (2001) Indigenous Non-Indigenous Source: national censuses. 74 | The World Bank take part in society.”127 Indigenous Latin Americans Figure 26 experience discrimination more frequently than other groups in their respective countries. Data from Perception of Social Mobility; Weighted Average the 2011 Latinobarómetro show that over half of the for Bolivia, Ecuador, Guatemala, Mexico, and Peru indigenous respondents feel discriminated against in countries with large indigenous populations, such Considering a scale where 1 is poor and 10 is rich, where you as Bolivia, Guatemala, Mexico, and Peru. In general, think your parents were, you are, and your children will be… these numbers double and even triple the number of people who did not identify as belonging to an 5.5 ethnic minority but nevertheless felt discrimination. 5.1 In other words, despite the general dissemination of 5 ideas of multiculturalism, the broad acceptance of 4.7 4.6 indigenous rights, and the subsequent emergence 4.4 4.5 Poor / Rich of plurinational constitutions, indigenous people still 4.1 feel overwhelming discrimination. 3.9 4 This has several consequences for development. 3.5 Data also from Latinobarómetro show that regarding their views on economic inclusion, for 3 example, indigenous people see little hope for social mobility. Invited to consider a scale where Your parents You Your children 1 is poor and 10 is rich, indigenous people locate Indigenous Non-Indigenous themselves in the bottom 50 percent, as a majority of Latin Americans do, but they consistently see Source: Latinobarómetro, 2011. themselves and their parents ranking below non- indigenous people, in the second-poorest quintile. More dramatically, indigenous people envisage a The political and legal advances of the last decade negative future for their children, reflecting their are important factors in turning this situation around, pessimism regarding future opportunities within the but change will not happen only by nominally current socioeconomic system. Thus, while non- expanding indigenous peoples’ rights. Indigenous indigenous people imagine their children scaling up peoples have a fundamental role to play in the to the top 50 percent, indigenous people imagine development agenda of the region, but one study their children improving, as one would expect, but after another shows that these groups do not still stuck in the bottom 50 percent, where they are respond to development efforts in conventional and their parents were before them. ways. Indigenous peoples have specific histories, cultural systems, forms of social organization, Ethnically based social exclusion can therefore lead local economies, and governance structures that to lower human capital achievements and instigate might conflict with top-down, market-oriented a sense of powerlessness that might discourage approaches. Though the use of standardized individuals from participating in public life. Economic indicators such as the MDG to examine regional data growth alone does little to solve discrimination, provides important insights into the socioeconomic insofar as it is embedded in attitudes and perceptions conditions of indigenous peoples in the region, that shape how policies are implemented. Social an approach focused exclusively on standardized exclusion not only reduces a group’s ability to indicators such as the MDG leaves aside indigenous participate in the economic and political spheres, it ideas on development, self-improvement, and also diminishes the group’s dignity. poverty, and how these have changed over time. It 127 World Bank, Inclusion Matters, 4. Indigenous Latin America in the Twenty-First Century | 75 also leaves little room for assessing local, targeted developed a comprehensive development plan initiatives that have successfully reduced poverty for the indigenous peoples of Pando that takes and empowered local communities. indigenous views into account, using a participatory diagnostic methodology. By initiating the design and In the last decade, numerous programs and policies consent process from their end, and with support have been implemented in the region with positive from several UN agencies and the European results, from the standpoint of poverty indicators Union, they hope to prompt the government into but also in terms of ecological conservation, health negotiations that deliver key, culturally appropriate care access, preservation of traditional knowledge, decisions concerning indigenous peoples’ and local participation. Important lessons have been economic development, health, and education.129 drawn about the potential socioeconomic impact of implementing programs that are in line with regional Experiences of self-development in health, from regulatory frameworks and promote indigenous the point of view of both government participation peoples’ participation. Self-targeting, for instance, and the communities, have also borne important has been advanced as a crucial element of several lessons (see box 5). poverty-alleviation programs in indigenous areas, not only because it encompasses local and culturally In sum, while many targeted policies and specific notions of vulnerability and deprivation, but experiences of self-development might not be also because it gives stakeholders the ability and visible from a macro-perspective, these local agency to decide how poverty-reduction efforts initiatives do offer valuable, on-the-ground insights should be implemented.128 about why development projects succeed or fail, and what are the factors and conditions that Likewise, self-determination can be more than an determine a project’s outcome. However, despite aspiration whenever indigenous peoples can act abundant debate in academic and non-academic as the actual initiators and drivers of the process circles, there remains insufficient comparative to design development programs. A good example data regarding the challenges, limits, and “best can be seen in the case of the Pando region of practices” of targeted and self-driven development Bolivia, inhabited by highly vulnerable indigenous in the region. Education, which plays a fundamental communities. In this region, two organizations role in the future possibilities of indigenous people representing the communities—the Central to turn things around, is a good example of the Indígena de Pueblos Originarios de la Amazonía challenges, gaps, and opportunities opened by de Pando (CIPOAP) and the Central Indígena de the new legal realignments in favor of indigenous Mujeres de la Amazonía de Pando (CIMAP)—have peoples. 128 See, for example, Norma Correa Aste and Terry Roopnaraine, Pueblos indígenas & programas de transferencias condicionadas: Estudio etnográfico sobre la implementación y los efectos socioculturales del Programa Juntos en seis comunidades andinas y amazónicas de Perú (Washington, DC: International Food Policy Research Institute and Banco Interamericano de Desarrollo; Lima: Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2013). 129 UNIPP, Indígenas quieren consulta previa para salud y educación, June 9, 2013, http://www.erbol.com.bo/noticia/indigenas/06092013/indigenas_quieren_con- sulta_previa_para_salud_y_educacion#sthash.mmlUrD6S.dpuf; UNIPP, “UNIPP Success Stories.” 76 | The World Bank Box 5 | Two Cases of Self-Driven Development in the Health Sector In southern Chile, since the late 1980s, Mapuche organizations have been working toward improving biomedical health care access for rural Mapuche families. They promoted community-driven strategies of management and biomedical care, complemented with Mapuche medical practices and knowledge. Today, these Mapuche organizations co-manage (with the Health Service of Araucania Sur) the Mapuche Medicine Center at the Hospital de Nueva Imperial, the Makewe Hospital, and the Intercultural Health Center Boroa Filulawen. These initiatives were conceptualized within a framework of “intercultural health,” through which indigenous communities collectively assume and coordinate the provision of biomedical care in their territories, but according to their own views and needs, and in harmony with their traditional health practices and knowledge. After 15 years of work, these three experiences of self-development have not only improved health care inclusion in rural areas, but they also have spurred cultural and political empowerment, becoming a model for intercultural health care for the region. From a different position, the Servicios de Atención y Orientación al Indígena (SAOI), envisioned and implemented by indigenous professionals working at the Venezuelan Ministry of Health, have provided assistance and orientation to indigenous patients in major hospitals of the country since 2005. The service began with two pilot experiences in Maracaibo, in the west of the country, that sought to improve access of indigenous patients who were often alienated from biomedical facilities by cultural and linguistic barriers. Through bilingual and intercultural attention, provided by specially trained indigenous professionals, indigenous families were guided through bureaucratic proceedings, received translation during medical visits, were followed up during treatments, and received culturally sensitive advice. The success of the first SAOI increased the demand of the service both from indigenous people and from health workers in other regions. Over time, the SAOI have also become creative environments for intercultural exchanges between indigenous and biomedical healing practices and knowledge, allowing the introduction of culturally pertinent facilities and diets as well as indigenous health knowledge and specialists into the hospital environment. Despite the ups and downs of the Venezuelan economy over the past years, indigenous personnel, health workers, and indigenous patients themselves have not only kept the SAOI services alive, but have expanded their outreach to 32 hospitals in 12 states around the country. In nine years of service, the SAOI have assisted over 380,000 indigenous patients, constituting one of the most remarkable experiences of intercultural adaptation of public health care services in the region. Indigenous Latin America in the Twenty-First Century | 77 Education In many respects, the new national and international 87 percent to 96 percent in Ecuador, from 78 percent legal frameworks have opened the path to other to 92 percent in Panama, and from 85 percent to 93 forms of education. Accordingly, in recent decades percent in Peru. However, a gap remains between laws on education relevant to indigenous culture, indigenous and non-indigenous children. This gap language, and identity have been enacted in most is more pronounced in countries with small, diverse, of the region. However, as with other legal and and scattered indigenous populations, such as Brazil, policy reforms, a gap remains between theoretical Colombia, Costa Rica, and Venezuela, probably advances and actual implementation. because of difficulties intrinsic to the task of attending to hundreds of indigenous societies (at least 382 School attendance, in general, has improved among in only those four countries). In countries such as indigenous children. Between the two rounds of Mexico, Peru, and Ecuador, however, the percentage censuses considered for this report, the percentage of indigenous children attending school is relatively of indigenous children age 6 to 11 attending school similar to the percentage of non-indigenous children, increased from 73 percent to 83 percent in Brazil, from particularly at the elementary school level. Figure 27 Children’s School Attendance: Indigenous vs. Non-Indigenous 97% 96% 97% 98% 100% 92% 95% 96%97% 92% 93% 96% 95% School attendance: 6 to 11 years old 90% 84% 83% 82% 83% 81% 80% 75% 78% 74% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% Brazil Colombia Costa Rica Ecuador El Salvador Mexico Nicaragua Panama Peru Venezuela (2010) (2005) (2000) (2010) (2007) (2010) (2005) (2010) (2007) (2001) 100% School attendance: 12 to 18 years old 90% 84% 85% 81% 80% 79% 75% 79% 75% 74% 74% 73% 70% 72% 70% 66% 69% 69% 67% 65% 63% 60% 59% 55% 56% 51% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% Bolivia Brazil Colombia Costa Rica Ecuador El Salvador Mexico Nicaragua Panama Peru Venezuela (2010) (2010) (2005) (2000) (2010) (2007) (2010) (2005) (2010) (2007) (2001) Indigenous Non-Indigenous Source: national censuses. 80 | The World Bank This picture can be misleading, however, as small 19 percent of indigenous Amazonians did not populations such as the Shipibo-Conibo and the know how to read or write (28 percent of women), Ashaninka tend to be statistically overshadowed by and only 51 percent of the population younger larger indigenous societies such as the Quechua than 24 were receiving formal education (only 47 and Aymara. In Peru, where school attendance of percent of the above-15s had completed primary indigenous children 6 to 11 years old is at about 93 education).131 percent, a more detailed review of rural indigenous schools carried out by the Ombudsman Office in There is also a gap between urban and rural 2013, based on a sample of 75 schools, found settings in the proportion of indigenous children that about 46 percent of indigenous children and attending school. Again, the largest gaps occur adolescents were not registered in any educational in countries with more diverse and scattered institution.130 Also, according to a specialized indigenous populations, namely Brazil, Colombia, census of Amazonian communities carried out in Costa Rica, El Salvador, Nicaragua, and Venezuela parallel to the national Peruvian census (2007), (see figure 28). Figure 28 Indigenous People of School Age Attending School in Rural and Urban Settings 100% 97% 96% 96% 96% 96% 96% 91% 92% 94% 86% 89% 91% 91% School attendance: 6 to 11 years old 90% 78% 77% 80% 79% 80% 70% 71% 71% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% Brazil Colombia Costa Rica Ecuador El Salvador Mexico Nicaragua Panama Peru Venezuela (2010) (2005) (2000) (2010) (2007) (2010) (2005) (2010) (2007) (2001) 100% School attendance: 12 to 18 years old 90% 83% 85% 78% 78% 77% 80% 73% 73% 73% 72% 70% 70% 71% 70% 66% 65% 67% 57% 60% 57% 60% 49% 50% 47% 47% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% Bolivia Brazil Colombia Costa Rica Ecuador El Salvador Mexico Nicaragua Panama Peru Venezuela (2010) (2010) (2005) (2000) (2010) (2007) (2010) (2005) (2010) (2007) (2001) Rural Urban Source: national censuses. 130 Informe Defensorial: Avances y desafíos en la implementación de la Política de Educación Intercultural Bilingüe 2012–2013 (Lima: Defensoría del Pueblo, 2014). 131 Instituto Nacional de Estadística e Informática, Censos Nacionales 2007: II Censo de Comunidades Indígenas (Lima: INEI, 2009). Indigenous Latin America in the Twenty-First Century | 81 The intersection between gender and indigenous The combination of gender and indigenous status has considerable negative impacts on status is associated with considerably lower educational outcomes. In general, indigenous and school completion rates, regardless of age and rural women have higher levels of illiteracy and geographic area. In Bolivia, the primary school school dropout rates, which hinder their ability completion rate for indigenous women in rural to take advantage of economic opportunities, areas is half the rate for non-indigenous men, and contributing to higher rates of unemployment the disparity in the secondary school completion and greater vulnerability. In terms of educational rate is also large, at 23 percent vs. 10 percent (see attainment, the combination of gender, ethnicity, box 6 for a detailed example from Bolivia). The age, and place of residence seems to have a higher reasons for not attending school vary. Data from deterrent effect than gender alone.132 For example, Colombia indicate that indigenous status might in Ecuador and Peru, both indigenous men and be more of a variable than gender, as both non- women generally have fewer years of schooling indigenous men and women report that the costs than non-indigenous men and women. However, associated with school and distance from schools there is a larger gap between indigenous men and are larger deterrents than for indigenous men and women compared with non-indigenous men and women, while a larger share of indigenous men women, and indigenous women are particularly and women identify the need to work as a reason disadvantaged, as shown in figure 29. for not attending school (figure 30). Share of Population with 1–6 Years of Schooling Compared with 7–12 Years of Schooling, by Figure 29 Gender and Indigenous Status, in Peru; Data for Population 24 Years Old and Above Female 47% 51% Indigenous Male 37% 62% 1–6 years 7–12 years Female 25% 74% Non-Indigenous Male 21% 79% 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% Source: national census (2007). 132 World Bank, Bolivia: Challenges and Constraints. 82 | The World Bank Figure 30 Reasons for Not Attending School in Colombia by Gender and Indigenous Status Cost Female 34% 9% 37% Distance Indigenous Need to work Male 34% 9% 42% 41% 12% 26% Non-Indigenous Female Male 39% 12% 29% 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% Source: World Bank calculations using 2005 census data. Box 6 | Gender, Location, and School Completion among Indigenous Bolivians Educational attainment in Bolivia is significantly lower among women, ethnic minorities, and rural residents, in spite of universal education policies that date to the 1930s and major education reforms during the 1990s. Educational attainment in rural areas is generally better for men than women, regardless of indigenous/non-indigenous status. For example, 7.6 percent of women have no schooling, while the corresponding figure for men is 4.9 percent. Also, about 86 percent of women and 92 percent of men are literate (Instituto Nacional de Estadística, 2011). Women in rural areas and women who belong to indigenous groups have lower educational attainment than any other group. The primary school completion rate for indigenous women in rural areas is half the rate for non-indigenous men, at 25.6 percent vs. 52.5 percent. The disparity in the secondary school completion rate is also large, at 9.8 percent vs. 22.9 percent. The combination of gender and indigenous status is associated with considerably lower completion rates, regardless of age and geographic area. Compared with non-indigenous men, non-indigenous women and indigenous men are 9 percent and 10 percent less likely to complete primary school, respectively, while indigenous women are 29 percent less likely to do so. Indigenous women are also 23 percent less likely to complete secondary school than non-indigenous men (see figures B6.1 and B6.2). CONTINUE Indigenous Latin America in the Twenty-First Century | 83 Completion Rates in Urban Completion Rates in Rural Figure B6.1 Figure B6.2 Bolivia Bolivia 90% 60% 80% 50% 70% 80.8% 52.5% 60% 71.9% 69.7% 40% 44.5% 50% 41.2% 56.3% 51.3% 30% 40% 48.4% 30% 40.4% 20% 25.6% 22.9% 20% 28.7% 17.3% 18.7% 10% 10% 9.8% 0% 0% Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Non-Indigenous Indigenous Non-Indigenous Indigenous Primary school completion Primary school completion Secondary school completion Secondary school completion Source: Tas, 2014, based on 2012 census data. Source: Tas, 2014, based on 2012 census data. These persisting gaps between boys and girls could be associated with several factors: 1) pregnancy, for instance, is a common reason for dropping out of school; 2) many schools do not have separate sanitary facilities for girls, which is particularly problematic as girls get older and start to menstruate; 3) if schools are located too far away, traveling might be considered a “risk” for girls; etc. In more indirect terms, in households that have limited resources, boys are often privileged over girls when prioritizing between children to be sent to school; gendered curricula and schooling practices tend to also silently exclude girls. Also, the presence of younger siblings (in preschool) increases the probability of older sisters to be out of school, as they often help with domestic activities and take care of their younger siblings. It has therefore been argued that increasing the coverage of preschool programs could have a positive effect on school enrollment and attendance of older indigenous girls.133 Source: Adapted from World Bank, Bolivia: Challenges and Constraints. 133 Ernesto Yáñez, Ronald Rojas, and Diego Silva, “The Juancito Pinto Conditional Cash Transfer Program in Bolivia: Analyzing the Impact on Primary Education” (FOCAL policy brief, Canadian Foundation for the Americas, Ottawa, May 2011); Daniela Zapata, Dante Contreras, and Diana Kruger, “Child Labor and School- ing in Bolivia: Who’s Falling Behind? The Roles of Domestic Work, Gender, and Ethnicity,” World Development 39, no. 4 (April 2011): 588–99. 84 | The World Bank The data shown so far speak merely of a material hundreds of distinct societies and languages can expansion of the education systems to indigenous fit. Educational attainment, for instance, is inversely regions, but it would be a mistake to take those related to the retention of an indigenous language. quantitative outputs as measures of quality, for Despite widespread laws and regulations protecting enrollment ratios, gender distribution, and retention indigenous languages and cultures (see box 7), rates say little about the quality or the cultural and the general recognition of the importance to pertinence of education that is being provided to include intercultural bilingual education strategies at indigenous children. Furthermore, standardized syllabi school, less than 31.9 percent of indigenous people prioritize language and mathematics to the detriment in the countries analyzed spoke an indigenous of other, equally important learning dimensions for language by the time they completed their primary indigenous peoples, such as their traditional forms education, and a mere 5.3 percent did so by the of thinking and knowing, the existence of other time they completed secondary education. More civilization patterns, and other ways of understanding critical, the chances of turning things around via the relationship between man and nature. the participation of indigenous professionals in the design and implementation of new curricula are low, Accordingly, the data available on education do as less than 2 percent of indigenous people who not necessarily represent a sociocultural order completed university education spoke their native in which those 42 million indigenous people and language (see figure 31). Percentage of Indigenous People Who Speak Indigenous Language by Level of Educational Figure 31 Attainment (Age 24 and Above) 80% 76% 76% Bolivia (2001) 70% 67% Mexico (2010) 60% 60% 59% 55% Colombia (2005) 55% 50% Nicaragua (2005) 40% 34% 33% Costa Rica (2000) 30% 29% 28% 25% Venezuela (2001) 23% 20% 14% 17% 10% Ecuador (2010) 9% 10% 8% 2% 2% 2% 2% 6% 5% 1% 0% 1% 0% 0% Less than primary completed Primary completed Secondary completed University completed Source: national censuses. Indigenous Latin America in the Twenty-First Century | 85 The above is evidence that, despite decades of Spanish and Portuguese continue to enjoy the status intercultural bilingual programs in the region, education of de facto official and education languages. This systems continue working toward a model that at calls for obvious questions on the role of education best helps indigenous children in their transit toward systems to promote the multicultural and multilingual cultural and linguistic assimilation. In this context, societies proclaimed in so many constitutions, aside from the symbolic and legal recognition of a education laws, and international agreements good number of indigenous languages in the region, throughout the region (see box 7). Box 7 | Indigenous Peoples’ Rights to Education Part VI of ILO No. 169 (Articles 26–31) grants indigenous peoples several educational rights, including the right to be educated in their own languages and cultures, with content based on their own history, knowledge, value systems, social practices, and technologies, as well as the right to maintain their own educational institutions under state funding. It also calls for equal access and opportunity to attain educational services at all levels and without discrimination. Article 30 moves a step further as it indirectly promotes interculturalism as a route for fostering a dignified image of indigenous peoples in contemporary society. The 2007 UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples ratifies and expands most of the above mentioned aspects, and although issues related to the education of indigenous people are to an extent a crosscutting topic through this declaration, Articles 11 to 15 relate to the educational rights to which indigenous peoples are entitled. Articles 11 and 12 state the right to practice and maintain their present and future cultural traditions and customs, including their religious and spiritual practices and ceremonies, as well as the responsibility of states to protect and provide access to their religious and cultural sites. Article 13 and 14 establish that indigenous peoples “…have the right to revitalize, use, develop and transmit to future generations their histories, languages, oral traditions, philosophies, writing systems and literatures, and to designate and retain their own names for communities, places and persons” as well as to “…establish and control their educational systems and institutions providing education in their own languages, in a manner appropriate to their cultural methods of teaching and learning.” The declaration determines that “states…in conjunction with indigenous peoples, take effective measures, in order for indigenous individuals, particularly children, including those living outside their communities, to have access, when possible, to an education in their own culture and provided in their own language” (Article 14, numeral 3). All of these considerations are linked to a higher-order right related to the dignity and aspirations of indigenous peoples and, as in the case of ILO No. 169, the states should take effective measures, in consultation with indigenous peoples, “…to combat prejudice and eliminate discrimination and to promote tolerance, understanding and good relations among indigenous peoples and all other segments of society” (Article 15). In 2009, the UN Expert Mechanism on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples carried out a study on the rights to education. The study identified lessons learned and challenges related to the implementation of these rights. Among the main lessons learned, the study referred to the adoption of laws and policies on the education of indigenous people, as well as to the provision of the necessary financial resources. As to the challenges encountered, the study prioritized the following:  lack of control over educational initiatives for indigenous children, lack of consultation on the development and implementation of educational services provided to indigenous people, limited consideration given to autonomy and participation of indigenous people in the delivery of educational services, and most generally the imposition of mainstream education on indigenous children. 86 | The World Bank Intercultural bilingual education is, in fact, not new 90 percent of the teachers in IBE schools are to Latin America. It has been proposed as an indigenous, but only 65 percent of them have alternative to monolingual Spanish/Portuguese secondary level education, and 13 percent tertiary education since at least the 1960s, and it is level qualifications. widely regarded as an important targeted policy to include indigenous peoples without threatening The weaknesses of bilingual education include not their languages, cultures, and social autonomy.134 only the lack of effective implementation, but also However, the origins of IBE were associated with poor design and lack of proper targeting. There is assimilation strategies led by governments and evidence that bilingual education can be effective if missionaries during the first half of the twentieth done well.138 The failures of implementing IBE in terms century. They saw the use of modern linguistics that effectively promote indigenous knowledge and and the implementation of bilingual education as values, while providing indigenous children with the an adequate solution to the problems of reaching intellectual tools they will need in their increasingly out to and converting predominantly monolingual globalized societies, are also apparent in the strong indigenous societies. Since then, however, IBE association between literacy and the loss of native has become an important part of interethnic and languages (see figure 32). Over 95 percent of all intercultural dialogue.135 Nonetheless, legal and illiterate indigenous persons above 10 years of age educational rhetoric does not necessarily match in Bolivia speak their native language. public action. In spite of the limitations pointed out above, The implementation of and access to IBE in Latin socioculturally relevant innovations that try to break America are in fact highly irregular and unsystematic away from the assimilationist patterns of educational (see Appendix B). In Argentina, for example, where design and delivery have been taking place in IBE was included in the education law in 2006, over numerous indigenous settings and territories, 90 percent of indigenous children who attend school and even in the metropolitan areas of a number do not receive education in their languages.136 of Latin American capital cities for the past two In Peru, where IBE has been protected by the or three decades. Many of these transformations constitution since 1993 and different aspects have are the by-product of indigenous agency and been implemented since 1961, only 38 percent self-determination, and most generally imply of the indigenous children with access to primary transformations that originate locally and at small education attend a school with IBE, and only about scale, with the active involvement of civil society in half the teachers in IBE schools speak the language decision making even when moving from the bottom in which they are supposed to teach.137 In Bolivia, up and achieving official recognition. Others are which included provisions for IBE in its 2009 the result of sociopolitical and cultural awareness constitution and has had different pilot experiences efforts, resulting from encouragement and support since 1977, IBE reached only 22 percent of the given by research centers and non-governmental population that required it in 2005. In Brazil, over organizations aligned with the indigenous agenda. 134 Delia María Fajardo Salinas, “Educación intercultural bilingüe en Latinoamérica: un breve estado de la cuestión,” Estudios Sociales y Humanísticos IX, no. 2 (December 2011). 135 Luis Enrique López, “Top-Down and Bottom-Up: Counterpoised Visions of Bilingual Intercultural Education in Latin America,” in Can Schools Save Indigenous Languages? Policy and Practice on Four Continents, ed. Nancy H. Hornberger (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008), 42–65; Lucy Trapnell, “Addressing Knowl- edge and Power Issues in Intercultural Education” (master’s thesis, Department of Education, University of Bath, United Kingdom, 2008). 136 UNESCO, “World Data on Education, VII Ed. 2010/11,” http://www.ibe.unesco.org/fileadmin/user_upload/Publications/WDE/2010/pdf-versions/Argentina.pdf. 137 Martín Benavides, Magrith Mena, and Carmen Ponce, Estado de la Niñez Indígena en el Perú (Lima: INEI and UNICEF, 2010), 72. 138 Harry Anthony Patrinos and Eduardo Velez, “Costs and Benefits of Bilingual Education in Guatemala: A Partial Analysis,” International Journal of Educational Development 29, no. 6 (November 2009): 594–98. Indigenous Latin America in the Twenty-First Century | 87 Figure 32 Illiteracy and Knowledge of Indigenous Languages (Indigenous Population 10+) 100% 90% 80% 70% 95% 66% 91% 79% 74% 97% 87% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% 5% 34% 9% 21% 26% 3% 13% Bolivia Colombia Costa Rica Ecuador Mexico Nicaragua Venezuela (2001) (2005) (2000) (2010) (2010) (2005) (2001) Don’t speak indigenous language Speak indigenous language Source: national censuses. However, the number of bilingual schools is Finally, the cases of Bolivia and Ecuador deserve limited, and so is the number of professionally special mention because in both cases the new and trained bilingual teachers. Very recently, the unprecedented format of a multi-nation state has Ministry of Education of Peru announced the need been adopted. The national constitutions of these to train 21,000 bilingual teachers to look after two countries were radically transformed in 2008 the educational needs of the indigenous children (Ecuador) and 2009 (Bolivia), and new national attending bilingual schools in rural areas. However, education laws were later enacted. In the Bolivian considering the increased presence of indigenous case, more advances have been made with the persons in urban areas, this need is likely recent adoption of a new indigenous knowledge– significantly higher. The country that has managed based curriculum, implemented in 2013–14, which to reach the largest proportion of indigenous pursues a more equitable relationship between students at primary school level is Mexico, although Western and indigenous knowledge. Nonetheless, educational quality is also an issue there, as it is in it is perhaps too early to assess the impact of these every other Latin American country. changes on language retention and the promotion of truly inclusive and multicultural education patterns. 88 | The World Bank Toward a Post-2015 Agenda Indigenous Latin America in the Twenty-First Century | 89 December 2014 marked the end of the Second have pointed to a lack of overwhelming evidence International Decade of the World’s Indigenous that programs targeted at indigenous people could Peoples, a period when indigenous Latin Americans substantially erase these gaps,140 data analyzed in continued to strengthen their position as relevant this report suggest that growth alone will not help actors in the political and social life of the region. The reduce them either. Economic growth does little tenacity of their social movements and community to solve discrimination, for example, insofar as the organizations bore fruit in terms of legal recognition. attitudes and perceptions that lead to discriminatory Their activism also contributed to a growing outcomes are often ingrained in the way public consensus on the right of indigenous peoples to policies are implemented. participate in and benefit from the prosperity of the region without having to renounce their identities Indigenous peoples’ limited market access, for and aspirations as culturally distinct societies. The example, is associated with low education levels, fact that 15 of the 22 countries that have ratified prior economic conditions, poor access to finance ILO Convention No. 169 are in Latin America is and services, low market skills, exclusion from new an encouraging sign of the direction the region is technologies, gender gaps, and distrust, in a long headed regarding indigenous rights. list of etceteras. Eliminating indigenous peoples’ market exclusion will therefore require a strategic The decade also produced economic and social and comprehensive approach, as well as the gains for indigenous peoples in Latin America. The combined efforts of local communities, civil society, wage gaps that have historically affected ethnic development agencies, the private sector, and minorities, rural dwellers, and women declined, as NGOs, all working under the notion that there is no well as the gaps in educational attainment, showing single solution or “big idea” that will suit all situations that a favorable economic climate together with and sort out all problems. Gains are more likely to be the right policies can yield positive results.139 The small and incremental. However, experience shows percentage of indigenous peoples living in poverty that if the right conditions are set and the critical also dropped significantly in some countries, while in actors involved, change is possible. others there was unquestionable improvement in the overall access to basic services including electricity, This study has presented an updated assessment sewerage, and piped water. As the economic of the situation of indigenous peoples in the region climate in Latin America is changing, the challenge at the beginning of the new millennium, without ahead is how to make these gains sustainable over delving into overtly academic explanations of time, even in a context of slow economic growth. causality or potential solutions. However, the region has accumulated extensive empirical experience Despite important gains, the decade also was over the past two decades to address many of marked by the persistence of old and the creation of the challenges described throughout this report. new forms of inequality. While in absolute terms there Further work on these experiences is needed to was progress in areas such as poverty reduction broaden our understanding of what works and and inclusion in key services of the state, in relative what does not in critical areas of development such terms the gaps separating indigenous people from as education, health, environmental conservation, other Latin Americans grew even larger on many territoriality, and market inclusion. Despite the accounts. Also, the expansion in coverage of many preeminently descriptive character of this report, key services was not necessarily accompanied in this final section we outline observations and by an increase in the quality or adaptation of lessons that can be drawn from the data analyzed those services to the needs and viewpoints of the and could inform discussions leading to a post- indigenous population. Although some studies 2015 agenda. 139 Ñopo, New Century, Old Disparities. 140 Hall and Patrinos, Indigenous Peoples, Poverty, and Development. 90 | The World Bank Legal and participatory gains need to be translated into social and economic ones. More work on the There is an inescapable tension between the policy practical implementation of progressive and participatory gains of recent decades and the lack of unequivocal economic and social gains at legal frameworks protecting indigenous the community and household levels. The readiness peoples’ rights needs to be done. of the region to approve and adapt progressive international instruments and agreements aimed at protecting indigenous peoples’ rights is commendable, as these address the systematic conditions that prevent indigenous peoples from indigenous is, contemporary indigenous people pursuing their own chosen development paths. who for different reasons have drifted away from They are also important because they mark a these orthodox canons might be left behind, substantial change from the attitude and policies leading to new forms of discrimination. The return to of the region only two decades ago. The speed traditional means of production and the traditional and flexibility exhibited in adopting these changes territories, for example, might no longer be feasible contrast, however, with growing gaps in many areas or relevant for many indigenous households today. and the little traction that long-awaited programs They certainly seem of little use when addressing and policies have experienced, such as the the needs and priorities of a growing number of regularization of indigenous land rights. indigenous families living in marginalized urban environments. In all fairness, these political and legal advances are still at a trial-and-error stage. Thus, though it is The post-2015 agenda must also take into account true that many countries have generated laws and the multiple layers of exclusion that make some regulations meant to guarantee the participation of indigenous households and individuals more indigenous peoples in governments and decision vulnerable than others. Throughout this report we making, echoing the contents of international have emphasized, for example, that indigenous covenants, very few have put in place effective women are often discriminated against as both measures to enforce them and to ensure that their indigenous and women, resulting in poorer access implementation delivers actual results in terms of to education and lower salaries than indigenous achieving inclusion and development with identity. men. In the same vein, the outcome document of Where they have, moreover, these relatively recent the high-level plenary meeting of the UN General adaptations have to struggle with the inertia of over Assembly gathered in New York on September five centuries of prejudices, intolerance, and outright annihilation. At the other end, even though ideas such as development with identity, indigenous development, and ethno-development have gained momentum Legal and practical over the past decade, the challenge for indigenous solutions must also address the needs peoples, NGOs, governments, and development agencies is in implementing development programs and views of vulnerable groups within that are sustainable and effective in reducing indigenous societies, bearing in mind social exclusion. One common setback of these approaches has to do with the assumption that that there are gaps related to gender, indigenous development can be legitimate only people with disabilities, children, the if it is diametrically opposed to Western forms of development. If indigenous conceptions of elderly, and interethnic discrimination. development are misconstrued around stereotypes and preconceived assumptions about what being Indigenous Latin America in the Twenty-First Century | 91 22, 2014, called the attention of its member states to the need to promote and protect the rights of indigenous persons with disabilities, support the Education might hold empowerment and capacity building of indigenous youth and women, and prevent and eliminate the key to development with identity, all forms of violence and discrimination against but the quality of the education system indigenous peoples and individuals, in particular women, children, youth, older persons, and persons must be improved. Indigenous children with disabilities. There remains plenty of room for have the right to receive an education improvement in the legal and policy frameworks of the region. Advances, however, need to go hand of quality, culturally appropriate and in hand with a stronger commitment to translate relevant to them. this “rights approach” into substantial gains for indigenous people in ways that respect their identities and dignity. Improving the quality of education might be the bilingual education has evolved from a clearly key to greater inclusion. assimilationist paradigm, aimed at facilitating the Christian conversion and cultural integration of The expansion of primary education to most indigenous peoples, to a prolific space for interethnic indigenous latitudes over recent decades is and intercultural dialogue. Virtually all Latin American a remarkable achievement. Through schools, countries today have specialized programs and/ indigenous communities often gain access not only or departments for IBE within their ministries of to institutionalized education, but also to an array of education, and their legislations recognize IBE as a opportunities to change the terms of their relationship vital tool for the inclusion of indigenous peoples in with non-indigenous society and increase their voice the national education system without threatening and agency within the states. Evidence presented in their languages, cultures, and social autonomy. this report and elsewhere shows that improvements Some countries have gone further, proposing in educational attainment have a significant impact multilingual and intercultural education for all. on the market inclusion of indigenous peoples, contributing to narrower wage gaps. Moreover, Despite this long history and remarkable transition, evidence from other studies suggests that women IBE is still poorly designed, randomly targeted, might benefit more from the increased access to and, ultimately, scarcely implemented. Specialized education than men, which could help them break textbooks and teachers are scant, and indigenous away from a long history of discrimination. children more often than not receive an education that does not serve them well, either as citizens However, whether these opportunities are fully of the state or as recipients of their own culture. developed will largely depend on our joint efforts to This report has shown a clear association improve the quality and cultural pertinence of these between formal education and native language services. Intercultural bilingual education, one of loss, but similar associations have been proved the most widespread and long-lasting proposals to between formal education and other aspects bridge indigenous and institutionalized education of indigenous cultures that are essential to their systems, is a good example of the gap separating survival, such as ethnobotanical knowledge,141 advanced legal frameworks and policy guidelines medical knowledge and practices,142 and traditional from their practical implementation. Present in the social arrangements.143 Indigenous parents and region since the first half of the twentieth century, community leaders are therefore faced with the 141 Stanford Zent, “Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK) and Biocultural Diversity: A Close-up Look at Linkages, Delearning Trends & Changing Patterns of Trans- mission,” in Learning and Knowing in Indigenous Societies Today, eds. Peter Bates, Moe Chiba, Sabine Kube, and Douglas Nakashima (Paris: UNESCO, 2009). 142 Germán Freire and Aimé Tillett, Salud Indígena en Venezuela vols. 1–2, (Caracas: Ministerio de Salud, 2007). 143 Laura Rival, “Formal Schooling and the Production of Modern Citizens in the Ecuadorian Amazon,” in Schooling the Symbolic Animal: Social and Cultural Dimen- sions of Education, eds. Bradley A. U. Levinson et al. (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2000). 92 | The World Bank dilemma of having to choose between preparing access to electricity, piped water, and sewerage. the younger generations for the global world they Cityscapes have also been catalysts of political will most likely have to live in as adults or educating participation and empowerment. In some distinctive them according to their traditions. There is evidence locations, such as El Alto, Bolivia, urban dwellers that IBE can help indigenous children navigate many have been able to broaden their citizenship rights of these challenges and paradoxes, but it needs to and political participation. For women, the migration be implemented well. IBE should offer indigenous to cities can open new opportunities to break children the tools to benefit from the state without away from discriminatory roles and enjoy greater having to renounce their cultures and languages social, economic, and political opportunities and in the process. The morbid association between liberties than in their communities of origin. Children formal education and culture loss today should be substantially improve their access to schooling. seen as an alarm on the urgency of moving faster to Despite these gains, a disproportionately large implement culturally adequate and socially inclusive number of indigenous households moving to cities programs. occupy unsanitary, insecure, and naturally risk- prone areas, indeed improving their access to basic Addressing the new scenarios and social services—or averting some immediate threats, realities of indigenous peoples. such as households escaping armed conflict—but at the expense of increasing their vulnerabilities or The post-2015 agenda must also take into account exposing themselves to new forms of exclusion. the changing scenarios that indigenous peoples are living in at present. We cannot ignore that the Though urbanization is not unique to indigenous number of indigenous Latin Americans living in people, this report has presented abundant urban settings has nearly caught up with the number evidence that they are being hit more pervasively of rural indigenous people. Besides challenging our by the rural-urban transition than other groups. collective representation of what indigeneity means, Thirty-six percent of indigenous urban dwellers in this new scenario defies the models and analytic the region are relegated to slums, nearly twice the tools we use to understand and address their needs proportion of non-indigenous urban dwellers. In and priorities. many countries the percentage of indigenous slum dwellers is much higher. In cities, indigenous people The transition to urban spaces has clearly improved have on average one-third of the access to piped the rate of access to basic services and market water that other urban Latin Americans have, a opportunities for many indigenous peoples. In sixth of their access to electricity, and a fifth of their cities, indigenous households tend to have better access to proper housing. In slums, with limited skills to compete in the job market, and deprived of many of the safety nets and assets they had in their communities of origin, indigenous urban households require The region needs to a reassessment of their needs and strategies of improve its understanding of the inclusion, which should begin with rendering visible situations of indigenous people their situations, coping strategies, and specific living in urban settings, as well as views of the urban space. the reasons they are leaving their There is, therefore, little question that improving traditional territories, and address indigenous peoples’ conditions in urban settings both their needs and priorities in needs a comprehensive and strategic approach, ways that respect their identities and aimed at targeting the root causes of their disproportional marginalization. Nevertheless, the dignity. current regulatory framework and development agenda have little or no reference to their situations. Indigenous Latin America in the Twenty-First Century | 93 With the growth in urban indigenous dwellers, The region must make more efforts to eliminate more research is needed to understand multiple the geographic, linguistic, and social barriers that aspects of their urban experience, ranging from prevent indigenous peoples from partaking in the role of the informal economies in indigenous electoral processes. The division of the Mexican urban households and its impact on poverty and state of Oaxaca is one insightful example. Out of 570 life indicators, to the opportunities cityscapes offer municipalities, 418 are now managed according to for political participation and the expansion of the indigenous peoples’ traditions (usos y costumbres) intercultural agenda. and are recognized by the state’s constitution.144 Within these municipalities, indigenous people can Expanding the voice and participation exercise their own modalities of participation or opportunities of indigenous peoples. conduct electoral processes that better represent their views and social arrangements. Reorganizing One way of addressing the needs and priorities of a the electoral districts improves the representation changing indigenous population, without ascribing of indigenous leaders in different sectors of it to the prejudices and stereotypes that have governments and increases the participation of dominated our understanding of their situations individuals who belong to small indigenous peoples. so far, is by increasing their own voice and agency in development and policy making. The need to involve local communities in development programs and policies is, in fact, one of the few areas of development where there seems to be a consensus The region must make nowadays. By de facto rule or by law, the question in Latin America no longer is whether indigenous more efforts to eliminate the peoples should be involved in decision making, but geographic, linguistic, and social rather how and when. barriers that prevent indigenous Though there are limited data to assess indigenous peoples from partaking in decision peoples’ involvement as voters in electoral making, including electoral processes, their increasing involvement in politics is evident in the rise of indigenous representatives at processes. all levels of government, including the presidency of Bolivia. Electoral systems offer indigenous peoples an opportunity to bring their political agenda into mainstream debates, therefore increasing their voice within the state. However, only a handful The advance of the indigenous rights agenda in of countries have enacted laws that broaden Latin America has also spurred the creation of high- the political participation of indigenous people level government bodies dedicated to overseeing in democratic elections. For instance, only eight the implementation of indigenous rights. Though countries have created laws and procedures aimed their organization and effectiveness varies from case at guaranteeing the participation of indigenous to case, the fact that they exist is a positive signal, voters in electoral processes, six have reserved which is already starting to shed valuable lessons. seats in local and national legislatures for indigenous The creation of an international framework for the representatives, and only four have changed the advancement of indigenous peoples’ rights and political-administrative division of the country in aspirations within the UN system is indicative of the order to favor special electoral jurisdictions for progress made on this front on a wider scale. Over indigenous peoples. the past two decades, the UN has established a 144 ECLAC, Guaranteeing Indigenous People’s Rights, 19. 94 | The World Bank Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues, an Expert Free, prior and informed Consent (FPIC) is another Mechanism on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, important tool to guarantee the participation of and a Special Rapporteurship on the rights of indigenous peoples in aspects that can affect their indigenous peoples. lives, cultures, and assets. Experience of recent decades shows that, no matter how imperfect, On the indigenous side, the creation of supra- the best way to advance development projects national platforms for cooperation and mutual successfully in indigenous territories is through assistance has also improved considerably their involvement in the design, implementation, indigenous peoples’ capacity to elevate their and monitoring of development programs. As a priorities onto the political agenda. The Foro recent World Bank report asserts, “Consultations Indígena Abya Yala, for example, which comprises are the cornerstone of diagnosing problems and over 40 organizations from Latin American and the building support for interventions. …Building such Caribbean, has not only been involved in a dialogue consultations into projects and programs can help with the World Bank, which has informed this report organizations frame key questions and identify the and the research on which it is based, but it has right channels for intervention.”146 also been involved in other important spaces of decision making, such as the International Indian Though the way FPIC has been received and Treaty Council, International Indigenous Women’s implemented in law and practice differs by Forum, Consejo Continental de la Nación Guaraní, country and even on a case-by-case basis, a few Rio+20, and the World Conference on Indigenous generalizations can be made: Peoples.145 The region needs to support sub- and supra-national organizations of this sort not only • The region is still at the trial-and-error because they reassert indigenous people’s right to stage and, though numerous lessons are participate in high-level government meetings, but being learned, the learning curve is steep also because they enable indigenous organizations and requires commitment at all levels and to share experiences on successful programs and branches of government. Attempts to policies with multiple actors, including governments, regularize FPIC unilaterally and without the policy makers, and development agencies. consent of all branches of government and other stakeholders that will have to partake in its implementation have proved difficult and politically costly. • Whether it is entrenched in law and regulations or the result of de facto demands FPIC offers tools to of the affected indigenous peoples, FPIC is guarantee the participation of a necessary feature of successful decision making. While numerous adjustments indigenous peoples in decision have yet to be made regarding how FPIC making, but its regularization requires is implemented, lack of FPIC makes for unsustainable decisions and costly mistakes. the consent of indigenous peoples, • Overall, the region is rich with experience governments, and other stakeholders. in FPIC and could benefit from close collaboration between countries and among Unilateral implementations have all relevant stakeholders. proved difficult and politically costly. • Access to quality, unbiased baseline information is key to its implementation, as is a clear understanding of decision-making dynamics within indigenous societies and the regulatory frameworks that assist them in every country. 145 Ibid., 31. 146 World Bank, Inclusion Matters, 237. Indigenous Latin America in the Twenty-First Century | 95 This report has provided comparative data on these difficult to systematize and use for development and other aspects that should inform discussions planning. Positive and negative practices are found leading to the implementation of FPIC. throughout the region, but, again, the region lacks a repository of knowledge that could allow learning Rethinking indigenous development goals and from experiences and mistakes. Without public and improving data collection strategies. accessible information of this sort, it is less likely that governments, NGOs, development agencies, and An area that requires further attention concerns local communities will be able to take the necessary the challenges involved in implementing targeted steps to address the causes that underpin poverty, programs. Although the region has made tremendous vulnerability, and exclusion. progress in recognizing indigenous peoples’ special needs, the implementation of concrete policies and Research and policy are increasingly needed to programs to address them has been less significant. design statistical indicators that can facilitate data In the cases where such policies have been put in gathering on key areas of development. Policy place, their benefits, impacts, and obstacles remain makers should take into account that indigenous largely unexplored, despite abundant debate in people’s situations are often underreported or academic and non-academic circles. A World unknown because of the difficulties of accessing Bank report recently asserted that it is important their territories (often isolated), civil conflict, to “use impact evaluation tools to rigorously and sociocultural inadequacies that remain in assess what policy tools and programs actually standardized data collection methods. Also, a work—and which do not—in improving indigenous number of indicators commonly used for assessing peoples’ outcomes.”147 The participation of local poverty and vulnerability do not adequately reflect communities in assessing development programs indigenous people’s views and situations. There are and policies is also vital, as statistical tools might fail no development targets that describe the points of to account for intangible outcomes that are central view and special needs of the indigenous population, to the idea of development with identity, such as the for example, while global, cross-nationally empowerment of local organizational institutions or comparative targets, such as the MDG, seem to vulnerable subgroups. be either failing to address ethnic minorities’ special needs or simply not focusing on what is relevant to Information on key areas of development, such as them; or most probably both. primary health care, access to justice, and political participation, remains scant and patchy, and therefore Also, despite significant progress, important statistical gaps remain. A majority of Caribbean countries have not included statistical information concerning indigenous people or ethnic minorities in census data, and only nine countries in Latin America have included ethnic variables in household Positive and negative surveys. (Some household surveys that have practices are found in every included ethnic variables do not have representative samplings of indigenous households.) Likewise, sector, but knowledge sharing is few countries have included ethnic variables in limited. The region needs to build other key statistical tools, such as their national epidemiological records, judicial records, birth and repositories of knowledge to learn death records, and electoral statistics. from experiences and mistakes. The region has made commendable progress to improve its methods of data gathering and 147 Hall and Patrinos, Indigenous Peoples, Poverty, and Development, 387. 96 | The World Bank development planning aimed at ethnic minorities, as well as the quality of public statistics, but room for improvement remains. The data presented in Indigenous peoples this report were standardized precisely to help build a critical body of knowledge with accessible must be involved in the identification and comparable data and indicators on indigenous of culturally appropriate indicators, peoples. The region should also take further steps toward including indigenous peoples’ views and data collection methods, and policy priorities in the setting of development targets, analyses. This will give them the as well as in assessing progress toward them. The participation of indigenous organizations in ability and agency to decide what identifying culturally appropriate indicators, data development goals are relevant to collection methods, and analyses is critical, not only because they can contribute with locally and them and how poverty reduction culturally specific notions of development and efforts should be implemented. vulnerability, but also because it gives indigenous peoples the ability and agency to decide what development goals are relevant to them and how poverty reduction efforts should be implemented. Finally, indigenous peoples should also be seen as 27 times more carbon dioxide emissions.148 The key partners in the region’s development agenda. potential contributions of indigenous peoples to Strengthening indigenous communities’ rights to key areas of development such as food security, their lands and resources, for example, has proved environmental management, biodiversity, farming, an effective strategy to combat climate change. pharmacology, medicine, human rights, arts, In Brazil, the legal recognition of and enforcement low-cost/low-tech solutions, ethics, politics, in indigenous territories proved an important community-driven development, and alternative strategy to prevent deforestation. From 2000 to knowledge have been proved and make indigenous 2012, deforestation in the Brazilian Amazon was peoples indispensable partners in the struggle to 0.6 percent within legally protected indigenous rid Latin America of poverty and lead it to a path territories, but 7 percent outside them, leading to of sustainable green growth and shared prosperity. 148 Caleb Stevens, Robert Winterbottom, Jenny Springer, and Katie Reytar, Securing Rights, Combating Climate Change: How Strengthening Community Forest Rights Mitigates Climate Change (Washington, DC: World Resources Institute, 2014), http://www.wri.org/sites/default/files/securingrights_executive_summary. pdf. Indigenous Latin America in the Twenty-First Century | 97 Appendix A Countries, Years, and Variables Available for Identifying Indigenous Peoples in Censuses and Household Surveys of the Region Country Household surveys Years Available variables for IP No Data Comments identification Self-Identification Language Argentina x Bolivia 2000, 2012 x x Brazil 2001, 2012 x Chile 2003, 2011 x x IP identified starting 2003. Colombia x Costa Rica x Ecuador 2004, 2012 x x El Salvador x Guatemala 2000, 2011 x x Honduras x Mexico 2010, 2012 x x IP identified starting 2008. Nicaragua 2000 x x IP identified only for 2000. No data available for recent years. Panama x Paraguay x IP identified by language, though “Guaraní” speakers do not indicate affiliation to an indigenous group. Peru 2004, 2012 x x Uruguay 2006, 2012 x Urban only. Venezuela x 98 | The World Bank Country Censuses Years Available variables for IP Comments identification Self-Identification Language Argentina 2004/2005 x x National census does not have any ethnicity variable. IP is identified by the “Encuesta Complementaria de Pueblos Indígenas.” Bolivia 2001, 2012 x x Brazil 1991, 2000, 2010 x x Chile 2002, 2012 x x Colombia 2005 x x Costa Rica 2000, 2011 x x Ecuador 2001, 2010 x x El Salvador 2007 x x Guatemala 2002 x x Honduras 2001, 2013 x Mexico 2010 x x Before 2010, the identification of IP was done based on language spoken. Nicaragua 2005 x x Panama 1990, 2000, 2010 x Paraguay 2002, 2012 x x Peru 1993, 2007 x Uruguay Venezuela 2001, 2011 x x Indigenous Latin America in the Twenty-First Century | 99 Appendix B State of Intercultural Bilingual Education in Seven Latin American Countries Country Bolivia Guatemala Mexico Indigenous 36 24 65 languages Legal National constitution of 2009 National constitution of 1985 National constitution reformed in provisions 1992 and 2001 National Education Law of National Education Law of 1991 2010 Federal Education Law of 1973, Peace Accords of 1996 reformed in 2010 and 2014 General Law of Linguistic Rights and Language Policies Law of National Languages of General Law of Linguistic Rights of 2012 2003 of Indigenous Peoples of 2003 Dates of 1977 with the beginning of 1980 beginning of an 1964 with the creation of the official a Quechua/Spanish bilingual experimental bilingual, bicultural National Service of Cultural bilingual education project under education project with the four Promoters and Bilingual education USAID support and in 1980 most common Mayan languages, Teachers, and 1978 with program of an Aymara/Spanish project under USAID support. the creation of the General initiation under a World Bank loan. Directorate of Indigenous 1985 with the creation of a Education, under the spirit of 1983 as a result of the national bilingual, bicultural bilingual, bicultural education and creation by presidential decree program under USAID support, as of 1997 intercultural bilingual of a national intercultural for the four largest Mayan education. bilingual literacy program populations. in Aymara, Guarani, and In 1971 CONAFE (Consejo Quechua. In 1992 PRONADE (Programa Nacional de Fomento Educativo), Nacional para el Desarrollo de la a national organization offering 1990 beginning of an Educación) was a decentralized alternative educational services, experimental project for education program administered was created to attend to smaller Aymara, Guarani, and by indigenous communities and vulnerable indigenous rural Quechua children, with active reaching places where formal populations not covered by grassroots participation and schooling had not. It was closed formal schooling. UNICEF support. in 2009. In 2000 as a result of the creation 1994 with the new educational In 1995 Guatemala adopted of the General Coordination of reform law that institutionalizes intercultural bilingual education Intercultural Bilingual Education, intercultural bilingual education with the creation of DIGEBI with the mandate of promoting as a national policy. (Dirección General de Educación intercultural education for all. Bilingüe Intercultural). 100 | The World Bank Peru Ecuador Nicaragua Colombia 43 12 6 65 National constitution of National constitution of National Autonomy Statute National decree of 1976 1993 2008 for the Atlantic Coast of regarding the educational 1987 rights and needs of National Education Law of National Law of Intercultural indigenous populations 2003 Education of 2012 Law of official use of the languages of the National constitution of 1991 Law for the Protection of communities of the Atlantic Indigenous Knowledge of Coast of Nicaragua of 1993 National Education Law of 2009 1995 Law of Indigenous Indigenous Languages Law Languages of Nicaragua of Law of Native Languages of of 2011 1998 2010 1961 beginning of an 1979 beginning of a 1980 beginning of a national Since the late 1970s in academic experimental national Quechua literacy literacy crusade that included different indigenous territories, Quechua-Spanish program program supported by a literacy training in Miskito and but more prominently in supported by a national local private university. English on the Atlantic coast, the Cauca region, ethnic university. and in 1984 with a preschool organizations started their Various indigenous and elementary intercultural own alternative education 1972 within the framework organizations and NGO bilingual education program projects and programs. of the first official National projects beginning in 1972 to attend to Miskito, Sumu, Bilingual Education Policy preceded the government and Creole children. and within the framework of program. a new National Education 1984 with the creation of the Law. In 1982 the intercultural National Ethno-Education bilingual education of Program, in response to Two large IBE experimental children became official, the indigenous struggle for programs began in 1975 in and in 1988 it was more relevant education in Cuzco (Quechua) and Puno incorporated in the national indigenous territories. (Aymara and Quechua) education law. under USAID and GIZ technical support. Continue... Indigenous Latin America in the Twenty-First Century | 101 Country Bolivia Guatemala Mexico Involvement NGOs NGOs Some NGOs particularly in of civil society educational levels not yet organizations Indigenous organizations Mayan civil society organizations attended to by the state Universities Universities Universities Aid from USAID, GIZ, WB, IDB, USAID, GIZ, WB, IDB, Finland, Indirectly through local NGOs international DANIDA, ASDI, Finland, Norway, UNICEF, UNESCO, donors UNICEF, Netherlands, foreign foreign NGOs WB loans NGOs Government Unidad de Políticas Viceministerio de Educación Dirección General de Educación units Intraculturales, Interculturales Bilingüe Intercultural Indígena responsible for y plurilingües dependiente del IBE Ministro de Educación Dirección General de Educación Consejo Nacional de Fomento Bilingüe Intercultural Educativo Coordinación General de Educación Intercultural Bilingüe Estimated No disaggregated data 19% in pre-school and 15.6% In 2012–13, 407,346 students coverage of available. In 2005 IBE reached in elementary education in 2012 were registered in preschool and IBE 22% of the population that (ICEFI 2013). 847,519 in elementary school required it. (Sept. 2013). Educational No information available Preschool and primary Preschool, primary, and levels covered secondary Tertiary Three public indigenous Two unrecognized indigenous Twelve public intercultural education universities operate. universities offer services in two universities in indigenous initiatives indigenous regions. territories. Availability of No information available since In 12 languages for the first three In most languages for preschool educational 2006. In 2005 materials were grades of elementary education. and elementary education. materials in available for the first six grades indigenous in Aymara, Guaraní, and languages Quechua. 102 | The World Bank Peru Ecuador Nicaragua Colombia Universities NGOs Indigenous organizations Indigenous organizations Indigenous organizations of Indigenous organizations NGOs NGOs the Amazon basin Universities Universities Universities NGOs USAID, GIZ, WB, IDB, GIZ, WB, IDB, Finland, EU, Finland, foreign NGOs IDB, indirectly through Finland, UNICEF, foreign UNICEF, foreign NGOs international NGOs NGOs Dirección General de Subsecretaría para el Programa Nacional Oficina Asesora de Atención Educación Intercultural, Diálogo Intercultural de Educación Bilingüe Educativa a Grupos Étnicos Bilingüe y Rural, Intercultural del Viceministerio de dependiente del Dirección Nacional de Educación de Preescolar, Viceministerio de Gestión Educación Intercultural Básica y Media. Pedagógica Bilingüe 38% in elementary school No disaggregated data Reaching all indigenous No disaggregated data in 2012 (Defensoría del available. In 2005 IBE children in schools of the available. Pueblo). reached 52% of the Atlantic coast. population that required it. Preschool and primary Preschool and primary Preschool and primary Preschool and primary Three public intercultural One private unrecognized One public community One unrecognized community indigenous universities. indigenous university. indigenous intercultural indigenous intercultural university. university. In 13 languages for In 2 languages (Kichwa and In 3 languages mostly for No information available. preschool and elementary Shwar) for preschool and elementary education. education. elementary education and primers in some others. Continue... Indigenous Latin America in the Twenty-First Century | 103 Country Bolivia Guatemala Mexico Quick The education of indigenous Long history of early-exit The education of indigenous policy and students has historically been transitional IBE. students has historically been implementation a matter of national concern a matter of national concern appraisal involving practically the whole The education of indigenous involving practically the whole country. Abandonment of IBE students became a matter of country. after two decades of intensive national concern involving vast implementation in primary areas of the country as a result Long history of continuous schooling in rural areas. of the Peace Accords (1996). official compensatory indigenous IBE counted on indigenous Persistence of vast gaps between education and compensatory organization support and legal rhetoric and school practice. IBE with persistence of vast gaps practically originated from the Official IBE seen mainly as between rhetoric and practice. bottom up. compensatory. Some innovative programs carried out by NGOs Innovations being tried out Now in pursuit of multilingual and often with international aid. in perspective of intercultural education for all. education for all, with emphasis on the mainstream population. Connections and creative articulation among the three bodies responsible for IBE. Main Quality improvement of Quality improvement of IBE Quality improvement of challenges education in indigenous programs. indigenous education programs. regions. Indigenous participation in IBE Indigenous participation in IBE Implementation of new decision making. decision making. national intercultural and multilingual educational Incorporation of indigenous Coordination and cooperation model and curriculum, which culture and knowledge in the among the three different incorporates indigenous curriculum. government units responsible knowledge and practices. for the education of indigenous Improved coordination and students, Pre-service and in-service cooperation among MoE, teacher training for native indigenous organizations, and Pre-service and in-service language teaching. NGOs. teacher training. Cooperation between MoE Pre-service and in-service Reinforcing IBE in secondary and NGOs. teacher training. schooling. Introducing IBE in secondary Introducing IBE in secondary Intercultural education for the schooling and at tertiary level. schooling. mainstream population. Intercultural education for the mainstream population. Source: prepared by Luis Enrique Lopez-Hurtado for this report. 104 | The World Bank Peru Ecuador Nicaragua Colombia The education of Long history of IBE projects The implementation of IBE IBE in Colombia is understood indigenous students has and national programs that is focused on the Atlantic as part of ethno-education historically been a matter of originated from the bottom coast. models. national concern involving up and received indigenous practically the whole organization support. For Two decades of IBE country. 20 years IBE was granted implementation at project partial autonomy. The level, in primary schooling. Long history of IBE projects present situation of IBE is and national programs, not clear. Recent legislation Legally recognized persistence of vast gaps proclaims interculturalism autonomous education between legal rhetoric and for all, but for some system for the Atlantic practice. Recent renewed indigenous leaders to the coast, of which IBE government interest on detriment of IBE. forms part about to start the issue with intensive implementation. activity in different regions. Innovations being tried IBE has become “the mainly in rural areas. normal” mode of schooling, although vast gaps between rhetoric and practice remain. Quality improvement of IBE Quality improvement of IBE Quality improvement of IBE Quality improvement of IBE programs. programs. programs. programs. Increased coordination and Improved coordination and Improved coordination and Improved coordination and cooperation among MoE, cooperation among MoE, cooperation between MoE cooperation between MoE indigenous organizations, indigenous organizations, and educational secretariats and indigenous organizations. and NGOs. and NGOs. of the autonomous territories of the Atlantic coast. Pre-service and in-service Pre-service and in-service Pre-service and in-service teacher training. teacher training. teacher training. Pre-service and in-service teacher training. Introducing IBE in secondary Introducing IBE in Introducing IBE in schooling. secondary schooling. secondary schooling. Introducing IBE in secondary schooling. Intercultural education for the Intercultural education for Intercultural education for mainstream population. the mainstream population. the mainstream population. Intercultural education for the mainstream population. Indigenous Latin America in the Twenty-First Century | 105 Appendix C Regional Comparative Data | Demography Country Year Total Indigenous Proportion Average Age Average Children Ever Born (Projection Population* of IP 2010) Indigenous Non- Indigenous Non- Indigenous Indigenous Argentina 2010 955,032 2.4% – – – – Bolivia 2012 4,115,226 41% 30.02 25.74 3.8 2.6 Brazil 2010 817,963 0.5% 26.17 31.61 2.5 1.9 Chile 2002 (2010) 788,935 4.6% 30.36 31.66 2.4 2.3 Colombia 2005 (2010) 1,532,678 3.3% 25.2 28.91 2.7 2.2 Costa Rica 2011 104,143 2.4% 31.96 31.1 2.8 2.2 Ecuador 2010 1,018,176 7% 25.72 28.52 2.9 2.3 El Salvador 2007 (2010) 14,865 0.2% 26.44 27.52 2.2 2.4 Guatemala 2002 (2010) 5,880,046 41% 21.77 24.36 – – Honduras 2001 (2010) 548,727 7.2% – – – – Mexico 2010 16,836,877 15% 30.78 30.89 2.8 2.3 Nicaragua 2005 (2010) 349,333 6% 23.21 24.47 3.2 2.8 Panama 2010 417,559 12.2% 22.21 31.11 3.2 2.2 Paraguay 2012 112,848 1.7% – – – – Peru 2007 (2010) 7,596,039 26% 27.9 28.5 2.9 2.3 Venezuela 2011 724,592 2.8% – – – – Latin America 41,813,039 7.8% 29.8 30.2 3.1 2.3 * See criteria used for identification in page 25, table 2. 106 | The World Bank Country Year Population in Urban Areas (Percentage of Indigenous People) Bolivia 2001 56% 2012 48% Brazil 2000 52% 2010 29% Chile 2002 65% Colombia 2005 22% Costa Rica 2001 23% 2011 41% Ecuador 2001 39% 2010 21% El Salvador 2007 51% Honduras 2001 15% Latin America 49% Mexico 2010 54% Nicaragua 2005 38% Panama 2000 18% 2010 24% Peru 1993 51% 2007 53% Venezuela 2001 86% 2011 63% Indigenous Latin America in the Twenty-First Century | 107 Regional Comparative Data | Education Country Year Illiteracy Percentage of Indigenous population that speaks (Indigenous population) indigenous language by level of education, population 24+ Percentage of illiterate Percentage of illiterate Less than Primary Secondary Tertiary population 10+ that population 10+ that primary completed completed completed doesn’t speak indigenous speaks indigenous completed language language Bolivia 2001 4.8% 95.1% 55% 29% 14% 2% Brazil 2000 – – – – – – 2010 – – – – – – Chile – – – – – – Colombia 2005 33.9% 66% 76% 17% 6% 1% Costa Rica 2000 8.8% 91.1% 76% 23% 1% 0% Ecuador 2010 20.5% 79.4% 55% 34% 9% 2% El Salvador 2007 – – – – – – Guatemala – – – – – – – Honduras – – – – – – – Mexico 2010 25.7% 74.2% 60% 33% 5% 2% Nicaragua 2005 3.2% 96.7% 59% 28% 10% 2% Panama 2010 – – – – – – Peru 2007 – – – – – – Venezuela 2001 13.3% 86.6% 67% 25% 8% 0% Country Year Education Attainment (Indigenous Population) Percentage with less than Percentage with primary Percentage with Percentage with tertiary primary completed completed secondary completed completed Urban Rural Urban Rural Urban Rural Urban Rural Bolivia 2001 25% 59% 75% 41% 34% 8% 4% 0% Brazil 2010 44% 73% 56% 27% 25% 6% 5% 1% Chile 2002 29% 52% 71% 48% 25% 7% 2% 0% Colombia 2005 42% 72% 58% 28% 22% 5% 4% 0% Costa Rica 2000 40% 70% 60% 30% 18% 3% 6% 0% Ecuador 2010 40% 56% 60% 44% 17% 7% 2% 1% El Salvador 2007 49% 81% 51% 19% 18% 2% 3% 0% 108 | The World Bank School Attendance 6 to 11 years old 12 to 18 years old Indigenous Non-Indigenous Indigenous Indigenous Non-Indigenous Indigenous Urban Rural Urban Rural – – – – 59% 66% 66% 49% – – – – 74% 84% 83% 70% 83% 97% 97% 78% – – – – – – – – 74% 92% 91% 70% 55% 74% 73% 50% 75% 95% 92% 71% 51% 69% 65% 47% 96% 97% 96% 96% 73% 79% 73% 73% 81% 84% 86% 77% 63% 70% 70% 57% – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 96% 97% 96% 96% 69% 75% 72% 67% 83% 82% 89% 80% 67% 65% 78% 60% 92% 98% 96% 91% 72% 85% 78% 71% 93% 96% 96% 91% 81% 79% 85% 77% 78% 95% 79% 71% 56% 75% 57% 47% Country Year Education Attainment (Indigenous Population) Percentage with less than Percentage with primary Percentage with Percentage with tertiary primary completed completed secondary completed completed Urban Rural Urban Rural Urban Rural Urban Rural Guatemala – – – – – – – – – Honduras – – – – – – – – – Mexico 2010 40% 57% 60% 44% 17% 5% 5% 1% Nicaragua 2005 45% 77% 55% 23% 18% 3% 5% 0% Panama 2010 38% 66% 62% 34% 18% 4% 3% 1% Peru 2007 40% 66% 60% 34% 36% 11% 5% 1% Venezuela 2001 64% 76% 36% 24% 9% 3% 0% 0% Indigenous Latin America in the Twenty-First Century | 109 Regional Comparative Data | Access to Basic and Other Services Country Year Access to Electricity Access to Piped Water Access to Sewerage IP Non- IP IP Non- IP IP Non- IP Bolivia 2012 76% 95% 69% 87% 55% 76% Brazil 2010 78% 99% 65% 93% 36% 67% Chile 2002 90% 98% 86% 97% 77% 92% Colombia 2005 58% 94% 41% 84% – – Costa Rica 2011 81% 99% 75% 97% 70% 96% Ecuador 2010 84% 96% 77% 84% 43% 79% El Salvador 2007 62% 88% 61% 76% 34% 43% Guatemala 2002 – – 69% 77% – – Mexico 2010 95% 99% 82% 93% 69% 92% Nicaragua 2005 50% 70% 39% 65% 10% 26% Panama 2010 40% 92% 60% 94% 20% 65% Peru 2007 61% 80% 53% 74% 40% 67% Venezuela 2001 92% 97% 61% 87% 44% 86% Country Variation in Access to Electricity Variation in Access to Sewerage Variation in Access to Piped Water (Early-Late 2000s) (Early-Late 2000s) (Early-Late 2000s) Bolivia +14% +20% +2% Brazil +7% -12% +1% Costa Rica +20% +16% 0% Ecuador +12% +12% +6% Panama +13% +5% +10% Peru +21% +16% +10% 110 | The World Bank Access to Cell Phones Access to Computer Access to Internet IP Non- IP IP Non- IP IP Non- IP – – 15% 36% 4% 16% 46% 85% 12% 39% – – 39% 55% 10% 23% 4% 11% – – 2% 16% – – 64% 91% 17% 36% 16% 35% 54% 81% 8% 29% 2% 14% 48% 67% 8% 11% 3% 4% – – – – – – 44% 70% 13% 34% 8% 25% 13% 24% 2% 4% 0% 1% 53% 89% 5% 32% 52% 72% 24% 50% 6% 18% 2% 9% – – 3% 13% 1% 4% Indigenous Latin America in the Twenty-First Century | 111 Regional Comparative Data | Employment Country Year Employment Status (Working-Age Population) Percentage of Employed Employment Type of Occupation High-skill Low-skill Agriculture/Rural Unspecified Employment Employment Indigenous Indigenous Indigenous Indigenous Indigenous Indigenous Indigenous Indigenous Indigenous Indigenous Non- Non- Non- Non- Non- Argentina – – – – – – – – – – Bolivia 2011 60% 57% – – – – – – – – 2012 – – 10% 27% 47% 58% 38% 9% 4% 5% Brazil 2010 – – 18% 28% 47% 56% 30% 8% 6% 8% Chile 2002 – – 22% 39% 65% 56% 13% 5% 0% 0% Colombia 2005 47% 56% – – – – – – – – Costa Rica 2000 61% 60% – – – – – – – – 2011 – – 20% 34% 65% 62% 15% 4% 0% 0% Ecuador 2010 74% 65% 6% 25% 51% 65% 43% 10% 0% 0% El Salvador 2007 – – 15% 22% 69% 67% 16% 11% 0% 0% Guatemala – – – – – – – – – – – Honduras – – – – – – – – – – – Mexico 2010 63% 63% 12% 24% 63% 68% 25% 8% 0% 0% Nicaragua 2005 57% 59% 12% 17% 48% 60% 40% 23% 0% 0% Panama 2010 17% Female 45% Female 27% 47% 70% 45% 2% 8% 0% 1% 65 % Male 77% Male Peru 2007 – – 11% 26% 65% 64% 25% 10% 0% 0% Venezuela 2001 48% 55% 18% 36% 65% 51% 8% 7% 8% 7% 112 | The World Bank Employment Status (Working-Age Population) Employed Inactive Unemployed Education Level Primary Secondary Tertiary Unspecified Indigenous Indigenous Indigenous Indigenous Indigenous Indigenous Indigenous Indigenous Indigenous Indigenous Indigenous Indigenous Non- Non- Non- Non- Non- Non- – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 36% 39% 4% 4% 40% 10% 18% 21% 36% 61% 5% 8% – – – – 44% 15% 16% 22% 40% 63% 0% 0% – – – – 20% 11% 24% 23% 55% 66% 0% 0% – – – – 68% 27% 6% 14% 25% 58% 0% 0% 49% 39% 4% 4% – – – – – – – – 35% 38% 4% 2% 34% 13% 14% 20% 51% 67% 0% 0% – – – – 55% 21% 17% 20% 29% 59% 0% 0% 22% 31% 4% 5% 29% 18% 21% 23% 50% 59% 0% 0% – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 10% 19% 20% 22% 70% 59% 0% 0% – – – – 30% 11% 23% 25% 47% 64% 0% 0% 35% 34% 2% 3% 51% 34% 16% 19% 33% 48% 0% 0% 41% 39% 2% 2% 49% 10% 12% 20% 39% 70% 0% 0% – – – – 43% 19% 15% 17% 42% 64% 0% 0% – – – – 19% 10% 22% 21% 59% 69% 0% 0% 46% 40% 7% 6% Indigenous Latin America in the Twenty-First Century | 113 Regional Comparative Data | Urban-Rural Country Year Indigenous Non-Indigenous Percentage Living Percentage Percentage of Population Population in Slums of Indigenous Indigenous Population Population Living Living without Piped without Electricity Water Urban Rural Urban Rural IP Non- IP Urban Rural Urban Rural Bolivia 2001 48% 52% 87% 13% 47% 39% 9% 74% 12% 60% Brazil 2010 29% 71% 85% 15% 40% 27% 2% 35% 7% 52% Chile 2002 65% 35% 88% 12% 5% 4% 2% 25% 1% 39% Colombia 2005 22% 78% 78% 22% 32% 9% 7% 52% 18% 70% Costa Rica 2000 41% 59% 74% 26% 16% 5% 0% 51% 1% 32% Ecuador 2010 21% 79% 66% 34% 21% 17% 3% 20% 9% 27% El Salvador 2007 51% 49% 63% 37% 40% 40% 12% 66% 20% 59% Guatemala 2002 – – – – – – – – – – Honduras 2001 15% 85% 48% 52% – – – – – – Mexico 2010 54% 46% 81% 19% 23% 8% 2% 9% 8% 29% Nicaragua 2005 38% 62% 54% 46% 80% 60% 16% 72% 37% 76% Panama 2010 24% 76% 71% 29% 47% 31% 7% 76% 5% 50% Paraguay – – – – – – – – – – – Peru 2007 53% 47% 82% 18% 57% 37% 15% 67% 22% 75% Venezuela 2001 63% 37% 89% 11% 65% 17% 6% 23% 35% 63% Latin – 49% 51% 81% 19% 36% – – – – – America 114 | The World Bank Percentage Living in Percentage Living in Percentage Living in Percentage Living in Percentage of Urban Areas without Urban Areas with Urban Areas Urban Areas without Indigenous Population Piped Water Unfinished Floor (Earth) without Electricity Sewerage that Owns Dwelling IP Non- IP IP Non- IP IP Non- IP IP Non- IP Urban Rural 12% 8% 15% 11% 9% 8% 41% 34% 61% 90% 7% 2% – – 2% 0% 39% 26% 71% 92% 1% 0% 1% 0% 2% 1% 4% 3% 74% 84% 18% 8% 22% 7% 7% 2% – – 65% 84% 1% 0% 6% 1% 0% 0% 14% 4% 53% 65% 9% 9% 6% 4% 3% 2% 10% 9% 52% 86% 20% 11% 24% 13% 12% 5% 37% 37% 76% 80% – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 8% 4% 8% 3% 2% 1% 14% 3% 79% 94% 37% 10% 21% 28% 16% 5% 74% 55% 89% 92% 5% 2% 9% 3% 7% 2% 40% 31% 69% 89% – – – – – – – – – – 22% 16% 45% 25% 15% 8% 32% 20% 76% 82% 35% 9% 22% 3% 6% 1% 54% 9% 84% 71% 13% 4% 17% 3% 6% 1% 23% 16% – – Indigenous Latin America in the Twenty-First Century | 115 Printed first by The World Bank in July 2015. Washington, DC.