45413 Communication for Governance and Accountability Program (CommGAP) The Missing Link Fostering Positive Citizen-State Relations in Post-Conflict Environments By Henriette von Kaltenborn-Stachau Innovative Solutions FOR G OVERNANCE ©2008 The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development/The World Bank Communication for Governance & Accountability Program (CommGAP) Development Communication Division, External Affairs 1818 H Street NW, MSN U11-1102 Washington DC 20433 Telephone: 202-458-7955 Fax: 202-522-2654 Internet: www.worldbank.org/commgap E-mail: commgap@worldbank.org All rights reserved This volume is a product of the staff of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development/The World Bank. The �ndings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed in this volume do not necessarily reflect the views of the Executive Directors of The World Bank or the governments they represent. The World Bank does not guarantee the accuracy of the data included in this work. The boundaries, colors, denominations, and other information shown on any map in this work do not imply any judgment on the part of The World Bank concerning the legal status of any territory or the endorsement or acceptance of such boundaries. Rights and Permissions The material in this publication is copyrighted. Copying and/or transmitting portions or all of this work without permission may be a violation of applicable law. The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development/The World Bank encourages dissemination of its work and will normally grant permission to reproduce portions of the work promptly. For permission to photocopy or reprint any part of this work, please send a request with complete information to the Communication for Governance & Accountability Program (CommGAP) at the address stated above. About CommGAP The Agora was the heart of the ancient Greek city—its main political, civic, religious and commercial center. Today, the Agora is the space where free and equal citizens discuss, debate, and share information about public affairs in order to influence the policies that affect the quality of their lives. The democratic public sphere that the ancient Agora represents is an essential element of good governance and accountability. The Communication for Governance & Accountability Program (CommGAP) seeks to promote good and accountable governance through the use of innovative communication approaches and techniques that strengthen the constitutive elements of the public sphere: engaged citizenries, vibrant civil societies, plural and independent media systems, and open government institutions. Communication links these elements, forming a framework for national dialogue through which informed public opinion is shaped about key issues of public concern. CommGAP posits that sound analysis and understanding of the structural and process aspects of communication and their interrelationships make critical contributions to governance reform. CommGAP is funded through a multi-donor trust fund. The founding donor of this trust fund is the UK’s Department for Internationals Development (DFID). Acknowledgements This paper would not have been possible without the contributions and helpful feedback of numerous individuals. Conversations with regional and technical experts shaped and improved the content of the paper in numerous ways. The helpfulness and cooperation of the World Bank of�ces in Bujumbura, Dili and Monrovia was invaluable. I am grateful to the many people who met with me and with Erika in Burundi, Timor-Leste, and Liberia and kindly shared their valuable time and insights. Sina Odugbemi lent the process his encouragement and wise guidance; Johanna Martinson, Diana Chung, Anjali Manglik, and Zita Lichtenberg kept the many production and peer review processes running smoothly and painlessly. The work of Erika Casajoana made the Burundi case study possible. Laura Bailey and Markus Kostner provided helpful comments. Barbara Catherwood edited the publication with a keen eye. Paul Mitchell and the members of the expert peer review panel provided a bounty of keen insight and constructive criticism. Any errors that remain are the responsibility of the author alone. Photo Credits: Cover: Arne Hoel Page 6: Arne Hoel Page 39: Arne Hoel Page 51: Curt Carnemark Page 53: Alex Baluyut Page 72 Top: Yosef Hadar Page 72 Bottom: Alex Baluyut Page 87: Frank R. Vincent Page 96: Erika Casajoana Page 100: Erika Casajoana Foreword In 1992, then UN Secretary-General Boutrus Demonstrating the shortcomings of current Boutrus Ghali introduced the term “post- assistance approaches with evidence from the conflict peace-building� for the �rst time. It �eld, it makes a strong and convincing case for was a completely new concept. Initially, the much needed change in current donor policy need to help countries emerge from years of and practice. conflict was seen as linked to the end of the Cold War. By the end of the 1990s, however, it This publication is one of a series that will became clear this issue would not disappear. examine governance and communication Today, in the �rst decade of the 21st century, issues in a post-conflict context. Ultimately, the international community still struggles this series will seek to analyze the ways in to �nd the right approach to assist countries which dialogue and communication contribute challenged by the aftermath of conflict. In to the crucial post-conflict tasks of managing this search, and in recognition of the impor- expectations, building both trust in and oversight tance of strong and sustainable institutions, of state institutions, aiding the formation of an policy-makers focus now on a post-conflict inclusive national identity, and fostering citizen “state-building� agenda. engagement. I hope that in doing so, the series will contribute to the debate about the role Assessments of successes and failures of governance and communication in these teach important lessons and the overall environments and, in turn, to better policy understanding of post-conflict challenges, and practice. dilemmas and dynamics has greatly improved. Yet the high number of post-conflict countries Sina Odugbemi sliding back into violence gives reason for Program Head concern: we are still not getting it right. If we Communication for Governance & Accountability fail to recognize the principle that people, as Program (CommGAP) individual and groups, determine the success of the peace process and the future of the state, then we miss the valuable lesson to learn. Only when the citizens feel connected to their budding state institutions and perceive them as responsive to their needs will public trust develop and public support make the post-conflict state viable. Public opinion is the ultimate basis of power and legitimacy—a basic governance principle almost ignored in current post-conflict practice. This is where the gap lies. This study by Henriette von Kaltenborn-Stachau introduces the principles, mechanisms and processes that connect citizens with each other and with state institutions. The Missing Link relates the value of public sphere processes to the challenges of post-conflict environments. Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................. 4 Introduction .......................................................................................................................... 5 PART I FOSTERING POSITIVE CITIZEN-STATE RELATIONS IN SUPPORT OF STATE BUILDING...................................................................................................... 8 1. Post-Conflict State Building: The Policy Debate....................................................................... 8 1.1 The relevance of public trust and citizen-state relations ................................................ 9 2. A Platform for National Dialogue: The Public Sphere ............................................................... 9 2.1 The quality of the public sphere ............................................................................... 11 3. Public Institutions and the Public Sphere in a Post-Conflict World ............................................ 11 3.1 Transparency and participation ................................................................................ 15 3.2 Legislature ........................................................................................................... 17 3.3 Information flow within and among state-institutions.................................................. 18 4. Civil Society: Often Voiceless after Conflict .......................................................................... 19 5. Media: Lacking the Skills to Shape the Debate ..................................................................... 21 6. The Enabling Environment ................................................................................................. 25 6.1 Governance: Security, safety and the rule of law........................................................ 25 6.2 Civil society .......................................................................................................... 26 6.3 Media .................................................................................................................. 27 7. Interactions in the Public Sphere ........................................................................................ 28 8. Conclusion—National Dialogue: Not a Consequence of State Building, a Prerequisite for Success ................................................................................................. 31 Public Sphere Assessment Toolkit ........................................................................................... 35 Toolbox: A Selection of Public Sphere Interventions .................................................................. 40 PART II THREE CASE STUDIES ........................................................................................... 48 A. DASHED HOPES: A NEW STATE DISCONNECTED FROM ITS PEOPLE ................................ 48 1. A Brief History of Modern Timor ......................................................................................... 49 2. Disillusioned and Disempowered: Public Sphere Challenges Impair Timor’s State Building .......... 51 2.1 A state-structure built from scratch.......................................................................... 52 2.1.2 Clandestine experiences shape leadership style....................................................... 52 2.1.3 Dysfunctional internal communication.................................................................... 55 2.1.4 A state not talking or listening to its people ............................................................ 56 2.1.5 The new parliament ............................................................................................ 56 3. Timor-Leste’s Media ......................................................................................................... 57 3.1 Radio matters ....................................................................................................... 57 3.2 The challenges of the public broadcaster................................................................... 58 3.3 Limited access to TV .............................................................................................. 58 3.4 Newspapers are for the few .................................................................................... 59 3.5 The popularity of cell-phones and the lack of Internet................................................. 61 3.6 Young and poorly trained: Timor’s journalists ............................................................ 61 3.7 Poor advocates for their trade: Timor’s media associations .......................................... 62 4. In Opposition: Timor’s Civil Society .................................................................................... 62 5. The Enabling Environment of Timor-Leste ............................................................................ 63 5.1 Media .................................................................................................................. 63 Legal and regulatory issues .................................................................................... 63 Radio regulations .................................................................................................. 64 Sustainability/economic issues ................................................................................ 65 5.2 Civil Society ......................................................................................................... 65 Legal issues .......................................................................................................... 65 Sustainability/economic issues ................................................................................ 65 6. No Trust: State-Media-Civil Society Interactions ................................................................... 65 6.1 State and media.................................................................................................... 66 6.2 Media and civil society ........................................................................................... 67 6.3 Civil society and state ............................................................................................ 67 7. Donor Support Needs Strategy and Coordination .................................................................. 69 8. The Way Ahead ............................................................................................................... 69 9. Recommendations for Action ............................................................................................. 70 B. LIBERIA: A LONG WAY TOWARDS RECOVERY ................................................................ 73 1. A Brief History of Modern Liberia ........................................................................................ 73 2. Cynicism and High Expectations: Fostering Public Trust central for Liberia’s State-Building Objectives ................................................................................... 76 2.1 New government under performance pressure ........................................................... 77 2.2 Unaccountable and unconnected: Liberia’s legislature ................................................. 77 2.3 The challenges of internal communication ................................................................. 78 2.4 Reaching its people: citizen-state communication....................................................... 79 3. Liberia’s Media: Not yet equipped to play its role .................................................................. 81 4. Competing for Donor Funding: Liberia’s Civil Society ............................................................. 84 5. Liberia’s Enabling Environment .......................................................................................... 85 5.1 Media .................................................................................................................. 85 Legal/regulatory issues .......................................................................................... 85 Sustainability/economic.......................................................................................... 86 5.2 Civil Society ......................................................................................................... 86 Legal/regulatory ................................................................................................... 86 Sustainability/economic ......................................................................................... 87 6. Space for Constructive Engagement: Interactions in the Public Sphere .................................... 87 6.1 State and media.................................................................................................... 87 6.2 Media and civil society ........................................................................................... 88 6.3 Civil society and state ............................................................................................ 88 7. The Need for Vision, Strategy and Coordination .................................................................... 89 8. Recommendations for Action ............................................................................................. 90 C. BURUNDI: A COUNTRY OF FRAGILE PEACE AND DEMOCRACY .............................................. 92 1. A Brief Recent History....................................................................................................... 92 2. Post-Conflict Burundi: Capacity and Constraints ................................................................... 92 2.1 Government ......................................................................................................... 92 2.2 Media .................................................................................................................. 94 2.3. Civil society ......................................................................................................... 98 3. Burundi’s Enabling Environment after the Peace Accord ......................................................... 99 4. We All Know Each Other: Interactions in the Public Sphere ...................................................100 4.1 State and media...................................................................................................100 4.2 Media and civil society ..........................................................................................100 4.3 Civil society and state ...........................................................................................101 5. Burundi on the Radar-Screen: Donor Involvement in the Public Sphere...................................101 6. A Fragile Peace ...............................................................................................................103 7. Recommendations for Action ............................................................................................104 References ........................................................................................................................107 Endnotes ...........................................................................................................................114 Executive Summary the public sphere concept for democratic 4 Post-conflict situations pose particular gover- governance and strategic post-conflict assis- nance and reconstruction challenges—severed tance planning with the objective of positive citizen-state relations, lack of public trust, high and sustainable change in current post-conflict peace dividend expectations, a fragmented assistance policy and practice. and traumatized society—that strongly impact The study introduces the conceptual thinking post-conflict development and constitute a underlying the public sphere framework and, potential threat to stability. citing evidence from different countries, high- What are the mechanisms and tools that can lights its relevance and calls for its application help to manage expectations, alter perceptions, in post-conflict environments. For practitioners build public trust in state institutions, repair the study provides a public sphere assessment citizen-state relations and generally reweave toolkit and a toolbox for interventions. It also the fabric of society? How does one close the offers concrete examples and recommendations societal space that undermines the success of on how to address the speci�c governance a transition process? challenges identi�ed through a public sphere analysis in three countries: Timor-Leste, Relating these repercussions of conflict to the Liberia and Burundi. state-building and governance debate, this study argues that �nding ways to effectively address citizen-state relations and public trust is central for successful reconstruction efforts. Donors cannot afford to simply overlook these issues. To effectively address the “invisible� consequences of conflict, civil society, media and the state need to connect and engage constructively. The analytical framework best capturing these connective processes is that of the public sphere, a platform for national dialogue. Current “stove-piped� assistance policy and practice does not take these connective processes into consideration. The narrow, sector-speci�c approach that treats support to media, civil society and the state operationally and conceptually as separate program areas leaves no space for a “big picture view� and coordination. This oversight is responsible for incomplete governance assessments, loss of synergies, reduced impact and, most importantly, missed opportunities. The aim of this study is to convince national and multilateral policy makers of the importance of Introduction The idea for this study developed in spring 2006 What are the mechanisms and 5 when renewed violence spread through Timor- Leste, displacing people from their homes and tools that can help to manage dashing hopes for a better future. The develop- expectations, alter perceptions, ments in Timor-Leste, a supposed showcase for international assistance, begged the question build public trust in state of what went wrong in the building of this new institutions, and generally state. Were these issues unique to the small island-nation or were they reflective of more reweave the fabric of society? generic problems commonly overlooked in the international assistance frameworks to stabilize To address the “invisible� societal and perceptual and transform countries after conflict? consequences of conflict, the state, media and civil society need to collaborate and constructively The nature of post-conflict environments engage in a national dialogue platform. poses unique governance challenges. As a consequence of state abuse and exclusion, people have little or no trust in the fair func- Missed opportunities in current tioning of state institutions and rely on personal post-conflict practice networks: tribe, clan, family, religious groups. Current donor policy places great emphasis The fabric of society is torn by displacement on the importance of state building in post- and �ghting, with non-state actors playing an conflict assistance; restoring public sector important role in the absence of a functioning capacity and service delivery are considered state. The mind-sets of individuals and groups central to post-conflict recovery and long- are framed by the conflict experience and shape term stability. Many donors also recognize the way they think, act, speak and view them- the relevance a vibrant civil society and a selves and others. People left poor by prolonged professional media sector have for the violence and displacement are hungry for a successful transformation of a post-conflict quick peace dividend at its end. society. Operationally and conceptually these areas are treated as separate sectors and this These challenges are far less visible than the stove-piping leaves no space for a “big picture obvious destruction of public infrastructure and view� and coordination across program areas. private assets, and yet they are as real in their consequences on daily life. Ignoring them Current post-conflict assistance policy and when designing and implementing assistance practice, this study argues, fail to pay suf�cient strategies will render such plans incomplete attention to challenges emanating from high and somewhat ineffective. public expectations, lack of public trust, societal fragmentation and exclusion. Stove-piped What are the mechanisms and tools that can practices do not support the synergistic process- help to manage expectations, alter perceptions, es that serve as connective tissue, linking state build public trust in state institutions, and institutions, civil society and media together. generally reweave the fabric of society? How This oversight is responsible for incomplete does one close the societal space that under- governance assessments, loss of synergies, mines the success of the transition process? reduced impact and, most importantly, missed 6 opportunities. The study provides evidence that the analytical framework for best capturing these connective processes is the public sphere, the platform for national dialogue. The public sphere concept is rooted within the democratic framework and its process of dialogue, which establish the conditions for accountable and participatory governance structures. Enabling the national public sphere thus carries political connotations. The belief in the dynamic processes that shape public opinion and exert public pressure on policy makers is based on an understanding of a liberal democracy and its socio-political Media can play an important role in reconnecting structure. state and citizens after conflict. and Burundi and recommendations on how to Relevance of the public sphere address the speci�c challenges observed. to post-conflict environments The objectives of this study are to convince In the belief that enabling a national public sphere national and multilateral policy makers of the is tied closely to the long-term development of relevance and applicability of the public sphere state institutions, this study focuses largely on the concept for post-conflict environments and to development phase of the post-conflict period. contribute to a change in current post-conflict This does not minimize the importance of informa- assistance policy and practice. tion in the immediate aftermath of conflict, the humanitarian phase, when the situation is in flux In the �rst of two parts, the study reviews the and uncertainty high. International and UN media current state-building debate and introduces can assume an important function by disseminat- the public sphere framework. It argues that ing credible and trustworthy information during the national dialogue processes of the public this period. It is only later, however, when national sphere are at the heart of accountable and structures emerge that interventions in support of participatory governance structures and are re-enabling the national public sphere can be fully particularly important for post-conflict en- applied to make state-building efforts succeed. vironments where public expectations, lack Naturally, planning for strategic public sphere of public trust and an exclusive past can be addressed. Evidence from the case studies is used to support the arguments. The study Building the national public highlights the dilemmas and challenges inher- sphere is good for development ent in the concept and ends with a call for necessary policy changes. The second part in all cases, not only in war-to- provides the reader with a public sphere anal- peace transitions. ysis of case studies from Timor-Leste, Liberia interventions should start early even during the contribute to �nding a way out of the conflict when preliminary assessments take place. conflict trap. 7 Vital role of the public sphere in development Building the national public sphere is good for development in all cases, not only in war-to-peace transitions. Although the focus of this study is on post-conflict environments, dys- functional public spheres are an element of most fragile states. Weak institutions and governance systems characterize fragile states and constrain their ability to deliver essential services and security to their population. The deterioration of these governance structures causes the trans- formation of the public sphere into fragmented elements monopolized by the ruling political class. Freed from accountability and public opin- ion pressure, public policy decisions in fragile states are often guided by narrow political and economic interests and fall short of effectively addressing social and economic challenges. The fragmented and damaged public sphere mecha- nisms of fragile states contribute to their poor economic and development record. Addressing public sphere dynamics in fragile states is an important step towards improving governance and moving towards sustainable development. The focus of this study is pragmatic: post- conflict governments are more willing to engage in the pursuit of international assistance to meet urgent needs. Unlike many fragile states where political conditions make public sphere restructuring challenging, the end of conflict and the changed political landscape open a window of opportunity to “re-build better� and to address the grievances of the past through structural changes. Often the opportunity is missed; a sizeable number of post-conflict countries return to violence within a decade. This study offers a framework that can PART I FOSTERING 8 In all three post-conflict countries POSITIVE CITIZEN-STATE RELATIONS IN SUPPORT analyzed, the key governance OF STATE BUILDING challenges can be traced directly to the lack of attention paid to 1. Post-Conflict State Building: The Policy Debate communication: dysfunctional Though views might differ on the necessity or public-state relations, poor desirability of state penetration of society, capac- ity building in this sector is a commonly agreed management of expectations and post-conflict priority. Assisting the state to build lack of public trust. and stabilize political institutions and moving the country toward the rule of law help the society to return the country to democratic rule, transition- move in the direction of a normal development al justice, security sector reform, establishment context.2 To strategize interventions, mobilize of a legitimate market economy, reconstruction resources and coordinate support, donors have of basic infrastructure and services, promotion been working with various needs assessments of a national reconciliation process and dialogue, tools to conceptualize, negotiate and �nance a reintegration of IDPs (internally displaced per- shared strategy for recovery and development in sons) and refugees, and re-establishment of post-conflict environments. civil service at national and local levels. Ashraf Ghani, a former Afghan Minister, formulated In recent years the international assistance com- an additional set of ten core state functions: munity has tried to establish common priorities legitimate monopoly on violence, administrative and sequencing of state-building interventions. control, delineation of citizenship rights and du- The UN/World Bank joint Post Conflict Needs ties; public �nance management, infrastructure Assessments (PCNAs)3 process draws attention services, formation of market; international to a number of functions:4 political reform to relations; management of state assets, human capital investment and rule of law.5 Communication structures and These and similar lists provide useful references for post-conflict planning. They processes are the connective mention national dialogue and citizens’ rights tissue that link state-institutions respectively, however, they fail to give suf�cient consideration to their core dynamics and with citizens and facilitate the requirements. Communication structures and development of accountability processes are the connective tissue that link state-institutions with citizens and facilitate the and trust; they lie at the very development of accountability and trust; they heart of a functioning society and lie at the very heart of a functioning society and democratic governance. In all three post- democratic governance. conflict countries analyzed, the key governance challenges can be traced directly to the lack of attention paid to communication: dysfunctional Public trust develops out of constructive citizen- public-state relations, poor management of state relations; its basis is in responsive public 9 expectations and lack of public trust. Dealing institutions connected with citizens through effectively with these matters is essential. inclusive participatory processes. Introducing participatory mechanisms gives a voice to the 1.1 The relevance of public trust disenfranchised, allows the public to influence and shape policy decisions, and holds the state and citizen-state relations accountable to the public will. In the long run, Low economic standards created by poor participation is fundamental to developing governance often precede the onset of violence, public trust and to building sustainable destruction, displacement and loss of lives democratic governance structures. and livelihoods caused by conflict, and the pre- existing conditions contribute to the high poverty rates found in post-conflict countries. The forging 2. A Platform for National of a peace deal unavoidably stimulates public Dialogue: The Public Sphere expectations of a tangible socio-economic peace Participatory processes, accountable and trans- dividend. These hopes and expectations are parent institutions, and constructive citizen-state bound to be disappointed as the complexities relations require a national dialogue platform of providing accountable public services and that only a functioning public sphere provides; building state institutions—combined with it is here where citizens and state meet through the realities of slow aid delivery impaired by the exchange of information and expression infrastructure challenges—deliver change on of opinions and where citizen-state relations the ground only slowly. Citizens not informed and processes are shaped.6 The public sphere enough to understand the reasons underlying shown in Figure 1 is a conceptual visualization the delays are likely to attribute the lack of to grasp dialogue processes in a society. State visible improvements to a lack of political will; the consequent loss of their trust in the fledging E OF LAW post-conflict state institutions can signi�cantly RUL impact political stability and governance and can be easily exploited by peace-spoilers with a vested interest in renewed unrest. State Media Efforts to build public trust must be a priority to promote and sustain the support central to state building. Public trust ensures the stability neces- sary to implement the reconstruction agenda, to attract international and national �nancial aid and to steer the country successfully through the Civil Society lengthy and challenging rebuilding period. In the EN AB T N end, it is the citizens’ cumulative decision to trust LIN ME the state’s intent and capacity to exercise its core G ENVIRON functions fairly and reliably that will determine Figure 1. The public sphere is a conceptual visualization of the stability of the post-conflict period. communication processes in a society—its structure and shape will depend largely on the political system and conditions in place institutions, civil society and media are the main 10 elements contributing to its dynamics. These With its influence on public national dialogue processes are systemic; re- ducing them to single parts, focusing solely on opinion formation, robust public media, state, or civil society, falls short of a full sphere dynamics are essential for understanding of the dynamics shaping citizen- state relations. a participatory political system From a democratic perspective the ideal public with a responsive state and an sphere encompasses a legitimate state capable engaged citizenry. of informing and responding to public delib- erations and an environment that enables the apparatus and influences the acts and decisions operations and processes of all relevant actors. of public decision-makers. The civil society is Ideally the state structure—all branches and in- inclusive and empowers citizens to participate stitutions—is transparent and informs the public in and respond to public discourse. For the of its undertakings, political debates, administra- democratic government, public opinion de�nes tive decisions and legislative acts. The media, a the parameter of what the public accepts as self-regulated and professional system, receives legitimate decisions and actions on a given information and after interpretation, presents it subject, and it sets the agenda for political to the public. The public shares and discusses institutions. the information and forms an opinion—a public opinion—about state performance.7 This public With its influence on public opinion formation, opinion, articulated by civil society groups and robust public sphere dynamics are essential for channeled through the media, reaches the state a participatory political system with a responsive Legislative Judiciary Executive Media Civil Society Citizen Citizen Citizen Citizen Citizen Figure 2. Dialogue and information flow in public sphere processes listening capacity of these actors. It hinges further on the capacity and professionalism 11 is No country is an island of the media to select, process and shape Modern communication technology available information before it reaches citizens. contributes greatly to the world’s gro- Contributors and the media are also affected by wing interconnectivity. TV and Internet the enabling environment: the legislative and make developments happening in one regulatory framework of the country, rule of community rapidly known to others. Civic law, and security and infrastructure conditions. journalism with blogs and cell-phone imag- The quality of the public sphere depends on the es has greatly enhanced the “CNN� factor level of engagement and interaction among the of politics. The public sphere of one country different actors—systemic excellence matters. is linked with others, both shaping and be- A positive relationship between state and media, ing shaped by technical interconnectivity. between state and civil society, and between civil For post-conflict countries this has par- society and media allows for constructive dynam- ticular relevance, with direct �nancial and ics. If hostility shapes attitudes and interactions, security implications at times. The public it reduces the quality and quantity of information opinion of donor countries will be influenced available to citizens, thus negatively impacting by the images and information citizens deliberations while limiting public participation. receive. Politicians might be forced to react Shape, quality and condition of a public sphere to growing public pressure and change bi- vary among countries and regimes types. lateral aid and/or support to UN operations. Regardless of whether they are democratic, Similar pressure coming from stakeholders authoritarian or neo-patrimonial, all states have and public opinion can influence interna- a public sphere; the nature and dynamics of tional direct investment decisions. deliberations and information flow vary widely, (Re-) enabling the public sphere of a depending on the political system and its post-conflict country does not only sup- governance structure. port national peace-building processes; it also has relevance for the country’s 3. Public Institutions international affairs. and the Public Sphere in a Post-Conflict World Post-conflict countries have been receiving wide attention. The end of conflict is generally state and an engaged citizenry. Reality may not perceived to provide opportunities for the match the “ideal world,� but it remains the goal. international community to (re-)engage with national actors to address urgent security, humanitarian and development needs and to influence the societal, economic and political 2.1 The quality of the public sphere processes to prevent the country from slipping The quality of the public sphere is influenced back into violence. The narrow window of time by the quality and quantity of the input— makes strategic, effective and coordinated the information released by different state international assistance critical. institutions and by civil society, as well as the A peace accord heralds hopes for the beginning Engaging citizens in the public sphere 12 of a new era; yet, post-conflict governments Conflicts leave individuals without information, unavoidably inherit the legacy of the past. without power and without the chance to shape Countries emerging from civil wars are often events, causing the complete breakdown of marked by a history of societal fragmentation, civil-state relations. During violent conflict, exclusion and civic disempowerment that lie legitimate and non-legitimate military structures at the very root of the conflict. Citizen-state gain strong influence on societal dynamics, relations deteriorate when public institutions including the way people communicate. In become increasingly unaccountable and politi- warfare, information is power and the leak of cally manipulated. The situation worsens further con�dential information has high-risk potential. when the state turns against citizens, human A culture of secrecy and purposefully placed rights violations become wide-spread, rule of misinformation furthers uncertainty of those law breaks down, violence ensues and the state outside the closed circle of the well-informed. looses territorial control and the ability to its The danger of implication in hostile acts or protect its citizens from violence. The loss of groups makes searching for information a public trust in the ability of the state to ful�ll potentially dangerous act. Being ignorant and its key functions can result in alliances with de-politicized becomes a valuable option as non-state actors, capital flight of private assets group af�liations, beliefs and visibility become abroad, refugee streams, as well as brain drain sources of risk. To overcome this legacy and to through the exodus of the educated elite. build sustainable and participatory structures, Low national capacity Arms State Ex-combatants Media Space that can be “hijacked� by various peace-spoilers (in High expectations and out-country, warlords, religious leaders, organized crime, etc.) International Presence Lack of trust Slow aid delivery History of state abuse IDPs Fear Civil Society Absence of Rule of Law Figure 3. Shape and challenges of a post-conflict public sphere engagement of citizens in public debate and “in-group,� and objective veri�cation through decision making is central. multiple sources becomes impossible. Such a 13 situation is easily encouraged and exploited As a �rst victim of conflict, the national public by ethnic or political entrepreneurs seeking sphere is fragmented or dismantled through personal pro�t from national breakdown; people repressive policies in the period leading up to cut-off from objective information become easy open violence. As conditions deteriorate, public subjects for manipulation and abuse. deliberations cease, silence shrouds journalists and civil society activists, and the public sphere The prevalence of fear and influence of rumors structure transforms to serve the interests of are two of the elements that set post-conflict the monopolizing political class. Faced with a situations apart from “normal� development loss of trust in state institutions, the national situations. Post-conflict circumstances are community disintegrates into sub-groups also characterized by a change in the political related to each individual’s immediate personal landscape and a dearth of reliable information system. It is to these immediate af�liations— combined with a need for individual and col- religion, clan, political or tribal association—that lective decisions. Individuals and families must a person turns for protection and information. make momentous decisions: whether to stay With the loss of a national public sphere, in an IDP or refugee camp or return, whether the communication flow is reduced to the to turn weapons in or to hide them, whether to The many actors of post-conflict theatres Post-conflict environments have a multitude most effective way of dealing with voices of different political players and not all interested in disrupting the peace process. powerful interests will feel bound by a Once citizens perceive the state as a peace accord. Conflict generates possibilities credible and trusted source of information, and not everybody has an interest in the capacities of anti-government non-state relinquishing influence. actors to influence public opinion is limited. Once a participatory citizen-government Limiting our understanding of the public dialogue is established, empowered citizens sphere dynamics to the interaction among will be less likely to lend their support civil society, state and media does not give to destabilizing agendas—most ordinary justice to the considerable range of actors people stand to gain more from peace than beyond this group. Armed groups, militias, from conflict organized crime, ethnic leaders, warlords, etc., can yield strong influence and consider- Naturally, information and dialogue alone able power, which inevitably contribute to are not suf�cient; visible reconstruction the dynamics of the public realm. progress is essential for public support. If the government cannot live up to its Building capacity within state institutions, promises, the voices of peace-spoilers are civil society and media to engage effectively heard loudly. and constructively in the public sphere is the welcome returning refugees and combatants In Liberia years of public mismanagement, 14 or not, whether to join the formal economy endemic corruption and state abuse led to a or stay in the informal sector, and whether or long period of violent conflict and generated a not to believe those who argue for a return to high level of public cynicism. The post-conflict violence. Additionally farmers need to decide if government now has to overcome cynicism it is safe and worthwhile to work their land, or if to gain public support for its administrative migrating to the city is the better choice. Those reform and state-building processes. Achieving who moved their capital out of the country need this objective inter alia depends on the state’s to have trust in its political stability and banking willingness and capacity to constructively engage system to return their assets. in the public sphere, to be transparent about activities and challenges encountered, and to Hungry for information and facing an environ- be inclusive and responsive to public views and ment of high uncertainty, people are more likely opinions. Timor-Leste and the violent unrest of to believe rumors. Whether rumors just emerge 2006 provide us with an unfortunate example or are planted willfully, their informal nature of a country paying a heavy price for the render them hard to control and even harder to government’s failure to engage constructively contradict. Because of these dynamics, rumors with its citizens in the post-conflict period. can be very destabilizing, particularly when feeding people’s fears. Undermining budding public trust and loosing public support are the most dangerous peace- Conflict leaves people traumatized and de- spoilers of all. pressed, resulting in widespread feelings of powerlessness and apathy with a generic sense of doom and fear. “Fear is a bad adviser� in any political environment and particularly so in unstable post-conflict environments. Reassur- ing a traumatized population and addressing Civil service reform the pervasive sense of fear is important when seeking to engage citizens under stress. Those Civil service reform needs to be comprehen- issuing assurances for personal and political sive and go beyond adjustment of salary gain can exploit people easily. Restoring trust, scales. The recruitment and training of new community spirit and sense of power over one’s and old civil servants and the introduction of destiny are important measures in �ghting a new code of conduct provides the oppor- trauma-induced depression and in restoring the tunity to create a public system with higher ability to engage with others and to live up to responsiveness, accountability and transpar- one’s productive potential. ency. A civil service can be designed to ac- knowledge the accountability of government Reshaping the public sphere dynamics to the people and the fundamental right of (Re-)enabling the national public sphere and citizens to be informed and to demand this improving its complex dynamics through stra- accountability. Comprehensive civil service tegic and coordinated interventions is central reforms take time and need sustained politi- to repairing citizen-state relations, rebuilding cal commitment. Capacity building of and public trust and managing expectations; it is through civil servant academies is an the key to sustainable state-building efforts. important part of the process. 3.1 Transparency and participation The creation of transparent and accountable Political will, based on a 15 institutions is recognized as central to successful foundation of understanding of post-conflict recovery. To achieve this goal, the state ought to provide accurate and meaningful the relevance of transparency information about legislative decisions, political and participation for governance, programs, rulings, verdicts, administrative guidelines, decrees and policies that impact and is necessary to enable the public set public policy. To be participatory and allow public opinion to influence policy formation, state sphere; prolonged conflict often institutions should listen to the public voice, undermines this understanding. provide entry points for public participation, (re-)enable a national dialogue through state making and opaqueness severely limits regulatory and legislative acts that allow for civil the state’s contribution to the public sphere society and media participation. and leaves the population without informed opinions and participatory structures. As Liberia, Burundi and Timor-Leste demon- Without systematic ways to influence public strate, information flow is insuf�cient in policy and constructive means to express post-conflict state institutions. Each of these discontent, violent flare-ups like seen in nations needs to establish transparent and spring 2006 become a safety valve for participatory processes into their governance Timor’s civic frustration. systems and back them with political will. Fostering political will to support the A Public Information Act, as currently public sphere proposed in Liberia, is an important step in Understanding the need for information shar- establishing a citizen’s right to access public ing and the value of participatory processes for information and a state’s duty to make infor- stability and democratic governance requires mation accessible. Such legislation, however, a change of mind-set in post-conflict govern- remains without much value if the state does not ments. When the political will for open channels develop the will and capacity to deliver it. Politi- of information and participation is built, the cal will, based on a foundation of transparency important �rst step towards transparency and and participation in governance, is necessary institutional public engagement is taken. to enable the public sphere; prolonged conflict often undermines this understanding. Once legislation is in place and supported by political will and understanding, the technical A culture of secrecy and hierarchical decision issues in delivering public information assume making characterizes military operations, par- an important role. To be re-established as a ticularly those in opposition to the government credible information source, state institutions it continues to frame the behavior of former must demonstrate consistency in their public resistance or rebel-group members after they engagements, coordinating government infor- assume of�cial functions. This effect is seen in mation becomes a key element in this process. the management and communication style of With the right capacity and safeguards in place Timor’s political leaders, reflecting long years to prevent them from becoming an instrument of clandestine existence and secretive behavior. of control, Ministries of Information can play Their culture of closed, exclusive decision this role. In the right political environment, a capacity to perceive public opinion at an early 16 Ministry of Information can be a champion for stage and to develop adequate reactions to information flow and an instrument for state influence public opinion formation and to transparency, helping to de�ne an enabling reg- build public support in return. The value of ulatory environment for the public sphere and the public sphere lies in shaping citizen-state its actors. In today’s Liberia, the Information relations by creating a myriad of opportunity Ministry has the potential to assume an impor- for engagement and responsiveness. These tant role in the public sphere, if it is provided essential listening capacities do not exist in any with the right technical and human resources of the three countries studied—a reflection of a to develop and implement a strategic public general de�cit in post-conflict environments. sphere vision for the country. Post-conflict governments often base their elec- Listening: Media monitoring and tion success on a platform that promises change public polling toward better governance and accountable public The functioning public sphere relies on the service delivery. Even if supplemented by real state’s capacity not only to provide information political will, the change agenda is likely to run but also to receive and respond to emerging into resistance by those in the administration public opinion. While having the capacity to who have been pro�ting from or are depen- monitor and respond to the “public pulse� is dent on a neo-patrimonial governance system at important for all state institutions, it becomes the national or local level. As the government’s particularly relevant for the executive branch survival—and often the survival of the fragile as the pre-dominant “public face� of the state. peace—depends on visible service results, public Media monitoring and regular public polling sphere deliberations can expose the blockages are tools that provide governments with the and create public demand for these services. Security sector reform Security services, both military and police legislation, and ensuring clarity on political alike, are often state agents of repression control and on parliamentary and judicial and human right violations during conflict. oversight measures are important aspects of Security sector reform, therefore, is an a transparent security sector reform process. important component of post-conflict Wider legal sector reform is important if interventions. Central to rebuilding public countries are to achieve a functioning sys- trust is developing communicative and tem of law and order. The public needs to procedural structures that establish understand and to inform the judicial reform transparency in these reforms and that processes. In the long run, only belief in provide for accountability of the security the accountability and fairness of judicial sector. Building a national consensus on processes establishes trust in a nation’s what national security needs are and how peaceful conflict resolution capacity and they can be met, establishing a national prevents a return to violence. security policy and security-related 17 Leadership matters In the absence of strong institutions, strong emerge whose personality and communica- leaders can assume great importance in tion style set the stage for civil society-state the public domain of post-conflict countries. relations. These individuals often come from Publicly endorsed leaders like Nelson the educated urban elite. While these indi- Mandela, Xanana Gusmao and Ellen Johnson viduals are important in the initial stages, Sirleaf have been trusted to deliver on an it is essential to build inclusive civil society agenda of change. Almost equally important, structures that are accountable to a large the international community also trusted constituency to ensure continuity and stabil- them and was forthcoming with pledges ity. Personality-driven institutions most often of support. With governance structures lack downward accountability and are to be de�ned and the fabric of society to subject to rapid decline should the leader be rewoven, national leadership can play leave the country or the institution. a decisive role in securing public buy-in The challenge is to use the space and sup- and moving the peace and reconstruction port generated by strong leadership to process forward. The importance of national create the institutions necessary to deliver leadership goes beyond key public of�ce results. Succession inevitably becomes an �gures and includes different levels of issue at some point and, if not addressed decision making and different parts of society. early on, can challenge the very process the In the absence of an institutional frame- various leaders supported. work, strong civil society leaders can Establishing an administrative language and information flow in the institutional context Administrative use of language is a crucial is not only a fundamental requirement to enable element that shapes public debate, influences citizens’ participation in the shaping of public inclusive participation and affects citizen-state policy, but also relates directly to the account- relations. The choice for political reasons of a ability of the elected representatives. Liberia’s language that is spoken only by a minority can National Assembly does not provide public limit participation and generate societal friction information on voting or attendance records nor and exclusion. The high political and societal do they offer information on legislation sponsor- long-term costs associated with this choice ship, making it impossible for constituencies to should be carefully considered during the hold their elected representative accountable decision-making process. for legislative performance. With legislative elections only held every six years, repre- 3.2 Legislature sentatives have neither the incentive to keep Within state institutions, the legislature plays an their constituencies abreast of developments important function in setting the legal framework nor the desire to seek their views on a regular for social relations in the country. Transparency basis. For constituents, there are no channels to express their demands in this regard and, as a consequence, rural areas in Liberia continue about substantive issues and, in extreme cases, 18 to be without voice in legislative processes and are illiterate and not able to bene�t from printed disconnected from national economic and social material. Their ability to develop an adequate developments. legislative framework that reflects the needs of the country and sets the stage for future devel- Strengthening constituent relations and provid- opments might be severely limited. Input from ing the public with information about pending international and national experts, adequate draft legislation, committee work and voting support staff, and resource materials for relevant records informs public deliberations, enables and timely information might help mitigate the constituency access and gives public opinion situation and improve decision making. opportunity to influence legislative processes. To allow public opinion to influence formal delibera- 3.3 Information flow within and tions, the legislative body should provide entry among state-institutions points for public participation through speci�ed The quality of the public policy debates and proceedings, such as public hearings and obliga- decisions in the different branches of govern- tory civil participation in committee meetings. ment depend on the quality and quantity of the information flow within and among these Post-conflict countries can face a situation state institutions. where elected representatives are not familiar with legislative processes, are not well informed Information flow in the Legislative Elected Committees representatives Civil Servants Media Civil Society Groups Experts Constiuency Figure 4. Ideal information flow in the legislative process While seemingly mundane, an inef�cient internal 4. Civil Society: Often Voiceless information flow caused by dysfunctional mailing after Conflict 19 and �ling systems has wide-ranging impact on In civil society, e.g., general interest groups, the administrative capacity of state institutions religious communities, advocates, intellectu- and causes deliberations and decisions to suf- als and social movements, people engage in fer as a consequence. Information loss caused informal every-day, face-to-face talk. It is in by de�cits in information-sharing mechanisms the outcome of these informal deliberations among ministries has the same result. While that civil society representatives contribute to these de�ciencies matter, far more serious the national dialogue platform to shape public in consequence for inclusive participation and thinking and to influence policy makers; this is governance is the lack of information flow how citizens’ views enter the public realm. between the administrative center in the capital and the district and county administrations. Enhancing the constructive role of Traditionally the rural poor are the most civil society excluded and voiceless citizens; their inclu- Conflicts not only decimate the capacity of state sion and empowerment are part of post-conflict institutions, but they also affect the capacity of state-building challenges. Ensuring that local civil society to operate effectively. In order to administrative centers are informed about be meaningful contributors to the public sphere, national developments, and can thus educate civil society representatives require the capac- the local population, is as important as their ity to formulate and present the views of their ability to inform the center about needs and members in a substantively and argumentatively developments in the periphery, thus contributing consistent and convincing manner. To be effec- to the shape of national policy deliberations and tive, civil society needs to understand its role decisions. The decentralization process in Timor- and value in a post-conflict period, particularly Leste is attempting to achieve this goal, as are if their self-understanding had previously been preliminary decentralization considerations in shaped by the experience of political resistance. Liberia. In both countries, current realities In Timor-Leste, the experience of many civil so- are far from ideal and rural areas remain discon- ciety members in the overthrow of the Suharto nected from national developments; which in regime by Indonesia’s civil society and student the case of Timor-Leste contributed signi�cantly movement and in their participation in Timor’s to the political unrest in 2006. clandestine movement against the Indonesian occupation has framed their understanding of Traditionally the rural poor are civil society-state relations as one of hostility and antagonism. This background has limited the most excluded and voiceless their understanding of a possibly constructive citizens; their inclusion and role of civil society from progressing beyond opposition to the government. The aggressive empowerment are part of post- communication behavior of Timor’s civil conflict state-building challenges. society leaders did not facilitate a productive engagement in the public sphere. Their exclusive use of the public sphere as a platform for government criticism instead of an issue-focused approach was not stimulating public debate; instead it contributed to a decision making, applying a hierarchical form of 20 general feeling of public discontent, which top-down governance and resulting in programs eventually led to political unrest. that do not necessarily meet the priority needs of their bene�ciaries. Under these operational Depending on the history of the country and principles and conditions, civil society organiza- the conflict, a change of mind-set by state tions fall short of truly representing member actors can be a critical development to enable views, which limits their value to the national civil society to play its meaningful role. Working public sphere. Donors in Liberia, recognizing the with civil society to develop a more construc- need for social inclusion have started supporting tive understanding of its role and to enhance the creation and strengthening of national youth communication and negotiation skills can help and women networks, but results have yet to to improve its input to the public sphere signi�- show; social exclusion of large parts of society cantly and can contribute to more constructive continues to be a reality in the meantime. citizen-state relations that are required for long-term state building. Promoting an inclusive civil society with internal democratic management structures that allow Conflicts not only decimate the for rural and gender-equal participation and providing rural civil society organizations capacity of state institutions, but networks with access to funding and capacity they also affect the capacity of to engage in the public sphere is essential. Bringing the issue of social exclusion to the civil society to operate effectively. public debate contributes to more inclusive public policy decisions. Promoting inclusion in civil society Facilitating information access and sharing In a post-conflict period, civil society often in civil society suffers from donor dependency that drives the Access to information to educate their internal, development of their activities and their con- informal deliberations is a challenge for civil tributions to the public sphere. Frequently civil society groups. Despite its potential remedial society organizations are based in the capital, value, information sharing within civil society run by a small elite and in danger of falling out is limited due to absent formal networks and of touch with rural developments and citizens. competition for donor funds; this limited infor- In Liberia donors contribute to this generic mation flow impacts the quality of civil society problem by advertising calls for tender or job contributions. As demonstrated in Liberia and openings in Monrovia-based newspapers only, Timor-Leste, the challenges deepen as the thereby depriving rural organizations of these humanitarian phase ends and donor fund- opportunities. For civil society to be a meaning- ing becomes more limited. In this phase, the ful contributor to the public sphere, it needs information-sharing networks initially created to be able to reflect the debates and express by the international community to support civil the concerns of an inclusive group of citizens, society often breakdown. Facilitating access to including the marginalized—rural populations, information and establishing institutionalized, women and youth. In Timor, civil society groups sustainable information-sharing networks would with roots in the clandestine movement are improve the quality of civil society contributions used to advocacy and operational strategies that to the public sphere and thus strengthen somewhat ignore the principle of democracy in public debate and increase civil influence on public debate and perception. The broadcast policy decisions. of hate-speech in Rwanda and in the Balkans 21 instigated widespread violence, demonstrat- ing the media’s powerful role is not necessarily 5. Media: Lacking the Skills to one of benign nature. These events highlight Shape the Debate the need to monitor and ensure media quality Media can play a powerful role in shaping and particularly in politically and socially vulnerable influencing public debate and opinion. By giving post-conflict conditions. a voice to the otherwise voiceless, media brings marginalized actors into the public sphere and Media does not only serve citizens in their allows them to influence the public debate and private capacity, but it also serves as an to pressure policymakers to act. This role can agenda-setter for political action by informing be pivotal, as in Burundi where private media policy makers about emerging trends and public played a signi�cant role in the country’s nation- opinion on government activities. The ability to al public sphere when it successfully facilitated draw attention to public affairs and to question the public support of the peace-process and government processes and activities provides the acceptance of the Arusha Peace Accord. media with a powerful watchdog function Through the openness of the media—radio vis-à-vis the state, which makes it essential stations in particular—rebel groups were able for the development of accountable and to broadcast their views and contribute to the transparent state institutions. Media in Burundi, public debate; their courage inspired the for example, has been playing an important hitherto stale public media to discuss political role in bringing corruption to the public agenda, issues more openly, changing public opinion forcing politicians and legislators to address signi�cantly. The mounting public pressure the issue. contributed signi�cantly to the government’s �nal willingness to engage in the political Role of international donors in raising dialogue resulting in the Arusha Accord. post-conflict expectations The immediate post-conflict period is marked How media can shape public debate by an absence of structure and a focus on The power of the media in the public sphere humanitarian aid delivery. The public sphere in lies in its role as facilitator. From the input the humanitarian phase is still disintegrated into provided by the state and civil society, media sub-national units, and foreign media continues professionals select the information they want to play an important role, as it is to them that to disseminate and shape it before it reaches citizens turn for credible information and citizens in the public realm. In selecting and analysis. It is most often through these providing an interpretative view, media is not international media outlets that the news merely a neutral transmitter but actively shapes of highly publicized international donor conferences and multimillion dollar pledges In a diverse linguistic reaches the country and creates vast hopes for quick improvements on the ground. Most environment, the languages used of the time there is no awareness—even in for broadcast and print determine the new leadership—that only parts of these pledges will be disbursed and even that will who has access to information. take a long time to materialize. The failure of bi- and multilateral donors to establish humanitarian phase can become an important 22 early public clarity and inform leadership on albeit temporary part of the national public the speed and processes of aid delivery has sphere. UN radio’s value lies in its technical negative repercussions on public expectations, capacity to reach a large part of the population trust and credibility in post-conflict settings. and in the impartial information it broadcasts. Early efforts in international aid transparency Often UN programming is initially intended would help to shape realistic public and political to inform about the arrival and role of the expectations at the formative stage and prevent UN forces and to reassure the population on the new leadership from making promises on issues of safety, law and order. Depending on which they cannot deliver. the complexity of the mandate, programming can extend to accompany the reconstruction Communication strategies supporting inter- process and to educate the public on issues national humanitarian activities focus on the such as health, disarmament, vaccination external world to create and maintain donor campaigns, back-to-school programs and other interest and support. When the �rst elections initiatives implemented and supported by UN draw close, donors often turn their attention partners and agencies. Normally UN Radio has to the creation or support of national media the largest population coverage capacity and outlets as voter education vehicles. In this its programs, mixing music and entertainment, context, one often sees that community radio often become popular in many mission areas. stations are funded without particular attention to their local buy-in or sustainability. This kind UN radios were developed originally as tempo- of support reflects the short-term thinking that rary structures to be dismantled together with prevails in the humanitarian phase and often the mission at the end of the mandate. The UN creates sustainability problems later on. media exit-strategy should be a timely event, carefully planned and managed so that it avoids UN radio in the humanitarian phase generating an information vacuum at a time Radio stations set up as part of a United when the departure of UN troops and associated Nations’ peacekeeping operation during the changes to the security environment heighten Foreign media (BBC, VOA, Al Jazeera) UN Radio Partisan national media Building of national media Conflict Peace-accord 1st election 2nd election Humanitarian phase Development/state building Figure 5. Post-conflict media landscape - changes over time civic and political uncertainty. The evolution of complex issues of state-building processes peacekeeping mandates has yet to be reflected and challenges to a larger audience, and as a 23 in adequate UN media policies that take into result, their work does little to inform the public account complex nation-building mandates and debate. Normally this low-level of capacity outline capacity-building and hand-over pro- applies throughout the media profession, cesses of UN radio equipment and structures. including editors and media managers. Often The departure of UN radio can have a signi�- journalistic training facilities that could remedy cant impact on the quality of the public sphere the situation are not in place and universities in a post-conflict country, leaving a potentially are woefully equipped should they offer a destabilizing information void. degree in communications at all. Rebuilding a professional media In the post-conflict period, the development of Though the media role is a potentially powerful a professional media can enhance the quality one, often the conditions of the sector in a post- and quantity of information flow and thereby conflict environment do not allow for it to fully improve the public sphere. Assistance to raise assume its function, thereby downgrading the professional standards through sustained quality of the public sphere. Conflict decimates training programs that not only provide capacity in all sectors, including media. Most of skills—writing, investigative journalism, beat Liberia’s journalists and editors went into exile journalism and ethics—but also go beyond to during the years of conflict and the journalism equip journalists as well editors and media profession is now almost entirely comprised of managers with knowledge on state institutions high school graduates whose limited experience and legislative processes are useful to improve and skills are reflected in the poor quality of journalistic work done; Timor’s journalistic The power of the media in the cadre is of similar composition and shows equally poor professional standards. Their lack public sphere lies in its role of skills and substantive comprehension makes as facilitator. it dif�cult for these young journalists to relate Audience/ influcence Foreign media Non-partisan (BBC, VOA, Al Jazeera) national media Development/ state building End of Conflict Figure 6. National and international media relevance over time the level of public debate and understanding. 24 Investing in training, however, does not Media can play a powerful role necessarily result in long-term improvements. Working conditions for journalists in post- in shaping and influencing public conflict environments are poor; salaries in debate and opinion. Timor and Liberia are below the standards of all other white-collar professions. To escape country, even the largest national broadcaster this professional environment with few reaches only part of the population; in Liberia resources, low pay and potentially hazardous only Radio UNMIL has almost national coverage. assignments, journalists with higher skills or more talent often leave to work for international Community radio organizations or move on to the private sector. Community radios have become popular and Often journalist and press associations that inexpensive donor initiatives to reach the popu- are an important lobby group for journalists’ lation and normally receive particular attention rights and professional standards are not well as a tool for voter education. Often these radio developed in post-conflict environments and stations are not sustainable as they lack the need support to become true advocates for their �nancial base, technical and managerial expe- profession and colleagues. Journalist associations rience to continue operations after the donor also play an important role in influencing support comes to a halt. In Timor and Libe- professional behavior through the formulation ria the community radio sector was set up by of a commonly agreed code of conduct and donors before the elections. It later suffered by acting as a peer pressure group to enforce from a lack of sustainability due to limited local professional standards and journalistic integrity. ownership capacity and with volunteer opera- tion a too costly concept for people struggling Challenges to information flow within to recover from conflict. Although community post-conflict countries radios could play a positive role of bringing Besides the quality of media content, simply national developments and news closer to the reaching populations is a challenge in itself. local population, they often experience lack Looking at evidence from Liberia, Timor-Leste of access to current news and national public and Burundi, three issues emerge that establish sphere exclusion. It is also in the very com- exclusion in the public realm: language, illit- munity orientation of these radio stations that eracy and infrastructure. In a diverse linguistic rests a potential danger; without access to the environment, the languages used for broadcast national public sphere, the community radios’ and print determine who has access to informa- sole focus on local developments can contribute tion. Community radios can serve as important to a sense of disconnect from the national bridges between national broadcasters and local state and strengthen local identities in detri- communities by transmitting information in the ment to state building.9 Syndicated national local lingua and by relating content to the local programming management, technical training, environment. Illiteracy denies access to print �nancial support and a framework that connects media; if it is prevalent, broadcasting becomes community radios laterally and up to the national the most important media source of informa- level could allow community radios to play a tion. Infrastructure technology determines how more powerful role by bringing the voice of much of the population can receive the signals the marginalized rural areas to the national and listen. In Timor, a small but mountainous public sphere. Print media RTTL’s operational and legal status, which was Though in post-conflict environments such as meant to safeguard its independence. Despite 25 Liberia, Timor-Leste and Burundi, poor road the laws, there was only limited conceptual conditions and low rural literacy levels restrict understanding of the role and function of a the availability of print media to the capital public broadcaster among the Timorese political and its immediate surrounding areas, print leadership. The initial perception was that RTTL media is still important as it informs the would be the mouthpiece of the government, urban-based elite, acts as the agenda-setter and it took over �ve years for the government for public debate, and in its tangible form, is to accept the independent role of the public an important archive of national debate that broadcaster; during that period the broadcaster deserves support and preservation. faced considerable political pressure and was not able to fully play its originally envisioned public sphere role. Public broadcasting A national public broadcaster can be another 6. The Enabling Environment powerful tool to inform and shape public debate. Financed through the government but 6.1 Governance: Security, safety governed by an independent commission, and the rule of law public broadcasting can play an important The absence of state institutions and public sphere role in serving the public with processes to establish and enforce the rule programming dedicated to public education of law can make life and work precarious and and independent information and by addressing even dangerous at times. Journalists and civil the needs of linguistic and other minorities that society activists can easily become targets are not be served by commercial interests. under such conditions. Initiatives meant to Though potentially bene�cial for the public restore the capacities and dynamics of the sphere, donors advocating for the establishment public sphere are severely hampered if the of public broadcasting in post-conflict environ- situation is marked by lawlessness. These ments should consider both the national budget conditions generate a certain dilemma: without implications in light of many other unmet priori- public exposure of lawless behavior there is ties and the question of the sustained political no pressure on policy and political will to will necessary to back up the institution. change the situation, particularly if powerful vested interests pro�t from the illegal activities. Developing the political and conceptual un- On the other hand, bringing journalists and derstanding for a structure that requires both activists into harm’s way is not a desirable state funding and independence might be a outcome to any support activity. There is challenge. This problem was encountered in certainly no easy answer to this dilemma. In Timor where the United Nations Transitional the end national actors in the public sphere Administration in East Timor (UNTAET) handed must make the professional and political over its broadcasting station to the Timorese judgment on how far they will go to push government to become the young nation’s pub- the security envelope. lic broadcaster: Radio Television Timor-Leste (RTTL). Prior to departure UNTAET had put into The presence of UN troops and police often effect a public broadcasting law that de�ned helps to stabilize the post-conflict situation; their departure can leave a security vacuum. a regulatory framework that allows civil society 26 The importance of rule of law programs is groups to register, to receive �nancial support, commonly recognized as crucial for long-term and to be tax exempt is an important enabling stability and transformation. The protection of factor. The effectiveness of these legal and regu- public sphere activities is part and parcel of latory frameworks is embedded in the capacity this agenda. of the state to implement the rule of law. Financial 6.2 Civil society Access to �nances enables civil society to operate and impacts their sustainability. Donor Legal/regulatory dependency, often a trademark of post-conflict Civil society can continue to operate under the civil society, does not allow organizations to most repressive regimes, yet it is served best by establish and advocate for positions reflective a legal framework that guarantees the rights of of their member’s discussions, as it alters citizens to assemble and speak freely. In addition accountability structures from a downward to laws that enshrine the right to free assem- membership-based approach to an upward bly, to form political parties and to free speech, Journalism can be a dangerous profession Working in conflict and post-conflict coun- Also Reporters Without Borders reported tries can be exceedingly dangerous for jour- 2007 as the deadliest year for journalists nalists. The Committee to Protect Journalists since 1994 with Iraq being the most dan- (CPJ) end of year analysis (CPJ December gerous place to work for journalists. They 2007) reported that sixty-�ve journalists recently released a report on the high num- were killed in direct relation to their work in ber of journalists that had to flee Iraq out of 2007, the highest death toll in more than a fear for their lives. decade. For the �fth straight year, Iraq was These reports demonstrate the effect that the world’s deadliest country for the press. worsening rule of law conditions have on Its 32 victims accounted for nearly half of public sphere dynamics. There is no other the 2007 toll. Somalia was the second-dead- element that has a comparable impact on liest country, with seven journalist deaths. the “enabling environment� of media op- Reportedly the 2007 toll is second only to erations. The very nature of the work of that of 1994, when 66 journalists were killed journalists and the visibility it implies make amid conflicts in Algeria, Bosnia, and Rwanda. them easy targets for stray bullets, as well as targeted attempts designed to silence CPJ documented that consistent with pre- them. Overlooking these very real issues vious years, about seven in 10 journalist while planning public sphere interventions deaths in 2007 were murders. Combat-related would not only be naïve but also negligent. deaths and deaths in dangerous assignments accounted for the rest of the cases. Legal/regulatory Initiatives meant to restore The legal and regulatory framework establishes 27 the media’s “room to maneuver� and de�nes its the capacities and dynamics of relationship with the state. In all three countries studied, the legal and regulatory framework has the public sphere are severely been, or is in the process of being, changed to hampered if the situation is reflect the new reality of democratic processes and to allow the press to operate freely. The marked by lawlessness. experience in Timor demonstrates that technical and political expertise in media legislation is donor response. Whereas funds are easily avail- not always readily available and might need able during the humanitarian crisis, they are to be brought in to ensure media laws and signi�cantly reduced over time. In Timor-Leste regulations reflect international standards donor funding became more limited after the while being grounded in the realities of the transition to development phase and the country. In post-conflict environments marked increased reporting and accountability demands by low professional media standards, civil put considerable strain on civil society actors libel laws protecting public of�cials and the who are struggling to adapt to the changed state from defamation and instigation through donor environment. Timor’s Dili-based civil unprofessional media coverage are important society groups and leaders also do not pro�t measures to protect the public sphere and to from the close contact and input from the avoid drastic defensive measures by public informal deliberations with their members of�cials. Depending on the particular history inside the capital and thus are not in the posi- of a conflict and the role media played, hate tion to truly project their concerns and views. speech legislation might be necessary to stem The provision of core funding and of manage- manipulative use of communication. In cases rial capacity building for civic organizations is where media played a highly incendiary role, necessary to allow civil society to grow internal judicial regulation during the initial phases of structures and to develop membership-owned state building might be necessary to avoid a projects and positions that can be then be derailing of the peace-building process. presented in the public sphere. Building such an enabling media environment in post-conflict situations is a technical and political challenge and the conditions generated 6.3 Media will remain vulnerable and subject to political Journalists and media operations need a turmoil and lawlessness. legal regulatory and market environment that allows them to operate freely and safely, Financial while also safeguarding public interests and The ability to run �nancially sustainable opera- professional standards. Laws that guarantee tions impacts the capacity of media to play free speech and freedom of expression provide professional freedom for journalists; civil libel Access to �nances enables civil laws protect the public from the worst form of journalism. society to operate and impacts their sustainability. 7. Interactions in the 28 Civil society can continue to Public Sphere State, media and civil society are distinct operate under the most repressive actors in the public sphere but do not exist regimes, yet it is served best by a in isolation. The quality and extent of their interaction and the degree of mutual under- legal framework that guarantees standing of and respect for their respective roles the rights of citizens to assemble determine the constructive value of the public sphere. The more frequent and constructive the and speak freely. interactions are, the higher the quality of public deliberations, opinion formation, influence on its public sphere role. In post-conflict environ- policymakers and citizen-state relations will be. ments, the media sector can expect to encounter problems common to private business in this Journalists and media operations environment. In Timor media owners, as any other business person, face gaps in key areas need a legal regulatory and market of legislation and regulation, and institutions environment that allows them to needed to enforce and administer those laws and rules lack capacity. Speci�cally in the media operate freely and safely, while sector, with its dependence on advertisement, are sustainability problems related to the larger also safeguarding public interests poorly developed economic environment. Such and professional standards. economic constraints impact the quality of the public sphere, as media outlets, dependent on State and media high sales in lieu of advertisement, have to rely The relationship between state and media is for survival on “sex, crime and sports� stories not an easy one in a post-conflict environ- to attract a wide audience. ment where the “rules of the game� change fundamentally with state and media rede�n- Resource-strained media resort to mixing ing their respective roles and operations with entertainment and politics, simplifying and limited capacity. In all three countries observed, minimizing complex developments, and doling state-media relations face moments of ten- out piecemeal information: practices that are sion. The low level of professionalism and the detrimental to building an informed and en- sensationalist reporting in Liberia and Timor gaged citizenry. Security and other conditions cause considerable frustration on the side of the that allow for the recovery of the private sector government. In both cases, journalistic work and thus increase commercial activities and is impaired by lack of entry points in the state advertisement revenue are crucial for an eco- structure. Access to government information is nomically sustainable media sector. As the a key challenge for journalists, and central to private sector develops, media is able to rely this relationship’s function is the provision of on advertisement revenue. In the meantime, informed entry points into the state structure for sustained donor support and government as- the request and receipt of information, allowing sistance to the media sector can alleviate the the media to plays its role. Spokespeople and economic pressure and give space for some media professionals in key state institutions are quality media to develop and survive. about the complete lack of understanding of State, media and civil society are the working of legislative processes among the 29 journalistic cadre. Creating an understanding distinct actors in the public sphere of respective roles, procedures and limitations but do not exist in isolation. improves state-media relations and builds the basis for constructive engagement in the public important mechanisms for constructive engage- sphere, which has bene�ts through an improved ment between state and media. A spokesperson, information levels, higher quality of citizens’ however, is only as useful as the information deliberations and informed public opinions that provided, as seen in Liberia and Timor-Leste influence policymakers. where the spokespeople and public information Media and civil society of�cers’ credibility and usefulness suffer from For effective engagement, civil society needs a lack of access to key documents and policy media not only to understand the importance knowledge within their administration—an issue of the agenda it brings to the public debate, that goes back to the weak information-sharing but also it requires sustained media coverage culture within post-conflict state institutions. to advocate for civil society positions. In coun- Creating an independent media commission as tries where the partnership is not suf�ciently a regulatory body for media affairs can shape developed, like Liberia, the possibilities for civil media conduct without giving the government society to inform and influence public debate the chance to control the sector, which might are limited. In Burundi an alliance of mutual improve media-state relations. An independent support has developed with civil society and commission, however, can only play a use- media more frequently intertwined; many civil ful role if backed by political will. In Burundi, society organizations have even established the 2005 constitution established the National media outlets to better reach their audiences. Communication Council charged with the regu- This rapport between media and civil society is lation of the media. It was largely meant to a marriage of convenience in a country where become a self-regulatory organ for the press, public information can be hard to come by and but so far, with all its members appointed by where civil society is a source of information the President of the Republic, the body is not for media and vice versa. These developments able to play the role envisioned in improving in Burundi seem exceptional and in contrast to state-media relations.10 Timor-Leste where media and civil society rela- tions have developed more in line with other Understanding and accepting the watchdog post-conflict environments with media taking function of the media in a democratic political only limited interest in advocacy and civil rights system can be challenging for elected of�cials issues. Often journalists are not able to follow and state institutions, particular in countries or comprehend the relevance of issues, and that have no experience with healthy public civil society organizations lack media strategies sphere processes. This lack of experience can and fail to influence public debate and opinion result in heavy-handedness towards critical formation effectively. press coverage. In Burundi the government perceived the media as hostile and jailed sev- Initiatives to enrich public deliberations and eral journalists, forcing others to flee into policy debate include providing civil society with exile. In Liberia government of�cials complain the skills for media strategy and outreach and developing a mutual media and civil society and authority and a lack of interest in and 30 understanding of the value of their sustained understanding of the challenges faced by and constructive relationship for advocacy and the government, leading to an atmosphere public policy purposes. of hostility under the �rst post-independence government. The relationship between state State and civil society and civil society is characterized by poor The degree of freedom in which civil society information sharing, mistrust and an inability operates, level of information available and to de�ne common objectives and information quality of participatory structures allowing civil needs, causing citizen-state relations to society to advocate and influence public policy deteriorate further. decisions impact the quality of state-civil society relations. Understanding and respect for these Lack of access to information is a common mutual roles is an underlying issue that frames problem for civil society in post-conflict envi- the citizen-state relationship at large. ronments. In Liberia, Timor-Leste and Burundi impaired access to draft legislation and budget In Timor-Leste the government lacks an un- documents make it dif�cult for civil society to derstanding of the important role and potential inform and lobby public debate on policy issues. capacity of civil society; it does not engage Consultation with civil society on key policy in dialogue on many of the justice and civil lib- issues is inadequate for the most part in erty issues in which civil society groups have Timor and Burundi and is unstructured in Liberia. taken an interest. Society, on the other hand, In Timor the state structure does not offer has an existing distrust of government systems From peacemaking to peacebuilding The foundation for reconstruction is laid power-hierarchies will ensure greater public long before the �rst donor conference. buy-in of the �nal accord and increase its Peace-treaties are setting the �rst build- chance for implementation. ing block for the post-conflict country’s Naturally the contents of a peace accord are future shape and structure. Not only does tied to the speci�cs of the country and the the content of the treaty matter, also the conflict. In cases where a distortion of the proceedings leading to its signing impact public sphere was a central aspect of the the chances for successful implementa- conflict, a solution to the problem should be tion. Who mediated the process and whose explored in the negotiations and reflected in views were considered during the negotia- the �nal accord. An early agreement on key tions will largely determine the perceived public sphere principles will not only ensure legitimacy of the document. that public sphere matters are not relegated Though wide consultations might make to low priority level but also facilitate politi- the mediation and negotiation process cal buy-in for measures that aim towards cumbersome and slow the inclusion of the (re-)enabling of public sphere dynamics. relevant stakeholders on different levels of steps are important to ensure a constructive The relationship between state and informed dialogue with citizens, to gain 31 public support and to ensure post-conflict and media is not an easy one in reconstruction and long-term stability. a post-conflict environment where the “rules of the game� 8. Conclusion—National Dialogue: Not a Consequence change fundamentally with of State Building, a Prerequi- state and media rede�ning their site for Success Institution building is essential for the war to respective roles and operations peace transition process and for long-term stabil- with limited capacity. ity. Normally early post-conflict assessments are carried out to capture needs, establish priorities entry points for interaction and engagement, and ensure coordination. While some donors neither on the national level nor in the districts. focus on state institution building, others get The closed nature of state institutions leads involved in media development and civil soci- to public disempowerment, effectively discon- ety support. Coordination within each sector is necting the state and its people—all symptoms challenging; coordination across sectors simply of a dysfunctional public sphere. In Burundi, does not take place. Often neither donors nor lack of access to public documents and of implementing partners are aware of what others entry points for public opinion to shape policy are doing—duplication and gaps result. plus a lack of consultative mechanisms are Though public capacity building is considered shortcomings of its national public sphere, central, current aid practice fails to take into which impair citizen-state relations. Develop- account the structures and processes that are ments in Timor illustrate the slippery slope required to effectively connect public institu- generated by public sphere dysfunctions: without tions with citizens to ensure accountability and clear venues and skills capable of voicing views transparency. These processes are particularly and debating issues, Timor’s civil society relies important after conflict, as they are instrumen- on strategies used in the past—street protests. tal in managing high public expectations and in In reaction, guided by mistrust of civil society’s building public trust, which are key challenges intent and by a number of demonstrations that in post-conflict situations. turned violent, the government passed a law that imposes tighter regulations on assemblies Government as a reliable information and demonstrations—a move that civil society source felt pushed them deeper into the corner and The essence of these processes lies in the dy- increased hostilities. namics of a robust public sphere that provides a national dialogue platform. Experiences from To improve its engagement in the national Liberia, Timor-Leste and Burundi show that public dialogue, the state should provide creating the structures and capacities required access to public documents, know how to for such a dialogue platform is essential. Post- relate to the media, give a voice to civil society, conflict environments face particular public and establish entry points for public participa- sphere challenges that are related to the preva- tion, particularly in legislative processes. These lence of fear, rumors and uncertainty caused by displacement, disempowerment and loss Building public trust and inclusive public par- 32 of livelihoods. The absence of the rule of law, ticipation present challenges particularly where combined with the prevalence of weapons and citizen-state relations carry the legacy of dis- a lack of trust in public institutions and formal empowerment and abuse, and when legal and networks, make any peace-spoilers a particular social frameworks, as well as mind-sets, need threat to stability. The absence of a national to be changed with limited resources. Only public sphere generates a gap that can be strategic and well-coordinated interventions �lled by rumors and those spreading them—a among sectors and donors allow for optimal situation easily exploited by informal networks resource allocation and use. A good analytical and the religious or ethnic entrepreneurs lead- understanding of the capacities and dynamics ing them. Developing a national dialogue helps in place is the starting point. As each country post-conflict governments to counter peace- faces particular challenges related to its history spoiler strategies. Establishing the government and the nature of its conflict, there is no “one as a reliable source of information able to listen for all� approach; each public sphere strategy and to address public concerns builds public should be tailored to the speci�cs yet all can be trust, ensures public support of the reconstruc- based on the same analytical framework. tion process, and minimizes the space in which Public sphere: Strength against peace-spoilers operate. fragmentation International community responsibilities The elements that make and shape a public An important player in post-conflict transitions, sphere are many; capacities need to be created the international community has to increase in public institutions, media and civil society transparency and accountability in their own alike. In addition to capacities, positive dynam- operations as an important contribution to a ics need to be generated among the different post-conflict national dialogue process. This is players based on a common understanding of true for aid programs and UN Peacekeeping op- and respect for respective roles. With the pass- erations alike. The latter can play an important ing of time, if overlooked, the damage done role and clarity about their mandate and exit by not setting the foundation for a national dia- strategy is crucial for long-term stability. logue platform makes any afterthought on public sphere intervention more dif�cult and more costly. It is suggested, therefore, that the public For effective engagement, civil sphere framework be included in post-conflict needs assessments to inform early strategic society needs media not only interventions and to facilitate coordination. to understand the importance Post-conflict interventions and reconstruction of the agenda it brings to the efforts create the opportunity to address the root causes of the violent past and to work public debate, but also it requires towards an inclusive and accountable social and sustained media coverage to political system by setting the foundation for sustainable governance structures that withstand advocate for civil society positions. the forces of fragmentation through the equal participation of citizens. Applying the concept of the public sphere in post-conflict needs 33 e at M e di S t a International Presence Civil Society Figure 7. Building state, media, and civil society capacity, as well as platforms of interaction and dialogue between them, is essential to close and reduce the exploitable space and to create the foundation for governance in post-conflict contexts. assessments and intervention frameworks respect for their respective roles, and promote allows the international community to address programs to increase interaction. strategic state-building issues, such as citizen- • In building state institutions pay particular state relations, public trust, exclusion and attention to the creation of entry points for expectations. Incorporating the public sphere public participation and to listening capacity framework in post-conflict assistance work in both central and local structures. would be an important step towards sustainable peace and democratic governance. The elements that make and Some key recommendations: shape a public sphere are many; • Apply the public sphere governance frame- capacities need to be created in work in early post-conflict assessments. public institutions, media and civil • Think systematically. Ensure cross-sector society alike. planning and donor coordination to create syn- ergies and to capture public sphere dynamics. • Work with civil society, media and government to ensure a common understanding of and • Pay attention that media development and 34 communication capacity within government go hand-in-hand, as one outpacing the other carries the risk of manipulation or alienation. • Promote inclusive national civil society net- works and internal, downward accountability within the networks. • Support civic education programs that pro- mote public understanding about the right of citizens to information. • Develop legislative frameworks and cultivate political will and resources—engage in strate- gic advocacy. • Do not accept that language choices are of purely political nature; provide evidence and advice on the economic and social cost of exclusive language policies. • Donor behavior tends to be exclusive and to lack transparency: practice what you preach! Public Sphere Assessment o. Donors involvement in media development: Toolkit i. Type of activity 35 ii. Target of activity iii. Timeframe Media Sector Capacity iv. Challenges faced a. TV: Number of stations, af�liation, v. Aims and objectives ownership, geographical reach, contents, p. Specify donor coordination mechanisms �nancial health b. Radio: Number of stations, af�liation, State Media ownership, geographical reach, contents, a. State owned/controlled media outlets �nancial health b. Languages used c. Community Radios: numbers, �nancial c. Coverage/Circulation status, location, national community radio d. Number of employees/selection network e. Financial situation: budget, subsidies, d. Print: Format, circulation of main publica- pro�t/loss tions, ownership and type of content f. Independent public service providers: (religious, political, entertainment, etc.), initiatives to development, constraints provinces vs. capital Journalists e. New media: Blogs, online presence of a. Work conditions: number, level of traditional media. Interactive possibilities: training, workplace conditions, safety, for a, real-life events, etc. salaries, gender balance, equal treatment f. Languages used by the different media in of both genders relation to languages spoken in the country b. Ethics: code of conduct, independence, pro- g. Diaspora media: if existing, distribution cedures in cases of unethical behavior and content c. Sources: formal and informal access for h. Refugee camps outside country: outreach public policy issues, social issues and content d. Professional associations: number, i. Interactive media: phone-in possibilities, af�liation, political links, national or letters to the editor, email and sms regional level messages from the public e. Compensation in public/private media: j. Rural interests/issues coverage: national/ salary levels, competition across �eld/ capital-based coverage, local coverage sectors, methods to complement income k. Machinery and technology for various f. Education: percentage of journalists media (printing press, transmitters): practicing without a journalism degree, with ownership, �nancing, constraints to access no university degree at all l. Relevance of outside media (international, regional, neighboring country): capital vs. Journalists’ Training Institutions provincial and rural. a. Journalism schools, university programs, m.Presence of UN radio: relevance vis-à-vis selective enrollment, absorption capacity, local media, content, focus, plan for level of teaching and curriculum post-conflict pull-out b. Resources: budget, funding n. UNPKO: involvement in media-capacity c. New media and technologies: in training, building on-the-job, public vs. private d. Public-private media partnerships: technology available for communication at 36 internships, news gathering interaction different levels-capital vs. provinces e. International exchanges: where, with m. Sector, agency-level and/or local level whom, content, length of training communication structures n. Decentralized communication services: geo- Media Users graphical distribution, organization, budget a. Media formats: most widely used, popular o. Audience reach: rural citizens, women, forms for rural/urban and elite/base poor, young, ethnic groups b. Media consumption habits: area, gender, p. Level of centralization: center to periphery income and education. communication and periphery to center c. Literacy rate: gender, region, access/affordabil- information flow ity of radios, TVs, computers/internet access q. Access issues: selection of press for d. Media markets: language usage, service Executive press conferences, trips on to language groups “Air Force 1,� conditions, fees. e. Public perceptions: independence of r. Public information and local languages journalists, honesty and credibility of s. E-governance projects: access, promotion public/private media t. Filing/mailing system: to be built, under f. Internet cafés: number, popularity, construction, mechanism established location—provincial vs. capital u. National Archives v. Public Information Act State Institutional Capacity w. Codi�cation system a. Central government public communication/ x. Civil Servants Academy information structure: location within gov- i. Curriculum ernment, level of influence ii. Ethics b. Appointments: appointment procedure, iii. Negotiation and communication skills access to top of�cials, reporting structure iv. Understanding the role of the state c. Budget v. Concepts of accountability and d. Employees: number, selection process, transparency education, salary level (living wage issues) vi. Quality of staff/training material/ e. Ministry of Information: mandate, capacity infrastructure f. Spokesperson for President’s Of�ce, Army, y. Legislative: Communication capacity Police, etc: skills, resources, professionalism and challenges g. Ministers’ roles: number acting as spokes- i. Public hearings person, number with media advisers ii. Public draft laws h. Relationships between various communica- iii. Public consultations tion services iv. Voting records i. Coordination of public communication v. Constituency relations j. Strategic media monitoring capacities vi. Public info material k. Typical government public communications’ vii. Press coverage activities: press conferences, background viii. Archive info, releases, media breakfast, stakeouts, z. Donors in state-capacity building and interviews, etc. community-capacity building: l. Budget for government public communica- i. Type of activity tions: total, allocation, Internet access, ii. Target of activity iii. Timeframe ii. Target of activity iv. Challenges faced iii. Timeframe 37 v. Aims and objectives iv. Challenges faced v. Aims and objectives Civil Society Capacity a. Groups: number, level of organization, Quality of the Enabling Environment management Legislation and Regulations b. Religious groups: number, role, service a. Legislation on insulting head of state or provider, assembly space nation, on religious offenses, on “offending c. Links: to international civil service organi- public morals� zations, to diaspora b. Slander and libel legislation: method and d. Position and goals: message development, availability of effective judicial recourse publicity, method of advocacy c. Hate crimes legislation: method and avail- e. Strength of traditional informal communi- ability of effective judicial recourse cation networks: poets/writers, churches, d. International human rights instruments: mosques, truck/bus drivers, marketwomen government rati�cation, enforcement f. Networks created/reinforced during conflict: e. Status of effective freedoms of expression, political parties, tribes association and reunion g. Role/influence of current/former army or f. Civil society and media legal framework: traditional strongmen legal identity, �nancial viability and indepen- h. Channels of information: means to dence receive information on public policy, on g. Media ownership: status of anti-trust government activities, on activities of legislation, foreign ownership limits, media other organizations ownership transparency i. Information transmission: ownership of h. Electoral advertising: rules/limits in public/ media and of publications, usage of other private media. media outlets i. Of�cial Information Act: implementation? j. Staff skills and resources: quality of man- j. Ombudsman Of�ce: existence, indepen- agement, key sources of �nancing dence, political will and support k. Intellectual leadership: contributions of k. Media regulatory body: independence, think tanks, universities, etc., availability of control, organization skills and resources? l. National vs. communal associations: Media connections, information sharing a. Media licenses: allocation, renewal, trans- m. Lobby groups: number, effectiveness parency n. Private sector and related associations: b. Taxes/Subsidies available role, strength c. Journalist safety o. Key issues of concern: funding, access, i. number in jail for political reasons—cite independence speci�c cases p. Safety of civil rights advocates: legal ii. violence and deaths in last year protection, police protection, media fairness iii. news outlets banned or closed last q. Donors in civil society development: year, reason given/understood, length i. Type of activity of suspension d. Public procurement of state advertising and public announcements: method of operation, access at various state levels adequate 38 budget, allocation of funds, exercise of controls or inadequate? If not, what could be done to improve the situation? Civil Society i. Does the state providing regular information a. Government control: method, degree to journalists regarding the reconstruction b. Registration: process, fees, taxes, process? If not, what could be done to subsidies, oversight of �nances improve this situation? c. Freedom of religion: restrictions on j. Are public policy issues considered af�liations, free practice “newsworthy?� d. Financial conditions: methods of support Civil Society x Media public, private, combined; tax status a. Press attitudes: Is there media bias toward e. Donor dependency: extent of donor/ NGOs and other civil society groups? government relationship, private b. Are any civil society representatives sector interests considered prominent public �gures? f. Restrictions to foreign organizations c. Civil society media skills: do organizations g. Safety of activists: number of arrests/ have skills/resources to deal with media deaths (press people/press releases/press h. Restrictions on activists: travel, speech, conferences)? funding d. What is civil society attitude towards the media? Is there trust? Quality of Interactions State x Media Civil Society x State a. Media ownership: does it influence, dictate a. Government engagement with civil soci- or bias on coverage; foster communal, ety: Is it effective at the center and at the religious or political tension? periphery? If not, what could be done to b. Media content: are there political or improve this situation? commercial pressures on journalists, b. Generic or preferential treatment of certain editors or owners? groups: do business lobbies have better c. Self-censorship: what is degree of practice, access to public authorities than civil society; by whom and in what cases? how does preference/exclusion occur? d. Journalists’ corruption: what is degree of c. Does the state providing regular incidence; does pay to appear or pay not information to civil society regarding the to appear exist? reconstruction process? If not, what could e. Public perceptions of state media be done to improve the situation? f. State engagement with media: is it d. Public protests: are they allowed to take constructive or adversarial; is role place; for what reasons? recognized or not? g. Relationship between members of government and media: in capital and on local level, is there any involvement in community radio? h. Access to government information: is provision for media and journalist 39 Gra�tti has become a popular way of communication and expression in many conflict and post-conflict countries. TOOLBOX: A SELECTION OF PUBLIC SPHERE INTERVENTIONS 40 Enabling Environment State Institutions Media Support the establishment of Support development of a Support development of a rule of law conditions common understanding of the common understanding of respective roles of state, civil the respective role of state, Advocate for the protection society and media civil society and media of legally enshrined civic freedoms (free speech and Advocate for a language policy Support national institutes assembly, etc.) that allows all citizens to access offering journalism education and comprehend public informa- (universities, colleges) Support civil libel laws tion, decisions and of�cial Support development of media Support development of documents associations functioning as media regulations Promote gender sensitivity in journalists’ advocates Advocate for a Public public policy Advocate for a professional Information Act Support a national public informa- code of conduct enforced Provide support to develop tion and consultation strategy through peer system national expertise on media Promote consultations and out- Introduce the concept of an rights and legislation reach with the diaspora community independent media commission Advocate for tax and Advocate for a Public Information Advocate for appropriate work- registration fee exemptions Act conditions (salary, equipment, for community radios safety, etc.) Support a continuous Review market conditions center-periphery dialogue Train journalists and editors in for media and advocate for • ethics development of sustainable Promote the appointment of • journalistic skills media sector spokespeople with budgets, • conflict-sensitive reporting staff and access to information Advocate for initial tax breaks • gender sensitive reporting throughout all major public on printing facilities institutions Train editors and media Assess and assist the develop- management in media ethics Executive ment of an advertising market and media business skills Support civic education programs that inform citizens on their right Promote females in media to information and on what industry information should be available Support the development of to them synchronized programming for community radios 41 Civil Society Donor Community Support development of a common understanding of Reflect the essential nature of dialogue the respective roles of state, civil society and media processes for state building and successful war-to-peace transitions in program planning Support civic programs to educate citizens on their right to information and on which information should Include the public sphere framework in early be available assessments and program planning Build strategic tools and skills for advocacy, media Cultivate political will to implement public work and outreach sphere interventions Promote institutionalized information-sharing Avoid stove-piping; ensure coordination across platforms program areas Support the development of downward accountability Facilitate interactions among state, civil society and media Develop participatory consultation skills Be aware of mind-sets shaping communication Develop negotiation and mediation skills patterns, particularly when dealing with Provide core funding former members of armed groups and clandes- tine movements Support the development of inclusive, national networks Establish early and clear transparency on aid processes and delivery speed to new Advocate for gender equality and sensitivity in government and public at large programming and administration of organizations Have a clear exit strategy; in case of UN Build management skills Radio/TV develop hand-over strategies early to prevent an information vacuum Support the development of national polling capacity, ideally located in a university In project implementation avoid putting “donor visibility� over “government visibility� Pay attention to peace spoilers capturing the public sphere Building dialogue processes takes time; stay engaged 42 Enabling Environment State Institutions Media Executive (continued) Support a national community Advocate for communication radio network and coordination function to have Promote sustainability and mandate, �nancing and clear local ownership in planning for location (Ministry of Information, community radio PM Of�ce, etc.) Promote understanding of the Advocate for establishment of concept of a national public spokespeople in key ministries broadcaster (where applicable) and institutions with budgets and access to policy makers and information Support development of media monitoring capacity Train state of�cials in media, negotiation and outreach skills Support the development and implementation of a whistleblower protection policy Support the development of National Archives Advocate for a National Informa- tion Classi�cation Act and support its implementation Support the development of a common �ling and mailing system Promote interdepartmental coordination and information- sharing bodies Support the development of a clear understanding of roles and mandates between and within institutions Civil Society Donor Community 43 44 Enabling Environment State Institutions Media Executive (continued) Support a national community Support capacity building of Advocate for communication a radio network Civil Servants Academy and a and coordination function to have Promote sustainability and curriculum that shapes clear mandate, �nancing andan under- local ownership in planning for standing of the role of state and location (Ministry of Information, community radio the concepts of PM Of�ce, etc.) accountability, transparency, ethics plus commu- Promote understanding of the Advocate for establishment of nication skills concept of a national public spokespeople in key ministries broadcaster (where applicable) Parliament and institutions with budgets and access to policy makers Establish Press Of�ce and Public Information Center and information Establish of�ce facilities media Support development of for legislative capacity monitoringjournalists Train state of�cials in media, Produce public information mate- rial on the and outreach skills negotiationworkings of parliament Develop regulations/guidelines Support the development and for public consultations implementation of a whistleblower protection policy Guarantee public/civil society Support the development of input into committee work National Archives Advocate for public debates/ media coverage of deliberations Advocate for a National Informa- tion Classi�cation Act and support Establish constituency relations its implementation of�ces Support the development of a Support public voting, attendance common �ling and mailing system and tabling records Promote interdepartmental Ensure that draft legislation is coordination and information- publicly available sharing bodies Develop a parliamentary archive Support the development of a clear understanding legislative Advocate for a regular of roles and mandates charge for state journal free of between and within institutions institutions and universities Civil Society Donor Community 45 46 Enabling Environment State Institutions Media Parliament (continued) Executive (continued) Support a national community Promote for communication Advocateunderstanding of the im- radio network portance of civic rights legislation and coordination function to have Promote sustainability and mandate, �nancing and clear Support parliamentary work local ownership in planning for location (Ministry of Information, with library/research material community radio PM Of�ce, etc.) and well-trained staffers Promote understanding of the Advocate for establishment of Judiciary concept of a national public spokespeople in key ministries Suggest the appointment of a broadcaster (where applicable) and institutions with budgets spokesperson with capacity: and access to policy makers budget, access, etc. and information Support public education of the Support development of media legal system and its application monitoring capacity Create a public reporting system Train state of�cials in media, on abuse: Ombudsman of�ces negotiation and outreach skills Security Service Reform Support the development and Support the development of a implementation of a whistleblower national consensus on national protection policy security needs and strategy Support the development of Advocate for gender equality National Archives and sensitivity Advocate for a National Informa- Advocate for transparency of tion Classi�cation Act and support the process its implementation Support the development of a common �ling and mailing system Promote interdepartmental coordination and information- sharing bodies Support the development of a clear understanding of roles and mandates between and within institutions Civil Society Donor Community 47 48 PART II THREE A. DASHED HOPES: A NEW CASE STUDIES STATE DISCONNECTED FROM The three empirical studies were carried ITS PEOPLE out in May and June 2007 and the analyses After some 450 years of colonization and reflect the situation at that time. The objec- occupation, Timor-Leste �nally reached tive of the �eld research was to illustrate independence in May 2002. As a new country the theoretical public sphere concept with it has been building state institutions from concrete evidence and examples. Time has scratch and administering state affairs with passed since the assessments took place human resources of limited experience and and it is almost certain that some things skill. Timor-Leste’s public sphere issues have to have changed; yet, the main structural pub- be understood in the context of the country’s lic sphere and governance issues are likely challenging governance environment, which is to remain pertinent for some time to come. marked by high poverty levels, displacement, 124 125 126 127 Wetar Island INDONESIA 10 10 Romang Island TIMOR- LESTE Atauro Island Biquele Alor Atauro a it Island r Str Weta Berau Cape Tei Lautém Com Laivai Tutuala Rantar Maínal Cape Cutchá Jaco Baucau Island Manatuto Bucóli Fuiloro Island Metinaro Laga Los Palos DILI Vermasse l Seica Liquiça DILI Lacló Laleia BAUCAU Luro LAUTEM Maubara Venilale Cape Bazartete Quelicai Baquia Corimbala LIQUIÇA Railaco clo AILEU La MANATUTO Uato Carabau Loré Cape de Loré Ermera Ossu Iliomar Laclubar Lacluta Fatu Beso Aileu Savu Sea Atabae ERMERA VIQUEQUE Uatolari Aliambata Letetoho Turiscai Maubisse Barique Viqueque e Tata Mai Lau Sah BOBONARO (2963 m) Hato Builico Bé Aco Batugade Maliana MANUFA HI CFato Berliu MANUFAHI ie Cape Deilubún 9 Ainaro Same re Umaboco 9 Bobonaro d AINARO Alas n l a Mape Sacato Hatudo Oecussi s Loloto I Fatolulic Cape Betano COVA LIMA Calétec OECUSSI r Fohorem Kitrana Nítibe Oé Silo o Tilomar Suai m 127 Passabe i Cape Tafara T Timor S ea To TIMOR-LESTE Naikliu I NDO N E S I A SELECTED CITIES AND TOWNS DISTRICT CAPITALS 0 10 20 30 Kilometers NATIONAL CAPITAL 0 10 20 30 Miles RIVERS 8 MAIN ROADS To Kuala DISTRICT BOUNDARIES Lumpur INTERNATIONAL BOUNDARIES 124 125 126 Figure 8: Map of Timor-Leste destruction, low levels of education, multilingualism and limited capacities in The state, which as a new 49 public administration, civil society and media. democracy is affected by an The majority of Timor-Leste’s population is immature political climate, has poor, young and rural, and an estimated half is illiterate. Hopes that independence would not been effective in managing deliver improved living standards were not met; they are, by and large, the same as in expectations and in educating the 2002, particularly in the rural areas. The state, public about reasons for the slow which as a new democracy is affected by an immature political climate, has not been effective pace of reconstruction and the in managing expectations and in educating challenges confronted. the public about reasons for the slow pace of reconstruction and the challenges confronted. In combat, hundreds of political prisoners were 2006 the information and discourse gap caused executed and tens of thousands of civilians rumors and fear to spread widely, prompting were displaced to West Timor. On September 7, violence and giving space to peace-spoilers to 1975, the UDT leadership issued a petition call- grab public attention. The leadership style shaped ing for the integration of Portuguese Timor into by years of clandestine existence combined with Indonesia. On December 7, Indonesia invaded language barriers and a limited understanding of Timor-Leste. state and societal roles caused relations among state, media and civil society to deteriorate For 24 years the population of Timor-Leste sharply and led to a citizen-state disconnect. maintained a staunch resistance against the Indonesian rule, characterized by near univer- sal popular support and effective coordination 1. A Brief History of Modern between the armed wing of the resistance, the Timor Armed Forces for the National Liberation of The Portuguese arrived at the coast of Timor East Timor (FALINTIL), an elaborate and active around 1515 and stayed until 1974 when the network of civilian supporters, “clandestinos,� Portuguese Carnation Revolution triggered their and representatives in the diaspora. One-third hasty departure.11 The departure led to indig- of the population is estimated to have died as enous political activity in Portuguese Timor. The a result of the occupation. Following the fall of Timorese Democratic Union (UDT) was formed President Suharto in 1998, Indonesia agreed in May 1974, and Associação Social-Democrata to hold a referendum allowing the territory Timorense (ASDT) shortly thereafter to be- a choice between autonomous status and an come the Revolutionary Front for the Liberation independent state. An overwhelming major- of East Timor (FRETILIN) in September 1974. ity of Timorese voted for independence. The The relationship between these two parties had referendum was accompanied by a well-planned deteriorated by mid-1975; on August 11, UDT campaign of violence led by armed militia that launched a pre-emptive armed attack upon left over 1,000 people dead, the majority of the FRETILIN and the counterattack was launched population displaced and most of the private on August 20, 1975. A short civil war ensued and public physical infrastructure destroyed. in which thousands of people were killed in independence leader and Falintil Commander 50 Establishing public credibility and Jose Xanana Gusmao. The Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste fully restored its independence building effective state-civil relations on May 20, 2002. are two key challenges faced by the Renewed violence: The crisis new coalition government. of 200612 Following the intervention of a multi-lateral In 2006 unful�lled hope for an independence peacekeeping force, the United Nations dividend, high youth unemployment, politici- Transitional Administration in East Timor zation of the state structures and neglect of (UNTAET) was established with supreme communication, participation and public-state executive, judicial and legislative authority. In relations led in 2006 to the worst political and the 2001 elections for a constituent assembly, governance crisis since independence. A hu- Fretilin won with 55 of the 88 seats. Following manitarian crisis resulted that, with a high the adoption of the constitution, presidential number of IDPs and infrastructure destruction, elections were held in April 2002 and won by was reminiscent of the 1999 militia rampage. Timor-Leste Comparison between 2006, 2002, 1998 (top-bottom order) Voice and accountablility No data Political Stability No data Government Effectiveness No data Regulatory Quality No data Rule of Law No data Control of Corruption No data 0 25 50 75 100 Country’s Percentile Rank (0-100) Source: Kafumann D., A. Kraay, and M. Mastruzzi 2007; Governance Matters VI: Governance Indicators for 1996-2006 Figure 9: Timor-Leste governance indicators 1996-2006 As a consequence, Prime Minister Mari Alkatiri institutions, and that the change of formal politi- was forced to resign. In the regularly scheduled cal discourse will lead to a more informed and 51 May 2007 elections, Jose Ramos-Horta became engaged public sphere contribution by the state, president with nearly 70 percent of the votes making way for improved citizen-state relations. and replaced Xanana Gusmao. In July 2007, Establishing public credibility and building effec- Gusmao took part in the legislative elections tive state-civil relations are two key challenges but failed to wrest power from Fretilin and gain faced by the new coalition government. absolute majority. After initial negotiations for a unity government failed, President Horta 2. Disillusioned and appointed Xanana as Prime Minister, spark- Disempowered: Public Sphere ing violent protest from Fretilin supporters.13 A coalition government that was formed without Challenges Impair Timor’s Fretilin ended the monopolization of state insti- State Building tutions by one political party. There is hope that The 2006 crisis demonstrated that Timor’s this governance arrangement will allow for more government had yet to adapt to the changed active, formal, political deliberations within state environment and heed the calls of a democratic Timor’s mountainous structure creates challenges for communication and transport alike 2.1 A state-structure built 52 The 2006 crisis demonstrated that from scratch Timor-Leste was built up under UN auspices and Timor’s government had yet to only came into independent existence in 2002. adapt to the changed environment Capacity limitations are considerable as gov- ernmental institutions and processes are being and heed the calls of a democratic developed from scratch with staff inexperienced society for participation, citizen- in the management of public administration. Though Timorese were allowed to join the state engagement and dialogue. civil service under the Indonesian occupation, most were not promoted to higher levels in the society for participation, citizen-state administration; those who succeeded were gen- engagement and dialogue. Timor’s political erally pro-integrationist and left together with leadership as an elite group failed to engage the Indonesians in 1999. The semi-island was with society; it did not explain the challenges left with almost no experienced administrative of state building nor seek public understand- capacity and knowledge when independence ing for the slow pace of the state-building and arrived. The government that emerged had no reconstruction process. The lack of engagement experience in building a participatory gover- and effective communication, as well as unful- nance structure, and thus, it did not recognize �lled hope for an independence dividend, caused the importance for state building of developing severe damage to citizen-state relations. This constructive citizen-state relations and failed background contributed to a disillusioned and to engage in the public sphere. This conceptual disempowered population who consider state and operational shortcoming led to serious gov- institutions as politicized, distant and not serving ernance and stability challenges for the country. the public interest. Lack of reliable information and citizen-state disconnect gave space and 2.1.2 Clandestine experiences voice to destructive non-state actors, such as shape leadership style the leaders of the 2006 crisis who manipulated The political leaders of Timor-Leste were civic grievances.14 prominent �gures in the resistance movement. Neither media nor civil society has been effec- Many of them supported the movement from tive in forging a constructive dialogue with the exile in Mozambique or Angola; a few, nota- government and state institutions; the inter- bly Xanana Gusmao, fought as leaders of the actions are a reflection of the generally poor armed resistance against the Indonesian army. citizen-state relationship. A combination of To comprehend today’s political deadlock, one pre-independence mindset and lack of capacity has to understand that Timor’s political leaders are responsible for the absence of constructive have known each other for over thirty years and engagement and poor civil society-state and stories of personal animosity, love and betrayal media-state relations. Under these conditions, have been shaping their levels of mutual trust Timor-Leste’s public sphere has been unable and their political interactions to present.15 to develop functional features, and as a con- The communication style of the �rst post- sequence, the state-building process has been independence government led to frequent severely damaged. accusations of arrogance, aloofness and being “out of touch.� A component of this problem was lack of care in crafting public leadership messages, The leadership and communication 53 both formal and informal. At present some top and mid-level leaders have adopted a more trust- style of Timor’s political leaders inviting style of communication, the crafting of key reflects the long years of messages remains a general weakness. clandestine existence that The leadership and communication style of Timor’s political leaders reflects the long years necessitated secretive behavior: of clandestine existence that necessitated information was kept close to the secretive behavior: information was kept close to the chest and decisions were taken alone or chest and decisions were taken after consultations with a few trusted peers. alone or after consultations with a The affected population was not consulted; decisions were taken for them with rumors and few trusted peers. misinformation spread willfully to confuse the Indonesian army and to advance operations. Timor-Leste suffered high levels of infrastructure destruction in the 1999 post-referendum violence. Until today Timor’s political leaders still encounters, senior government of�cials have 54 adhere to this closed communication and often been dismissive of ordinary citizens and leadership behavior. Most ministers do not their concerns. Given that public institutions disclose information beyond a small group are new and without a previous communication of trusted advisers; information sharing culture to counter these tendencies, the and transparency are not only considered leadership style and behavior have been factors irrelevant but sometimes directly discouraged. in decisively influencing the culture of the new The question of public participation is not public administration and in shaping their way given due consideration, and in the few public of communicating internally and externally. Languages in Timor Some thirty local languages exist in Timor constitution, but as the language of the alongside the “foreign� languages of Bahasa “occupier,� was abandoned quickly by the Indonesia, Portuguese and English. With its post-independence government. dif�cult history and its far-reaching societal In 2000, the Timorese leadership, citing the consequence, language has become a highly link between the language and country’s na- controversial political issue in Timor-Leste. tional identity, decided on Portuguese as the During the 400 years of colonial rule, Por- language of administration and instruction tuguese was introduced as the language of of the country. Timor’s political leaders feel administration and instruction; during the strongly attached to Portuguese, as it was Indonesian occupation, Portuguese was out- used by the resistance �ghters in the hills lawed and Bahasa Indonesia became the and spoken in the countries of exile. of�cial language of Timor. Today Timor- The reluctance to use Bahasa Indonesia and Leste’s two of�cial languages are Tetum a general inflexibility in the implementation and Portuguese. Each carries signi�cant of the language policy affects the basic func- constraints as mediums of communication: tioning of the civil service, development of Tetum is a lingua franca (only 13 percent media, and communications between state refer to Tetum as their mother tongue but it and civil society. The language policy creates is the most widely spoken and understood a generational divide, particularly as most local language) whose vocabulary and syn- Timorese under the age of 30 who received tax is not suf�ciently developed for use as their school education in Bahasa Indonesia a language of administration; on the other and went to Indonesia for their university hand, only 10–15 percent of the popula- studies have no linguistic or emotional af�li- tion speaks Portuguese. Bahasa Indonesia, ation to Portuguese. in which approximately 50 percent of the population is literate and which can serve The Portuguese-speaking political class liter- as a language of administration, is formally ally speaks a language not understood by a “working language� under Timor-Leste’s the majority of its constituency. ministries are highly centralized; the exchange The lack of information flow and between the capital and district administrations 55 is undeveloped. Capital-district communication coordination within and among lines are ministry speci�c and quality of state institutions has severely interaction varies. limited the quality both of of�cial The attitude that the political leadership has taken towards information flow, together with deliberations and negotiations the lack of systems, has signi�cantly impeded and of decisions taken. communication among ministries and among key organs of sovereignty: the executive (in- It is this culture of closed, exclusive decision cluding the Of�ce of the President), parliament making and opaqueness that has severely and judiciary, with most of�cial communica- and negatively limited the state’s contribution tion reduced to exchanges among individuals. to the public sphere, and hence limited the Intra-state communication is further nega- chances of the population to establish informed tively affected by the lack of clear coordination opinions. The lack of interest on the side of mechanisms between ministries and agencies, the state in public participation has resulted combined with a highly centralized institutional in a lack of participatory structures as feedback culture within government and parliament.18 mechanisms. As the public has not been The lack of information flow and coordination provided with regular channels for influencing within and among state institutions has severely public decisions and constructively expressing limited the quality both of of�cial deliberations discontent with public decisions, violent flare-ups and negotiations and of decisions taken. The like in spring 2006 have become a safety valve. low quality of of�cial decisions and the divided institutions have caused public opinion in Timor 2.1.3 Dysfunctional internal to be very critical of the state and to doubt its communication credibility. After the 2006 crisis, awareness about Timor’s internal communication and information the communication challenges started to build in flow faces numerous challenges: Timor’s some quarters of the government; the Ministry of authoritarian culture does not promote self- State Administration, in the lead for the decen- initiative, as action is taken only on the basis of tralization process of Timor Leste, has recognized explicit authorization—seeking instructions and the importance of improving center-periphery requesting information from superiors is simply information flow and plans on becoming the fo- not done.16 Work-plans are often not known or cal point for communication between the central only shared among few, and anecdotal reports government and the district administration.19 suggest that civil servants have only a limited understanding of the role of their respective Dysfunctional �ling and mail ministry in general and of their unit in particular. Dysfunctional �ling and mail systems hamper systems hamper internal internal communication.17 The dif�culty of �ling communication. and mailing is compounded by the inability of administrative support staff to comprehend of�cial documents in Portuguese. IT capacity and e-communication are in their infancy. Most 2.1.4 A state not talking or causing fear. Further destabilizing information 56 listening to its people discrediting the government came from a video One of the key weaknesses across the new statement by one of the leaders of the 2006 state is ineffective communication with the riots that aired on Indonesian TV and sold public.20 This has manifested itself in lack of widely in Dili.22 These developments show how information about government programs and a public sphere vacuum, resulting from a lack planning, poorly or non-existent explanations of input by the state, is �lled by forces and for policy decisions, and dif�culties in �nding a sources that are hard to control and that influ- communications style that effectively resonates ence the public with negative repercussions for with the public. The use of Portuguese as the political stability and state-building efforts. administrative language furthermore severely hampers communication with a public that has 2.1.5 The new parliament only limited comprehension of this language.21 The national parliament of Timor-Leste is a As the state provides little or no reliable input unicameral assembly of 65 members (88 in into the public sphere, citizens and civil soci- pre-2007 election). Most representatives have ety in Timor-Leste rely on rumors and informal limited or no experience in the roles, rules and information channels to influence their debates functions of elected political representatives or and opinion. in the workings of parliament. The discussions are in Tetum and Portuguese; draft laws are One of the key weaknesses across tabled in Portuguese. the new state is ineffective With their limited experience in parliamentary work, formal political negotiations and decision communication with the public. making, the elected representatives have been slow in dealing with a large body of laws that The lack of information is particularly detrimen- needs to be passed. Most discussions are not tal to the shaping of public opinion and related well informed and shaped by party positions actions as Timorese who are disappointed in rather than subject expertise. As there are no their hope for improved post-independence procedures and rules applied to ensure early living conditions want to know why the gov- public engagement and expert consultations, ernment is not delivering on socio-economic some of the laws passed have been heavily improvements. No visible change on the ground criticized by civil society. Although parliamentary combined with no explanation for slow process sessions are open to the public and RTL results in an ill-informed, dissatis�ed and frus- Radio (Radio Timor-Leste) broadcasts special trated population with a negative opinion of the sessions of the parliament (budget debate, government. Out of touch with their government plenary sessions with the prime minister or the and hungry for information, Timorese turn to president, annual opening and closing sessions, alternative sources of information to �ll the etc.), the larger population knows little about vacuum. Giving space to alternatives sources the laws that have been passed, including that have their own political agenda carries law enforcement of�cials. There is no public great risks, as the events of 2006 demon- information center or communication activity strated. The potency of the riots and the high attached to the parliament. The of�cial gazette, number of IDPs can be attributed largely to Journal of the Republic, which is the key means fast spreading rumors fueling the conflict and of disseminating information on new legislation, dif�culty in obtaining batteries, followed by There is great confusion about reception problems, power outages and cost 57 of buying a radio set. legal oversight and about equal Sources consist of the public sector broadcaster, respect and protection for the Radio Timor Leste (RTL), a handful of Dili-based rights of citizens. community/commercial hybrid stations, and several community radio stations at the district is published erratically and in Portuguese only; level. The biggest challenge for commercial and furthermore, issues must be bought, making it community radio stations alike is sustainabil- dif�cult for public of�ces to obtain even if they ity. There is no advertisement culture in Timor could read the content. and no audience research is being undertaken to attract the few possible advertisers. Techni- Timor’s legal environment is particularly cal issues hamper radio signal penetration, and complicated with some laws coming from the even the national broadcaster RTL does not Indonesian period, some passed during UN- have national reach and coverage. TAET’s regime and newer post-independence ones. There is great confusion about legal During the transitional administration period, oversight and about equal respect and protec- donors set up some 15 community radio sta- tion for the rights of citizens. Transparency and tions to carry information to Timor-Leste’s public participation in the law-making process districts. By October 2006, nine were still ac- is particularly important to create a legal body tive. Realizing that the crisis of 2006 was partly that reflects the needs and views of the popula- triggered by a lack of reliable information and tion: otherwise the public perceives the process furthered by rumors, donors renewed their as hijacked by minority political elite and rejects support of community radios and re-activated it. Particularly in a newly democratic country those that had ceased operations. like Timor-Leste, the parliament and law-making Community radios experience a range of chal- processes have to be connected to the public lenges. Many stations are not accepted by the sphere, not only to provide the public with infor- community and remain a donor initiative. mation but also to receive input from the public Volunteerism is not the answer to community on the societal and legal parameters what it radio sustainability. Populations in poverty can wants from its new governmental institutions. ill-afford the demands of volunteer work and it is not embraced in Timorese culture. Even if 3. Timor-Leste’s Media23 a community wants to keep a station going, the necessary �nancial resources may not be 3.1 Radio matters available, given the weak rural economy. Most Radio is the most important media sector in community radio stations suffer from lack of tech- Timor-Leste; nearly half of the population has a nological and managerial know-how and spare radio set at home; batteries power two-thirds of parts. Electricity is unreliable and generators them. Nearly two in three Timorese occasionally costly to operate. As a reaction to these chal- listen to radio compared to about one in three lenges, many community radio stations reduced who read a newspaper occasionally. The main their number of programs and hours on air.24 Ac- barrier to radio listening is the cost of or cess to current national news remains a problem for community radio journalists. Programming is often reduced to local news unless the journalist reception and the remaining 57 percent have 58 manages to access a newspaper or RTL. Although varying degrees of dif�culty. RTL is in the community radio stations may be able to deliver process of expending its reach beyond the es- NGO-funded programs on issues such as gender, timated 50 percent of the population it already health, and sanitation—all of which are valuable serves. The mountainous landscape makes it to the community—this content does not substi- challenging and expensive for nation-wide FM tute for a reliable stream of accurate news. coverage. The renovation of an existing AM transmitter site is in process. Once complete, For media to be participatory and to facilitate RTL hopes the AM signal will reach at least 90 public debate effectively, outlets need to be percent of the population. Approximate national interactive and allow for a two-way flow of in- coverage would give a larger percentage of the formation. In this regard, Timorese radio sector population access to national news and develop- embraces “talk-back radio� and other interactive ments through the public realm. broadcast formats with great enthusiasm. Even community radio stations with limited resources are attempting to implement more interactive 3.3 Limited access to TV programming, allowing the community to debate Access to television is more limited. Just less local issues. As cell phones are expensive, some than one in �ve Timorese lives in a home with a stations invite public of�cials to discuss local is- television. About two in �ve watch television with sues on the air and then invite the community usage highest in Dili. Fifty-�ve percent watch TV to provide feedback by coming to the station.25 at a neighbor’s home or participate in other ways These direct interactions facilitated by media of communal viewing. bring great value to public debate and thus TVTL has a monopoly on TV broadcasting. enhance the quality of the public sphere. Until recently its live broadcasts were limited to Dili, it is now in the process of expanding 3.2 The challenges of the public coverage beyond the capital. Satellite dishes are broadcaster still a luxury but are appearing in slowly growing The national Radio Televisaun Timor Leste numbers—particularly in the more wealthy urban (RTTL) is a combined national public radio and areas. Electricity supply continues to be a prob- TV broadcaster. The radio part is Radio Timor lem but citizens use large car batteries to feed Leste (RTL); the TV arm is known as TVTL. RTL satellite dishes and TV sets. is the single most relied on source of informa- tion in Timor-Leste. It is the program with the Though TV does not have the widest national coverage and non-commercial content dedicated to informing the public. RTTL reach of radio, it is relevant as is the only media outlet that receives govern- it is most often watched with ment funding; it also pro�ts from continuous donor support. It is unlikely that RTTL will ever groups of friends and family and be able to generate suf�cient operational funds directly facilitates debate about from advertising revenues and will continue to be in need of government funding.26 the information just received. RTL reception is a problem for many listeners. Of RTL listeners, 43 percent report good A survey shows that Tetum is the most favored TV language; some 40 percent of viewers Although many donors 59 would also like to hear Bahasa Indonesia. TVTL broadcasts its own programming in the morning contributed start-up capital, and evening; during the day it feeds shows equipment and other material from the Portuguese RTP. Timorese with satellite dishes can avoid the language and cultural and technical support at the barrier of these programs by switching to time, few donors have engaged Indonesian TV during the day and back to TVTL for the Timorese news and programming in the in long-term, sustained capacity evening.27 Though TV does not have the reach of building in the newspaper sector. radio, it is relevant as it is most often watched with groups of friends and family and directly and technical support at the time, few donors facilitates debate about the information just have engaged in long-term, sustained capacity received. When the national public broadcaster building in the newspaper sector.28 provides programming in a language that only few comprehend, a disconnect from its audience The print media suffers not only from economic is created, greatly limiting the station’s ability problems but also from serious professional de�- to contribute to public opinion and to shape cits. Media observers cite continuing problems debate. This creates a vacuum that in this with the prevalence of one-sided, single-sourced case is �lled by Indonesian TV. Given the articles: a common complaint is that newspa- history of the two countries and persistent pers tend to reprint press releases verbatim negative Indonesian sentiments about the loss with almost no analysis. In print outlets editing of Timor, the information that Timorese receive is also an issue. Senior editors are overworked on Indonesian TV may not facilitate a positive and few are available to serve as critical guides public opinion of Timor’s state-building efforts. to shape story generation and development. This weakness in editing may explain why news and 3.4 Newspapers are for the few opinion are indistinguishable at times with little Newspapers and other print publications set the attempt to establish objectivity. Distribution of agenda for the country’s elite and for broadcast newspapers is also a problem with at least one outlets. Although illiteracy, cost of purchase and to several days delay outside of Dili, which in distribution problems limit newspaper reader- turn affects news distribution to community radio ship, Timor-Leste boasts a number of print stations, as stations rely on the papers’ head- publications. Tetum, Portuguese and Bahasa lines for their national current affairs coverage. Indonesia are the languages used in the vari- Despite its limited leadership and distribution, ous papers published daily or weekly. The high strengthening the quality of the print media number of publications is largely due to multiple would be a valuable contribution to Timor’s media donor grants available preceding and fol- public sphere, as newspapers can play an lowing the country’s independence; it is unclear important agenda-setting role with their reach whether a market the size of Timor-Leste’s will to and influence of policy-makers. ultimately be able to support numerous print publications. Although many donors contributed start-up capital, equipment and other material 60 The challenges of moving from UN Radio to public broadcasting When the UN’s Transitional Administration understanding of the role and function of closed down at the dawn of Timor-Leste’s a public broadcaster among the Timorese independence, Radio UNTAET was handed political leadership. The model they had over to the Timorese government to become seen and experienced was �rst that of the the Radio Television Timor-Leste (RTTL). Indonesian state radio and later of the Prior to departure, UNTAET put into effect a UN radio. UN Radio mixes public informa- public broadcasting law that de�ned RTTL’s tion with news and current affairs and is operational and legal status. quintessentially a form of state media in a slightly altered shape. The initial per- Almost all larger UN peacekeeping ception was that RTTL would continue to operations (PKO) have radio stations for be the mouthpiece of the government. public information purposes. These radio stations are meant to be temporary in b) The journalists who were employed by nature; the equipment departs with the UNTAET and who were consequently rest of the mission at the end of the PKO’s employed by RTTL received their initial mandate period. Timor was the �rst time training from state-owned Radio Republic that the UN handed over its equipment Indonesia, and then acquired further to the government as part of its nation- experience with Radio UNTAET. In both building efforts. cases they were trained to frame stories around key people not around events The hand-over process led to a number of and issues. Neither experience provided challenges that limited the capacity of RTTL them with an understanding of the to operate effectively and negatively impact- requirements of journalistic work in ed its ability to inform and facilitate public public broadcasting. debate. Coming during a politically volatile period in the years after independence, c) All administrative work (procurement, RTTL was not able to �ll the information �nance, budget, etc.) for Radio UNTAET vacuum. These shortcomings severely was done by the administrative arm of reduced the prospects for the population the UN peacekeeping operation. After the to receive accurate information, and an op- hand-over RTTL had no administrative portunity was lost to create public support component in place. RTTL suffered equal- and understanding for the slow reconstruc- ly from a lack of managerial structure and tion process, thus impacting Timor-Leste’s skills, as UN international staff had per- state-building efforts. The lessons learned formed all these functions. Basically RTTL are listed here to serve as a guide for had no budget and nobody knew how to future handovers: access government funds. a) Although the laws were in place, d) The UNTAET-drafted broadcasting there was only limited conceptual law is strong on the function and role 61 of broadcasting but weak on issues e) TV was not a UNTAET priority and the addressing the composition and role equipment left was basic, which at least of the board, �nance and relationship did not create high expectations. The UN with the government. The law fails to left many computers but rendered them stipulate clearly that staff cannot be civil useless by not leaving the server or the servants. Timor suffers from a lack of administrative password. RTTL managed separation between state and politics; to establish a server to store and share therefore government civil servants carry �les and to have log-on capability only a political identity. The issue arose with in December 2006. public broadcasting of how to create f) The UN left no spare parts for its equip- a state-�nanced institution without ment. Due to frequent electricity swings, turning it into a political tool. Frequent equipment goes out of service quickly. comparisons to Portugal were not helpful Voltage regulators would have been help- as the Portuguese RTP is a government ful to prevent equipment burnout—an broadcaster and could not serve as a issue not recognized during the generator- model for the public RTTL. supported UN period. 3.5 The popularity of cell-phones 3.6 Young and poorly trained: and the lack of Internet Timor’s journalists Access to the Internet is almost negligible in On average Timor-Leste’s journalists are young, Timor-Leste. Research shows that Internet is inexperienced and poorly paid. There is no used by only 4.2 percent of Timorese with only journalism school in Timor-Leste; the subject 1.1 percent reporting every day or nearly every is not even taught at the university.29 Many day usage. All users live in the larger cities journalists have only a high school degree. and most rely on Internet cafes. Cell-phones Education in Timor-Leste, including high school, are expensive and available in only one of ten is based on rote learning and does not encourage households. SMS has become a popular form of creative thinking and writing skills. In light of communication among the youth with access. the absence of training and experience, many Frequent use of SMS is reported to spread in- journalists lack basic professionalism and skills, formation fast; it is hard to assess the influence the quality of reporting is weak, and serious of this new feature of Timor’s public sphere. investigative or beat journalism does not exist. The sensationalist and unprofessional behavior of Timor’s journalists and editors had severe consequences when news reporting on alleged massacres furthered the violence during the 2006 crisis.30 There is no agreed upon national code of conduct between “professional� journalists versus 62 applying to commercially employed journalists “activist� journalists, apparently underpinned and no peer review process or pressure. The by long-standing personal differences.31 The Timor Lorosae Journalist Association (TLJA) has professional associations are weak, lacking developed a code of conduct for its members, cooperation and coordination between them. both a general one and one speci�cally for the The associations could play two important roles elections. The print media and community radio in relation to the public sphere: by advocat- stations have codes of conduct developed with ing for better work-conditions for journalists, the help of Internews; RTTL operates under they could improve the supportive nature of codes of conduct left from the time of UNTAET, the environment, and secondly, by establishing the board has yet to approve a new code of peer pressure systems, they could impact the conduct. Despite these fractured attempts professional conduct of journalists and editors to establish professional discipline, general in the country positively. Both potential impacts agreement on professional standards and peer would improve the quality of the public sphere enforcement systems are lacking. and thereby of public debate and opinion- making processes. Improving journalistic skills, standards and ethics and providing journalists with an understanding of state structures and legislative processes is 4. In Opposition: Timor’s essential to help improve the quality of Timor’s Civil Society32 public sphere and to allow the media to estab- In Timor-Leste many, if not most, civil so- lish a better-informed citizenry and to contribute ciety members are former student activists more meaningfully to the public debate. who studied in Indonesia and experienced the overthrow of the Suharto regime by Indonesia’s civil society and student movement. A large 3.7 Poor advocates for number took part in Timor’s clandestine move- their trade: Timor’s media ment against the Indonesian occupation and associations these two experiences have framed their under- A number of professional media associations have standing of the civil society-state relationship as been formed, in part incubated by Internews and one of hostility and antagonism. There is only a USAID. The Asosiasaun Radio Komunidade Timor- limited understanding of a possibly constructive Leste was formed to provide an umbrella support role of civil society beyond opposition to the organization for all community radio stations. Timor-Leste photojournalists founded the Timor- Leste Photographers Association and there is We really need someone to tell also an investigative journalism association. The us what civil society is. Is church Timor Leste Media Development Centre (TLMDC) is transforming into a media development part of it? The church says no, organization with support from a number of but I think yes. We lack a basic international donors. understanding of the concept of There is a divide between the two main journal- ists’ associations, the Timor Lorosae Journalist civil society. Association (TLJA) and the Sindicato Journalista, — Vigilio, civil society leader, Dili, May 2007 which stems from the perceived difference government. The aggressive communication be- publish regular reports, only those with strong havior of civil society leaders has not facilitated donor backing have a website. One notable 63 a productive engagement in the public sphere. exception is the children’s magazine Lafa’ek, The exclusive use of the public sphere as a plat- which goes to every child in Timor-Leste, deliv- form to criticize the government rather than an ering development and civic education messages issue-focused debate forum has not been useful designed to be absorbed not just by children, but in stimulating a public debate around impor- also by their parents. This magazine, which has tant societal issues. It has only contributed to succeeded in facilitating public debate, has been a general feeling of public discontent without an important contribution to the public sphere.33 constructive value. Beside the Catholic Church, which is an im- 5. The Enabling Environment portant player in Timor, the national network of Timor-Leste of civil society is severely limited and in many The quality of the national public sphere cases reduced to a presence in Dili alone. Those depends on the capacity of state and civil civil society groups with roots in the clandestine society to give and receive, as well as on the movement are used to advocacy and opera- media’s ability to facilitate and shape public tional strategies not guided by principles of debate. In turn these actors depend on an democracy in decision making. Their traditional environment that offers the legal, regulatory, hierarchical top-down governance still develops safety, economic and social conditions to programs and priorities that do not necessarily develop and to contribute to the public sphere. meet the priority needs of their bene�ciaries. Under these operational principles and condi- 5.1 Media tions, civil society organizations fall short of truly representing member views, limiting their Legal and regulatory issues value to the national public sphere. Donor de- Timor-Leste’s government introduced a pendency and competition for funding further revised penal code in 2006; as a reaction limits the capacity of civil society organizations Freedom House downgraded Timor-Leste’s to be the true spokespersons for the concerns media environment from free to partly free. of citizens. The revised penal code contains severe penal- Civil society can strengthen its voice in the ties for defamation of public �gures. Under public sphere by building alliances and coopera- Article 173, anyone could be jailed for up to tion among local groups and NGOs, which is three years and �ned for publishing comments rarely done in Timor-Leste where civil society seen as defaming public of�cials. The code networks are weak and information sharing sets no limits on �nes or other penalties for between groups limited. The relationship among defamation. Responding to public pressure groups is often based on the relationships of then President Xanana Gusmao neither signed their respective leaders, and there are no sys- nor vetoed the bill, and in February 2006 sent temic, organizational links that could further it back to the Ministry of Justice for reconsidera- mutual advocacy or capacity-building goals. tion. The new government will have to decide Most civil society organizations have yet to on it.34 There is a fear among some legal analysts develop an operational and strategic capacity that should a criminal defamation law pass, to engage with the public sphere. Few groups the police would have relatively free rein to determine who should be arrested and/or local and national developments would be an 64 tried for defamation. For its part, the govern- important step. An emerging broadcasting ment feels that a criminal defamation law is regulation should take community radio con- necessary to encourage responsible reporting. cerns into account. In light of Timor’s language Despite all concerns raised by the draft law, diversity and its large rural population, the Timor-Leste’s media environment compares community radio sector could make an impor- favorably to regional standards. In general tant contribution to informing and facilitating Timor-Leste’s media enjoys a favorable atmo- local debate; yet, connecting it to the national sphere for press freedom and legally is enabled level will continue to be a challenge. to serve its public sphere role.35 There is no government-wide access to informa- RTTL tion policy or freedom of information legislation Radio Televisaun Timor Leste was designed as in place in Timor-Leste and the lack of access to a public broadcaster, governed by a board of information remains a considerable impediment. directors that provides citizens with indepen- Legislation establishing an access to information dent information not controlled by government. act, together with political will and state capacity Public broadcasters are judged as bringing high to implement the act, would signi�cantly im- value to a public sphere: through government prove Timor’s public debate and engagement. funding they operate free from commercial pressures but stay independent in content and programming. Under the �rst independence Radio regulations government, RTTL reportedly experienced politi- The Ministry of Telecommunications has an of�ce cal pressure not to broadcast reports critical of that handles frequency allocation; however, it the government; there has been no such expe- does not grant licenses or deal with any other rience with the new government. A new public regulatory issues. Any broadcast regulation broadcasting law has been drafted and would, that passes will be influential in determining the if adopted, limit the independence of RTTL. This future shape of the commercial and community law would alter RTTL’s legal directive to present radio sector, and thus influence the radio’s ability the views of Timorese opposition parties, and to shape the public sphere. With Timor-Leste’s on a similar note, would not continue its current high illiteracy rate, radio remains the most im- commitment to present the views of NGOs. portant provider of information and facilitator of public debate. Passing a broadcasting regulation Given that RTL is the only non-commercial that enables a vibrant radio sector to facilitate radio station and has almost nationwide cover- national debate and to create a link between age, a legal status guaranteeing independent programming and a government commitment In general Timor-Leste’s media to maintaining RTTL’s independence would be important contributions to an informed public enjoys a favorable atmosphere debate and to the shaping of Timor-Leste’s for press freedom and legally is national public sphere. Giving a voice to the marginalized and non-state actors is an enabled to serve its public important part of the value RTTL brings to sphere role. the public sphere. Sustainability/economic issues registration process has caused frustration The private media sector experiences problems among some civil society actors after a number 65 common to private business in Timor.36 There experienced application rejection, which led are gaps in key areas of legislation and regula- to complaints that the law does not reflect tion, and the institutions needed to enforce and adequately the realities in Timor-Leste. NGOs administer the laws and rules do not yet have receive a tax identi�cation number, but report the capacity to do so effectively. Speci�c to the dif�culties proving their NGO tax-free status media sector are ongoing, severe sustainability when importing goods through the ports—an problems. The business sector is only weakly issue of particular concern for INGOs.37 developed and advertising revenue is conse- Despite these challenges, the general legal quently limited. The number of media outlets, and regulatory environment in Timor-Leste particularly newspapers, is surprising given the does allow civil society groups to form, operate economic dif�culties and the poverty, illiteracy and engage in the public sphere. and distribution problems that considerably limit readership. Sustainability/economic issues Over time an organic end to some of the pa- Donor funding is more limited in the develop- pers can be expected, in the meantime, the ment phase. Reporting and accountability need to survive through sales drives the market demands increased putting considerable strain and increases the prevalence of easy to sell on civil society actors who are struggling to “sex, sports & crime� stories with their widely adapt to the changed donor environment. negative impact on the quality of Timor-Leste’s public sphere. Donor dependency in Timor-Leste results, to a degree, in a civil society detached from its base. With few exceptions, Timor’s civil society groups 5.2 Civil Society and leaders do not pro�t from close contact and constant input from the informal deliberations Legal issues of their members, and they are not in a position Freedom of association and assembly are guar- to project their concerns and views in the public anteed by the constitution of Timor-Leste. In sphere. A capital-based civil society leadership December 2004, the parliament passed a Law is more accountable to donors than to its base on Freedom, Assembly and Demonstrations members. Only in limited ways does Timor- that regulates political gathering and prohib- Leste’s civil society give a voice to the otherwise its demonstrations with the aim of questioning voiceless rural poor, which severely limits its constitutional order or disparaging the reputa- contribution to the public sphere. tions of the head of state and other government of�cials. The law requires that demonstrations 6. No Trust: State-Media-Civil and public protests be authorized in advance. Society Interactions The Decree Law on Non-Pro�t Making Corporate Timor’s state, media and civil society do not Bodies was published in mid-2005. It provides exist in isolation. Their interactions and their an essential framework for the creation and mutual understanding of and respect for each registration of civil society organizations, other’s respective roles determine the value of particularly foundations and associations. The the public sphere; unfortunately it is not ideal. 6.1 State and media 66 State-media relations have become increasingly Civil society in Timor is still strained since independence. The poor relation- trying to understand its ship has been influenced by Timor’s language policy, unprofessional media conduct and constructive role in a democratic low quality reporting, as well as limits of media knowledge and lack of entry points system and the processes that for state information. apply in this context. Recognizing the need for more effective out- skills, not their portfolio or technical expertise. reach and communication with the public, the Not having spokespeople makes it dif�cult to government, with donor assistance, established provide journalists with discrete background the Centro de Formacio em Relacoes Publicas information or to use the option to retreat from (CFRPG) where government staff from key a story that has back�red. Spokespeople are ministries receive 9-10 months of training and essential to building and maintaining media mentoring in communication, media liaison and relations, developing media strategies, and community outreach skills. The graduates speak deflecting in moments of crisis. highly of the course but acknowledge that their professional success depends largely on access Most journalists are young with only a high to information within their ministries; many school education and have dif�culties correctly of them are junior and do not have access to portraying complex issues. Because the major- information or don’t know how to handle the ity of journalists cannot understand Portuguese information received.39 and are unable to read press releases issued in Portuguese, the state language policy has Although some ministries have media of�cers negatively influenced state-media relations.40 and units, Timor lacks appointed spokespeople Government of�cials often express frustration working for the government or parliament. This at these limitations and accuse the press of lack of designated entry points makes it dif- spreading rumors or making news based �cult for journalists to get information without on rumors.41 directly approaching and aggravating ministers or senior of�cials. There is no communication With the CFRPG assistance, government com- strategy and no directive that gives guidance munication skills are slowly outpacing the poor on how to answer media inquiries or on which capacity and skills of media professionals.42 A of�cial speaks on what issue. Often interviews serious imbalance could develop between the are given on the basis of the of�cial’s language government’s ability to tell its side of the story and the media’s ability to critically analyze and Spokespeople are essential to understand government spin. building and maintaining media Language will remain a considerable issue. Issuing press releases and conducting press relations, developing media conferences, media interviews and other of�cial strategies, and deflecting in communications in a language understood by most journalists would help to increase under- moments of crisis. standing and facilitate media-state dialogue. 6.2 Media and civil society the processes that apply in this context. It has Advocacy, participation and other watchdog also yet to reach an understanding and appre- 67 functions of a democratic society are little un- ciation for the role of a democratic government derstood by the media or civil society in Timor. and how to access it for influence. Media-civil society relations are not well devel- Lately positive signs of cooperation have been oped. The media takes only limited interest in developing. The newly operational Of�ce of the advocacy and civil rights issues; often journal- Provedor dos Direitos Humanos e da Justica, ists are not able to follow or comprehend their which combines the functions of human rights relevance. Civil society organizations do not commissioner, ombudsman and anti-corruption display any media strategy or savvy around agency, has been cooperating with a number of their issues and fail to use the public sphere human rights organizations.45 The Ministry of to influence public debate and opinion. Water and Sanitation outsourced the organiza- tion of local networking to the local Red Cross 6.3 Civil society and state to facilitate ownership and public buy-in in the State-civil society relations are characterized discussions of some projects. Pressure to by mistrust and hostility.43 Until the 2007 par- enhanced budget allocation might lead to fur- liamentary elections, state institutions were ther government-NGO engagement on project perceived as dominated by the executive and implementation in the districts and improve monopolized by members of Fretilin. The gov- interactions on technical issues. ernment was considered haughty, arrogant and dismissive of the primarily young, Indo- As a consequence, poor nesian-educated civil society members.44 The government, on the other hand, considered information sharing, mistrust civil society as politicized and in opposition to and inability to de�ne common the state, and to Fretilin by association. As a consequence, poor information sharing, mis- objectives characterize the trust and inability to de�ne common objectives relationship between state and characterize the relationship between state and civil society. The government projects a lack of civil society. understanding of the role and potential capac- ity of civil society, as well as a lack of interest in The closed nature of the state institutions and dialogue on many of the justice and civil liberty the lack of public entry points for communica- issues in which civil society groups have taken tion have led to public disempowerment and interest. Civil society displays an instinctive dis- disconnection between the state and its people. trust of government systems and authority and Without clear venues for interaction and skills a lack of interest in and understanding of the for voicing views and debating issues, civil challenges faced by the government. Language society relies on strategies used in the past: barriers between the Portuguese-speaking politi- street protests. Mistrust of civil society’s intent cal leadership and the Tetum/Bahasa-speaking and demonstrations that turned violent led the civil society groups deepen the divide. government to pass a law that imposes tighter regulations on assemblies and demonstra- Civil society in Timor is still trying to understand tions—a move that pushes civil society deeper its constructive role in a democratic system and into the corner. To reduce frustration and to connect with their citizens, the new government 68 will have to repair the systematic relations in Donor coordination and the public sphere. Creating entry points for public participation and improving its contribu- information exchange is tion and engagement in the public sphere will compartmentalized into help. Civil society also will have to understand its role and responsibilities and seek more categories of media, civil society, constructive ways to engage other actors in and state support with no the public sphere. coordination among the sectors and limited within them. Timor-Leste’s Leadership & Communication Capacity for National Renewal Program: A program to build bridges and increase understanding and communication Responding to the 2006 crisis, which revealed the leadership skill set; and foster win:win the consequences of a fragmented and negotiations by leaders in Timor-Leste with disconnected leadership cadre across society key stakeholders. and an ongoing weakness in communication The LCCNR program targets three broad among key state actors and with the broader groups of leaders: 1. formal and non- public, the post-crisis government agreed to formal national leaders (including political a World Bank program designed to address leaders, as well as civil society, business these challenges. leaders, senior media people, the church, In October/November 2007, the Leadership senior judiciary, senior military and police, & Communication Capacity for National etc.), 2. the “emergent� leaders of tomor- Renewal (LCCNR) Program began a series of row in Timor-Leste, and 3. the managers of retreats with follow-up mentoring, focusing critical state institutions (political appointees on negotiation skills, conflict management, and/or senior civil servants, i.e., those who leadership and communication skills, and have institutional influence). more effective management of strategic The content of the LCCNR program is external and internal relationships “process-focused,� meaning that the LCCNR Program Objective: to encourage program does not offer solutions to prob- more open and effective communication lems but rather assist leaders in creating inside and among the institutions of the the frameworks necessary to �nd their own state, and with the population; to broaden solutions to the problems they confront. 7. Donor Support Needs Strategy and Coordination The renewed hope for improvement 69 Timor-Leste’s state-building efforts have been caused by the recent elections dependent on donor assistance. Support has been provided in media development, civil offers the government a window society projects and particularly to the nascent of opportunity to prioritize the state structure. Donor coordination and information exchange is compartmentalized building of a platform for national into categories of media, civil society, and state support with no coordination among dialogue to improve citizen- the sectors and limited within them. The lack state relations and create a more of strategic vision and coordinated approach has resulted in limited donor attention to participatory governance structure. constructive citizen-state-media engagement and mutual understanding of respective roles the cost of public disempowerment and poorly and responsibilities. The crises of 2006 brought managed expectations. to light the magnitude of the citizen-state The renewed hope for improvement caused by disconnect and caused donors to look at these the recent elections offers the government a relationships and to renew media development window of opportunity to prioritize the building activities. A few donors are now seeking to of a platform for national dialogue to improve create and improve the much-needed public citizen-state relations and create a more sphere interaction links; the Timor-Leste’s participatory governance structure. Strategic Leadership & Communication Capacity for and sustained support addressing the current National Renewal Program is a noteworthy de�ciencies and enabling the sphere’s systemic project in this regard. nature would be a signi�cant step toward improving Timor’s governance situation and 8. The Way Ahead moving the new country forward. Timor-Leste’s governance challenges and its recent crisis relate closely to the de�cits in its national public sphere. Insuf�cient state com- munication has been poorly facilitated by low quality media with little to inform citizens and to shape debate; as a consequence, Timor’s citizenry remains ill-informed, using rumors to sustain its information needs, creating easy prey for manipulation. The communication capacities of media, state institutions and civil society, and the poorly managed relationships among these actors prevent the development of a national dia- logue. State and citizens are disconnected and the 2006 governance crisis demonstrated 9. Recommendations for Action b. Review the use of language for govern- 70 ment communications and issue press A comprehensive set of interventions to releases/press conferences/ speeches in address the capacity challenges identi�ed Tetum and in Portuguese. in the different public sphere components c. Draft laws in Portuguese and Tetum. is recommended to approach Timor-Leste’s d. Publish Gazette in Portuguese and Tetum. instability and governance challenges. A national 4. Government-media relations outreach and dialogue strategy developed by a. Establish spokesperson posts in key the government in collaboration with media and state institutions and de�ne which of�cial civil society should guide these interventions. speaks on which issue. Such a framework would allow national and b. Give media units access to policy international stakeholders and counterparts to information and a budget to operate. develop a vision and de�ne a roadmap toward c. Facilitate exchange between govern- the desired state of citizen-state relations and ment media professionals (managed by public participation. Given the present degree of CFRPG). mutual distrust, it is advised that the strategy d. Make Council of Ministers decisions public. prioritizes interventions that enhance mutual 5. Legislative understanding and interactions between the a. Develop policies for the accessibility state and non-state stakeholders. of draft laws and for the participatory processes involving civil society and The following is a list of possible interventions public consultations. to improve the nature and status of Timor- b. Distribute Gazette regularly free of Leste’s public sphere and its related governance charge to public institutions and the processes: university. 6. Security sector reform—With transparency, Government build national consensus on security needs 1. National outreach and dialogue strategy and procedures, establish a national security and implementation plan—With civil society policy and security-related legislation, and and media, develop how the population, clarify political control issues, including par- particularly those in rural areas, will receive liamentary and judicial oversight measures. information and how the government will 7. National youth—Consider establishment of connect with its citizens in a two-way flow of a national youth corps with media capacity information. Build on synergies between the (youth radio programs). Organize regular strategy and the decentralization process. meetings between Secretary of State for 2. Donor coordination—Coordinate international Youth and youth leaders. support for the national outreach and dialogue strategy. Donors (including INGOs) 3. Language policy 8. Constructive Engagement—Enable a platform a. Initiate public debate and consultations for constructive engagement through support on the use of languages in Timor-Leste to projects that provide civil society and state with the possibility of a public referendum actors with an understanding of respective on the issue. roles; particular focus should be on district of�cials and civil society organizations as support to the decentralization progress. 9. Coordination—Adopt public sphere frame- correspondent of�ce that feeds districts work. Increase information sharing and with national news and arranges for 71 coordination among media/civil society/public district-to-district programming and sector support. news exchange. 10. Transparency—Be transparent in the work f. Review the market conditions for media of your own organization. and recommendations for the develop- 11. Technical assistance to the public sector ment for a sustainable media sector. a. Support to develop and implement a Civil society national communication strategy. 18. Strengthen civil society—Reach a common b. Develop a common �ling system for understanding of the role of civil society in ministries and training of administrative a democratic political system and society. staff. Increase cooperation and information sharing. c. Develop a national document classi�ca- 19. Rural constituencies—Strengthen interaction tion policy and system and develop rural networks. d. Review media law and regulation drafts 20. Communication skills—Develop media and 12. Civil society support. outreach strategies. Improve communica- 13. Support a Right to Information campaign tion, negotiation and presentation skills and civic education programs about the 21. Advocacy—Understand national policy- principles and processes of participatory making processes and identify ways to democracy. influence policy developments. 14. Support the creation of polling capacity at Timor-Leste National University and of regular opinion polls on government A national outreach and dialogue performance and civil-state relations. strategy developed by the 15. Support communication and negotiation training for civil society leaders. government in collaboration with 16. Support civil society groups and networks media and civil society should outside Dili. 17. Provide media sector support guide these interventions. a. Two-year work-study program, af�liated with the university that provides jour- Media nalistic skills combined with professional 22. Advocate for training experience (in Tetum). a. Two-year work-study program, af�liated b. Media associations for the development with the university that provides jour- of a code of conduct and a peer pressure nalistic skills combined with professional system for adherence. experience (in Tetum). c. Training on journalistic ethics offered to b. Promote conflict-sensitive reporting. editors and media owners/ managers; c. Develop journalistic ethics in reporting, support to management and journalistic editing and media management. training for community radios. d. Provide journalism and management d. Regular and broad professional training skills for community radios. for working journalists. e. Community radios for syndicated programming and for a Dili-based 23. Community radio—Establish syndicated 72 programming and a Dili-based correspon- dent of�ce that feeds districts with national news and arranges for district-to-district programming and news exchange. 24. Professionalism—Establish a professional code of conduct and peer pressure system. Increase professional skills on all levels of media operations. Strengthen media associations and consider the establish- ment of a single national association with increased influence. Women are among the most vulnerable and the most excluded citizens; providing them with an entry into public debate is crucial for post-conflict recovery and development. B. LIBERIA: A LONG WAY in 1997 with a round of presidential elections. TOWARDS RECOVERY The winner of that election was one of the rebel 73 A decade of conflict causing widespread leaders, Charles Taylor. destruction and massive population Sworn in for a four-year term in August 1997, displacements marks Liberia. A history of Taylor failed to eliminate armed opposition to social exclusion, endemic corruption, poor his rule. Instead of serving the public interest, rule of law, poverty, high unemployment and his kleptocratic rule led to further economic, warfare creates a challenging backdrop to social and governance decline. In June 2003 Liberia’s post-conflict reconstruction efforts. Taylor abdicated when his government crumbled Infrastructure needs to be repaired and public under the combined effect of rebel attacks and and judicial services need to be restored; two years of punishing sanctions imposed by however, far more challenging is the need to the United Nations for Taylor’s meddling in reweave the fabric of society, building public Sierra Leone’s civil war. In August 2003, Com- trust in government institutions and re- prehensive Peace Agreement was signed in establishing civil-state relations afflicted by Accra, Ghana, and among its provisions was deep-seated cynicism. An inclusive society a two-year, all-inclusive National Transition with equal access, addressing the concerns Government of Liberia (NTGL). of all Liberians—irrespective of age, gender or ethnic af�liation—must be a priority for An inclusive society with equal the new government to maintain peace. The volatility of the region and flows of refugees access, addressing the concerns and weapons do not facilitate this task. of all Liberians irrespective of Lack of public trust and high expectations for a peace dividend on the one hand and complex age, gender or ethnic af�liation and slow reconstruction efforts on the other must be a priority for the new are a potentially explosive mix that could be exploited by forces interested in derailing government to maintain peace. Liberia’s peace process. From October 2003 to January 2006, Gyude Bryant acted as both head of state and head 1. A Brief History of Modern of government for the NTGL. While peace Liberia46 was consolidated during Bryant’s tenure, Freed US slaves established Liberia as Africa’s essential state institutions were not reformed �rst independent country in 1847. In 1980 and endemic corruption continued. In January Liberia’s tenth president, William Tolbert, was 2006, Ellen Johnston Sirleaf was sworn in overthrown in a military coup led by Samuel as Liberia’s new president. The international Doe. After nine years of misrule and decline, community warmly welcomed the election of several rebel factions, including one led by this Harvard-educated candidate who ran on Charles Taylor, mounted an uprising against an anti-corruption platform. President Doe, beginning an eight-year civil war that devastated the country. A peace agreement, brokered by the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), ended the �ghting 74 GUINEA SIERRA To Irié LEONE To Voinjama Voinjama Buedu Kolahun To Mt. Wuteve L O FA . Pendembu (1,380 m) (1,380 m) ts M Vahun 8N i 8N ge iz LIBERIA og n Ra on To Kenema zi gi W Gelahun Zorzor To o ol Lola . ya W ts be Yekepa Yekepa M nda G ba Via fa N ia of To im Nzérékoré N L Kongo GBARPOLU Gbalatuah Senniquellie To Danané To Ganta Karnplay Zimmi GRAND Bopolu Bopolu CAPE Bo Gbarnga 7N ul Palala 7N Pa MOUNT St. Zienzu Zeansue BONG Yopie Sagleipie Tubmanburg Bong Town Totota NIMBA CÔTE Robertsport BOMI Klay MARGIBI Botata Gloie Nu on D’IVOIRE Careysburg To hn Tapeta Tappita Toulépleu Kakata .Jo St Bensonville Tobli MONROVIA Harbel GRAND BASSA Guata Poabli Kola Town MONTSERRADO Hartford Gaamodebi Zwedru 6N Babu 6N RIVER CESS Trade GRAND GEDEH Buchanan Town Gonglee Gonglee Dube Pyne os Cest Bokoa Cestos City SINOE Pelokehn RIVER GEE ATLANTIC OCEAN Kopo Juazohn Kahnwia Kanweaken Fish Town Sehnkwehn Tawake Tawlokehn 5N 5N Greenville M GRAND A Nyaake RY Nana Kru K R U Barclayville LA LA Sasstown LIBERIA N Grand Cess Plibo D To Tabou SELECTED CITIES AND TOWNS Harper COUNTY CAPITALS NATIONAL CAPITAL 4N RIVERS MAIN ROADS 0 20 40 60 80 100 Kilometers RAILROADS COUNTY BOUNDARIES 0 20 40 60 Miles INTERNATIONAL BOUNDARIES 10 W 9W 8W Figure 10. Map of Liberia high fertility rate and 40 percent of its citizens A Liberian youth of 30 years today are below the age of 15. Today, Liberia’s infant 75 and maternal mortality is estimated as one of has lived in a state of civil conflict the highest in the world. Health and education virtually all of his or her life, with facilities were destroyed in the war and staff killed or displaced. The national literacy rate the last fourteen years being in is thought to be 37 percent and net primary school enrollment is around 35 percent.47 full-fledged armed conflict. — A National Youth Policy for Liberia: Since 1989, 86 percent of all Liberian house- A Framework for Setting Priorities and holds were displaced at least once; most IDPs Executing Actions had returned home by 2006.48 Today there are still about 80,000 refugees to be repatriated The cost of conflict from various countries in the sub-region, as The costs of Liberia’s long conflict were high. well as 16,253 refugees from Sierra Leone, Cote Approximately 450,000 Liberians were displaced d’Ivoire and other countries residing in Liberia.49 as refugees and some 100,000 as combatants, The return of the refugees raises concerns of many of them minors. The war was conducted land-ownership disputes with those now resid- with extreme brutality, pulling families and vil- ing in their former houses and villages that lages apart and unraveling the fabric of society. could prompt ethnic tension. Women were targets of systematic rape as a weapon of warfare; even today, high incidents Liberia is rich in natural resources; in the 1960s of rape continue to be a source of strong and 1970s the export-oriented concession sec- concern in Liberia. tor generated about one-third of government revenue. The lucrative extraction industry had During the war many houses and roads were led to severe corruption in the past and the new ruined; at present water, electricity, and landline government is in the process of reviewing all telephone systems are essentially non-existent. concessions to establish transparent processes. The majority of communities have neither a functioning school nor a basic health facility The United Nations mission within their boundaries. Public civil service is The United Nations Mission in Liberia (UNMIL) demoralized, low in capacity and riddled with was established in September 2003 with a corruption. The population is approximately wide-ranging mandate to take over from 3.02 million of which half are believed to live in ECOWAS. Some 14,000 blue helmets, over the capital, Monrovia. There are 16 indigenous 1,000 civilian police and numerous civilians ethnic groups with a corresponding number of are deployed in Liberia to support the cease�re languages. English is the of�cial language of agreement, humanitarian and human rights the country and together with Liberian English assistance, security reform and implementation widely spoken and understood. of the peace process. Depending on security Social statistics illustrate some of the nation’s developments and the build-up of national secu- challenges. Unemployment is 80 percent in the rity forces, the mission is scheduled to complete formal sector and 76 percent of the population its staged withdrawal by the end of 2010.50 lives on less than US$1 per day with 52 per- cent on less than 50 cents per day. There is a 2. Cynicism and High citizens engaged in governance processes. 76 Expectations: Fostering Public It promised to use national resources for the bene�t of the people and to build effective Trust Central for Liberia’s institutions of governance. The slow pace of State-Building Objectives visible developments is eroding initial public Liberia’s new government is faced with the trust and affecting the government’s high initial challenge of delivering on its many promises standing. To maintain stability, the government that raised public expectations. The govern- will need to address the restoration of citizen- ment pledged to eliminate the past politics of state relations, seek public engagement and marginalization and exclusion and to establish manage public expectations. an inclusive and participatory democracy with Liberia Comparison between 2006, 2002, 1998 (top-bottom order) Voice and accountablility Political Stability Government Effectiveness Regulatory Quality Rule of Law Control of Corruption 0 25 50 75 100 Country’s Percentile Rank (0-100) Source: Kaufmann D., A. Kraay, and M. Mastruzzi 2007; Governance Matters VI: Governance Indicators for 1996-2006 Figure 11. Liberia Governance indicators 1996-2006 Reconstruction is a cumbersome process and its pledges to increase social inclusion across delivery of services is slow. Establishing a ethnic, gender and age lines. Ensuring that 77 framework for public debate would help to build underrepresented voices are heard and have in- citizen’s faith in state institutions. The Libe- fluence governmental decisions is an important rian government must provide information and step towards shaping Liberia’s peaceful future. establish channels for feedback, so the state can listen and citizens can be assured that their 2.2 Unaccountable and unconnected: concerns are heard. In the end results matter, Liberia’s legislature yet, informed citizens who understand the chal- Liberia’s legislature is a bicameral National lenges and have a stake in Liberia’s future will Assembly consisting of a Senate and a House be more willing to give the government time of Representatives. Members are elected by and less likely to be manipulated by potential popular vote to nine- and six-year terms re- peace-spoilers. To this end, Liberia needs to spectively; the last election for both was held re-establish its national public sphere. A func- October 2005. Few members have previous tioning public sphere will enhance information legislative experience and some have educa- flow, facilitate public debate on reconstruc- tional de�cits that prevent full comprehension tion efforts and improve civic-state relations. of print materials. The assembly’s library has Liberia’s successive oppressive regimes and few books, no reference materials and support the long war destroyed state, media and civil staff with only little experience.51 The quality of society institutions alike. Building capacity in all parliamentary debate is low and ill-informed. sectors and constructing an enabling operational environment is crucial for the future. With no system in place to create either a ver- batim record of proceedings or a voting-record, 2.1 New government under there is no way to track legislative account- ability of parliamentarians and senators. As the performance pressure electoral period is long many disconnect from Corruption and abuse of power are longstand- their electorate, particularly if they come from ing problems in Liberia; the message of the new remote areas. Structures are not developed to government is strong and clear on the need for facilitate representative-constituency commu- anti-corruption measures and accountability. nications; there is no system for constituencies This message, though, stands in contrast to to inform representatives of their needs and the endemic corruption still existing in Liberia’s public service. A complete reform process will take time; in the meantime, ongoing corruption To improve the quality of practices can damage the government’s cred- Liberia’s public sphere, Liberia’s ibility. The establishment of transparent and accountable institutions supported by a mecha- legislature needs to become nism through which citizens can report cases of corruption will encourage citizen patience and transparent, have representatives engagement. Visible public follow up to corrup- accountable and requires media tion cases will demonstrate that changes, albeit slowly, are taking place. coverage in both houses to President Johnson Sirleaf’s administration inform the public accurately. needs to show equal commitment and action on views, and there is no reporting on legislation 78 progress.52 The absence of channels for citizen- There is little trust or exchange state communication impedes opinion formation and educated public debate, hindering public of information between the new influence on policy making. executive and the legislature. Media coverage plays an important part in accounts.53 Confusion about respective facilitating public understanding of legislative ministerial mandates aggravates the situation processes. Reporting creates transparency in further. Often past institutional mandates governance important for a qualitative and developed around ministers’ personalities; functional public sphere. Liberia’s legislature now the government is in the process of has a press of�ce; sessions in both House properly de�ning mandates for a more and Senate are open to the public with UNMIL functional administration.54 Radio broadcasting some. Unfortunately not all members of the press corps have the capacity to analyze adequately and to report respon- Executive-legislature sibility on more complex legislative processes Some prominent members of the legislature and outcomes, while the legislative press of�ce were past “strong men� and are af�liated with faces serious constraints with experience and the corrupt and violent history of the country. resources itself. Without a visitors’ center and There is little trust or exchange of information information materials in place, it is dif�cult to between the new executive and the legisla- provide interested citizens and groups of citi- ture.55 The tension affects lawmaking processes: zens with a basic understanding of the workings draft laws originating in the executive get a of the National Assembly. To improve the quality critical reception in a parliament that is not a of Liberia’s public sphere, Liberia’s legislature rubberstamp for the President’s reform agenda needs to become transparent, have representa- and the executive questions the intentions of tives accountable and requires media coverage the representatives as self-preservation. in both houses to inform the public accurately. This tension features widely in the press and does not build trust in the workings of the new state institutions. 2.3 The challenges of internal communication Liberia’s current picture reveals major Center-periphery information flow challenges. Communication Liberia has a centralized political structure, and and information sharing among government local government is organized in a hierarchy institutions is severely limited: ministries lack with the Ministry of Internal Affairs at the top. even basic �ling capacity, most buildings are The Liberian constitution does not guarantee in the process of being completely renovated a functional, structural relationship between or constructed, and systematic capacity for central and local government. Local elections the handling information is minimal at best. have not been held for many years; many Although ambitious thinking on information appointees are holding positions without con- technology to further governance takes place: nection to the citizens. The local government current reality is that there is no e-communica- survival is wholly dependent on the central tion and �ling capacity, no government server government without local accountability.56 and ministries rely on private yahoo e-mail The government pledged to decentralize and The executive branch is realizing the importance introduced the District Development Commit- of informing the public and the President is ad- 79 tees framework, which has the potential to dressing the nation on radio regularly. Admitting enhance the engagement of local communities that more needed to be done for national recon- in local economic development, providing a ciliation and inclusion, she also began outreach link to resources in and outside of respective and consultation tours of the counties.57 districts. With no e-communication, landlines The dif�cult accessibility of the cities and vil- or postal service, the communication exchange lages the slow decentralization process will between central government and districts is make media use central to the government’s severely limited. effort to reach citizens. Although cabinet meet- National public policy deliberations that reflect ings are followed by regular press brie�ngs, the needs and views of citizens throughout the the press conferences were criticized for being country are crucial. Establishing mechanisms selective in the choice of invited media out- to inform decision making at both district- and lets and in particular for excluding community national-level will improve the public sphere radios.58Community radios play an important and help the government to demonstrate its will role in the public sphere as they relate the to establish a more decentralized and inclusive relevance of national developments to the local national governance approach. context of their audiences, often in local lan- guages. Ensuring that community radios receive 2.4 Reaching its people: citizen- national news is a way for the government to inform the rural population, and syndicated pro- state communication gramming is another way of achieving that end. The government of Liberia requires strong public support to succeed with its challenging recon- Several ministerial “Government of Liberia� struction and reform agenda. To achieve its websites have been established. Although Inter- objectives, the government needs strategic, net access is limited within Liberia, web-based sustained and constructive engagement with civil information is an effective way of reaching Libe- society and media in the public sphere. For the ria’s large diaspora. To secure needed diaspora public sphere to function successfully, the gov- support, the government has to identify ways ernment must not only present its own agenda to include them into the national public sphere, but also listen to where the public stands on not only by keeping them informed but also issues and react to criticism professionally. by allowing for entry points for their views and Entry points through which public opinion can concerns to be heard and considered in public influence the formal policy debates of Liberia’s policy making and deliberations. state institutions are necessary for progress. The Ministry of Information The government of Liberia requires Liberia’s Ministry of Information, Culture and strong public support to succeed Tourism (MICAT) is mandated to serve as chief spokesman of the government and to voice of- with its challenging reconstruction �cial government position on international and and reform agenda. national issues and programs. The MICAT is also supposed to inform the public on govern- ment programs and activities, and to manage documents is the public information of�cer’s 80 The dif�cult accessibility of biggest professional shortcoming.59 In April 2007, MICAT organized a seminar for PROs the cities and villages and the with the objective of beginning to enhance slow decentralization process their capacity for effective coordination and dissemination of government information. The will make media use central to seminar was a good initiative; yet, unless they the government’s effort to are provided with access to policy formulation and related documents in their respective min- reach citizens. istries, the PROs will not be able to carry out their important public sphere role effectively. the cultural heritage of Liberia and its tourism activities. It regulates all information-related Liberia Broadcasting System: entities, such as radio and television stations, State-owned broadcaster newspapers, news agencies, advertising agen- The Liberia Broadcasting System (LBS) was cies, cinemas, printing presses and any kind of established in the 1940s and comprised of the media-related activity. FM radio station, ELBC, a short wave radio and Given its mandate, the MICAT has a powerful a TV station. Following the end of the conflict in role to play in the reconstruction of Liberia’s 2003, LBS was in a serious state of disrepair; public sphere. MICAT not only handles the only after a donor provided technical equipment information “input� function of the government, did output increase considerably. Since Sep- ensuring that it speaks coherently in one voice, tember 2006 the station has been featuring the but also, through the regulatory function, it President on the last Tuesday of every month, it facilitates information to the public sphere. Cur- has a website and its signal is received all along rently the capacity of the ministry is too limited the country’s border with Sierra Leone. Recently to serve its two-fold mandate properly. As with the Government of China has offered to pro- many others during the war, the MICAT building vide additional large-scale technical/equipment was destroyed and all its �les, studio recordings support and LBS’s management is considering and broadcasting equipment destroyed or looted. the establishment of a TV channel that would An increase in production capacity would allow broadcast nationwide. the government to develop public information As a voice of the government, LBS could play material and civic education programming that an important role in informing the public about could be aired through community radio stations government processes, programs and national and shape public debate. developments, generating informed public Spokespersons and public information of�- debate. In light of the country’s history of state cers are important entry points for media and abuse, it is questionable how much credibility contribute directly to the quality of state-media the public places in the state-owned broadcast- interactions and the public sphere. Civil society er. In light of critical information needs and the and media judge that Liberia’s of�cial public eventual closing of UN radio, turning LBS into relations of�cers (PRO) are reduced to issu- a public broadcaster with programming inde- ing press releases and performing PR functions pendent of government influence could create rather than acting in proper public information greater public credibility. This change of status roles. A lack of access to policy thinking and would not only require legislative steps but also timely measures to educate the legislature, sphere. Dif�cult economic conditions and low executive and public about the role and nature advertising revenues will make sustained donor 81 of a public broadcaster to ensure a conceptual support an important factor in the survival of understanding of its independence despite the these critical public sphere facilitators. �nancial support it receives from government. Creating a sustainable public broadcaster would UNMIL Radio require the administration’s long-term �nancial In the absence of national capacity, the UN has commitment, which might not be feasible in been playing an important role in the revival light of vast and competing reconstruction de- of Liberia’s national public sphere, both as a mands. As it is now, LBS ought to generate 40 facilitator and as a contributor. Established in percent of its income despite Liberia’s dif�cult accordance with the UN mandate for Liberia, business and advertisement environment. The the station broadcasts 24 hours a day and is �nancial architecture of for a possible public estimated to reach two-thirds of the population. broadcaster should be carefully crafted to en- It broadcasts 12 daily news bulletins in both sure programming driven by public needs and English and Liberian English, and plans on not by commercial pressures, which would limit starting additional news broadcasts in local its public sphere contribution. languages.61 UNMIL has correspondents throughout the country to ensure that district developments are reported in the national public 3. Liberia’s Media: Not yet sphere. To serve as the feedback system of the Equipped to Play its Role60 public sphere, UNMIL’s Media Monitoring and Media in Liberia has increased in numbers and Development Unit provides daily media analy- diversity in the past years. There are reportedly sis to the mission’s senior management and to some 50 commercial radio stations registered in the Liberian government. This analysis includes the country. In addition there are approximately monitoring of community radio broadcasts and 47 community stations outside of Monrovia, out thus also reflecting on local and rural issues. of which less than 35 are active. Only three The same unit is supporting the development stations, Radio Veritas, ELWA, and Star Radio, of Liberian media’s legal framework, institutions operate both on FM and short wave and can and professionals to improve the quality of reach audiences in the remote districts. The Liberia’s public sphere.62 only radio station with a nation-wide FM network is UNMIL radio. Dif�cult economic conditions and low advertising revenues will Commercial radio stations About �fteen commercial radio stations oper- make sustained donor support ate in Monrovia, broadcasting in English only (compared to local languages). Professional and an important factor in the technical standards are generally low. The local survival of these critical public radio stations of signi�cance are Star Radio and Radio Veritas. With almost national coverage, sphere facilitators. local languages use and informative program- ming, these two radio stations are important contributors to deliberations in Liberia’s public UNMIL Radio programs focus mainly on the op- 82 erations and programs of UNMIL, UN agencies In the absence of national and the government, thus following a public information model rather than a journalism capacity, the UN has been playing model, thereby becoming a contributor to the an important role in the revival of public sphere in its own right. The combination of the two roles has reportedly caused listeners Liberia’s national public sphere, to view UNMIL as a mouthpiece of the govern- both as a facilitator and as ment and has reduced its credibility.63 a contributor. No decision has been taken on the future of UNMIL’s radio station and equipment at the end stations broadcast programs produced by of the mission’s mandate; no concrete planning Talking Drums Studios, UN agencies and oth- has taken place yet to turn it all over to the ers for a fee. While some of the stations have Liberian government. To avoid an information developed different kinds of programs to attract vacuum at UNMIL’s withdrawal, which would revenue (“10 cents for a song,� etc.), commu- give dangerous space to rumors and uncertainty nity engagement and long-term sustainability at a politically sensitive moment, the future of remain important questions. UNMIL radio should be a priority consideration. If a hand-over is envisioned, timely prepara- The low levels of professionalism and problems tory steps should be taken to avoid a sudden in accessing programs generate a tendency to- drop in technical, managerial and programming wards sensationalist and exaggerated stories in capacity. Should the hand-over not materialize, community radio programming. As a result, the the government must ensure that other media sector does not play its potentially valuable pub- outlets are developed suf�ciently to �ll the space lic sphere role. Liberia’s community radios need now taken by UNMIL’s news, civic education and donor support to build �nancially sustainable multi-language programming. With resources structures, develop and deliver programming, and planning, improving the community radio and increase professional standards. The network could achieve this goal. In line with community radio sector could take on an such preparatory strategic thinking, the govern- important and constructive role for Liberia’s ment should also develop its media monitoring public sphere and thus for the country’s state- capacity to cover community radio stations. building efforts. Yet without access to national news, quality control, syndicated programming and a program exchange network, as well as Community radio stations �nancial support, they will not be able to At present there are about 47 community exercise their potential. stations outside of Monrovia of which less than 35 are active. Many were pre-election initiatives A few privately-owned television channels have and donor support ended in 2005.64 Community appeared in Monrovia, reportedly operating with radios broadcast in local languages and in few skills; two are allegedly associated with English; professional standards are low and political entities, the Unity Party of President technical equipment basic. With a signal Johnson Sirleaf and the Congress for Democratic strength limited to approximately �ve miles Change of George Weah. There is no functioning and with a weak advertising base, most national television station. The TV channel of stations are not economically viable. Many the Liberian Broadcasting System has not been operational for over a decade with no plans constructive and meaningful role in Liberia’s to revive operations. International television public sphere, journalistic standards need to 83 channels are easily accessible by satellite increase signi�cantly, and better mechanisms and are available to the wealthy and to those for national distribution need to be developed. with access through their workplace or other Although new media is a powerful public communal sources. sphere agent in global terms, in Liberia its TV can be an important facilitator in the public public influence is still minimal, as Internet sphere, given its popular entertainment value. access is limited to Monrovia and Internet-cafes As it is often watched in groups, its program- are expensive and unreliable. There are no ming can stimulate direct debate in audiences. landlines, nevertheless, use of cell phones is In Liberia, however, TV has yet to develop a growing rapidly and various service providers relevant national role. now cover most counties. Currently most people use only the call option and not the far more Newspapers: Setting the trend powerful multiplier of text messaging. Although Liberia’s current infrastructure and economic and lacking in professionalism conditions make a powerful role for new Although the high rate of illiteracy in Liberia media in the near future unlikely, adequate makes radio the most important media sector, regulatory frameworks should be developed print media is an agenda setter catering to now to enable the growth of Liberia’s IT sector Monrovia’s elite. It is, therefore, an important in the long run. part of Liberia’s public sphere. There are approximately 38 newspapers in Libe- Liberia’s journalists: Low standards ria, although only 13-18 publish with regularity. prevail Most newspapers reportedly sell less than 3,000 Political repression followed by years of outright copies a day across the country. Papers sell for conflict forced Liberia’s journalists and media approximately 20 Liberian Dollars (about 40 US professionals into exile for decades. Many of the cents): a high price given income levels in the country’s experienced broadcasters and journal- country. Most have 8 pages and the quality of ists fled or changed professions and professional journalism is low. Besides the high price partly standards had no space to develop. Today, caused by high printing costs, high levels of Liberia’s journalists tend to be uneducated; illiteracy and infrastructure challenges restrict most have only high-school diplomas and are distribution and sales both in and outside poorly paid. Only an estimated 30 percent have Monrovia. For the print sector to play a more received formal professional training, and the �eld as a whole is de�cient in professional skills Liberia’s community radios need in media management, business management, fundraising, budgeting and strategic planning. donor support to build �nancially sustainable structures, develop The low levels of both salaries and professional ethics have contributed to envelope journalism and deliver programming, and and blackmailing practices.65 Without standards, Liberia experiences extremely poor quality media increase professional standards. with the publication of sensationalist material Support to media associations could help 84 A particular challenge in Liberia’s them to signi�cantly improve the quality of information and discourse in the public sphere. journalism environment is Associations could also be a way to improve the the under-representation of standing of women in the media profession. and discrimination against 4. Competing for Donor Fund- female professionals. ing: Liberia’s Civil Society66 Civil society organizations are important plus speculative and opinionated writing contributors to the public sphere as they express and broadcasting. the collective views of their members and are A particular challenge in Liberia’s journalism advocates for their concerns vis-à-vis state environment is the under-representation of and institutions. Formulated in the informal discrimination against female professionals. The day-to-day discussions of members, civil low number of female journalists and the sheer society organizations are the voice of their absence of senior female media professionals members and bring their positions to the is particularly worrisome in light of Liberia’s larger public for support. By influencing history of gender-based violence and continu- public opinion, civil society hopes to be heard ing high rates of domestic abuse and rape with by policymakers and to gain influence on few cases prosecuted. There is an urgent need relevant public policy decisions. To play their to bring these issues to the public debate and important public sphere role effectively, civil to influence public opinion and initiate societal society organizations need to be well managed change. Female journalists would have easier to advance their position throughout the access to victims and a different understanding country and not only with the urban leadership of the signi�cance of these violations, making elite. They need to formulate their positions them more powerful advocates for their rights. convincingly and strategically, understand the Liberia needs more female media practitioners entry points to public debate and relate to at all levels of seniority. media. Liberia’s civil society organizations face challenges on all of these fronts. In need of support: Liberia’s media The high level of infrastructure destruction has associations and institutions a major impact on the operational capacity of Liberia’s media associations could play an civil society organizations. Of�ce buildings are important role in the quality of the public sphere still damaged and often without electricity, of- by advocating for better work-conditions for �ce equipment is limited, landline phones do journalists and by establishing peer pressure not exist, and transportation is costly. Most civil systems to impact positively the professional society organizations and NGOs are located conduct of journalists and editors. Although exclusively in Monrovia. Because donors and there are a number of media-related associa- international organizations advertise jobs and tions, most have only small membership invitations to tender only in the Monrovia print numbers and are �nancially dependent on media, it is dif�cult for rural-based organiza- donor support. tions to receive information and donor support. Being Monrovia-based makes it dif�cult, particularly in combination with the poor communication and transport infrastructure, to 5. Liberia’s Enabling include the views of rural membership, especially Environment 85 those in remote districts. Few NGOs have na- tional operations and membership; women and youth are notable exceptions, though their ef- 5.1 Media67 forts to establish a national advocacy framework seem largely donor supported, if not driven. Legal/regulatory issues In general the constitution of the Republic of In general Liberia’s civil society lack Liberia provides for freedom of expression, which organizational management and accountability encompasses the right to hold opinions; right structures; many are personality centered. Short to knowledge; academic freedom to receive of a small number of women’s groups, most of and impart knowledge and information; right civil society is male dominated; management is of access to libraries to obtain such knowledge; an almost exclusive all-male domain. The small freedom of speech; right to be silent; freedom number of women in civil society, especially in of the press; right of access to mails, telephone leadership positions, impedes advocacy work and telegraph; access to state information and that needs to be undertaken to improve the its functionaries; access to state owned media; status of women in the country, particularly the even to express contrary views. These rights are poor rural areas. Liberia’s rural population and subject to limitations in a state of emergency women have traditionally been excluded from declared in accordance with the constitution policy considerations. With neither group strong and/or through court proceedings with respect enough to shape the agenda of civil society, to defamation, invasion of privacy rights, false women and rural areas are deprived of an im- advertising and copyright infringement. portant voice to join public debate and changes public policy. Although the constitution provides for a ge- neric legal umbrella, in October 2004, a media The high level of infrastructure law and policy reform process began that has recommended a range of measures to bring destruction has a major impact Liberia’s law into conformity with regional and on the operational capacity of civil international standards. Subsequently three broad pieces of legislation were drafted: a bill society organizations. on the establishment of a Media Regulatory Commission, a Freedom of Information bill and Civil society organizations have a better a Public Service Broadcasting bill. A component chance to influence public debate and to shape to ensure legal rights of community radios was opinion if they share information and establish recently added. The proposed bills have yet cooperatives alliances. Liberia’s civil society to be submitted to the legislature through the organizations have yet to develop a platform Senate and House Committees on Information; for information exchange and networking among if paired with the political will to ensure their organizations. Some information exchange net- implementation, their passing could signi�cantly works in Monrovia have developed around key improve the media environment and strengthen civil society leaders and their informal contacts, media performance in the public sphere. but they are tied to the individual’s agenda and not institutionalized for sustainability. Sustainability/economic 86 Success in its public sphere role depends on Legal and regulatory protection of the media’s ability to run �nancially sustain- civil society organizations seems able operations. Liberia’s newspapers and radios are poorly funded and undercapitalized. to be suf�ciently guaranteed Given the low level of economic activities, newspapers’ advertising revenues rely on an- and enabled to contribute nouncements from UNMIL, as well as other UN meaningfully to Liberia’s public agencies and relief organizations. The govern- ment places limited public advertisements and sphere; the challenge of NGO some publishers believe that certain papers are performance rests in other areas, strategically sidelined and abandoned to punish critical writing. such as donor dependency and With a poor economic environment, media poor operational quality. outlets in Liberia survive by attracting a wide audience through “sex, crime and sports� Affairs, which acts as the registering location stories. A healthier economic environment would for all NGOs in the country. Technically organiza- generate suf�cient advertisement revenues for tions must register to be able to work; however, media outlets to be less dependent on sales and the majority are not registered, and many are more concerned with quality in their program- not sure how to register. ming and publication. As Liberia’s economic The same agency is mandated to monitor and environment recovers and the private sector evaluate the activities of both national and develops, there are reasonable expectations that international NGOs and to enhance the coopera- advertisement revenues will become available tion between the government and NGOs. Some to the media sector. In the meantime, sustained tension between the Government of Liberia and donor support and government assistance could civil society developed in May 2007 when the alleviate the economic pressure, allowing for ministry introduced a new “National Policy on some quality media to develop and having sub- Non-Governmental Organizations Operating in stantial positive impact on the public sphere. Liberia� that establishes procedures, guidelines and policies geared towards the coordination, 5.2 Civil Society monitoring and evaluation of the activities of both national and international NGOs to en- Legal/regulatory hance cooperation and ensure community-driven Liberia’s constitution guarantees the pro- intervention, transparency, accountability, rule tection of privacy of the individual, family, of law and maximum bene�ts to the people of home or correspondence, as well as the right Liberia.68 This development caused concern that to peaceful assembly, expression of grievances the government might reduce the NGO’s current to the government, right to form and belong freedom of operations—a suggestion the govern- to associations, trade unions, political parties ment has been rejecting by underlining the need and other organizations, and right to refuse to for quality control and coordination instead. associate. Liberia has a NGO/PVO coordinating section in the Ministry of Planning and Economic Legal and regulatory protection of civil society internal structures and develop membership- organizations seems to be suf�ciently guaran- owned projects and positions that could enter 87 teed and enabled to contribute meaningfully to the public sphere. Liberia’s public sphere; the challenge of NGO performance rests in other areas, such as donor 6. Space for Constructive dependency and poor operational quality. Engagement: Interactions in the Public Sphere Sustainability/economic NGOs in Liberia depend on donor funding on a project-to-project basis; few receive core fund- 6.1 State and media On assuming power in January 2006, the ing. With the end of the humanitarian phase, Unity Party of Mrs. Ellen Johnson Sirleaf made funding has become increasingly scarce and a policy commitment to promote a vibrant me- NGOs are reportedly working outside their area dia environment and to defend the growth of a of competence to secure funding. They struggle free press, as enshrined in the constitution of with increased administration and reporting the Republic of Liberia. Since then various inci- demands. One NGO commented that the lack of dents have caused the government to criticize attention to capacity building during the hu- media for sensationalist reporting and triggered manitarian emergency phase generated these reactions that were perceived as warning sig- problems.69 Several organizations run by using nals. Media representatives acknowledge that member subscriptions, which usually apply to unions and professional organizations, but now also extend to several rural advocacy organiza- tions that do not know how to access funding outside their village with information on fund raising limited to Monrovia.70 Dependency on donor-driven projects does not allow civil society organizations to advocate in the public sphere for positions reflective of their member’s discussions. Financial depen- dence alters accountability structures from a downward, membership-based approach to an upward donor response situation. Core funding would allow civil society organizations to grow Financial dependence alters accountability structures from a downward, membership-based approach to an upward donor High pro�le elections, like the one of Liberia’s response situation. President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, can provide newly elected post-conflict government with public support and a window of opportunity. relations have suffered but still consider media certain events but have no continuing infor- 88 a partner not an enemy of the government and mation dissemination or advocacy strategy. believe that the new government deserves to Addressing the shortcomings and improving be given a chance.71 Government of�cials differ media-civil society engagement would improve in their assessment and judge media as lacking Liberia’s public sphere by ensuring that civil in constructive engagement and not working as society positions are given the space and a partner in the reconstruction of the country.72 attention they need to inform and influence the public debate. State and media in Liberia need to collaborate to facilitate public sphere deliberations that il- lustrate, explain and support the reconstruction 6.3 Civil society and state process. The cooperation also must give media Generally the relationship between government the space to exercise its watchdog function. and civil society is considered constructive. The Finding this balance is dif�cult in an environ- government has managed to attract a number ment marked by poor professional standards of key former civil society members to work and economic pressures on the media side, and as deputy ministers in various departments. a history of corruption and abuse of power on Though there is apparently some resentment the state side. Building a constructive relation- in civil society that these people have “gone ship is fundamental in shaping the public sphere to the other side,� the inclusion of civil society that develops public trust and support for the members has created bridges for greater reconstruction and reform process. understanding between sectors. Although civil society representatives have good 6.2 Media and civil society access to policy makers and legislative com- Civil society needs to be heard through the mittees, they �nd it dif�cult to get their hands media, not only to express the importance of on drafts of key policy papers and legislation, the issues they bring to the public debate, but suggesting a lack of awareness in government also to sustain coverage as they advocate for concerning the public status of such docu- their positions in the public sphere. To date this ments.73 Once passed, the proposed Freedom of media-civil society relationship is not suf�cient- Information Act legislation should ease access ly developed and thus limits the possibilities to public documents. For the legislation to be for civil society to inform and influence public fully effective, the government must establish debate. Though media outlets frequently quote the relevance of the act and the responsibility and feature prominent civil society leaders, this for implementation within state institutions. The engagement is based more on the respective development of a classi�cation policy and code persona than the issue at hand. The government has managed Civil society organizations and media have yet to form alliances around advocacy issues. to attract a number of key The lack of sustained media interest can be explained by a combination of �nancial de- former civil society members mands and lack of knowledge to report matters to work as deputy ministers in accurately. Civil society organizations have not helped to facilitate media engagement; most various departments. organizations plan media engagements around might be necessary. Once fully implemented, the Freedom of Information Act would consti- In order to facilitate the 89 tute a substantial improvement in the state’s contribution to the public sphere and thereby development of Liberia’s public improve the quality of informed public delibera- sphere, the government is tions and opinion formation. advised to take the lead in 7. The Need for Vision, Strategy establishing a communication and and Coordination dialogue strategy for the country Liberia faces complex governance and recon- struction challenges. It will take time for this that guides and coordinates donor large country with its infrastructure challenges, human poverty and �nancial constraints to support activities. rebuild lives and livelihoods. The new govern- importance of each public sphere actor—state, ment is committed to building transparent civil society, and media—establish capacity and accountable governance institutions and needs and outline how donor support would to ensuring public participation in governance contribute to each sector’s capacity develop- processes. And yet, the slow process of battling ment and effective interactions. The strategy endemic corruption and delivering on equal ac- would pay particular attention to the develop- cess to public services is likely to lead to public ment of “listening� capacity of the state and frustration and to undermine the new govern- entry points for public participation throughout ment. Public disappointment paired with the the different government branches. high unemployment among youth and former combatants plus the instability and arms flow In the establishment of desirable benchmarks, in the region could feed the interests of those the communication and dialogue strategy would waiting in the wings to derail the peace and pro�t from being synchronized with UNMIL’s reconstruction process. withdrawal to prevent an information vacuum. A regional component for outreach to the refu- In light of slow donor-funding mechanisms gee population should be considered, as well and Liberia’s capacity challenges, prospects as a strategy on how to integrate the Liberian for speeding up the reconstruction process are diaspora in public debates. The national strategy limited. With tangible changes slow to arrive, should explore cooperation with community a functioning public sphere where media, state radios and investigate the bene�ts of govern- and civil society engage constructively as part- ment-supported syndicated programming. ners in dialogue will be central to building and maintaining public trust in the eventual bene�t of the reconstruction process. In order to facilitate the development of Libe- ria’s public sphere, the government is advised to take the lead in establishing a communica- tion and dialogue strategy for the country that guides and coordinates donor support activi- ties. Such a strategy would acknowledge the 8. Recommendations for Action e. Explore cooperation with community radios 90 Hope for change and a better future is prevailing and investigate the bene�ts of government- in the country. This post-conflict momentum supported syndicated programming. provides the chance to set the foundations for 4. Legislature public sphere conditions and capacities that will a. Develop guidelines for public hearings and help the country to step out of the conflict trap committee brie�ngs. into a future of sustainable, participatory and b. Train legislators in constituent relations. accountable governance. c. Develop civic education campaign to ex- plain the working of the legislature and how A comprehensive set of interventions is required to access and influence public policy. to develop Liberia’s public sphere. The follow- d. Develop, publish and distribute a ing is a selection of proposed interventions that legislative journal (Gazette), if possible also would help develop Liberia’s public sphere and on-line. move the country towards participatory and e. Develop recording system to ensure accountable governance processes: accurate transcripts. f. Invite executive of�cials to brief the Government legislative committee and explain 1. National outreach and dialogue strategy—With executive reform proposals. civil society and media, develop a plan that g. Provide the library of the University of outlines how the population, particularly Liberia with all legislative documents outside Monrovia, will receive and impart and a budget draft. information to influence public debate and h. Ensure radio coverage of legislative decision making. The strategy should take sessions or weekly summaries to account of Radio UNMIL’s withdrawal plans distribute to community radios. and include a regional component for i. Organize legislative beat training for outreach to the refugee population. journalists. 2. Donor coordination—Facilitate information j. Develop basic public information material. sharing, prioritize activities, ensure donor k. Develop basic visitor’s information center. adherence to national dialogue priorities, 5. Security sector reform—With transparency, and secure funding for the strategy build national consensus on security needs implementation. and procedures, establish a national security 3. Ministry of Information policy and security-related legislation, and a. Review structure, policies, and operations. clarify political control issues, including parlia- b. Establish information-sharing mechanisms mentary and judicial oversight measures. within and among public institutions. c. Work with Ministry of Planning to support Donors the decentralization process with policies, Strategic issues operations and structures to ensure infor- 6. Coordination—Apply public sphere mation flow between the counties and framework. Improve information sharing the capital. and coordination within and between d. Organize a regular roundtable with media programs. Build on synergies. editors to improve relations. 7. and inclusion—Be transparent about the work of your own organization and the speed of de- livery. Publish tender information, funding and vacancy announcements on radio and 21. Establish a one-year, praxis-oriented community radios outside of Monrovia. professional training facility for media 91 professionals with a focus on investigative Public sector support journalism, beat journalism, professional 8. Assistance to the Ministry of Information. ethics, and writing and broadcasting skills. 9. Support the development of a media pro- Attach it to the national university. tocol and training on messaging and media 22. Provide awareness training for media relations for senior government of�cials and owners and professionals to battle current parliamentarians. female discrimination in the media trade. 10. Assistance to the creation of a national archive system and a government printing Civil Society house. 28. Polling—Develop public polling capacity at 11. Improve Liberia’s legislative communication the University of Liberia and procure regular capacity and accountability measures. public polls to capture public opinion. 12. Advocate for training and equipment for 29. Academic excellence—Enter partnership the Legislature Media Of�ce; training from programs with African and non-African a US press of�cer would be helpful given universities, including academic exchange the similar systems. programs for teachers and students to 13. Support the implementation of the NGO support the Department of Mass Communi- Policy Framework for Liberia, particularly as cation at the University of Liberia. it relates to quality control and coordination 30. Strengthen civil society—Build national of NGO activities. networks and strengthen relations to 14. Brief Liberia’s law reform commission, once rural constituencies. Establish civil society established, on the media legal environment. centers for information-sharing purposes and networking. Ensure gender-sensitive Civil society support programming and accountable management 15. Support a Right to Information campaign. processes. 16. Support a national civil society umbrella and 31. Media relations—Develop media and information exchange network. advocacy strategies. Improve interaction 17. Support continuing and coordinated capacity with journalists on civil society agenda. building of civil society organizations in urban and rural areas, including nonproject-related Media organizational and management skills. 32. UN Radio—Apply lessons learned from 18. Advocate for gender sensitization and train- other missions to plan for sensible hand- ing in participatory techniques for civil society over process early on. organizations and community leaders. 33. Professionalism—Increase professional- ism throughout media sector. Apply code Media of conduct rigorously. Strengthen media 19. Survey communication habits and media associations to improve ethical standards usage to inform the development of a nation- and working conditions for journalists. al communication and outreach strategy. Ensure gender sensitive programming. 34. Community radio—Develop nationally- 20. Review market conditions for media, and syndicated programming and networks recommend measures for a sustainable for community radios. media sector. C. BURUNDI: A COUNTRY nounced that all of its 10 refugee camps would 92 OF FRAGILE PEACE AND close by the end of 2007.75 About 480,000 refugees will be DEMOCRACY74 sent home, including 150,000 Burundians. The return of a high number of refugees is likely to 1. A Brief Recent History further distributional conflicts between ethnic Ethnic conflict, fuelled by political elites over groups and to advance tension in Burundi. access to land and power, has afflicted Burundi Establishment of a national debate for the throughout its post-independence history with peaceful expression of public concerns and fol- large-scale �ghting in 1965, 1972, 1988, and lowed by visible government efforts to address 1993-2003. In 1993, the country chose its �rst the issues will signi�cantly reduce the likelihood democratically elected president, Melchior Nda- of violent escalation. daye, a Hutu from the Frodebu party (Forces pour le développement de la démocratie). When Tutsi army extremists assassinated Ndadaye 2. Post-Conflict Burundi: three months later, Burundi slid into civil war Capacity and Constraints between Hutus and Tutsis. The Rwandan The capacities of all relevant Burundian public genocide of 1994 sparked additional violence. sphere actors—state, media and civil society alike—have suffered in the years prior to and The Arusha Accord was signed on August 28, during the recent conflict. 2000, by the Burundian government, 17 political parties and some armed opposition groups. The 2.1 Government accord foresaw ethnic balance in the army and After a period of deteriorating relations, state government, as well as fresh multiparty elec- authorities, especially the executive, have tions. A transitional government was sworn in shown over the last months more willingness to on November 1, 2001. After some delays, the engage with media, civil society and the public government managed to accomplish the pass- through increased face-to-face contacts and ing of a new, democratic constitution to carry out press conferences; however, these develop- local and legislative elections and to successfully ments are hampered by material and human transfer power to popularly elected authorities. resource constraints. The long years of conflict and ethnic rivalry To increase transparency, the government dismantled Burundi’s public sphere, and citizen- established that press conferences on the min- state relations suffered as a result of years isterial, vice presidential and presidential level of ethnic domination of state institutions and take place frequently and regularly. This initiative abuse of power. Rebuilding public trust and will be an important step towards increasing establishing positive civil-state relations are the state’s public sphere input. Another impor- among the key challenges facing Burundi’s tant step, mitigating the effects of political and government in its quest for political stability. administrative centralism, is an order that every Burundi and its two closest neighbors, Rwan- ministry “adopt� a province to monitor and visit da and the Democratic Republic of Congo for important events. This measure would facili- have all endured civil wars, causing wide- tate the flow of information from the capital to spread refugee movements. Tanzania an- the periphery and also establish an entry-point for direct interface between rural communities Figure 13. Map of Burundi and the government. To have real impact on citizen-state relations, these visits need to take The capacities of all relevant 93 place regularly and predictably; be conducted in a format that allows for an open exchange Burundian public sphere actors— of views; be reported on by the press and state, media and civil society ultimately feed back into formal political deliberations in state institutions. alike—have suffered in the The government itself has little capacity to years prior to and during the engage and provide input in the public sphere. recent conflict. Although the Minister of Communication functions as the government’s spokesperson the legislators need to be connected with citizen and directs the communication service, the throughout the drafting process; much of the spokespeople in different ministries lack basic quality of the adopted legal framework depends technical capacity to ful�ll their functions and on the quality of the process preceding it. work for ministers who often fail to see the need In Burundi neither the formal legislative for sharing policy information. The government deliberations nor the public information process has hardly any press monitoring capacity to take are well developed, which impacts negatively on “the pulse� of public debate. public opinion formation. The absence of separation of powers is a seri- Until recently the domination by the executive ous governance and political issue. Executive branch meant Burundi’s legislative debates were power effectively controls the judicial and, until merely rubberstamping executive decisions. recently, the legislative branch. The legislative Although this has changed, the National Assem- branch is asserting an increasing independence bly still has to mature into an accountable and with regard to executive power; this change transparent institution. There are no processes in dynamics decreases the flow of information in place for public consultations and no entry between the institutions and further limits the points for public opinion to influence policy de- information reaching the public sphere. liberations and legislative decisions. Draft laws are not published or of�cially shared with civil Public authorities outside Bujumbura lack society or media, and committee meetings are Internet access, limiting internal center- not public or accessible. Voting records are not periphery information flow. Restrictions on made public. These limitations impede debate two-way information flow create problems for in the public sphere, leaving no entry points for both the centralized administrative structure and the public to hold representatives accountable the rural area periphery, inhibiting information for their decisions. flow on national and local developments and impeding the exchange of views for public Although there is a constitutional quota of 30 policy discussions. percent for women in parliament and senior political positions, several women have been The legislature dismissed from prominent posts and replaced Among state institutions, the legislature plays by men. In light of the ongoing discrimination an important role in setting the legal framework against women in Burundi, the absence of for societal relations. To fully reflect their will, females as role models and advocates in the legislature restricts discussion in the public sphere on vital gender issues and thus blocks to learn about the bills under discussion. Many 94 attitude change in society. legislators literally have no comprehension of pre-vote debate, which signi�cantly reduces Language plays a central role in the pub- the quality of the assembly’s deliberations lic sphere de�ciencies of Burundi’s legislative and results. process. The of�cial languages are Kirundi and French, and although 97 percent of Burundians The Burundian authorities recognize the pressing cannot read it, the language of administration need for having all its laws in the national lan- has remained French. Its administrative use guage but have yet to remedy the problem. As further marginalized the role of the uneducated, long as the language issue exists, the quality of especially women and peasants. According to the legislative process, the accountability of the the constitution, all laws must have an origi- representatives, as well as the possibilities for nal version in the national language, Kirundi. non-French speakers to access information in the Despite this, many current laws exist only in public sphere will remain severely limited to the French while most new laws are also drafted detriment of public debate and opinion formation. and published only in French. This use of French generates problems for political processes as 2.2 Media an estimated half of the members of parliament One of the current challenges of Burundi’s cannot read French and rely on radio information media lies in its history: before the process Burundi Comparison between 2006, 2002, 1998 (top-bottom order) Voice and accountablility Political Stability Government Effectiveness Regulatory Quality Rule of Law Control of Corruption 0 25 50 75 100 Country’s Percentile Rank (0-100) Source: Kafumann D., A. Kraay, and M. Mastruzzi 2007; Governance Matters VI: Governance Indicators for 1996-2006 Figure 14. Governance indicators in Burundi 1998-2006 of political liberalization in the early nineties, Accord. Through the openness of the media, in the state media was monopolized by the lone particular radio stations, rebel groups were able 95 presence of the Catholic Church’s bi-monthly to broadcast their views and contribute to the Ndongozi (the Guide). Now over 10 private radio public debate. Their courage inspired the hith- stations and several private print media exist. erto stale public media to discuss public issues more openly and changed the public sphere Burundi’s private media was a signi�cant influ- dynamics signi�cantly. The resultant mounting ence on opinion formation in the national public public pressure contributed signi�cantly to the sphere when it facilitated public support of the government’s �nal willingness to engage in the peace process and the acceptance of the Arusha Burundi’s Ministry of Justice The administration of justice is weak in Bu- process, while international donors and the rundi. Gangs and former combatants roam population demand accountability. the streets and countryside, constituting a To improve transparency, the Inspector threat to the safety of the population. Many General of the Ministry of Justice has been refugees are too afraid to return home. The appointed as spokesperson but has not justice administration’s failing to adequately received extra resources to carry out his address numerous land disputes is causing added responsibilities, limiting his media tension between returning refugees and outreach activities to an occasional and those who stayed. press release. He has neither the time nor The Ministry of Justice receives less than the capacity to engage with civil society or three percent of the government budget; interest groups. With no subscriptions to as a result in the provinces NGOs equip publications and press monitoring services courts with copies of legislation and other available, responding to emerging public basics such as chairs, tables, paper and views is not possible. Before the conflict, the pens, etc. With this scarcity, courts in- ministry published a legal review in French, creasingly suffer from bribery to influence but a lack of resources has prevented its judicial processes. As signi�cant as these reappearance and there is no way for the resources issues are, the main problem in public to review legal developments. the judicial branch remains the lack of in- Many Burundians believe the state does dependence. The executive has the power not protect their legal rights, which affects to cut the salary of court staff and to re- the legitimacy of those in power. To rebuild place judges in the middle of a case. public trust, the government has to step into Impunity remains a problem. Temporary the public sphere to reaf�rm the value of amnesties have become de facto pardons justice. The state must demonstrate its clear for war crimes. Political foot-dragging im- commitment to address the atrocities of pedes the work of the Commission for Truth the past and to introduce measures for and Reconciliation to review war crimes. accountability. The resources committed to Civil society feels excluded from the whole this crucial effort are woefully inadequate. political dialogue that resulted in the Arusha rules. Burundi’s independent media plays an 96 Accord. Today, Burundi’s radio stations are still important public sphere role and this active providing a voice to many stakeholders, includ- role elicits heavy governmental criticism. ing the remaining rebel groups and the poorest strata of society. State media During the electoral period in 2005, the media The state owns and controls the National Radio again contributed dynamically to public debate and Television of Burundi (RTNB, Radio Télévision and opinion formation, when they utilized syn- Nationale du Burundi), consisting of a radio sta- ergies and pooled resources to travel together tion and the sole television in the country.76 The and to cover the elections. This cooperation government also owns a daily French-language fostered peer control and enhanced objectiv- newspaper, the weekly Kirundi-language Ubum- ity in reporting; the intense media scrutiny also we (Unity), and the national press agency (ABP, pressured political actors to play by the Agence Burundaise de Presse), which has a web- site in French. As of today, there are no plans to The Université Lumière, which offers a degree in communication, lies in the outskirts of Bujumbura. develop an independent public service provider. Today, Burundi’s radio stations 97 Although the state provides public media with of�ces and the Ministry of Communication pays are still providing a voice to the salaries of employees, they all run de�cits and suffer from chronic under�nancing. The many stakeholders, including the public sphere role of all state-owned media remaining rebel groups and the outlets is limited, as they are believed to reflect the agenda of public authorities and poorest strata of society. are met with signi�cant public skepticism. be underestimated given its role as an agenda- setter for the Bujumbura-based policy elite. Private print press Burundians’ low literacy levels and the country’s Private radios oral tradition make it hard for print media to Radio is the most popular and vibrant sector of thrive. The conflict deeply disturbed printing ca- Burundian media—the only one with national pacities, paper supply, distribution channels and reach. All stations are based in Bujumbura; the readers’ purchasing power; distribution is often country has no community radios. Unlike print limited to Bujumbura. Burundi’s recent mem- media, private radio stations receive strong do- bership in the East African Community might nor �nancial support. They broadcast mainly in increase the economic and political integration Kirundi and French, with Swahili a distant third. with neighboring countries, which might result in the availability of their more sophisticated Journalists’ associations own Burundi’s lead- news publications and magazines. This compe- ing radio broadcasters. The Catholic Church tition has potential to further aggravate local owns two radio stations and the Pentecostals’ market conditions. one station is the only private radio to include regular programs in English. Private radio plays To overcome distribution and printing costs, an important role for Burundi’s public sphere. some private information agencies distribute Its diversity in programming, languages and their products electronically and by fax with ownership, as well as a clear sense of its watch- plans to introduce online subscriptions. Other dog role, make these stations vital contributors than this limited advancement, high printing to public debate and important additions to the costs, distribution dif�culties and low literacy state-owned media. rates limit the influence of Burundi’s print media. Its importance, nevertheless, should not Foreign and online media RFI (Radio France Internationale), BBC (British The Burundian authorities Broadcasting Corporation) and VOA (Voice of recognize the pressing need for America) contribute to Burundi’s public sphere and act as counterweights to governmental- having all its laws in the national owned information channels. BBC and VOA language but have yet to remedy broadcast in Kirundi; regionally, Radio Rwanda, broadcasting from the neighboring country, the problem. is also considered influential. Satellites make international television chan- 98 nels easily available in the capital. A number Radio is the most popular and of websites offer current news and articles on Burundi; most of them are in French and based vibrant sector of Burundian abroad, targeting academia and the diaspora. media—the only one with New media impact in the country is limited with Internet only available in the capital and two national reach. other cities, Gitega and Kiremba. the informal day-to-day discussions of their members. As the voice of their members in the Journalists’ education and training public sphere, civil society organizations inform Burundi’s school for journalism closed in 1991. the larger public and seek to gain support for Most Burundian journalists have degrees in their positions. By influencing public opinion, �elds other than journalism and learned their civil society hopes to be heard by policymakers profession on the job; a small group studied and to influence relevant public policy deci- journalism abroad. sions. To play their critical public sphere role effectively, civil society organizations need Since 1997, media professionals have had the capacity: management that captures the posi- chance to improve their skills in workshops and tions of their members throughout the country, seminars organized by the donor-�nanced Press not only the urban leadership elite; formulation House. Starting in 2000, Burundian students of convincing and strategic positions; compre- hension of the entry points to public debate have been able to study communication at a pri- and media savvy. vate university, Université Lumière. The language of instruction is mostly French, with occasional In recent years the availability of international English-language lectures by foreign profes- �nancial support has fuelled the growth of sors; the only course in Kirundi is a language Burundi’s civil society. The political and security course. Of the sixty or seventy graduates each environment has become more conducive to the year, about twenty major in audiovisual commu- development of civil society organizations, and nication, including print press; the rest prepare they are providing important public services in for public communications jobs in development the absence of strong state institutions. organizations. Insuf�cient resources restrict civil society Despite the limited educational possibilities, the organizations’ ability to maintain of�ces in standards of journalistic professionalism are the provinces, therefore, the country’s politi- high, and the media has succeeded in estab- cal centralization in Bujumbura is reflected in lishing itself as an important facilitator in the civil society as well. This centralization means public sphere. civil society cannot fully reflect the views of the rural poor population. Civil society organizations 2.3. Civil society in Burundi do try to participate in the public Civil society organizations are important con- sphere, but with limited resources, their mes- tributors to the public sphere, as they express sages are often considered unfocused the collective views of their members and are and ineffective. advocates for their concerns vis-à-vis state The limited capacity of civil society, restricted institutions. These positions are formulated in access to public documents and national culture The 2005 constitution enshrined the freedom of impunity with little whistleblower respect or of the press and established the National 99 protection limits civil society’s effective con- Communication Council charged with the tribution to the public sphere. The Catholic regulation of the media. The council is meant Church, which occupies a preeminent place to become largely a self-regulatory organ for in Burundian society with abbots and bishops the press, but so far the President of the considered important public �gures, is the most Republic appoints all its members, contra- influential civil society actor, advocating for the dicting the notion of an independent body. global Catholic Church’s agenda. Since incidents of press freedom violations in 2005-06, working conditions for journal- ists have improved, enabling them to perform 3. Burundi’s Enabling Environ- professionally. A major challenge remains the ment after the Peace Accord Studio Ijambo—Search for Common Ground In 1995 to prevent the use of media as Another key to SFCG’s success is their a tool for ethnic propaganda, Search for ability to adapt to a changing context. Common Ground (SFCG) opened the �rst Initially Studio Ijambo was slow to engage independent radio studio to broadcast in governmental authorities once they were Burundi. Studio Ijambo became well known legitimized by national elections. The govern- for its multi-ethnic team of journalists that ment was also not forthcoming in embracing provided trusted, balanced reporting. After independent media activities and reconcili- a �rst focus on news, the studio went on to ation issues. Studio Ijambo rede�ned its produce many other types of programs, in- strategy with key partners, including the cluding magazines, call-ins, special features, government, to better support sensitive na- etc. Broadcast by all the main radio stations, tional processes, thereby ensuring that the Studio Ijambo’s most well-known program is population is well informed and able to en- the soap opera “Our Neighbors, Ourselves� gage. The Studio is also moving away from that promotes and models reconciliation. direct production to focus increasingly on capacity building. It supported the creation Key to the success of such programming is of a series of independent radio stations, the ability to strengthen the media messages providing them with training and equipment with initiatives on the ground. Evaluations and bringing them together in a coordinated recommended that SFCG should capitalize network, Synergie Média, to cover national more on the synergies between its media elections. An external evaluator for USAID work and its community-outreach program, in Burundi recognized that over the course which focused primarily on capacity-building of its intervention, SFCG had changed work in conflict resolution and civic education. journalists’ approach within Burundi and contributed to a more active, investigative media landscape. poor functioning of the justice system, which the press’s ability to carry out its public sphere 100 impedes adequate protection against slander, function. Reacting to critical coverage, the libel and intellectual property rights. Such legal government jailed several journalists and civil de�ciencies impact the public sphere, as they society leaders, forcing others to flee into exile. make of�cials less likely to engage with the In response to domestic and international pres- press and also increase the likelihood of self- sure, the executive power initiated a détente censorship among media professionals. in state-media relations. Current relations are more constructive; the government has been The Press Law of 2003 foresaw the estab- improving media relations through increased lishment of a Press Promotion Fund, but the media access points, available spokespeople, fund has yet to be created and the private press conferences, etc., and journalists are press complains about not receiving adequate able to perform their role amidst wariness public support in light of the challenging that there are no legal guarantees to prevent economic environment. a return to repression. Civil society organizations have to register with the government, a routine administrative procedure that does not include fees or taxes. There are no reports of any national or foreign organization facing obstacles in this regard. After a dif�cult period in 2006 that included the The mailbox in front of the headquarter of Burundi’s arrest of civil society members, at present civil OLUCOME—Observatoire de la Lutte contre la society is free from government undue control Corruption et les Malversations—allows citizens to report corruption cases anonymously. and pressures. Finally, Burundi’s state of destitution is an inescapable fact shaping the public sphere’s Private media focuses their attention on corrup- environment, especially in the provinces. Poor tion that is widespread at the higher levels of infrastructure, scarce electricity supply, limited government and continues to drain scarce public Internet access and expensive road travel that resources. The unveiling of corruption scandals is can still involve security risks affect any activ- the most frequent cause of friction between state ity that public sphere actors try to perform. The authorities and media and civil society. The high partial lawlessness of the country has made me- level of corruption is seen as a strong impedi- dia and civil society operations dif�cult at times. ment for building trust between public of�cials and citizens. In an environment of prevalent corruption and weak rule of law, the watchdog 4. We All Know Each Other: In- role of the media takes on a crucial function in teractions in the Public Sphere the public sphere to inform public debate and to raise demand for accountable state institutions. 4.1 State and media State-media relations suffered from the heavy 4.2 Media and civil society handedness of the democratic government An alliance of mutual support has developed be- elected in 2005. The government perception of tween the fledgling media and civil society: they the press as hostile agents led to a breakdown help one another survive and grow. Civil society of constructive relations and severely limited and media are frequently intertwined. Many civil society organizations have established media 4.3 Civil society and state outlets to better reach their audiences: vari- Although public authorities rely on civil society 101 ous churches own radios and print media, the to provide services and carry out government Chamber of Commerce owns a radio station, policies, civil society-state interactions to not and journalists’ associations stand behind the extend to the realm of public policy formulation. most successful private radio stations. Civil society organizations report dif�cult access to public information is dif�cult; they are forced During the transitional period, media and civil to fall back on sharing information internally society groups worked hand in hand to pro- and with the media and on using unof�cial vide civic education, developing campaigns to channels by enlisting the help of civil servants as explain the new constitution and the stakes of citizens and as members. Contacts with public democratic elections to Burundian citizens. authorities are frequent but unsystematic and The dif�cult environment created by public depend on the goodwill of public of�cials. There authorities cements the excellent rapport be- are no consultations with civil society in the tween media and civil society. It is a marriage formulation of public policy. of convenience in a country where news and facts are hard to attain, and civil society and The shortage of entry points for public media provide both information and audience opinion to shape policy and the absence for each other. of consultative mechanisms are serious short- comings of Burundi’s public sphere, signi�cantly This close relationship, however, can lead to impacting citizen-state relations. Access to an imbalance in coverage. The media focus on public documents and the ability of civil society, political events leads to neglect of a critical ap- independent of ethnic background, to influence praisal of civil society. Although it is clear that policy formulation is critical for Burundi’s civil society organizations have agendas, media reconstruction and long-term stability. has focused more on their idealistic side and good works. 5. Burundi on the Radar-Screen: The generalized lack of public communications Donor Involvement in the capacities and training in civil society organiza- Public Sphere tions has not damaged their ability to access Donors have been realizing the negative impact and relate to the media, and Burundi’s public created by the low capacity and quality of Burun- sphere is pro�ting from the good and close di’s public sphere and have initiated a number of relations of these two important actors. activities to address related challenges: Radio is the most popular and Building and improving interactions The Burundi Leadership Training Program vibrant sector of Burundian (BLTP) began in late 2002 and lasted for 18 months. It was directed by the Woodrow Wil- media—the only one with son International Center for Scholars with the national reach. support of the World Bank’s Post-Conflict Fund and supplementary assistance from USAID’s Of- �ce of Transition Initiatives (OTI). Its objective was to build a cohesive, sustainable network of leaders from the political, civil society and Media development 102 media �elds who could work together across all The mandate of the UN in Burundi includes the ethnic and political divides to advance Burundi’s promotion of press freedom and the reinforce- reconstruction. ment of the legal and regulatory framework for media and communications. The World Bank Institute is currently imple- menting a Capacity Development Leadership Program to help leaders to tackle implementa- An alliance of mutual support has tion challenges related to its poverty reduction developed between the fledgling strategy. The President-appointed steering committee leads the process, supported by media and civil society: they help the World Bank Institute. Leaders include the head of state, his deputies and cabinet, one another survive and grow. as well as key leaders in the private sector and civil society.77 In recent years, several international donors helped to launch a host of private radio sta- The UN Peacebuilding Commission plans to set tions, providing them with funds, equipment and up frameworks to make Burundi’s social part- technical assistance. The Swedish development ners engage in dialogue within the year. This agency, SIDA, �nanced training for journalists arrangement involves the government, parlia- for reporting on environmental matters. UNESCO ment, civil society, media and local-elected helped launch the Maison de la Presse in 1997 authorities and is meant to create a platform and supported it until 2004; this initiative assist- for constructive engagement and dialogue.78 ed in building journalistic professionalism and In a similar vein, the UN has assisted the Bu- in teaching about the role of journalists in a rundian government to launch a Roundtable of peaceful society. Partners of Burundian Development. Its �rst In 2005 UNESCO organized a workshop conference took place in May 2007, uniting on media coverage of elections. The much- representatives of the government, parliament, praised cooperation among the journalists for political parties, civil society and the private the coverage of the 2005 elections started there: sector, together with international donors. media outlets got together to share the costs Follow-up meetings are scheduled for every of the operation, UNESCO and some interna- six months. The Roundtable has created more tional NGOs paid for material, and Search for opportunities for civil society and the private Common Ground paid for travel costs and cars, sector to network with public authorities, obtain all enabling the Burundian media to create a public information and participate in shaping uni�ed election team. public policy. Moreover, this UN initiative is giving public authorities �rst-hand experience of working in cooperation with non-state actors to achieve common goals. As an added bene�t, UNDP has supported media development since it enhances the status of civil society as an 1997. It gave two computers to the Maison de important player in state affairs. la Presse, �nanced training programs before the elections, helped private radio stations set up emitters in the provinces, and �nanced jour- nalists’ training abroad. Various cooperation agencies still �nance national and private radio stations and the public print press. status of women in Burundian society deprives over half of its citizens of basic rights, acting as 103 The various media development programs have a further brake to the country’s development. helped to establish capacity, enabling media to become an important public sphere facilitator in Burundi. Sustained involvement and better co- Burundi’s slow but developing progress shows ordination will further improve media capacity. that political will, combined with free media and civil society, and the support of the international Support for state communication community can bring peace. Since the Arusha capacity Accord, Burundians believe in the power of UNDP �nanced a number of consultants to negotiations over weapons, and yet, the risk of advise the government in preparing the press sliding back into authoritarianism and violence law of 2003 and the setup of the National Com- is serious. To diminish political instability in this munication Council. Additionally the Ministry weak institutional context, more transparency of Communication gets support from several and accountability need to be established. international donors: The World Bank, the French, Belgian and British embassies, UNDP Donor involvement in support of the public and UNESCO. sphere yields positive results. The jumpstart to private radio stations has paid off handsomely, Together with the NGO Global Rights, USAID as they have played a crucial, positive role supports a program that, among other things, during the transitional phase and thereafter. teaches of�cials at various levels how to man- Private media will require sustained and well- age, write reports, speak in public, and work coordinated support to ensure their economic in partnership with civil society and the press. survival until the business conditions are such that advertising revenues can cover costs and 6. A Fragile Peace support further development of professional Burundi is a poor country and a young, fragile standards and ethics. democracy with complex ethnic, geographic and clan dynamics plus a history of social exclusion, The state requires support not only to develop state abuse and violence. Its landlocked posi- capacity, but also to contribute better to the tion in central Africa has made commercial and public sphere across state institutions. It also cultural exchanges dif�cult. The traditional low needs assistance in establishing entry points for public opinion and participation to influence formal deliberations and public policy formation. The mandate of the UN in Burundi includes the promotion In light of Burundi’s centralization, offering a voice and public access to the rural population, of press freedom and the particularly women and youth, is an important step toward an inclusive national public sphere. reinforcement of the legal and Similar support is required for civil society to regulatory framework for media develop advocacy skills and to sustain rural grass-root organizations and networks. and communications. Without further international support to improve the capacity and conditions of its public sphere components, Burundi might face daunting 104 prospects in search for a durable peace. With Without further international national cooperation and international assis- tance, mutual understanding and respect for support to improve the capacity the roles of each actor plus a shared vision of and conditions of its public sphere possibilities within Burundi’s public sphere will help to ensure a peaceful future. components, Burundi might face daunting prospects in search for a 7. Recommendations for Action durable peace. Burundi’s governance situation and processes would greatly bene�t from a set of compre- establishment of the Press Promotion Fund. hensive interventions aimed at improving the Re-open the journalism school. Facilitate the capacity and conditions of its public sphere creation of the independent National Council components. A joint vision developed by gov- of Communication. ernment, civil society and media would facilitate 4. Civil society—Establish the National Youth and coordinate donor support, creating the Council. Make sustained �nancial contribu- environment necessary for Burundi’s public tions to civil society for their expenses on sphere to develop its vital role in shaping an social services. inclusive and participatory reconstruction and state-building process. Donors 5. National dialogue—Assist public authorities The following is a set of interventions to im- at all levels in setting up organized two- prove the capacity and conditions for Burundi’s way information channels to media and civil public sphere components and thus facilitate society, and facilitate systematic consultation improved governance: mechanisms between public authorities and civil society. Government 1. Assist further decentralization efforts, 6. Donor to donor—Improve information including decision-making power and human sharing and coordination on capacity- and material resources. building initiatives to avoid gaps and 2. Justice sector—Implement judicial reform duplications. Improve transparency of to provide independence for the judiciary your organization’s operations. branch. Consider the justice sector a budget- 7. Inclusion—Extend the use of Kirundi as ary priority, giving the judiciary adequate means of reaching the populace, including resources and equipment to carry out its its use in radio and print communications functions with special attention to the local- and on websites. level courts. Grant women equality before 8. State-media relations—Assist government the law. Set up the Commission for Truth and parliamentary groups in organizing the and Reconciliation. 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Association of Women Journalists (Association International Monetary Fund. 2007. �Burundi: des Femmes Journalistes) Fifth Review Under the Arrangement Under Burundi Bar Association the Poverty Reduction and Growth Facility and Chamber of Commerce and Industry of Burundi Request for Waiver of a Performance Criterion,� (Chambre de Commerce et Industrie du Staff Report, Press Release on the Executive Burundi) Board Discussion and Statement by the Execu- Institut Panos Paris tive Director for Burundi, Washington, DC. League Iteka—Burundian Human Rights League (Ligue Iteka-Ligue Burundaise des Peacekeeping and Stability Operations Institute Droits de l’Homme) of the Center for Strategic Leadership. 2004. Lumière University, School of Communication “Rule of Law,� US Army College Conference (Université Lumière de Bujumbura, Faculté de Report, Carlisle Barracks, PA, USA, July 6-9. Communication) Roth, Colin. 2002. “The Media in Governance, National Council of Churches of Burundi Developing Free and Effective Media to Serve (Conseil National des Eglises du Burundi) Network of Journalists for HSD (Human United States Agency for International Sustainable Development), (Réseau des Development, USAID 113 journalistes pour le DHD (Développement Humain Durable)) Network Woman and Peace and Development in Burundi (Réseau Femme et Paix et Dével- oppement au Burundi) New Generation OAG (Observatory of Government Action, Observatoire de l’Action Gouvernamentale) OLUCOME (Observatory of Fight against Corruption and Economic Embezzlements, Observatoire de lutte contre la corruption et les malversations économiques) SONERA League (Ligue SONERA—Ligue burundaise pour la Défense et la promotion des droits de l’homme) Burundian Media African Public Radio (Radio Publique Africaine) Arc-en-Ciel Burundian Press Agency (Agence Burundaise de Presse) National Radio (Radio Nationale) National Television (Télévision Nationale) Net Press Agency (Agence Net Press) Radio Isanganiro Public Institutions National Assembly (Assemblée Nationale) Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Ministère des Affaires Étrangeres) Ministry of Justice (Ministère de la Justice) Ministry of Information, Communication and Relations with Parliament (Ministère de l’Information, de la Communication & des Relations avec le Parlement) Integrated Bureau of United Nations in Burundi, BINUB (Bureau Integré des Nations Unies au Burundi). United Nations Educational, Scienti�c and Cultural Organization, UNESCO United Nations Development Program, UNDP Delegation of the European Commission Endnotes Post-Conflict Societies: Lessons from a Decade of 114 Global Experience.� 1 Fragile states represent nine percent of the population of developing countries, however, 6 Habermas, J.(1990) Strukturwandel der Oef- they account for almost a third of the extremely fentlichkeit; Surhkamp, Frankfurt am Main. poor; nearly a third of all child deaths and 29 Habermas explored and developed the public percent of 12-year olds who did not complete sphere concept. The public sphere concept is primary school in 2005. not new to democratic thinking, it goes back to the idea of the Greek “agora� as a forum for 2 State structures create and sustain the legal citizen’s debate. This paper, for ease of under- and political framework in which a society ne- standing, takes the liberty of working with a gotiates different positions and arbitrates fairly simpli�ed version of his theory. between competing demands. States uphold the societal consensus on what constitutes the 7 The majority public opinion makes manifest rules of co-existence and provide the public what a large sector of the population consid- goods that underpin peace and development, ers, in light of available information, to be the such as justice, security and public infrastruc- best interpretation and judgment of the issue ture. States are fragile when their structures at hand. Minority views might form a differing lack political will and/or capacity to provide the opinion. Ibid. basic functions needed for poverty reduction 8 Military structures, regardless of whether it is and development and to safeguard the security national army, rebel or resistance movement, and human rights of their population. Conflict, have highly centralized decision making and in particular its civil form, is an expression and information character; in warfare, information result of the inability or unwillingness of a state is power and the leak of con�dential informa- to perform theses key functions. tion is potentially high-risk. A culture of secrecy 3 PCNAs often serve as the foundation for and purposefully placed misinformation furthers national recovery plans and the basis for uncertainty of those outside the closed circle of resource mobilization at international donor well informed. conferences. State-building requirements are 9 There has been debate about the impact of a a central part of this assessment tool, which community station in Los Palos in regard to the results in a Transitional Results Matrix that tension fueling notion of a national “east-west speci�es prioritized interventions. United divide� in Timor. Nations/ World Bank. January 2007. “PCNA Review—In Support of Peacebuilding: Strength- 10 Based on this study’s May 2007 assessment. ening the Post Conflict Needs Assessment,� New York and Washington, DC. January. 11 Japan occupied Timor-Leste from 1942 to 1945, but Portugal resumed colonial authority 4 United Nations/World Bank. August 2004. after the Japanese defeat in World War II. “Practical Guide to Multilateral Needs Assess- ments in Post-Conflict Situations,� World Bank. 12 Report of the Independent Special Washington, DC. Commission of Inquiry for Timor-Leste (UN S/2006/822). 5 United Nations Development Program/World Bank. September 2005. Workshop on “Rebuilding 13 Fretilin had won 21 seats in the 65-member parliament. 14 In speeches made at the time of the 26 Ben Hopper, Country Pro�le: Timor Leste, Dili inauguration of the new government in July 2006. 115 2006, President Gusmão and Prime Minister 27 Field visit to city of Ermera, May 2007. Ramos-Horta acknowledged one of the underly- ing causes of the 2006 crisis was the failure of 28 Shanthi Kalathil, ibid. government to engage with the people. 29 A project to establish journalism courses was 15 Speech Xanana Gusmao June 22, 2006. rejected by the university after it refused to ac- cept Portuguese as the language of instruction, 16 The author believes that Timor’s authoritar- arguing that students would not be able to follow ian culture can be seen as a consequence the classes. The Timor Leste Media Development and legacy of colonialization, occupation, Centre (TLMDC), which spun off from Internews Catholicism and military resistance. in late 2005, is providing limited training on 17 In the absence of standard operating specialized skills. Editors and senior journalists procedures for �ling, each ministry has been do not consider the out�t equipped to provide developing its own with great variation in quality. training adequate to their level. The Timor Post newspaper has reportedly run a basic �ve-week 18 Licus Implementation Trust Fund Integrated journalism training course for roughly $10 per Proposal Overview, World Bank 2006. participant since 2001, and its graduates have 19 The establishment of a communication unit gone on to seek employment in the media sector. and the design of a communication strategy are 30 Interview with AusAID, Dili, May 2007. planned as part of the decentralization process. 31 In July 2007, a third media association, the 20 Licus Implementation Trust Fund Integrated Press Club, opened its doors and reportedly is Proposal Overview, World Bank 2006. considered another breakaway union for media. 21 See box, Languages in Timor, for more details. 32 Engaging Civil Society—Final Project Evalua- 22 The same person, Maj. Alfredo Reinado, was tion, CRS 2005, provided me with background killed in February 2008 during an assassination to the challenges of civil society in Timor-Leste attempt on Timor’s President Jose Ramos-Horta. and is used as reference in this text. 23 This section draws on a) Timor Leste National 33 Each issue of the magazine, funded by the Media Survey, Foundation Hirondelle, May 2007; Ministry of Education with World Bank funds and b) Timor-Leste Media Assessment, Shanthi implemented by Care International, is based on Kalathil, February 2006; c) Country Pro�le: Timor the school curriculum. Leste, Ben Hopper, April 2006; d) Communication 34 The drafting process of the penal code is Habits and Resources in Timor Leste, RTTL- reflective of Timor’s weak legal capacity and TLMDC-UNICEF, December 2005. lack of consultative processes. The law was 24 Pedro Gonzaves, Community Radio Station reportedly drafted by Portuguese lawyers who Ermera, May 2007. worked as advisers to the Ministry of Justice. Without experience in media legal issues, they 25 Pedro Gonzaves, Community Radio Station copied the relevant Portuguese law. In Portugal Ermera, May 2007. defamation is a criminal offense but legal experts believe that the supporting legal institutions in that country make it dif�cult for anyone to be 46 World Bank internal Liberia webpage, 2007. 116 successfully tried under that law, and that even 47 UNDP, Liberia National Human Development if a criminal defamation case were to be brought Report 2006. Also, Comprehensive Food Security to trial, defendants would be granted a full array and Nutrition Survey, 2006. of legal resources. In Timor, with its weak legal structure and non-functioning appeal courts, this 48 UNDP. Liberia Human Development Report, “way-out� process is not applicable. 2006. 35 Reporters Without Borders, Annual Report 49 Fifteenth Progress Report of the Secretary- 2007. General on the United Nations Mission in Liberia, United Nations, 2007. 36 Timor-Leste: The Business Regulatory Environment, World Bank. June 2006. 50 Fifteenth Progress Report of the Secretary- General on the United Nations Mission in Liberia, 37 Interview with Belun, Dili, May 2007. United Nations, 2007. 38 CFRPG Program Overview, undated. 51 Fifteenth Legislative Needs Assessment, Center 39 Interview with CFRPG graduate in Dili, May for Legislative Development, February 2006. 2007. There is no classi�cation regulation in 52 ibid. place in Timor-Leste. 53 Liberia Information Communication and 40 Janet Steel. Timor Leste Press Essential in Technology for Development (LICT4D) “Policy: Building National Identity, Paci�c Media Watch, An Inclusive Framework for the Realization 2006. of the National Poverty Reduction Strategy 41 Janet Steel. Timor Leste Press Essential in (NPRS).� [draft]. Government of Liberia, Building National Identity, Paci�c Media Watch, undated. 2006. Interview with INGO Representative, 54 42 A communications of�cer said that often Monrovia, May 2007. reporters ask for press releases to be given on 55 Cook, Nicolas, “Liberia’s Post-War Recovery: a flash drive as to not have to retype them—they Key Issues and Developments,� CRS, Report for are just re-printed without further analysis done. Congress, 2006. 43 Engaging Civil Society Project: Final Evaluation, 56 Mitullah, Poe and Haines, “Liberia Local CRS, 2005. Government Capacity Assessment Study,� UNDP 44 Former Prime Minister Alkatiri has disparaged and Government of Liberia, 2006. the Timorese educated at Indonesian universi- 57 ibid. ties as “super mie� (Indonesian instant noodles) graduates whose education is not worth much. Meeting with community radio manager in 58 ICG Update Brie�ng. Timor-Leste’s Parliamentary Gbarnga. Elections, June 2007. 59 Interview with civil society and with media Interview with Advocates sans Frontieres, Dili, 45 representatives, Monrovia, May 2007. May 2007. 60 Media information taken mainly from 75 The camp closing did not proceed as Strengthening Liberia’s Media: A Review of announced and many Burundian refugees 117 Media Support in the Post-Conflict Transitional remained in Tanzania as of April 2008. Period and Recommendations for Future Action 76 In 2006, the National Communication Council (draft), February 2007, The Partnership for awarded a TV license to Renaissance TV, an Media and Conflict Prevention in West Africa. off-shoot of private radio Renaissance FM. 61 UNMIL website, www.unmil.org Broadcasting is expected to begin in 2007. Interview with UNMIL Media Monitoring and 62 77 World Bank Institute Capacity Development, Development Unit, May 2007. Leadership Program, http://go.worldbank.org/ TM8KET22S0. 63 Interview with Search for Common Ground—Talking Drums. Monrovia, May 2007. 78 The work of the Peacebuilding Commission has progressed since the drafting of this case study. 64 USAID �nanced this initiative in the A number of public sphere issues are addressed pre-election period. in its Strategic Framework for Burundi, issued 65 Interview with Radio Veritas, May 2007. July 2007 (UN Document PBC/1/BDI/4*). 66 McKeown and Mulbah, Civil Society in Liberia: Towards a Strategic Framework for Support, Search for Common Ground, April 2007. 67 Strengthening Liberia’s Media, February 2007. 68 National Policy on Non-Governmental Orga- nizations Operating in Liberia. Government of Liberia, May 2007. Interview with FLY Representative, Monrovia, 69 May 2007. 70 Civil Society in Liberia, 2007. 71 Strengthening Interview with PUL representa- tive, May 2007. 72 Interview Ministry of Information, May 2007. 73 Interview CEDE, May 2007. 74 This Burundi report, including desk and �eld research was contributed by Erika Casajoana, an independent consultant. The author of the report edited the text. 50% recycled and 25% post-consumer waste printed on FSC certi�ed paper printed with soy ink High expectations for a quick “peace dividend�, a public that of this oversight. Because of their direct relation to long- does not trust the state, and state-citizen relations severed term stability and governance, dealing with these issues by years of exclusion are among the most challenging issues needs to be at the very heart of post-conflict work. This national governments, and the international community study applies the public sphere as a framework to deal with supporting them, encounter in planning and executing post- the “connective tissue� of state-building and calls for change conflict recovery programs. These issues are too often in current post-conflict assistance policy and practice. neglected by policy makers. Experience has shown the cost Communication for Governance & Accountability Program (CommGAP) Development Communication Division External Affairs, The World Bank Website: http://www.worldbank.org/commgap Blog: http://publicsphere.worldbank.org E-mail: commgap@worldbank.org