0SU q~ 3~ O )I e PI0 eL.'00X =t'f'000 0'f -t-0 ;t t'0'fj ;; t f: :0: 0f : E: ul pl : t E -: : -': 0I : : ::: := : - : - -: : ': : :- : ::: : :: : : : : :: =-:: ;:: ::::: Q : f~Zb WX: H ,F):S - : : : : =I: : : : Q : = : : : : = - = : : : : : - : - - ' = f C : i ' D = E = f African Art: The World Bank Collection The initial idea for this catalogue took place two years ago, during a casual conversation with Philip Ravenhill about the World Bank's African Art Collection. With his usual enthusiasm about everything related to Africa, and his disposition to help, Philip became pivotal to this project. He advised us on many aspects of the catalogue and contributed a preface. A scholar and an anthropologist, Philip played a central role in support- ing the development of museums in Africa. He assisted African art special- ists and museum directors in their efforts to preserve and promote the cultural patrimony ofAfrica. His broad views and varied interests, combined with his ability to express himself in many languages, made it a privilege to work with him. During his decade-long tenure as the chief curator of the National Museum of African Art, he not only contributed to the knowledge of traditional African art, but he was also instrumental in developing recog- nition of contemporaryAfrican art. To list all of his achievements would not necessarily convey the personality of this extraordinary man. Suffice it to say that his generosity, his incredible dynamism, and his charisma will be greatly missed. The art community and Africa have suffered a great loss with his death in Washington, D.C. in October 1997. ii The World Bank Collection Edited by Alexandre Marc T'he World Bank Washington, D.C. Copyright (C) 1998 The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development / THE WORLD BANK 1818 H Street, N.W. Washinlgtoni, D.C. 20433, U.S.A. All rights reserved. Manufactured in the United States of America. First printing May 1998. Plroduced by the World Bank Staff Art Society with the support of the World Bank Art Program. Editor: Alexandre Marc Coordinating Editor: Regine S. Boucard Curatorial Advisor: Christa Clarke Creative Director: Marina Djabbarzade The World Bank Staff Art Society was formed in 1968. Its members consist of World Bank Group staff members ineCr- ested in bringing art to the community. Noncommercial, nonsectarian, and nonpolitical in nature, its activities are carried out by volunteers. The Board: Regine S. Boucard, President; Alexandre Marc, Vice President; Donald Grabowski, Acting Secretary; Antoine Simonpietri, Treasurer; Vasia Deliyianni, Curator; Alicia Hetzner, Editor; Rosa Pedraza, Executive Assistant. Map: Gregory Prakas and Hugh Fisher Edited and produced by Communications Development Incorporated, Washington, D.C. Cover: Spearhead Currency, Ngbele (detail), Democratic Republic of Congo, Turumbu; 19th century, Iron, cat. # 100-104 Cover Design: Barbara Marc Printed by Master Print, Inc., Newington, Virginia Photographic Credits: Cover, Cat# 1,2,3,5,8, 10, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19,20,21,22,24,25,26,31,33,34,45,46,47,56,61,63 a-f, 64, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 72, 73, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 90, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 112, 123, 124, 125, 126, 131, 140, 141, 142, 143, 144, 145, 146, 147, 148, 149, 152, 153, 154, 155, 160, 161, 162, 163, 164, 165, 166 and Fig. 2.1, 2.6a, 3.6, 3.18, 3.36, 3.37, 3.41, 3.43. ©AngelaSeckinger. All others property of the World Bank Art Program Archives. ISBN 0-8213-4195-2 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data World Bank. African art : the World Bank collection / edited by Alexandre Marc. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 0-8213-4195-2 1. Art, Black-Africa, Sub-Saharan-Catalogs. 2. World Bank-Art collections-Catalogs. 3. Art-Private collections-Washington (D.C.)-Catalogs. I. Marc, Alexandre, 1956- . II. Title. N7391.65.W67 1998 709'.67'074753-dc21 98-2943 CIP CONTENTS FOREWORD vii James D. Wolfensohn Callisto Madavo and Jean-Louis Sarbib ACKNOWLEDGMENTS viii R6gine S. Boucard PREFACE x Philip Raveihill INTRODUCTION Alexandre Marc xii 1. AFRICAN ART AT THE WORLD BANK Ismail Serageldin 1 2. AFRICAN ART FROM PAST TO PRESENT Ekpo Evo 7 3. CONSTRUCTING CULTURE: AFRICAN ART, AND SOCIETY Christa Clarke 23 MAP 48 CATALOGUE 49 BIBLIOGRAPHY 90 v Foreword Since I joined the World Bank Group in 1995, 1 have traveled extensively to a number of our partner countries, and I have had the opportunity to exchange thoughts on development issues with many people, ranging from villagers to state leaders. I am now convinced that there can be no sustain- able development without recognition and continuity of people's history, val- ues and beliefs, which are embedded in their culture. Arr is one of the deepest, most primal expressions of culture and of the values that underlie a society. It seems natural but also important that anyone interested in the social and economic development of nations should be interested in the arts produced by the people of those nations. I therefore welcome this catalogue that pre- sents the African Art Collection of the World Bank. I hope that these works of art, which have been created by African artists throughout the continent and reflect the richness and diversity of the cultures of Africa, will speak inti- mately to those who will see them. JAMES D. WOLFENSOHN PRESIDENT WORLD BANK lAlt has always been an important expression of the culture of the peoples of Africa. The textiles, sculptures, pottery, and paintings, as well as functional objects, such as door locks and currency, used in a daily context, confirm the integration of art and life in Africa. They embody religious beliefs, the exe- cution of day-to-day tasks, important stages in the cycle of life, and also the emotions and the visions of many individual artists. We feel that the creativity and originality of this art deserves to be seen more widely. The essays accompanying the photographs of the World Bank African Art Collection provide an interesting thread on how to interpret the historical, social, and religious meaning of these works of art. We hope that the readers of this book will enjoy discovering the collection, which we have the privilege and pleasure of seeing on our working premises every day. CALLISTO MADAVO JEAN-LouVs SARBIB VICE-PRESIDENT AFRICA REGION VICE-PRESIDENT AFRTcA REGION WORLD BANK WORLD BANK vii Acknowledgments This catalogue is the very first publication dedicated to one of the World Banlks art collections. Such an endeavor had never been considered before. We are extremely thankful to the President of the World Bank, James Wolfensohn, and to Ismail Serageldin. Vice President for Special Programs and Chairman of the World Bank Art Committee, for supporting the World Bank Staff Art Society in its efforts to present this collection to a greater audience. As a true Renaissance man, Mr. Wolfensohn understands the important role that art plays in the life of every individual in the developing world and welcomed this project enthusiastically. Mr. Serageldin, a long-time advocate of the interdependency of culture, identity, and development, approved this initiative wholeheartedly and was a moving force behind the project. The Art Society is gifted with a priceless anchor and ally in the person of Elaine Wolfensohn. We are indebted to her enthu- siasm and her earnest participation in our activities. Artemis Zenetou, the World Bank Curator, kindly enabled us to benefit from the expertise of her staff at the World Bank Art Program Unit. I would like to express my deep gratitude to Alexandre Marc, Senior Human Resource Specialist in Eastern Europe and the Central Asia Region and Vice President of the Art Society, for conceiving and laying the groundwork for this project and coor- dinating its implementation superbly. To its fruition he applied professionalism, aes- thetics, and dynamic leadership. Thanks to Alexandre, the catalogue also benefited from the invaluable contribution and advice of Philip Ravenhill, late Chief Curator of the National Museum of African Art of the Smithsonian Institution. Philip's sudden death during the preparation of this catalogue was deeply felt by the entire team. His advice led to the collaboration of Ekpo Eyo, Professor of African Art History and Archaeology at the University of Maryland and former director general of the Nigerian National Commission for Museums and Monuments. Professor Eyo contributed a learned and insightful essay to the catalogue. Christa Clarke, an art historian specializing in African art, surveyed the collection, creating a cohesive review and presenting it in an approach- able manner. Creative Director Marina Djabbarzade should be congratulated for sealing the aesthetic destiny of this book with skilled inspiration. She was thoroughly dedicated and meticulous throughout a demanding process. The photography of Angela Seckinger, assisted by Kevin Wilson, has provided a dazzling permanent record of the collection. Chonlada Sae-Hau gave us the original Ariadne's thread to navigate through the collection, while registrars Douglas Robinson viii and Laurie Carroll enabled us to find our way out of the labyrinth. Special thanks are due to Anne Hurst who ordered the massive information in a cognizant manner. Richard Sukhu, Adrian Carranza, and Tom McAuliffe, World Bank Art Handlers, gra- ciously assisted us in locating and safely handling the objects. Grateful thanks go also to the World Bank Security Office, whose officers were always friendly and available. I would also like to express my gratitude to Gregory Prakas and Hugh Fisher of the World Bank Cartography Department for their arduous task of creating a legible map. Boureima Diamitani, Fellow at the National Museum of African Art and for- mer Director of Cultural Heritage in Burkina Faso, rescued us at the last minute by locating some of the ethnic groups. Special mention should be made of the unwa- vering assistance of Donna McGreevy, and Drew Williams of Communications Development, Inc. in implementing the design of the book. I would like to extend my sincere appreciation to Barbara Marc who joined forces with us to create an ele- gant and striking cover. Particular thanks go to Helen Meade, Contract Coordinator, who shared her invaluable experience with unique amiability, patience, and modesty. She helped us make the all-too-often invisible decisions that had the most visible con- sequences. My deepest gratitude to Ronald Dickens and the entire team at Master Print, Inc for executing our complex wishes so diligently. I would especially like to acknowledge the unflagging assistance of our editor, Alicia Hetzner, who generously gave her time to polish the copy. The Art Society is indebted to Stephanie Gerard of the World Bank Office of the Publisher, who imme- diately understood the importance of integrating this Art Society document for the first time in the mainstream of official World Bank publications. I feel special gratitude and affection to Praful Patel, Chief, Africa Regional Front Office, who helped present the project to, and obtain the enthusiastic support of the Vice Presidents of the Africa Region, Jean-Louis Sarbib and Callisto Madavo. Last, I would like to praise all the volunteers at the Art Society, whose efforts in the real- ization of our programs of the past four years brought about the experience that today allows us to produce this book. The Art Society hopes that this publication will live up to the expectations of all and that it will be the beginning of a tradition of catalogues that will contribute to a crucial aspect of the World Bank's development mission: the promotion of global social and cultural understanding. REGINE S. BOUCARD PRESIDENT WORLD BANK STAFF ART SOCIETY ix Preface Invention and Appreciation From the beginning of human time, men and women have made things. From the beginning of human time, women and men have collected things. They have selected and stored things with meaning, have chosen to keep near things that speak to them of the past, that speak to the present, and that per- haps, speak to an anticipated future. Wheni one speaks of African art, it is easy, all too easy, to think in the plural, to speak generically, to speak of the collectivity, to speak of "culture," of "tra- ditions," and to forget that change, that creativity, that memory, that history is each an individual matter. One person experiences the received world and wants to add to it, to make something that has not yet been seen, not yet expe- rienced, to make an object that will leave a mark. African art is very much about that particular individual, one woman or one man, young or old, who expresses the need to mark a moment, an event, an experience by creating a "thing." She, or he, takcs material and transforms it into something else, seek- ing thereby to make more permanent, more external, an experience, that was felt, personally and internally. This push to externalize-this recourse to the object-marks human experience universally. Whether "here" or "there," whether for "us" or for "them." One of the essential commonalities of human experience is that in living we make things, we keep things, we experience life and remember lived expe- riences through things that, in their tangible concreteness, force us to con- front other realities. The physicality of our existences obliges us to move beyond our inner selves, to examine our lives, to think about our itineraries and destinations in other ways. The object is there. It is something that imposes itself on our perception. It cannot be denied. It impinges upon us. When one speaks of "African art," it is easy to make of it it something else. Something exotic, something different, something, finally, of little relevance to this moment of our existence. And yet, if we afford ourselves the time to examine one object, to seek out empathetically its moment of creation and invention, then perhaps we make its proper appreciation possible. The African object, the work of African art that has arrived in front of our eyes, whatever its complex and circuitous route, is most often something that was made, something that was created, by one person at one point in her, or his life. One woman or one man brought to her or his creative act all of her or his lived experience, an understanding of how things were and are, and how x they might otherwise be. How an object might be, at the same time, quite similar to and yet profoundly different from other historical objects from that place. Complementing the impulse to create, the other impulse is to collect, to establish a certain order, or to remember, through things. How does one make it possible to discover other realities? How does one bring back to one's hearth some semblance of other realities? The fifteenth or eighteenth, or even mid-to late-twentieth century visitor to the terra incognita of Africa was con- fronted with the reality of the narrative demanded on return. Words, it seems, have never sufficed. And here, it seems to me, the acts of creating and collecting-of inventing and acquiring-find common ground. As much as one thinks, as one argues, as one speaks, there arrives a moment in which it would be nice to have an external reality, a "thing," to add a voice of witness to what is said. Thus it is with things, with souvenirs of lived experience, that they become props or witnesses to our recountings. They bear proof to our knowledge of the world. It has been said that "the man with an experience is never at the mercy of a man with an argument." Objects are arguments. They act independently of words. They incarnate other realities, other exis- tences, and other ways of being. The objects from Africa that have found their way to the World Bank, that have been selected among others, are privileged objects-each created by an individual, each collected by an individual. They are now being pre- sented and published as witnesses to African creativity and as objects to be appreciated. In Africa these works of art served to mark time, to mark life's passages, to mark space, to mark identity, and to mark lived experience. In Washington D.C., too, they mark a world made more human by their very existence. PHILIP RAVENHILL CHIEF CURATOR NATIONAL MUSEUM OF AFRICAN ART xi Introduction We need.., to constantly reinforce our awareness of the primacy of Source, and that source is the universal spring of Culture. It is nourished by its tributaries, which sink back into the earth, and thereby replenish that common source in an unending, creative cycle. -Wole Soyinka, 1994 In 1996 the World Bank Staff Art Society suggested to the Chairman of the World Bank Art Committee, Ismail Serageldin, that the Society publish a catalogue of the World Bank's African art collection. This proposal was received with enthusiasm. This is the first catalogue to feature pieces from the Bank's permanent collection. The choice of the African collection for the first catalogue stems from the recognition by many African art experts that the World Bank is home to a rich and valuable collection that deserves to be better known by staff, representatives from our member countries, and the general public. There is, however, another important reason for select- ing this particular collection: the theme of African art seems to be particu- larly appropriate in illustrating the integral part that artistic expression plays in constructing culture, forming social identity, and encouraging spiritual communication. The World Bank's mission and mandate are economic and social development, but if development is to be centered on human beings, art and culture should not be its forgotten dimension. From the time centuries ago when European nations began to establish direct contacts with Sub-Saharan Africa, African art has fascinated the West, but some times this fascination was far from positive. Too often despised as the expression of obscure forces and beliefs, many Sub-Saharan objects were destroyed by Europeans. At the turn of the last century, however, African art became the subject of ethnographic investigation and intellectual inter- est, and respected museum curators, such as Felix von Luschan in Germany, preached the beauty and strength of African art. Then suddenly, at the begin- ning of this century, discovered by the avant-garde artists in quest of new modes of expression, African art found itself at the center of the Western modernist artistic revolution. According to one of the stories of this period, one day in 1905 fauvist painter Maurice de Vlaminck entered a bar in which, among the bottles, stood a couple of African figures. Vlaminck acquired them for the price of a round of drinks. He probably did not think of them xii as a revelation in sculpture but as expressions of humanity and reflections of some universal symbolic language. His friend Andre Derain must also have seen them, and he later bought a now well-known Fang mask from Vlaminck. Other artists started collecting African art: Matisse, Picasso, Braque, Breton. Many art movements of the beginning of this century such as fauvism, cubism, surrealism, referred in one way or another to "primitive" art and in particular to Stib-Saharan art. Through sentences that remain famous, Picasso best illustrated the ambivalence of this new fascination: "I have felt my strongest emotions when suddenly confronted with the sublime beauty of sculptures executed by anonymous artists of Africa," but also the famous: "African art? Never heard of it." The encounter between African art and the founders of "modern" art may have been less a source of direct inspi- ration for the latter than the recognition that, by breaking the values and prejudices of the nineteenth century Western vision of art and life, they were rediscovering a dimension of art that had always been at the core of tradi- tional non-Western art. This dimension was spiritual and psychological. It was the expression of universal human values, as well as the specific history, culture, and beliefs of the civilizations that produced the art. This encounter was fundamental in twentieth century art history. French writer Andre Malraux wrote: "The encounter of primitive, chiefly African art, with mod- ern art represents one of the major metamorphoses of our epoch." Interest in African art began to radiate out to others beyond the avant- garde artists. Collectors of contemporary art were deeply affected by African and pre-Colombian art. European museums began to acquire important col- lections of African art. Expeditions such as the 1931 Paris-Djibouti scientific expedition, organized by Michel Leiris and Marcel Griaule, contributed to the discovery and in-depth studies of the arts, beliefs, and social organiza- tions of groups such as the Dogon and the Bamana, now well known for the richness of their art. Interest in African art was also related to discoveries in the field of psy- chology and the evolution of studies of symbolism and religion. As curator Douglas Newton wrote, "If primitive art is more than the latest of our res- urrections, it is not only because of its freedom, or the variety of its forms. It is because it belongs to a psychological area of human experience." The appreciation of different forms of art across boundaries of culture and geographical areas is the recognition of the existence of a universal dimen- sion inherent in all of us. One of the most important consequences of the recognition of the creative forces of African art by Western artists is the acknowledgment of the universality of beliefs, profound values, and spiritual quests that unite ahl human beings around what is ultimately a very similar destiny of birth, life, and death. Freud lived in a period in which the accept- xiii able mythological references for Western thinkers were those of ancient Greece. Today it is increasingly acknowledged that African, Asian, and Oceanic myths, among others, also reflect the human psychology and mind and-sometimes with even more accuracy. Scholars such as Mircea Eliade and Joseph Campbell have contributed greatly to the recognition of the uni- versality of myths and beliefs. Traditional African art is deeply connected to the lives of the people who made it and used it. It is the expression of the intricate relationships among aesthetic expression, religious beliefs, social structures, and individual feel- ings. In contrast to post-Renaissance Western art, African artistic expression was not, and for many Africans, still is not disconnected from other human activities. In traditional societies, art remains rooted in human experience. This connection reminds us that the separation of art from daily living in today's modern societies contributes to the loneliness, isolation, anxiety, and loss of direction felt by many individuals in Western societies. Art and culture are integral forces of development. We would like this catalogue to remind those who work in development, and inform those who may otherwise have appreciated these works only for their artistic merit, that art and culture are integral forces of development. If we are really working to improve the lives of human beings, we cannot dissociate the economic and social dimensions of development from the cultural dimension. The World Bank's African art collection was constituted, for the most part, in 1981, when the J Building of the World Bank was built to house the Africa Regional Vice Presidency of the World Bank. Most of the pieces were purchased from reputable African art galleries in Europe. Additional pieces were donated to the World Bank previously or have been acquired since. Most of the African art pieces are housed in the J Building, located at 701 18th Street, N.W., but a few pieces are also presented in the H Building, located at 600 19th Street, N.W. The collection is managed by the World Bank Art Program Unit. ALEXANDRE MARC VICE-PRESIDENT WORLD BANK STAFF ART SOCIETY xiv : i :: I , i :~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~n 1. African Art at the World Bank Ismail Serageldin In these days of electronic communications and economic insecurities, of companies and international institutions without boundaries, of global ization and individualism, what does a collection of African traditional art have to say to us--especially a collection transplanted into the heart of the World Bank Group, a multilateral international development institution? It has plenty to say. My essay seeks to underline three points. First, art is an essen- tial part of the being of any society. It helps to define a society's identity and culture. Culture is an essential part of the development process, ignored at the peril of the development practitioners seeking to support these processes of transformation that we have come to call development. Second, due to the vigor of the African artistic impulse and the profound impact of African art on the transformations of twentieth centuty art in the whole world, African art qualifies not just as regional art of great importance to Africans, but also as world art. Finally, the collection has relevance to the World Bank, an insti- tution devoted to the promotion of development, wvith a special commitment to Sub-Saharan Africa. The Centrality of Art There can be no understanding of development without understanding soci- ety, which in turn requires understanding culture. Art is the fundamental expression of culture, in the broad sense, and is itself the content of culture, in the narrow sense. The realm of culture is the realm of meanings, the effort in some irmaginative form to make sense of the world through the expres- siveness of art and ritual, particularly those "incomprehensions" such as tragedy and death that arise out of the existentialpredica- ments which every self-conscious human being must confront at some point in his life. Mask Maili, Malinke -Daniel Bell, 1996 20th Centuiry (cat. #15) l Art is the necessary expression of the human psyche, the mirror of civi- lization, and the voice of culture. Without it there can be no identity. There can be no understanding of the self and the other. Art defines the past and signifies the present. In most developing countries, where societies are in the throes of rapid transformation, the search for identity is an important part of the definition of the self and the other. The boundaries that allow us to function and to interact with others are defined by that identity that we tend to take for granted, so much is it embedded into our subconscious selves. In this search, artists are the custodians of past traditions and the shapers of the heritage of tomorrow. In these societies, the issue of historic ruptures in the evolution of their cultural identities is the leitmotif that returns again and again to the fore of almost all artistic expression. It is the loom on which many artists weave the texture of their contributions to the evolving cultural identity. The Meaning of African Art In Africa this history of cultural rupture is more accentuated. Nowhere has the history of colonialism been fiercer and nowhere has there been such a massive dislocation as has been experienced by that continent through the centuries of domination and the slave trade. That profound wound lies in much of the anguished cry for independence, an independence that has to be earned by dissociating oneself from the colonial regimes and also from the past, yet remaining authentic to the true spirit of being African. African artists today can celebrate the exhilarating reality of a successful struggle to end colonialism and apartheid, to reclaim a past heritage and to forge a new future, to see some of the most eminent rmembers of the African artistic and professional communities recognized for their contributions to the global culture of our times. But the African artists of today also struggle with the less uplifting cir- cumstances of the African condition-the agonizing reality of an African independence betrayed by its own, the tyrannies of dictatorships, the incom- prehensible savageries of tribal conflict, the continued subjugation of women, the shattered expectations of a generation of youth for whom the colonial past is not a reality but the stuff of dusty ancient history, for whom the reality from their births to this day is one of expectations unfulfilled by despotic regimes. Of a future that holds no dream, and a present that satis- fies no hungers. It is in this multifaceted context that the art of contemporary Africa must he understood. For the artists are like the canaries that miners took into the mines or sailors took in the early submarines so that they could signal when 2 the air was losing oxygen. Artists are societies' canaries, and their sensitive natures express an existential condition that cries out for change-but also for authenticity, a search for an authentic African expression that links to the past and its manifestations but sees it through contemporary eyes. These eyes reinterpret traditions and find in them the seeds for a new tomorrow. Thus, the works of art of the past are more than prologues to the future: they are, in a very real sense, the essential building blocks of a vocabulary and a mode of expression that inspire the present in its efforts to define the future. This is not surprising. In this period of obsession with the material suc- cesses of a hegemonic Western culture, the power of the African culture is not to be underestimated. The contemporary twentieth century of that Western culture owes much to African art. Whether in influencing the cubism of Picasso and Braque or in transformating Western music, the influ- ence of African art-traditional art in one case, contemporary African- American artists in the other-was enormous. The understanding of the African art collection at the World Bank must be seen in this context. The debts of the international artistic tradition to the liberating influence of African art is among the aspects of the history of African art ably chronicled in Profesor Ekpo Eyo's learned essay, "African Art from Past to Present." The Collection at the World Bank It is primarily the expression of traditional art, from ritual masks to the objects of everyday use, that is found in the collection at the World Bank. The essay by Christa Clarke, "Constructing Culture: African Art and Society," gives a knowledgeable review of this collection. The collection is a sampling of the Sub-Saharan treasure trove of traditional cultural expres- sions, from the Yoruba beaded dance panel (cat. #55) to the Kanaga dance mask of the Dogon in Mali (cat. #10), from the dress and regalia of Cameroon (cat. #62) to the sheepskin skirts of Tanzanian women (cat. #140). This collection contains many examples of the basic material that is so essential to the African sense of identity but that also qualifies as world art by its enormous influence on all twcntieth century art. We must be aware that these objects, as in all collections, whether in devel- opmental institutions or museums, have been decontextualized. They were cre- ated by artists who shared a code with the users or viewers of that object, whether in ritual, such as the kindombolo masks of Congo (cat. #67) used in initiation ceremonies for Pende boys, or in the decoration of the objects of everyday use, such as a headrest from Kenya (cat. #144) or a stool from Nigeria (cat. #25). The viewers of the current collection do not necessarily share this code. Let me expand on a general point. When talking about art-about cultural expressions-we cannot take the work out of its societal context. It has to be 3 seen as part and parcel of a social context. Whatever the work or the visible manifestation that the society has produced-be it a legal code, or a piece of architecture, or a painting, or an artifact, or music, or dance-it has to be seen first within an immediate context that defines the discourse, the style, and the code within which people interpret the work; and the broader societal context that defines the way of life and the system of production. Any attempt to remove a cultural expression, such as taking a piece of art out of its society and context in Africa and putting it in a location in Washington, D.C., voids it of its social context. Interpretations based on such dislocated images tend to be shallow. Nevertheless, despite these reservations, the World Bank is infinitely richer for having such a collection and for having located it primarily in the building in which most of the staff working on the problems of Africa are located. Here it serves as a constant reminder of the rich culture of the clients we seek to serve. The fecundity of the expressions, the powerful simplicity of the designs, or the bold colors and textures that were employed by these unknown artists of yore ignites the imagination. These works are not just pleasing decor; they are perpetual lessons of Africa's vibrancy and depth. To the future This collection has concentrated more on the traditional expressions of the past-from ceremonial weapons of hunting or war (cat. #98 and #99) that have been transformed into bridewealth payments (cat. #100-104) to the masks of ritual and dance (cat. #66), to the objects of everyday use (cat. #39- 44). A future expansion of the collection should include the works of con- temporary artists in Africa, those who define the legacy of the future by their works, those who create the signs and symbols of the age and charge them with meaning. Theirs is the contemporary African world with all its ambi- guities and its uncertainties. It is a world of transition from a long bygone and mythical past through the centuries of deprivation and destruction caused by slavery and colonialism, through the recent past of incomplete independence and betrayed dreams. But it is also a past that bears witness to the successful fight for independence, to broad solidarity against apartheid, to artistic vigor, to a profound humanism that transcends the immediate. It challenges a world that has lost its will to really live the faith of caring and solidarity that so many of our universal declarations of common humanity proclaim. African artists today are forging out of that legacy of pain and sor- row, out of that legacy of exhilaration and self-assertion, a new cultural expression for an even richer African artistic future. Their work is challenged by the artistic legacy of their forebears to be as good and as effective as the latter's. That artistic legacy of the past is the one captured in the collection at the World Bank. 4 That legacy is also a challenge for the development practitioners at the World Bank, and their colleagues from Africa and elsewhere who visit the collection. It is a challenge to be as imaginative, as decisive, as profound, as bold, as sensitive, as caring, and as effective in the work for the development of Africa as these unknown artists have been in their own work, which sur- vives to enrich us all today. It is a challenge that should reinvigorate the ded- ication of us all, just as it enriches the eye and the mind, speaking of vibrant yesterdays and victorious tomorrows. Isinail Serageldin is Vice Presidentfor Special Programs at the World Bank and Chairman of the World BankArt Committee. 5 I~~~~~~~~~JM7 - 4~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~r 9~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~F 2. African Art from Past to Present Ekpo Eyo Art history in Africa has a long and distinguished past, one that scholars today are only just exploring. The earliest art found in Africa were the engravings and paintings done on the surfaces of rock shelters that likely served as ritual foci for prehistoric peoples. Located in both the Sahara region and in southern Africa, the beginnings of these evocative works date to roughly 10,000 years ago in the Sahara desert and 27,000 ago in southern Africa. The artists of southern Africa were the San people, the original inhab- itants of a region extending from Zimbabwe to the tip of the southern coast. Their engravings and paintings depict the animals they hunted and scenes of their ritual activities. The Saharan rock art depicts archaic animals from the paleolithic or early stone period and cattle herded in later times. The art of ancient Egypt, while too vast a subject to deal with in this book, should also be considered as part of Africa's art history. Although there was sig- nificant interchange between Egypt and the Mediterranean and Asian worlds, Egypt is also a part of the African continent, both physically and culturally. It is pointless, however, to promote the arts of Africa on the back of Egypt, because within Sub-Saharan Africa, there exists enough works of art that she can justly be proud of: the exquisite and sophisticated Nok terra-cottas created between the second half of the last century B.C. and the third century A.D. in what is now Nigeria; the Djenne terracotta masterpieces, made between the eleventh and the fifteenth century in today's Mali, represented in this catalog by the lovely pedestal bowl (cat. #5) probably used in ceremonials and the beau- tiful red painted terra-cotta vessels with long slender necks (figure 2.1). From the hoard of intricately cast and decorated bronzes excavated from Igbo Ukwu in eastern Nigeria, and dated to the ninth century A.D., we know that the Igbo people had a complete mastery of metalworking and a great sense of beauty. In Ile-Ife, the sacred city of the Yoruba people, which flourished between the eleventh and the fifteenth centuries, we find art whose serenity and reality was so impressive that the German ethnologist, Leo Frobenius, believed that the Left, Fi.gure 2.15 city was at one time colonized by the Greeks. And when the Benin bronzes Vumikosi Zulu Rushingfor the Train, 1974 and ivories that were plundered by the British marines in 1897 reached Europe, (cat. #162) their beauty and techniical excellence so impressed the German scholar, Felix 7 Figuere 2.1 Bottles Mali, Djenne (bIland Niger Delta Repn I1t-15th centuy (cat #6-9) S von Luschan, that he wrote of them: "Cellini himself could not have made better casts,nor anyone else before or since to the present day." (Roth, 1903; von Luschan 1919). These great masterpieces of antiquity are only a small part of African cultural achievement. Yet despite this impressive history of artistic expres- sion, there was a time not long ago when Africans were regarded by Europeans as a people without a past, with neither history nor art. Europeans first learned of Africa through the Greeks who established a colony at Cyrenaica (today's Libya) in the seventh century B.C., and later, when Alexander the Great conquered Egypt. The Greeks were followed by the seafaring Phoenicians from the coast of Tyre and Siddon who estab- lished several important trading posts, including Carthage, by the ninth century B.C. in the Maghreb (now Tunisia), Algeria, and Morocco. By the second century B.C. the Roman empire had spread beyond the imperial frontiers and absorbed Carthage along with other Phoenician posts. The Roman empire collapsed in the seventh century when North Africa was overrun by the Arabs who have remained there until today. These histories fit the northern part of Africa into the Mediterranean profile, while the rest of Africa remained a "dark continent" to Europe. Europeans "Discover" African Art Coastal Africa was explored in the fifteenth cenrury, when the Portuguese spearheaded several voyages in search of a searoute to the Orient. They were followed in the next century by the Dutch, the British and the French who, along with the Portuguese, established trading posts on the African coasts along the Atlantic sea-board and the Indian Ocean. The European traders were interested in the gold, ivory and spices, which they found in abundance, and also sought to trade in human beings, transporting them to work on the "New World" plantations. While in Africa, European traders became inter- ested in ivory objects carved for local use, and they commissioned artists in Sierra Leone and the Benin area of Nigeria to create carvings for them. These works, now known as the Afro-Portuguese ivories, consisting of saltcellars in the form of European prototypes, oliphants or hunting horns, spoons, and forks, were displayed in the "cabinets de curiosites" of the papal collections and royal castles of southern Europe. The painter Albrecht Durer is known to have bought two of these commissioned works in 1520/21, although their origins were misattributed to India and Turkey. African material culture was not widely known in Europe and the Americas, however, until the second half of the nineteenth century. The birth of the Industrial Revolution created the need for the importation of raw materials for the factories in Europe and also the need for external 9 markets for the manufactured goods. The European powers were now forced to penetrate the interior of Africa to buy and sell. The scramble to secure spheres of influence led to the partitioning of Africa among the western powers in 1884/5. A by-product of this situation was that large numbers of African artifacts were collected by both traders and mission- aries and exported to Europe. The nineteenth century also witnessed the rise of anthropology as an aca- demic discipline that treated human societies as having progressed through a series of evolutionary stages. For example, in his Ancient Society, the American lawyer-turned ethnologist, Lewis M. Morgan (1877), thought that humani societies had progressed through three stages: savagery, barbarism, and civilization. Western societies were the civilized groups who occupied the top of this hierarchy, while the nonWestern peoples were the savages at the base. With the spread of western education around the world, this clas- sification of human societies gained a global dimension. The taxonomic system that placed African societies at the lowest rung of human development was extended to the visual culture of the continent. Early anthropologists considered African artifacts, many of which had exag- gerated proportions and curious combinations of human and animal forms, as "proof " of the primitive nature of human development. The artifacts were never considered as art because "primitive" people were believed to be inca- pable of the noble process of creativity. Such an attitude should not be sur- prising because the prevailing artistic taste in Europe at this time was realism, that is, the representation of forms as they actually appeared in nature. Thus, many, like the art historian Leonard Adam, believed that "primitive" African art was not so much an art, but an unsuccessful attempt to produce one (Adam 1940). In truth, African artists often deliberately cast aside realism to relish the depiction of abstract images reflecting unknown and mythical worlds of their own. In addition, African artists employ ccrtain conventions for the purpose of emphasis, suppressing what they believe to be unessential and exaggerating what they believe to be essential. For example, when an African artist depicts a human head out of proportion with the rest of the body, it is not because he does not know human anatomy. The deliberate exaggeration of the head reflects the artist's desire to underscore that it is the seat of reason. The African artist had this freedom to interpret the human body or object as he wished, a freedom that his European coun- terpart lacked. Yet, for most Europeans, the nonrepresentational nature of African sculpture was seen as "primitive." Consequently, African art was placed at the lowest rung of artistic development, while Western art occu- pied its pinnacle. 10 Nonetheless, despite its given low status, it was this same strange "prim- itive" art that captured the imagination of European artists at the begin- ning of this century. Seeking an escape from their own rigid conventions, French artists like Maurice Vlaminck, Andre Derain, Pablo Picasso, Henri Matisse, Amedeo Modigliani, and others, began to collect and to copy African art forms. Meanwhile in Germany, new art groups such as Die Briicke in Dresden and Der Blaue Reiter in Munich were formed, greatly influenced by conceptions of the "primitive." The practices of those new movements were to change the course of world art during the twentieth century. The liberating force of African sculpture was soon felt across Europe and in the United States. Sculptors like Jacob Epstein in England, Paul Klee in Switzerland, Constantin Brancusi in Romania, and Jacques Lipchitz in Lithuania, were now drawing inspiration for their creations from African art forms. In the IJnited States, admirers of African art included Max Weber and John Graham, among others. Galleries that displayed African art, in addition to modern art, were opened by Robert Coady, Alfred Stieglitz, and Marius de Zayas. Because of the impact made by the African art exhibition at Stieglitz's "291" gallery in New York, The World maga- zine section of January 24, 1915, proclaimed: "African Savages: the First Futurists," a summation of the scenario of the time. Finally, there were collectors of African art like Albert Barnes and Alain Locke in the United States, who helped to popularize African art in their collections. Admirers of African art eschewed the context of African art and extolled its formal qualities. This attitude was clearly evident in Carl Einstein's Negerplastik of 1915, which maintained that seeking the meaning of African art was superfluous and constituted an impediment to its aesthetic appreciation. Exploring Art and 'Culture The proper study of African art began wvhen anthropologists began to con- duct field research to back up their theoretical frameworks. The American Melville Herskovits, for example, conducted field research among the Fon people of Dahomey (now the Republic of Benin) in 1931, paying atten- tion to the relationship between art and culture. Herskovits (1938) was the first anthropologist to use the concept of "culture area" in the study of African art, in which he divided the continent into ten cultural units for this purpose; the French Marcel Griaule undertook a series of field trips to the Dogon country in western Sudan in 1931, 1935, and 1937 and made an intensive study of all the religions of the Dogon that he brought to bear on the interpretation of the arts; and the Belgian Frans Olbrechts (1959) studied the people and the arts of the peoples of the then Belgian Congo 11 (now the Democratic Republic of the Congo) noting their stylistic differ- ences. All these men encouraged their students to carry out fieldwork by direct observation and participation in the activities of the people whom they studied, a method that has proved invaluable and is yet to be replaced. What we know and do today in African art studies follow the basic tenets that those early scholars preached and practiced. Although Western scholarship on African art has grown immensely in the post-World War II era, the description "primitive" that is applied to non- Western art has stuck in the minds of some people, irrespective of its objec- tionable connotation. Some scholars still defend its use, rather paternalistically extolling the term as noble and lofty, whilc others have argued frivolously for its retention because changing it after its long-time usage would create prob- lems. In 1984 the Museum of Modern Art in New York City again organized an exhibition, curated by William Rubin "Primitivism in 20th Century Art," that demonstrated the affinities between twentieth-century Western art and the arts of the non-Western world. This exhibition drew much criticism because of the use of the word "primitive", a term Rubin justified as referring to a "movement" and not to African art. Yet it was freely used throughout the catalogue to refer directly to non-Western works. Susan Blier has pointed out that although the use of the term "primitive" is merely semantic, such use really lies at the heart of African art not being accepted within the field of art history. Furthermore, it was clear that the juxtaposition of some of the more aesthetically satisfying African works with their inferior European copies in Rubin's show was designed to promote superior African art, not on its own merit comparatively speaking, but on the back of the inferior European copies. Another misnomer commonly applied to African art is the word "tribal" a term William Fagg advocated in his influential publication: Tribes and Forms in African Art (1 982). In the book, Fagg identified a particular art style with a particular "tribe," yet the word "tribe" has yet to acquire uni- versal definition by either anthropologists or art historians. The tenet of "tribal art" is that each "tribe" is an artistic universe itself and that the work of one "tribe" is not understood or appreciated by another "tribc." Faced with considerable criticism, Fagg affirmed, "What is not tribal is not African." It is true, of course, that African artists worked within certain stylistic conventions that permit us to attribute their works to their groups or individuals within their grouLp. This fact has led to the characterization of African art as stereotyped and unchanging, and this may have led Fagg to his conviction. This is incorrect, however, because, within these conventions, the African artist practices many innovations, so much so that no two works are ever exactly the same. 12 External Influences: Transgressing Boundaries That African art is static is debunked by the naturc of its eclecticism. For example, where the Islamic religion had penetrated an area, its influence is reflected in certain art works. The carved wooden screens from Morocco (fig- ures 2.2 and 2.3) made in the nineteenth or twentieth century were tradi- tionally used on the windows of Muslim residences to allow women within to view the events on the street without being seen themselves. It is carved in the Islamic tradition of geometric forms without any figurative content. Another example is the marabout or holy man prayer board (figure 2.4) that includes Koranic instructional texts in Arabic and nonfigurative designs. The widespread influence of Islam on African art is eloquently documented by the noted scholar Rene A. Bravman (1973) in his book Open Frontiers. TheMobility ofArtin BlackAfricawhere many more examples will be found. Western influence may be seen on the two high-backed chairs made in European fashion, one by the Asante of Ghana and the other by the Chokwe of Angola. The Asante chair or asipim (figure 2.5) is made of wood, leather, and brass furniture tacks, probably during the nineteenth century, and would be used by a chief on state occasions. The Chokwe chair (figure 2.6) was also a prestige item made after a European model to which were added ancestral images and scenes from Chokwe daily life, in this case, the birth of a child (figure 2.6a). The fact that African art consists of a great diversity of styles is generally known, but to assume that these styles are confinied to particular groups is incorrect. African art styles vary between ethnic groups and within each group. Individual artists are known to have changed their styles within their lifetime. In the last three decades scholars have devoted a good deal of atten- tion to this subject, so much so that the authoritative African Arts magazine devoted one of its issues to demonstrating that styles cut across the so-called tribal boundaries. It is, therefore, no longer necessary to maintain the epi- thet "tribal" when referring to African art, and to continue to do so is to insist on dividing rhe arts of humankind into arbitrary and prejudiced groups. Art is a universal phenomenon, a response by any creative individ- ual to the stimulus provided by his or her environment no matter the race, color or creed of the artist. Unfortunately this humanistic art is dying out because of the inevitable changes that began with colonialism and Western education. These influ- ences have worked hard to eliminate traditional African beliefs and concepts that provided the need for these works to be created. For instance, the mis- sionaries regarded African sculptures as idols that must be consigned to the bonfire, while the educators considered them the primitive products of a sav- age society. Consequently, the first generation of Western-educated 13 Figu re 2.2 Screen MVorocco 19th centuiy (cat. ~2) Figu re 2.3 Screen Morocco 19th century (cat. #3) 14 Figure.2.4 Koranic prayer board Maghreb 19th-20th centur (cat.# 4) Left, Figure 2.5 Chair (Asipim) Ghana, Asancte 19th century (cat. 47. Chair5 Angola and D. R. Congo, Chokwe 20th century . (cat. 68) Figure 2. 6a (detail) Chair Angola and D. k Congo, Chokwe 20th century (cat. # 68) 15 Africans were anxious to disassociate themselves from "idolatry" and their "primitive" past. Therefore they remained, even after the end of colonialism, oblivious or even hostile to their past, thus helping to perpetuate the colonial attitude. Happily, however, somewhere along the line, other Africans began to query the contradiction provided by the fact that these "primitive" and "idolatrous" objects are highly sought after in the Western world. One result of the query was the resurgence of interest in the African past for the purpose of reconstructing the African identity. But this task is enormous and requires a concerted effort through archaeological and ethnographic activities and the integration of culture into the educational system. The noted British archae- ologist, Sir Mortimer Wheeler, once remarked on seeing the bronzes of Ife "When the new Africa finds the moment and the mood for the discovery of its own past, here are matters which, properly understood, will provide a new chapter to world-history." (quoted in Willett 1967). The reconstruction of the African past should therefore be of concern to the entire world. A New Artistic Renaissance The future of African art is bright because many institutions are establishing new museums dedicated to its study and enjoyment. The last decade has seen thc birth of the National Museum of African Art in Washington D.C, the Museum for African Art in New York City, and the Dapper Museum in Paris. American universities are establishing new departments for the study and award of higher degrees, up to Ph.D. level in African art history, and pro- fessional bodies like the Art Council of the African Studies Association are promoting scholarly activities. More than ever before, very exquisite publi- cations on African art are seeing the light of day. There seems to be excite- ment everywhere, yet there is still a long way to go before African art takes its proper place in the mainstream art world. If the trends observed above continue, it will not be too long before African art accomplishes its role in restoring human dignity in Africa. We should not regret the past but should be happy that the present is wit- nessing a new period of artistic renaissance of the kind that takes cognizance of the past and looks to the future. Many contemporary artists are drawing upon their African cultural heritage by creating works in a range of media not seen in the traditional art of their forefathers. Bruce Onobrakpeya of the Zaria Art School in Nigeria has developed the technique of deep etching, which adds a sculptural quality to his two-dimensional prints that he employs in render- ing works inspired by the culture of the Benin Kingdom and his urobc ances- try (figures 2.7 and 2.8). The Congolese artist Kolwesi Kanyemba, using acrylic on canvas, seeks inspiration in the everyday world, as demonstrated by his depiction of carved gourds and other African cooking utensils (figures 2.9 16 Figure 2.7 Figure 2.8 Bruce Onobrakpeya Bruce Onobrakpeya Playtime, 1973 Landscape with Trees, 1973 (cat. # 160) (cat. # 161) 17 Figure 2.9 Koiwesi Kanyemba Untitled, 1982 Figure 2.10 Koiwesi Kanyemba Untieled, 1980 "MW RVII-W ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~(cat. # 154) Top left, Figure 2.1 1 Bottom left, Figure 2.12 Kolwesi Kanyemba Kolwesi Kanyemba Untitled, 1985 Birds andAntelope, 1982 (cat. # 150) (cat. # 152) Top right, Figure 2.13 Bottom rigyt, Figure 2.14 Kolwesi Kanyemtba Kolwesi Kanyeroba Untitled, 1985 Crocodile with Heron, 1980 (cat. # 151) (cat. # 153) 19 and 2.10) and the fauna of his environment (figures 2.11, 2.12, 2.13, and 2.14). Artists such as Vumikosi Zulu (figure 2.15) and John Muafangejo (figures 2.16, 2.17, 2.18 and 2.19), both of whom were trained in the graphic arts at Rorke's Drift in South Africa, have adopted the expressive medium of woodcut to portray scenes from daily life, some of which have subtle politi- cal undertones. Although these new artists are experiencing a different world, it is one that has not completely broken from the tradition. It is good that they wear two faces like the Roman god Janus: one looking into the past, the other toward the present. In so doing they can build bridges both ways for us, so that we can preserve our identity, while participating in the present. A new gallery for African contemporary art opened at the National Museum of African Art in Washington D.C., in October 1997, in the same place as the better known ancient art that is on display. This is how it should be, and it augurs well for the future. Ir is a pity that, today, when the African nations yearn for development aid they generally think about technology and invariably exclude culture or the development of the human being. Our educational system has become an unthinking routine and we are producing highly educated but deperson- alized citizens. Technology should be the weft and culture the woof of the fabric of any society, for in a world troubled by fear, prejudice and bigotry, divided by wealth and poverty, and torn by ideology, racism, and infinite problems, we must seek a new meaningful consciousness in the sphere of cul- ture that embraces the arts. We have to search for our roots and identify our- sclves with our past achievements, convinced that we are rooted in a foundation that is solid and irrevocable, for culture, unlike technology, speaks to the soul and we should be ready for this dialogue. Ekpo Eyo is Professor of African Art History and Archaeology at the University ofMaryland, andformer Director General ofthe Nigerian National Commission for Museums and Monuments. 20 Top right, Figure 2.16 Top left, Figure 2. 17 John Muafangejo John Muafizngejo Shep herd in Forest, 1969 Preparing for the Flood~ 1979 (cat. # 156) (cat. 4 157) Bottom right, Figure, 2.18 Bottom lefi, Figure 2.19 John Muafangejo John Muafangejo Rraal (Homestead), 1980 Holiday, 1983 (cat. # 158) (cat. 4 159) 21 ,jl,(.,&. k Wg!W 0. -=,/t '',tll,.Xt*(, /l 1: X0000 77 t:: kk < I 'C~~~~~~~~~~X 0 fff ?Xfft00X:fX 0f0:f0:?00040000000000f00if000fS00/fX00:00:f:00fu u0 I K~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ff0;f00 1/0fXA000 14110$f;SSyS0ff)f002 X0X0XXf 8b - I~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~; ~t f ffAt000t;f\X000 C igNS)i0 t0U nt00000XE a 0 3. Constructing (ulture: African Art and Society Christa Clarke This catalogue features selected works from the collection of the World Bank. Presented here in a cultural context, African art is shown as not only reflecting societal concerns but also actively engaging in the creation and maintenance of religious, political, and social systems. The selected objects showcase a broad range of object types and media, from metal cur- rency to beaded regalia and apparel. These works are arranged themati- cally to provide a deeper understanding of the meanings and functions of African art within the societies that produced them. Art may represent African systems of belief, for example, or may be directed to the spiritual realm, in the service of gods or ancestors. On a human level, objects may be used to effect both political and personal power. Societal standards and ideals also can be imparted to members of a community through artistic expression. And dress and objects for personal use may reflect the social position of an individual, serving to define the self. These categories, it should be noted, are fluid. Many of the objects could be grouped differ- ently, a fact that in itself testifies to the close integration of art and soci- ety in Africa. While this essay focuses on the cultural aspects of African art, we must remember that the works themselves were created by individuals whose names, while lost to us today, were known and remembered within their respective societies. In Africa artists may be male or female, though their spheres of production are usually separated along gender lines. Wood carv- ing and metalworki.ng are typically the province of men while pottery and basketweaving generally are in the realm of women's art. Textiles are woven by both sexes, although aspects of their manufacture may be differentiated by gender. These artists, vested with the responsibility of visually interpret- ing the beliefs and aspirations in their communities, have had profound effects on African cultures. Left Figure 3.5 Representing Belief Full body mask Nigeria, Igbo Religious beliefs may vary considerably, both among and within African cul- ear-ly20td centu,Jy tures. Most societies believe in a creator god, though this god is rarely (cat. # 56) 23 approached directly by worshippers. Instead, it is the lesser deities and spir- its who, as intercessors between the human and the divine, are an impor- tant locus for the concentration of artistic energies. Among the Yoruba peoples of Nigeria such deities are honored individually by devotees who proclaim their affiliation through dress and regalia. The beaded dance panel or yata (figure 3.1) would be worn by priestesses at the annual festival for Osun, the river goddess. While the use of blue and gold beads on the panel alludes to Osun, other elements of design are associated with the thunder god Sango, mythic fourth king of the Oyo dynasty. Known for his mercu- rial temper, Sango is said to punish transgressors by hurling thunderbolts from the sky. On the dance panel, Sango's powerful force is alluded to by repeated triangles, symbolizing thunderbolts, in the beadwork and in the four attachments to the base. Figure, 3.1 Dance pane Nigeria, Yoruba 20th centugy (cat. # 55) In addition to specific deities, many Africans believe in protective spir- its who can manipulate the forces of nature. In Burkina Faso the Bwa and Nuna pay tribute to the invisible spirits in their environment by the per- formance of masquerades at initiations and funerals. Plank masks, like this one identified as a butterfly (figure 3.2) and that representing an owl (fig- ure 3.3) feature zoomorphic elements combined with geometric designs painted in red, black and white. The patterns are said to symbolize com- plex cosmological beliefs with multiple layers of meaning that can be fully revealed to the initiated only. The masks are owned and performed by dancers with their bodies concealed by raffia fiber, some of which may still be seen in figure 3.2. Within the realm of the supernatural, ancestors are particularly revered. Spirits of the deceased are believed to have the ability to mediate between 24 Figure~~ ~ ~ ~ ~ 3.2 ,e L40 Burkina Faso, Bwa or Nu .,a (cat. . _ Figure 3 2 Maslek Burkina Faso, Bwa or Nuna 20th century (cat. #218) I I b L 1 ~~~~~~~~5 Figure 3.2 Burkina Faso, Bwa or Nuna 20th century (cat. #20) 25 the supernatural and human realms, maintaining balance and order within a community. The passage of the deceased to the realm of ancestors is often marked by the performance of masquerades. Among the Dogon of Mali, the men's Awa society is responsible for funeral and death anniversary cer- emonies called Dama that mark the end of the mourning period for the recently deceased. Over the course of several days, dancers appear wearing wooden masks, which are considered the material repository for the soul of the deceased. The masked dancers wind their way through the village, escorting the spirits of the dead from the community to the supernatural world. More than 70 different types of masks perform, including kanaga (figure 3.4). Kanaga masks appear in large numbers, danced by men addi- tionally embellished with cowrie shell bodices, fiber skirts and ruffs around the wrists and elbows. The double-barred cross superstructure on the wooden mask has been interpreted as either a bird or, on a more esoteric level, as the creative force of god. Once firmly ensconced in the spiritual world, ancestors may be praised and petitioned through yearly ceremonies. In Nigeria the Igbo honor their collective male and female ancestors by performing a masquerade called mmuo. Embodying beautiful maiden spirits, mmuo maskers wear color- fully appliqued full-body costumes with either a fiber mask (figure 3.5), or A r~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ Figure 3.4 Mlask, (Kanaga,) Mali, Dogon 20th centuyy (car. # 10) 26 a white-faced wooden mask. The linear patterns embellishing the costume replicate the female body decoration among the Igbo called uli and con- vey standards of feminine beauty. -While collective ancestors are appealed to through regularly held cere- monies and frequent ritual acts, a specific ancestor may actually approach a liNv- ing relative with a request for commemoration. Among the Giriama of Kenya, for example, a senior male of a household would commission a carved funer- ary post after being visited by the spirit of the deceased. These funerary posts (figure 3.6), called kigango (vigango, plural), are considered to be receptacles for the soul of the deceased and would have been erected in front of the fam- ily house. While intended to depict an individual, these posts are not meant to be realistic portraits. Instead, they are typically quite abstract with a circu- ComemForattreposts lar, two-dimensional head and a rectangular body embellished only with Kenya, Girianza incised geometric designs. 19th century (cat. # 141-43) The tradition of carving monumental wooden grave posts to honor the dead is also found among the Sakalava on the island of Madagascar. A Right Figure 3.7 sculpted figure, such as figure 3.7, would typically be part of a larger sculp- Gravepost tural program that includes other human figures, birds, and cattle. Set at Madagascar, Sakalava 19th century the corners and midway points of a fence enclosing the tomb, the post's (cat. #124) weathered appearance reflects a past subjected to the elements of nature. 27 Since not all the deceased are awarded the privilege of visual representation, the commemoration of an ancestor through artistic expression typically signifies that that person was an important and contributing member of society. Beyond paying cribute to a deceased individual, representing a specific ancestor can provide a sense of group identity among descendants of the deceased. In Democratic Republic of Congo clans of the Mbole each carry the totemic name of their founding ancestor. These ancestors are visually represented by the abstract emblems that are woven on fiber mats or losa (fig- ure 3.8). Displayed during important ceremonies such as initiation and funerals, the mat would eventually be buried with elder members of the clan. Mt (losa) D.P. of (ongo, Mbole Effecting Power While the spiritual realm of gods and ancestors may be a guiding force for artistic creation, human power and authority is made manifest through visual representation in a number of ways. In Burkina Faso Mossi rulers display male and female figural sculptures outside the entrance to their compound. The sculptures are intended as expressions of political power, solidifying the ruling prerogative of the nobles (nakomse) who founded the Mossi states in the fifteenth century by subjugating smaller ethnic groups in the region. Depicted with the sagittal crest worn by women in the Mossi region, this female figure (figure 3.9) may represent a chief's wife. In the numerous small kingdoms of the Cameroon Grassfields politi- cal identity is expressed through dress and regalia. The Bali tunic (figure 3.10) is an example of royal dress meant to be worn by a high-ranking 28 JI Ii L Figure 3.9 Female figure Burkina Faso, Mossi late 19th centuiy (cat. # 22) 29 chief. The use of elaborate embroidery on tunics became popular in the nineteenth century, possibly inspired by the dress of Hausa traders who plied their wares throughout the region. The designs, however, are local in origin. This tunic features a number of animal motifs commonly seen in Grassfields iconography, such as a frog and a reptile. A reptile, possi- bly a chameleon, also figures as a motif in a beaded footrest (figure 3.1 1) used by a rulcr among the neighboring Bamileke. The footrest makes lav- ish use of colorful beadwork, a luxury material typically found in leader- ship arts. Blue and white resist-dyed cloth (figure 3.12) from the kingdom of Bamum in the Cameroon Grassfields has a dual function as political icon - ------- Figure 3.10 Embroidered' tunic Cameroon Grasslands, Bali 20th century (cat. # 62,) Figuire 3.1 1 Footrest Cameroon Grasslands, Bamileke mid-20th century (cat. # 61) 30 Figure 3.12 Tap es try Cameroon Grasslands, Barnum early' 20th century (cat. #63 E) and medium of exchange. Draped behind a Fon's throne to form a back- drop for the display of royal regalia, the tapestry's geometric designs are read as the ground plan of the palace. Such cloth began to be produced at the turn of the century in Fumban under the rule of Sultan Njoya and quickly became a popular exchange gift between chiefs. Like the Bamum cloth, raffia cloth produced by the Kuba of Congo may also function as a medium of exchange. Woven by men and embcllished by women, Kuba textiles demonstrate a range of techniques, including applique, patchwork, and emrbroidery. Small embroidered cloths (figure 3.13) are used as gifts and may also serve as compensation in legal settlements. The complex patterns on the cloths, woven by women using natural and dyed fibers, are named designs that may have philosophical, historical, or leg- endary significance. Figuwre 3. 13 Embr-oidered cloth D. R. of Congo, Kuha 19th century (cat # 75) 3] An equally elaborate artistic tradition is found in the Asante kingdom in Ghana, where fine textiles woven of silk are a highly visible symbol of leadership. Prestige cloth typically includes silk threads in its manufac- ture and its use is rigidly controlled by the Asantehene, or king. Produced mainly in the city of Bonwire, narrow strips are woven by men and then sewn together to create large cloths. Design elements on the individual pieces are thus joined to create an overall pattern, such as the square dec- orative units that combine for a checkerboard effect (figure 3.14). These patterns may have complex cultural associations or specific historic refer- ences. The textile with a warp pattern of red, gold, and green stripes (fig- ure 3.15), for example, refers to an eighteenth century civil war between two competing clans. 1111IM I Gereni cSloh ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~i i Uj " z~Jl IB AEii 1 Figure 3.15 Ceremonial cloth Ghana, Asante early 20th century _ g ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~Ceremsonial c loth early 20th centzury (cat. #46) 32 Throughout Africa metal currency is a tangible manifestation of eco- nomic power. The Nkutu manufacture U-shaped bars of copper called boloko (figure 3.16) used as currency among many peoples in the northcen- tral area of the Democratic Republic of Congo. Iron forged into spearheads (figures 3.17, 3.17a) are found in the Stantey Falls region of northern Congo where they are exchanged for cattle. Less portable but visually stunning are the large iron spearheads (figure 3.18) created by the Turumbu of the Democratic Republic of Congo for use as bridewealth payments and for the purchase of canoes. Above, Figure 3.16 Currency (Boloko) D.R. of Congo, Nkutu 19th centug. (cat. #94) Right and Left, Figures 3.17and Spearhead currency D.R. of Congo, Northcentral region 19th cenrtuiy (eat. # 98 and 99) Figure 3.18 Spearhead currency (Ngbele) D.R. of Conigo, Tlcrumbu 1-9th centa;y (cai.# 100-04) 33 Structuring Society In many African societies artistic expression is a vehicle through which societal standards and norms of behavior are imparted to members of the community. The arts of performance are particularly effective in this regard, allowing for the acting out of various social roles, both good and bad. Among the Bozo and neighboring groups in the Segou region of Mali, puppet theater employs satire and role recognition to extol tradi- tional standards of social behavior. Members of male youth organizations called ton stage performances using puppets that represent a range of char- acters from farmers to foreigners. The long hair on this puppet (figure 3.19) may identify it as a water spirit, a commonly depicted figure. Fi re3.19 Pupper Mlali, Bozo 19th-20th century (car. # 14) A variety of social roles are also represented in the masking tradition called Goli that is found among a number of cultures in C6te d'Ivoire. Originating among the Wan, Golimasquerades were adopted by the neigh- boring Baule around the turn of the century. The Goli dance series is com- plex, involving as many as four different pairs of masks. The smaller face mask (figure 3.20), with its finely rendered features and sleek, curving horns, incorporates both anthropomorphic and zoomorphic elements. Such masks would be used to dramatize village life in their performances by presenting well-defined social roles. 34 Societal rules and ideals of comportment are often taught to young women and men through initiation ceremonies. In the Democratic Republic of Congo, Pende boys are initiated into society during mukanda, and their period of seclu- sion and education is enlivened by the performance of masquerades. Many of the masks portray village characters who impart moral tessons to the young ini- tiates by enacting both positive and negative behavior One such mask is Kindombolo (figure 3.21), identified by the perforations of the cheeks depicting smallpox scarring. Kindombolo is a trickster who introduces an antisocial ele- ment to the initiation ceremonies. Other masks used during mukanda may have more cosmological significance. The disk-shaped Gitenga mask (figure 3.22), for example, is said to refer to the sun, symbolizing both life and rebirth. Left, Figure 3.20 1 Face miask C6ie el'voire, Baa/e 20th century (cat. ,134) Right, Figure 3.21 Mask (Kindombolo). D.Rk of Congo, Pende 20th centut (cat. # 67) Right, Figure 3.22 Afask (Giteinga). D.R. of Congo, Pende 20th centuay (cat. # 66) 35 Some societies deliberately cultivate and sanction certain behavioral traits through the performance of masquerades. The Salampasu of the Democratic Republic of Congo use three different types of masks during the initiation of young men into society. These masks represent hunters, warriors and chiefs and may be constructed of fiber, wood, or as in these examples (figures 3.23 and 3.24) of copper-plated wood. The formal ele- ments of such masks emphasize ferocity and aggressiveness, traits that are valued among men in that society. Here, the bulging forehead and bared teeth lends a war-like quality to the face that is enhanced by the addition of sheets of metal, considered to be an especially powerful media. The fierce characteristics of the mask however, arc stylistically tempered by the carefully constructed balls of furled cane that form the coiffure. Figure 3.25 Mask (Beda) C76te d'Ivoire or Grhana, Nafana 20th century (cat. # 33) The need to reinforce traditional values within a community may arise during a particuilarly diifficult time. During the colonial period in C6te d'lvoire the shifting social and political climate of the 1930s led to the introduction of the Bedu masking tradition among the Nafana in the Bondoukou region. The masquerade, which replaced an earlier masking tradition called Sakrobundi, asserts traditional values and is concerned with issues of human survival. Performed during a month-long ceremony, Bedu masks are danced in male-female pairs. While masks surmounted with disk shapes have been identified as female, those with horns, as seen in this example (figuire 3.25), may he mnale. 36 ji - g- 't K|'4 '. Figure 3.23 A i_sk D. R. of Conigo, Salanpasit 1 9th-20th century (calt. 469) q-~~A Fi,,ure 3.2-y A task D.R. ofCongo, Soalmpaso. 19th-250th cenrtrio (cait 3. TO0 37 Defining the Self Reflecting social roles and standards, dress is an important vehicle for defining the individual. Clothes that serve to conceal the body may also reveal a multitude of information about the wearer. In northern Nigeria men's embroidered gowns often exhibit designs of Islamic derivation, the predominant religion in the area. The geometric embroidery on this Nupe gown (figure 3.26) has symbolic value. The attenuated triangular shapes, for example, are referred to as knives and the cluster of five squares repre- selnts fivc houses. In combination, these patterns are quite similar to those found on Koranic boards. Among the Kuba of the Democratic Republic of Congo, social posi- tion is conveyed through the wearing of raffia cloth textiles. Long, wrap- around garments made of cut-pile cloth (figure 3.27), having a texture resembling velvet, are worn as prestige attire by both men and women for important ceremonies such as weddings and funerals. Other ritual attire include long appliqued skirt panels constructed of individual panels of raffia cloth (figure 3.29). Royal women have the privilege of wearing a more elaborate overskirt featuring a delicately patterned cut-pile border with a flounced edge (figure 3.28). Given the communal production of such textiles, in which many women may contribute to its embroidery, one can determine not only the wearer's status in the community but also her or his social relations. Figuvre 3.26 Gown Nigeria, Nupe 19th century (cat. #26F 38 Figure 3.27 Skir panel D. R. of Conga, Kuba 19th century (cat. # 71) Figure 3.28 Skirt panel D. R. of Congo, Kuba 19th century (cat. #,73) Figure 3.29 Cermonial Skirt panel D. R. of Congo, Kuba 19th century (cat. #72) 39 In southern and eastern Africa beaded garments convey information about social status and also ethnic identity. Among the Maasai of Tanzania a bride would be given a sheepskin skirt embroidered with beaded designs (figure 3.3 1) on her wedding day. Worn wrapped around the waist with the scalloped edges hanging to the ankles in back, the skirt reveals a complex system of color the- ory in the seemingly decorative designs sewn to the hide. The Maasai assign specific values to individual colors and use "strong" and "weak" colors in alter- nating succession. While beads of red, black, and white were the typical choice in the past, the artist's repertoire has now expanded to a veritable rainbow of colors since the beginning of this century. Ndebele women of South Africa began to create beadwork as a means of proclaiming their cultural identity after a forced resettlement in the late nineteenth century. These beaded garments with geometric designs are also used to signal the significant stages of a woman's life. A five-pan- eled beaded apron called jocolo (figure 3.30) is an important part of a bride's attire on her wedding day and would be worn until the delivery of hcr first child. The cloak or linaga (figure 3.32) would also be worn by the bride on her wedding day. Subsequently, it would be part of a woman's attire for other celebratory occasions in her life, such as a son's initiation. While the geometric designs featured in Ndebele beadwork are believed to have symbolic value, specific meanings for the abstract patterns are unknown. Objects associated with personal attire can reflect and reinforce an indi- vidual's identity and importance in society. Despite their utilitarian nature, they may also demonstrate a wide range of artistic invention. The Mangbetu headrest from Congo (figure 3.33), designed to protect an elaborate coiffure, features dual-toned wood that enhances its fluid lines. While the head would be cradled in the gentle curve of the headrest, it also functions as a box in which to store personal treasures. The simple yet elegant form of headrests Figure 3.33 Headrest DR. of Congo, Mangbetu 19th century (cat. # 112) 40 | wr~Z I T | I | -MO}SaLat0zG~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~x - Figure 3.31 Married Woman's skirt Tanzania and Kenya, Masaii 20th cenu.y (cat. # 140) 42 Figure 3.32 Beaded cloak (linaga) South Afiica, Ndebele 19th-20th century (cat. # 123) 43 Left, Figure 3.34 1Headrest Keriya, Pokot l9th-20th century (cat. # 144) Right, Figure 3.35 Headrest Kenya, Pokot l9th-20th centu' (cat. #145) from Kenya (figures 3.34 and 3.35) have a practical side as well: they are eas- ily transported for use as pillows by the pastoral Pokot peoples. Combs are used mainly by women as implements for the complex art of hairdressing and as ornaments to adorn the hair. They may assume a simple form, like those crafted by the Mongo of northwestern Democratic Republic Congo (figure 3.36) be more elaborate, as in the rich repertoire of traditional iconography displayed by Akan combs from Ghana (figure 3.37). Figure 3.36 Combs D.R of Congo, Mongo l9th-20th century (cat #107-11) 44 ZXI II Fig-re 3.37 Ornamental combs Ghana, Akan MWid-20th century 45 Stools and chairs, while clearly functional, are also used to identify their owners as persons of rank. The low chair is found in many societies through- otut C6te d'Ivoire and Liberia and is an important part of a man's personal property. Among the We of Liberia and C6te d'Ivoire, a low chair with a curved back (figure 3.38) would be owned by an elder male and borrowed by his granddaughters for their initiation ceremonies. A similar chair (figure 3.40) used by a Maano elder in Liberia signifies that the owner was a man highly respected and would be carried by an attendant. In Nigeria the eight- legged stool (figure 3.39) with incised geometric designs of Islamic deriva- tion would identify its Nupe owner as a man of rank. Containers, also serving a practical function, can reveal a wealth of infor- mation about identity and power through their production and use. In Democratic Republic of Congo carved wooden boxes (figure 3.41) are owned Above left, Figure 3.38 by Kuba men of achievement and used to store camwood powder. Geometric Elders chair Liberia a-nd Cbte d'Ivoire, We designs embellishing the boxes duplicate those found on Kuba textiles as well 20th century as the patterns of body scarification in the region. Among the Rotse in (cat. #32) Above center, Figure 3.40 Stool ANigeria, Nupe 20th century (cat. # 25) Above rigLt, Figure 3.39 Elder's chair Liberia, M'ano 20th century (cat. # 30) Left, Figure 3.41 Cosmetic Boxes D. R. of Congo, Kuba 19th-20th century (cat. # 84-86) 46 Zambia a lidded bowl with a handle of abstract design (figure 3.42) would be used to hold meat and vegetables. The serving implement also indirectly reinforces the ruling power in the region, as such bowls are carved by mem- bers of subjugated groups exclusively for use at the Rotse court. In Rwanda and Burundi the lidded baskets (figure 3.44) created by the Tutsi for stor- age reveal a different dynamic of power. Containers with delicate patterns in black are woven only by women of aristocracy: the complex and time- consuming nature of their manufacture indicates that the creators were women of leisure. Figure 3.42 Bowl Zambia, Rotse 79th century U (cat. # 126) IP Figure 3.43 Baskets Rwanda c'sBurundZi, Tuetsi 19th centu7y (cat.. 127-29) Christa Clarke is an art historian specializing in African art. 47 Canary Islands / ahe 8:, at [ Med rrAnLGERIAj-n SPANIG LIRBYA IARAB REP SA'HARA! ; -\ \.OF EGYPT j~~~~~~~~ S_ _+ m - - i H--- MAURITANlA i A - jakchttot ., y -S40 j ~~~M A L I Z/0.1Z ,- MAI N I G E Ri -~~zL 'ER]TRNGERA (ar ~ ~ ' 0'"Bz / &MaujEI rEa XSENEGALS' Ij / i N' X, CHAD Kha rt91o * 5a , nUSsi i)y\ -~4t;t SUD AN t, ^ X Dogon ""K Niamey Dj'enne Mossgaiooa- SUDAN,./'*.\, INEA -!f 4"'" IBrtaD,, '' 'i1NDjarnena \ K IxBamana /BURKINA FASQ-, Jjz/ IBOUTI SAU GUINE , Bwi s- Cooakrym y '_ *'--, ,0 Ar 'O- ® i * AddisAbaba K SOMALI Freetown*M,Ende . COTE Na~f C' '. ®buja K. IERRA LEONE ~D'IVOIRE, 7/O' '2 IolI Yoruba V M ETHIO--A Monr M160 D antu A 5afittngu'i- _Fon ' CENTRAL MorL We anm7~&~ PTh~ooIb~~ AFRICAN REPUBLC ~ IBER Amo~-10ussokrX§®LoeEROONS" Bang' .7' EQ0 '0; fGUFN>TYaounde>7-r-< Mangbtu K Pokot ( UGAN DA MogadishL A N C R ICAbreville moo KAa a _ K E N Y ' EC 0ONCO, ' AL aS Nairobi '- 'GABO'N TU Asr mI RADN~-O' AI SI SPRD Rhela aSaa ia IA s-, !0 0 0 V: 0 00000:400 0t0:00: Si t:: \ 'Brazzavilla e pw a '~KNkuhaBa ,, CONGO aRNI K ; 0 ;; 0 t(ANGOLA 'V 00hoke N A II TagoTsWANA <, >. F A I TANZANIA A FRI CA Land Salanmpasu/ REGIONAL AN D AGL ixj ETHNIC GROUPS r. "'' ABALiol5MALAWI M(ot Northern Africa f X MAIAGASotr Sahel and Savannah ZIMBABWE / <~~~~~~ Sg5kalava Western Africa and Guine CoaMtBAB Antaflanarivo* NAMIBIA , st Wmodhoek Southern AfricaGaone' Eastern Africa Mothp e~Iti-pulo Masnru-' ZuluSWAZILAND .- Qrar5e (~'LESOTH/& Grasslands geograph ei ntion SOUTH AFRICA / (Bamileke, Bali, 8 Barnum) (Asante 8- Baule) ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~~~o 500 tuna 1500 KILOMETERS 0 ~~~~~500 1000 MILES * National Capill Timpwaprdced by the Map Design Unit of The World Bank Rivers Tanaisco denominations and any other information shoT an this map da not imply, on the yoU ofTh World Bank Grosp, sny International Budrejdmeto hleasoisaanlriiry, or any endorsemr,ent or Catalogue _JrF S. - L,LJ -A NORTHERN AFRICA 1 MOROCCO Wall or cent hanging (haitz), 19th century Silk, silk damask 111.8 x 523.1 cm. WB- 151 -07-86-C 2 MOROCCO 3 MOROCCO 4 NALGHREB Carved screen, 1 9rh centtry Carved screen, 19th century Koranic prayer board, 19th- Wood Wood 20th century 105.4 x 106.4 x 3.4 cm. 104.8 x 104.6 x 5.6 cm. Wood, ink WB-122-11-86-B W\7B-123-11-86-B 48.9 X 27.8 x 1.9 cm. WB-191-16-86-C 51 SAHEL AND SAVANNAH 5 MALI, Djenne (Inland Niger Delta Region) Bowl with pedestal, 12th-15th century Fired clay H: 42-4 cm.; 0 40 cm. V7-Bi188-12-86-C 6 MIALI, Djenne 7 MALI, Djennc (Inland Niger Delta Region) (Inland Niger Delta Region) Bottle, 1I lth-lISth century Bottle, II th.-lISth century Fired clay Fired clay 23.4 cm. 0 12.7 cm. , 33.6 cm.; 0 18.4 cm. Wa-153-13-86-C WB-182-13-86-C 8 MIALI, Djenne 9 MALI, Djenne (Inland Niger Delta Region) (Inland Niger Delta Region) Bottles, ll2h-l5rh century Bottle, I Irh-ISth century Fired clay KY Fired dlay 31.8 cm.; 0 20.3 cm. KY 24.8 cm.; 0 1227 cm. WB-183-13-86-C WB-184-13-86 C 52 10 MANLI, Dogon Mask (Kanaga), 20th century Wood, pigment, Fiber 108.8 x 52.1 x 18 cm. WB-125-10-86-C 11 ALI, Bamana 12 MDALI, Bamana Doorlock, 19th century Doorlock, 19th century Wood Wood 39.6 x 40.6 x 6.4 cm. 43.2 x 41.9 x 6.4 cm. WB-1 19-1-8-C W-120-16-86-C 1 4MALI, Bozo Puppet, late 19th- 13 MIALI, Bozo early 20th century Pot, 19th or 20th century Wood, metal, pigment, Fired clay fiber, cotton H: 61 cm. 0 41.9 cm. ~~~~~~78.7 x 30.5 x 13.9 cm. WB-1 89-1 3-86C WB 04-10-86-C 53 15 MALI, Malinke 16 MALI, Malinkc 17 MALI, Malinke Mask, 20th century Mask, 20th century Mask, 20th century Wood, metal, pigment Wood, hair, metal, fiber, shells Wood, metal 60.5 x 21.6 x 13.3 cm. 100.8 x 34.2 x 15.2 cm. 48 x 18.2 x 11.9 cm. PN #300122 PN #206734 PN# 345263 18 BURKINA FASO, Bwa or Nuna Mask, probably 20th centurv wood, pigmenriit, raffia 148.2 a 174.3 a 24.5 cm. PN 4206738 20 BURKINA FASO, Bwa or Nuna Mask, probably 20th century Wood, pigment 184.1 x 32.8 x 25.l cm. PN #201200 19 BURKINA FASO, Bwa or Nuna Mask, probably 20th century Wood, pigment 36.8 x 124.4 x 19.1 cm. PN#201199 54 21 BURKINA FASO, Bwa or Nuna 22 BURKINA FASO, Mossi 23 BURKINA FASO, Lobi Antclopc mask, 20th century Female figure, late 19th century Stool, 20th century ~~~~~~~~~~0 ' 0 24 BURKINA FASO,Bao ua2BUKNFAOMos23BRIAAS,Lb Ati-ydcloptmas, indig dyenuyFmlfiuelae1tcnur Stool, 20th century Wood, pigments Wood Wood 60.4 x 17.7 x 20.4 cm. 134.6 x 27.4 x 23.8 cm. 17.8 x 35.6 x 12.7 cm. W~17B-126-10-86-C WB-73-03-86-B WB-186-11-86-C __ _ ,: , ' , 24 BURKINA FASO Shawl or wrapper, 20th century ............... 25 NIGERIA, Nupe Tie-dyed cotton, indigo dyeMstool20 cetury 68.1 x 203. l cm . . . WB-134-1 5-86-C ....... H: 25.7 cm; 0 30.8 cm. NVB-185-15-86-C I Man,s gown, 19th centurytU- ., SU - ' , :: .: :' Cotn embroidery.;. ., _ : ' .~~~~ . . / :29.6x4.8 c.S,,,, , , s ' i " "-" " T t"'' 'A' " ',7 S: .'. 11-15-86- s ' 0 E , -, ' '- ,,_ ', S . ' .,., . r_ i 55 3I-< ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ * 44 ' A, t -f5lit li l LL q :I,I;:I-t 51 . t3 WEST AFRICA AND GUINEA COAST 27 GAMBIA 28 SIERRA LEONE, Mende Necklace, early 20th century Blanket, 20th cenur (dM Glass beads, fiber Cotton and wool L: 101.6 cm~ 0: 1.2 cm 144.7 x 384.8 cmi. WB 06-14-86-C WB 14-07-86-B 30 LIBERIA, Mano Elder's chair, 20th centur Wood 33 x 40.7 x 30.4 cm. Wf:B-187-11-86-C 29 SIERRA LEONE Chiefs robe, early 20th century Cotton, embroidety 160 x217.1 cm. WB-212-07-86-B 32 LIBERIA a-nd COTT D'IVC 31 LIBERIA and COTE D'IvOI RE, We Dan Elder's chair, 20th Mask, 20th century etr Wood, pigment, fiber, hair, bone Wood 35x22.2x30.8 cm. 29.1 x 25.4 x 50.8 cm. PN#345369 5WB-130-11-86-C 56 fi TILL_ I I I I Li i t I IA F iiiI tL II ii L LL fii fI I L _ _ . I t i ' _l -T-I f-] LU . ila ZX1r:s;t11~~~~~11 , .--u . 33 COTF* D'VOIRF. or GHANA, Nafana Mask (Sa-krobundi or Bedu), 34 COTE D'IvoiRE, Baule probably 20th century- Mask, 20thcetr Wood, pigment Wood 123.4x50.2x8. cm. 33.3 x 13.2 x 9.6 cm. PN #206739 WB-127-10-86-B 36 COTE D'IvoipE, Baune 35 COTE D'IVOIRE, Baule Part ofa strip loom and loom Part of a strip loom and loombetr beaters, 20th century 20th century Wood, reed, fiber, cloth Wood, reed, fiber, cloth 54.6 X 27.9 X 7.5 cm. 22.2 x 18.4 x 5 cm. WB-1 16-12-86-C WB-148-12-86-C 37 COTE D'IVOIRE, Baule 'I38 COTE D'IVoiPE, Baule Part of a strip loom and loom Part of a strip loom and loom beaters, beaters, 20th century 20th century Wood, reed, fiber, cloth Wood, reed, fiber, cloth 19.1 x 20.3 x Scm. 24.8 x 25 x 5cm. WB- 149-12-86-C WB- 150-12-86-C 57 40 GHANA, Akan 39 GHANA, Akan Ornamental comb, Ornamental comb, mid-20th century mid-20th century Wood Wo 21.6 x8.7 x0.7 cm. 23.9 x7.4 x1. 1cm. WB-27- 12-86-C WB-28-12-86-C X 41 GHANA, Akan X 42 GHANA, Akan Ornamental comb, mid-20th Ornamental comb, century mid-20th century Wood Wood 23.7 x 9.4 x 0.7 cm. ~~~~~~~~22.1 x 10.3 x 1 cm. WVB-29-12-86-C WB-30-1 2-86-C ¾ 43 GHANA, Akan 4 HN,Aa Ornamental comb, mid-20th Orna-mental comb, mid-20th century century Wood ~~~~~~~~~Wood 22.2 x 7.4 xlI cm. 31.3 x 9.6 xlI cm. WB-31-12-86C \VB-32-12-86-C 58 IUL TLTfiU3Vl.Y t____ 45 GHANA, Asante -___ 4 7 GHACeremonial cloth 46 GHANA, Asante (kente), late 19th Ceremonial cloth (kente), century > , >>dearly 20th century -. Silk and cotton Silk and cotton 193 xx297.2 cm. 96.7 x 196.4 cm. NXWB- 1 1-1I 5-86-B \WB- 12-15-86-C 47 GHANA, Asante 48 GHANA, Asante Chiair (Asipirn), 19th century Stool, 19thl century Wood, leather, brass Wo 71.7 x 40.4 x 39.4 cm. ~~~~~~~~23.4 x 44.5 x 22.8 cm. WB-1 13-11-86-C WB-l1 14-1 1-8 6-C 49 GHANA, Fante 50 GHANA, Ewe Figure (akuiaba), early 20th Woman's ceremonial cloth century early 20th century Wood, beads Cto 29.1 x 7.5 x 5 cm.12x174cm WB-10-10-86-C - WB-13-15-86-C 59 51 REPUBLIC of BENIN, Fon 52 NIGERIA, Yoruba 53 NIGERIA, Yoruba Figure of a Rooster, late 19th- Herbalist's staff (Osanyin), Herbalist's staff (Osanvin), 20th century 19th-20th century 19th-20th century Wood Iron Iron 30.4 x 14 x 45.7 cm. 48.3 cm.; 0 43.2 cm. 126.9 x 12.7 x 6.3 cm. WB-07- 10-86-C W-50-10-86-B WB-05-1 0-86-C 54 NIGERIA, Yoruba Beaded textile panels, la 19th-early 20th century Cotton, beads 100.9 X 358.8 cm. WB- 160-07-86-C 55 NIGERIA, Yoruba 56 NIGERIA, Igbo Beaded apron, Dance costune, 20th century early 20th century Glass beads on Cotton Cotton and wool 35. 6x 51.5 cm. 153.2 a 45.8 x 19.1 cm WB-24-15-86-B VB-1I 5-1 5-86-B 60 tl.--___:}f : s IE-tE .SE-1 crr. 61t -r- ITL.--;- I rs. - - [i-i: LY - c7 TT ----r----- - 1, rT - TLi -- U I. IU~-------------- ----- IDI ID11_____ll 57 NIGERIA, Igbo (Akwete) 58 CAMEROON, Grasslands 59 CAMEROON, Bamileke Narrow strip cloth, 20th century Beaded calabash with stopper, Prestige stool, 19th century Cotton early 20th century Wood 127 x 203.2 cm. Calabash, beads, cloth 41.9 x 39.4 x 35.6 cm. WB-138-07-86-C H: 65.4; 0: 22.8 cm. WB-132-11-86-C WB-25- 12-86-C 60 CAMEROON, Bamileke 62 CAMEROON, Bali Headdress, 20th century Embroidered tunic, 20th century Feathers, fabric, fiber, leather Cotton, wool 0: 91.1 cm.; Dcpth: 45.6 cm. 113 x 87.6 cm. WB-131-10-86-C WB-23-15-86-C 61 CAMEROON, Bamiteke Pair of animals, mid-20th century Beads, cloth, wood 12.6 x 96.1 x 8.5 cmn. WB-26- 16-86-C 61 -~~~~~~~~~~~. 4 63 a, b. c, d, e, f 63 b CANIEROON, Bamum Royal tapestry, early 20th c Cotton, indigo dyes 6 panels 82.6 x 146.4 cm. each WB-147-07-86-C 63 c 63 d 63 e 63 f 62 2u -'. ' t {t '.-$1 i _=11-'.:. Il;Ft I T:y .'-T.i----'f . .I I.- fT -I'7- ---i7l -.5-- - I 1:I e iT-UTi'f:__''-' 64 CAMEROODN, Mambila Mask, 19th century W4ood, pigments 46 x 14.9 x 15.6 cm. 'WB-128- 10-86-B 63 -C ML CL -4 (ENTRAL AFRICA 65 DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF 66 DEMOCRATlC REPUBLIO CONGO, southwestern region OF CONGO, Pende Hat, early 20th century Mask (gitenga), 20rh cent( Beads, leathier, fabric Raffia, leather, wood, featl ; ;f;; 00XH: 15.3 cm.; 0: 20.3 cm. 52.8 x 68 x 47 cm. VW B-124-15-86-C WB-83-10-86-C 67 DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF 68 DEMOCRATIC CONGO, Pcnde REPUBLIC OF CONGO, Mask (Kindombolo), Cow 20th cenrury Chair, 20th cenruiry Wood, pigment, raffia Wood, leather 18 x 13.3 x 10.6 cm. 80.4 x 33 x 32.5 cm. WB-84-1 0-86-C WB-85-1 1-86 69 DEMOCRATic REPUBLIC 70 DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF OF CONGO AND) ANGOLA,, CONGO AND ANGOLA, Salampasu Salampasu Mask Mask Wood, fiber, copper Wood, fiber, copper 65 x 27.9 x 22.3 cm. ~~~~~~65.4 x 24.3 x 18 cm. PN # 345366 PN #345368 64 71 DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO, Kuba Skirt panel, 19th century Raffia, velour cloth 75 x 149.8 cm. WB-9 1-07-86-C 72 DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO, Kuba ~~!i'~:~;1 ~~ 4 Skirt panel, 19th century Raffia, appliqu6 77.4 x 450.8 cm. WVB-107-15-86-B A"Q- -.l& 73 DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC oF CONGO, Kuba 74 DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC or CONGO, Kuba Ceremonial skirt panel, 19th century Skirt panel, 19th century Raffia, velour cloth Raffia 68 x 161.2 x 8cm. 92.7 x 219.7 cm. WB3-74-07-86-C WB-75-07-86-C 65 75 DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO, Kuba Embroidered velour cloth, 19th century Raffia 122 x 127 cm. iWB-93, 94, 95, 96-07-86-C 76 DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO, Kuba Embroidered velour cloth, I9th century Raffia 47 x 61.6 cm. WB-49-07-86-B 77 DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC ourCONGO, Kuba Skirt panel, 19th century Bark cloth and raffia velour cloth 71.1 x 198 cm. WB-92-07-86-C 66 4 -~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~- ~~~~ ~ ~ 1 4 79 DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC * ,e,9> OF CONGO, Kuba Beaded ornament, late 19th ccntury 78 DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC Beads, raffia, shells i)4 wisgvvOF CONGO, Kuba 3.4 x 52 x 1.8 cm. Beaded ornament, late 19th century WB-77-14-86-C Beads, raffia, shells 15.8 x 8.8 x 5 cm. WB-76-14-86-C - 80 DEmocRATic REPUBLIC 81 DEMOCRATIC RFPUBLIC ~~ .~~~~ oF CONGO, Kuba oF CONGO, Kuba Beaded ornament, late 19th century - 5Beaded ornament, late 19th century WIs- Beads, raffia, shells -Beads, raffia, shells 7.6 x55.9 x3.8 cry. - ~ - 57.7 x II .6 x0.7 cm. WB-78-14-86-C WB-79-14-86-C 83 DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO. Kuba Beaded ornament, late 19th century Beads, raffia, shells 1.9 x 129.8 x 3.5 cm. -4WB-81-14-86-C X882 DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC 44j, WV OF CONGO, Kuba Beaded ornament, late 19th century '~ Beads, raffia, shells 45.7 x 14.1 x 1.7 cm. WW-80-14-86-C 67 84 DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO, Kuba Cosmetic box, 19th and 20th century Wood 6.3 x 31.2 x 13 cm. WB-33-12-86-C 85 DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO, Kuba ,N lX Cosmietic box, 19th and 20th centur6 Wood 4.8 x 25.3 x 13.6 cm. WB-34-12-86-C 86 DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO, Kuba Cosmetic box, 19th anid 20th century Wood 6.7 x 32.7 x 14.3 cm. WVB-121-12-86-C 68 4e n '. :: ;.-.~ A~A. ~ - ,& % . ~ ~ d ~ &4 '~~~~~~~~M I M ,W JM/l 87 DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC 88 DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO, Kuba OF CONGO, KLuba Fiber cap (laket), Fiber cap (laket), early 20th early 20th cenrury century Raffia Raflia H: 11.4 cm.; 0 15.2 cm. H: 10.2 cm.; 0 15.2 cm. WB-16-15-86-C WB-17-15-86-C 89 DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO, Kuba 90 DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC Fiber cap (laket), early 20th OF CONGO, Kuba century Drum, 19th century Raffia Wood, leather H: 11.4 cm.; 0 16.4 cm. H: 131.4 cm.; 0 25.3 cm. WB-18-15-86-C WrB-48-17-86-C 69 91 DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC 92 DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OFt CONGO, Mbole OF CONGO, Mbole Mat (iosa), 19th century Mat (iosa), 19th century '4 ~~Raffia, bark, vegetable dyes Raffia, bark, vegetable dyes 54.6 x 34.3 x 1.8 cm. 52.6 x 34.3 x 1.8 cm. WB-53-16-86-C WVB-54- 16-86-C 93 DEmocRATic RE-PUBLIC >~94 DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO, Mbole OF CONGO, Nkutu Mat (iloa), 19th century Currency (boloko), 19th centur Raffia, bark, vegetable dyes Copper 5 5.8 x 34.3 x 1. 8 cm. 36.8 x 25.4 x 6.4 cm. WB-97-16-86-C WB-106-12-86-C 70 ! . ~ i - * '_ 95 DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO, Northcentral region Metal currency, 19th century Brass 8.3 x 17 x 3.2 cm. WB-101-12-86-C t- 'Q .96 DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC j- . - -''OF CONGO, Northcentral region Metal currency, 19th century Brass 8x 17.8 x2.8 cm. WB- 102-1 2-86-C 20" 97 DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO, Northcentral region * ;.,, 7't Metal currency, 19th century Brass ; <& %#8Sft ~~~~~~~4.5 x 32.5 x 4.4 cm. WB-103-12-86-C 71 98 DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO, Stanley Falls region 99 DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC Spearhead currencm, OF CONGO, Stanley Falls region 19th century Spearhead ctirrency, 19th century Iron Iron 41.6 x 16.6 x 6.6 cm. ~~~~~~54.6 x 14.9 x 6.7 cm. WC-104- 12-86-C WB- 105-12-86-C 100 DEMOCRAI'IC REPUBLIC 101 DEMOCRAT IC REPUBLIC OF CONGO, Turumbu or CONGO, Turumbu Spearhead currency (ngbelc), Spearhead currency (ngbele), 20th century 2t etr Iron ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~Iron 165.6 x 39.4 cm. ~~~~~~~~~176.4 x 39.4 cm. WB-86-12-86-C WB-87-1l2-86-C 102 DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC 103 DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC oF CONGO, Turumbu oF CONGO, Turumbu Spearhead currency (ngbele), Spearhead currency (ngbele), 20th century ~~~~~~~~~~20th centurY Iron ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~Iron 176.4 x 41.9 cm. ~~~~~~~174 x 41.2 cm. V/B-88-12-86-C WE 89-12-86-C 72 A-. Z _ - __ :_ _ __ . _ - _ - 104 DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO, Turumbu Spearhead currency (ngbele), 20th century 175.9 x 39.4 cm. WXB-90- 12-86-C 105 DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC oF CONGO, Mongo Tip-stool, 19th century Wood, imetal, tiber 27.9 x 55.8 cm. WB-98-1 1-86-C 106 DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO, Mongo Shield, 20th century Raffia 133.8 x 45.7 x 7 cm. W-B-82-1 6-86-C 73 107 DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC 108 DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC oF CONGO, Mongo OF CONGO, Mongo Comb, 19th-20th century Comb, 19th-20th century Wood, fiber Wood, Fiber 15.4 x 5.1 x 0.5 cm. 20.4 cm x 8.4 cm. x0. 8 cm. WB-61-12-86-C )WB-62-12-86-C 109 DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC 110 DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO, Mongo OF CONGO, Mongo Comb, 19th-20th century Comb, 19th-20rh century Wood, fiber Wood, fiber 22.2 x5.3 x0.8 cm. 19.3 x 6.2 x 0.6 cm. W&B-63-12-86-C WB-64- 12-86-C iii DEmocRATIC REPUBLIC oF CONGO, Mongo Comb, 19th-20th century Wood, fiber WB-65-12-86-C 74 - ~~~ : : ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ . - _ - i. I 112 DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO, Mangbetu Box, 19th century Wood, mecal 21.9 x 36.8 x 8.6 cm. WB-67-12-86-C 113 DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC 114 DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO, Mangbetu OF CONGO. Mangbetu Knife, 19th century Knife, 19th century Iron, ivory Iron, ivory 36.8 x 5 x 1.8 cm. 32.9 x 3.7 x 1.3 cm. WB-55-16-86-C WB-56-16-86-C 115 DEMviOCRATIC REPUBLIC 116 DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO, Mangbctu OF CONGO, Mangbetu Flywhisk. 19th century Da-nce rattle, 19th century Ivory, goat hair Wood, fiber, seeds 38 x 20.4 x 10 cm. W: 33 cm.; 0 8.9 cm. WB-57-12-86-C WB-58-17-86-C 75 SOUTHERN AFRICA 117 SOUTH AFRICa , sotho118 vs OUTH AFRCA, eBaded apron, early 20(h Beaded apron, earl century 20th century Glass bcads on corton Beads, leather 40.6 x 78.7 cm. 7 x38 cm. VB-159-15-86-C W 1 B-20-8 5-86-C 119 SOUTHAFRICA, Zulu Beaded apron, early 20th century Beads, leather 7 x36 cm. WB-21-15-86-C 120 SOUTH AFRICAN, Zulu 121 SOUTH AFRICA, Zulu Beaded apron, 19th century Beaded hag, 19th century Beads, leather, fiber Beads, leather, Fiber 96.4 x 43.1 cm. 50.7 x 15.3 cm. WB-1 17-15-86 WB- 1 18-15-86 76 122 SOUTH AFRICA, Ndebele Beaded apron, 19th century Beads, leather, raffia 71 x 67.2 cm. WB-1 00-1 5-86-C 123 SOUTH AFRICA, Ndebele Beaded cloak (linaga) Leather, beads 110.2 x 156.6 cm. PN # 201398 77 t~~~~~~~~~O M '- ' EAST AFRICA 124 NLMDAGASCAR, Sakalava 125 EAST AFRICA Gravepost, 19th century Chair, 19th-20th century Wood Wood 76.8 x 20.6 x16.5 cm. 60.9 x 25.6 x 24.3 cm. WVB-129-03-86-C WB-211-11-86C 127 RWANDA AND BURUNDI, Tu 126 ZAMBIA, Rotse Lidded basket, late 19th Bowl, 19th century century Wod rBavmboo, reeds, straw%I H: 23.2 cm.; 0 29.6cm. H: 20.1 cm.; 0 5.4 cm. WB-66- 12-86-C WB-46-12-86-C 128 RwANDA AND BURUNDI, Tutsi Lidded basket, late 19th 129 RwANDA AND BURUNDI, Tuts century' Lidded basket, late 19th century Bamboo, reeds, straw Bamboo, reeds, strawv H: 33.6 cm.; 0 17cm. H: 73.5 cm.; 0 48.6 cm. \VB-47-12-86-C WB-115-12-86-C 78 130 RWANDA AND BURUNDI, Tutsi TANZANIA, Haya Basket, late 19th century Bamboo, reeds, straw D:0.1I cm.; 0: 9.6cm. -:B-35-12-86-C 131 RWANDA AND BURUNDI, Tutsi TANZANIA, Haya Basket, late 19th century Bamboo, reeds, straw D: 0.3 cm., 0: 13.2 cm. WB-36- 12-86-C 132 RwANDA AND BURUNDI, Tutsi TA-NZANIA, Haya Basket, late 19±h century Ba-mboo, reeds, straw H: 16.5 cm.; 0: 29.1 cm. WB-37-12-86-C 79 ~~~~~~~~~~~~ I - M IT 7> ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~~sb 4 stra 133 RWANDA AND BURUNDI, Tutsi TANZANIA, Haya Basket, late 19th century Bamboo, reeds, straw 0:10.2cm. 'WB-38-12-86-C 14RWANDA AND BURUNDI, Tutsi TANzANIA, Haya Basket, late 19th century Bamboo, reeds, straw H: 0.3 cm.; 0: 18 cm. W/B-39-1 2-86-C 135 RwANDA AND BURUNDi, Tutsi TANzANIA, Haya Basket, late 19th century Bamboo, reeds, straw H: 2.5 cm.; 0: 15.3 cm. W(B-40- 12-86-C 80 136 RWANDA AND BURUNDI, Tutsi TANzANIA, Haya Basket, late 19th century Bamboo, reeds, straw D: 4.2 cm.; 0: 14.3 cm. VWB-41-1 2-86-C 137 RWAND AkNY BURUNDI, Tutsi TANZANIA, Haya Basket, late 19th century Bamboo, reeds, straw WB-42-12-86-C 138 RWANDA AND BURUNDI, Tutsi TANZANIA, Haya Basket, late 19th century Bamboo, reeds, straw 3.1 x 11.1 x 6.9 cm. WB-43-12-86-C 81 f g ~~~~~~~~~~~~g 139 Rv7AND AR ND JB(l/NDI, Tutsi 10.1 x 60.3 x 26i.6 cm. i< <4 01 ''''Ci ',' ' X . i ' t-' t",. - J X it'' {>f>'- 2 ( I '8i')s'.'l\''[ \';i'? N ! R.