71269 ASPIRATIONS ON HOLD? YOUNG LIVES IN THE WEST BANK AND GAZA ASPIRATIONS ON HOLD? YOUNG LIVES IN THE WEST BANK AND GAZA Cover photograph: Atef Safadi. Contents Acknowledgements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . v 1.  Young Lives in the West Bank and Gaza . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 A Young and Growing Population, a Volatile and Constricted Economy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 A Growing, Healthy and Well-Educated Young Population . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7 2.  The Qualitative Assessment: Learning from the Youth . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11 3.  “Building a Future�: Education for All . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15 Investing In Work, Independence, Dignity and a Strong Society . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5 1 Investing in Motherhood, Freedom of Movement and Personal Security . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18 A Decision to Regret: Withdrawing from School . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19 Breadwinning Teen Boys out of School . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20 Diverse Pressures on Teen Women to Remain Homebound . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22 4.  Few Pathways Into Desirable Jobs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23 Scarce Choices for First Jobs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23 Strong Normative Assessments Applied to Jobs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24 5.  Close to Home: The Circumscribed Economic Choices of Young Women . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27 Reputational and Safety Risks in Public . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27 Gender Differences in Earnings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29 Pressures on Working Mothers to Prioritize Family . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30 6.  Family Formation Choices: Who Decides? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31 7.  “Living in a State of War�: Women Taking Charge, Men Frustrated . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35 8.  Hope in the Face of Adversity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39 Annex : Global Qualitative Assessment Methodology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43 References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47 iii iv ASPIRATIONS ON HOLD? – YOUNG LIVES IN THE WEST BANK AND GAZA Figures Figure 1: A very young and growing population . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 Figure 2: Life expectancy and literacy in the west bank and gaza compared to selected countries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 Figure 3 : gdp per capita in the palestinian territories (in constant usd) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 Figure 4: Poverty headcount rates – west bank and gaza (2004–2009) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 Figure 5: Employment by sector in the west bank and gaza . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5 Figure 6: Unemployment and underemployment in the west bank and gaza . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5 Figure 7: Unemployment rates, by gender, west bank and gaza . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5 Figure 8: Unemployment rates, by gender, age and location . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6 Figure 9: Men out of the labor force by age and education- 2009 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6 Figure 10: Female labor force participation, by gender, west bank and gaza . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6 Figure 11: Mean wages by years of schooling: 2009 versus 1999 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7 Figure 12: Incidence of stunting in the palestinian territories and around the world . . . . . . . . 7 Figure 13: Incidence of wasting in the palestinian territories and around the world . . . . . . . . 8 Figure 14: Education of men and women ages 15–29, urban and rural . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 Figure 15: Ideal level of education (Share of individual responses reported in 12 focus groups) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16 Figure 16: Expected levels of education (Share of individual responses reported in 12 focus groups) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16 Figure 17: School enrollment among children aged 6 to 18 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19 Figure 18: School enrollment by age (6–18 years) in the west bank . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20 Figure 19: School enrollment by age (6–18 years) in gaza . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20 Figure 20: Enrollment and employment status of the head of household . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21 Figure 21: Location of work for women . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29 Figure 22: Wages, by education and gender . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29 Figure 23: Fertility rates in the west bank and gaza relative to mena and the world . . . . . . . 33 Figure 24: Average mobility index on ladders of power and freedom (12 adult focus groups) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36 Tables Table 1: Health and nutrition related markers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8 Table 2: Sample communities – qualitative assessment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11 Table 3: Best and worst jobs, young men’s focus group, university quarter, hebron . . . . . . . 25 Boxes Box A: A courageous and ambitious schoolgirl . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17 Box B: Risking life in the rafah tunnels . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24 Box C: Bucking tradition: a working and single woman of university quarter . . . . . . . . . . 28 Box D: Slowly changing gender norms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37 Box E: Bringing jobs to the doorstep: desicrew’s innovative business model . . . . . . . . . . . . 40 Acknowledgements T he core team comprises Nandini Krish- The team thanks Carolyn Turk, Ana Maria Munoz nan (Task Team Leader and Economist, Boudet and Patti Petesch who worked with us to MNSED), Tara Vishwanath (Lead Econo- refine the qualitative instruments and supported mist, MNSPR), Angelica Thumala (Consultant, training for field work. Field work was conducted MNSED) and Patti Petesch (Consultant, MNSED). by a team from Birzeit University’s Center for De- Much of the quantitative analyses presented in this velopment Studies led by Dr Samia Al-Botmeh, and report draws on the West Bank and Gaza Poverty the high quality of data and field reports is a testa- and Inclusion Assessment, “Coping with Conflict? ment to their professionalism and commitment to Poverty and Inclusion in the West Bank and Gaza� this effort. and the forthcoming MENA region’s companion re- port to the WDR 2012, “Opening Doors: Gender Peer reviewers, Carolyn Turk (Lead Social Develop- Equality in the Middle East and North Africa�. The ment Specialist, ECSS4), Gloria La Cava (MENA team would like to thank all those who contributed Regional Youth Coordinator, MNSSO), John Na- to the analyses that feature in this report. sir (Lead Economist, West Bank and Gaza), Samira Hillis (Senior Operations Officer and HD Coordi- The team gratefully acknowledges the support of nator for West Bank and Gaza) and Nistha Sinha the Multi Donor Trust Fund for Partnerships and (Senior Economist, PRMGE) provided invaluable Knowledge Work in Fragile States, which fully feedback and suggestions: thank you. funded the analysis and writing of this report, and co-financed qualitative data collection. A special The team thanks Bernard Funck (Sector Manager, thanks to Nicola Pontara (Senior Economist, OP- MNSED) and Manuela Ferro (Sector Director, CFN) who task manages this MDTF. MNSPR) for their support. Last but by no means the least, we thank Mariam Sherman (Country Director, The rapid qualitative assessment in the West Bank West Bank and Gaza), for her unflagging enthusiasm and Gaza was part of a global effort in 20 countries, and support and for valuing the relevance of analyti- supported by the World Development Report 2012. cal work in informing dialogue and operations. v 1 Young Lives in the West Bank and Gaza S eventy percent of West Bank and Gaza’s popu- side in six localities of Hebron and Rafah governor- lation is under the age of 30, and their share ates that have been deeply affected by violent conflict will continue to grow in the years ahead. The and economic turbulence. And their perceptions and aspirations and ambitions of this large and growing experiences provide valuable insights into how gen- population of children and youth have the potential der norms greatly shape their choices, and also the to define the future of the West Bank and Gaza. This immense resilience, drive, and frustrations that can assessment seeks to contribute to the understand- arise from living through such harsh circumstances. ing of factors driving the choices of young men and women at this critical juncture of their lives, with a To provide a broad context for the youth’s testimo- particular emphasis on the roles that changing gen- nies, this report first takes stock of developments af- der norms and the conflict environment are having fecting the West Bank and Gaza over the past decade.2 on their aspirations for education, jobs, and forming In this period, the Palestinian territories witnessed families. two major episodes of conflict: the Second Intifada beginning in 2000 and the crisis in Gaza in 2007. Young Palestinians are moving into adulthood in a Both episodes had severe and wide-ranging economic world surrounded by roadblocks and barriers, and repercussions, and were accompanied by restrictions gripped by soaring unemployment and uncertainty on internal and external mobility of people and about what their futures may hold. Still, this gen- goods. As a result, in the last decade, the West Bank eration remains optimistic and ambitious. They are pursuing high school and college degrees, and hang- ing on to expectations for better jobs and better lives 1 The exercise was conducted in 97 communities (about 4,000 than was possible for their parents’ generation. In individuals) in Latin America (Dominican Republic and Peru), Europe and Central Asia (Moldova, Poland, and Ser- the face of such bleak prospects, why? What is driv- bia), Africa (Burkina Faso, Liberia, Sudan, South Africa, and ing these youth’s aspirations for high levels of educa- Tanzania), South Asia (Afghanistan, Bhutan, and India), tion and good jobs? the Middle East (West Bank and Gaza and the Republic of Yemen), East Asia (Indonesia and Vietnam), and the Pacific Palestinians of three generations participated with Islands (Fiji and Papua New Guinea). (World Bank 2011) 19 other countries in a rapid qualitative assessment conducted by the World Bank to explore issues of 2 The quantitative analysis in this report builds on findings presented in Coping with Conflict: Poverty and Inclusion in gender, economic agency, and social norms.1 This re- the West Bank and Gaza (World Bank 2011). The main data- port presents the testimonies from adolescents and sets employed are the 2004–2009 Palestinian Expenditure youth of the West Bank and Gaza who engaged in the and Consumption Surveys (PECS), and several rounds of study. The young people selected to join the study re- the Palestinian Labor Force Surveys (PLFS). 1 2 ASPIRATIONS ON HOLD? – YOUNG LIVES IN THE WEST BANK AND GAZA and Gaza has witnessed economic volatility without about their future schooling and career goals, this parallel (even in comparison to countries affected by optimism turns to increasing frustration and stress large financial crises), massive spikes in poverty, and in the discussions about job experiences among the some of the highest rates of unemployment in the youth and adults. world. Young people’s unemployment rates are even higher, and much more so for young women. A consistent refrain from the young voices in the six communities visited is their fervent hope for The youth’s focus groups indicate that traditional an end to the conflict so that they can recover nor- gender norms remain very strong in their society, malcy in their lives and enjoy more choices and and mainly seem to be reinforced by the difficult control over the key decisions that will shape their conflict environment. Men’s status as the breadwin- life paths—their education, their working lives, and ners means that boys, especially from poor families, their formation of families. Armed with a good edu- are likely to withdraw from school sooner than girls cation and keenly aware of the changing world and in order to take up income earning roles; and the events beyond their borders, this is a generation well weak economy intensifies these pressures. Young equipped to envision and move forward on goals for men report that they are also coping with their dif- themselves. But in the present environment they are ficult circumstances by taking temporary and risky finding almost nowhere to go with their skills and jobs, wasting time in fruitless job searchers, and de- aspirations. laying hopes of marriage. On their part, educated young women confront an even more difficult cli- mate for asserting more independence. Poor safety, A Young and Growing Population, the weak economy, and traditional norms for their a Volatile and Constricted Economy roles in society discourage young women’s mobility, greatly limit the types of work they can do, and con- The population of the West Bank and Gaza is young strain their say in family formation decisions. and growing: nearly 30 percent of Palestinians are currently between the ages of 15 and 29, and 7 in 10 Although a traditional society, modern gender Palestinians are younger than 30 (Figure 1). These norms can also be observed in the youths’ experi- young men and women of the West Bank and Gaza ences and aspirations. School attainment is equally are more educated and healthier than any previous high for both young women and men. Most young generation of their society. The Palestinian terri- people of both sexes express strong desires for good tories also outperform other countries with simi- jobs. Also, in their ideals if not in practice, neither lar GNI per capita3 as well as its neighbors in the young men nor young women perceive strong gen- Middle East and North Africa region in terms of der differences in job opportunities. And while fam- health and education outcomes. Life expectancy and ily priorities are widely present in the narratives, a literacy rates in the West Bank and Gaza are much common refrain from both sexes is that they either higher than in countries with similar per capita in- need to or prefer to postpone building families until comes such as India, Egypt, Nigeria, Cameroon and after they are able “to make something of my own,� Ghana (Figure 2). In fact, Palestinian measures are as a young woman from Hebron points out. In ad- on par with its much richer neighbors in the region, dition, focus groups with older adult women reveal Turkey and Jordan, which have seven and three their sense of having gained a stronger voice in their times the per capita income of the West Bank and households as they have had to usher their families Gaza, respectively. through the tumultuous period. Generational differences can also be observed. While the adolescents in this study express great optimism 3 US$, Atlas Method Young Lives in the West Bank and Gaza 3 Figure 1. A Very Young and Growing nomic uncertainty, spikes in poverty and high rates Population of joblessness, all of which disproportionately af- fect the young majority, and can severely curtail the Percentage in each age group: West Bank and Gaza – 2010 ability of young people to translate their aspirations 40 to reality. 30 Volatility in GDP per capita in the West Bank and Gaza over the last two decades has been almost 20 without parallel (Figure 3). And contractions in the economy followed major episodes of conflict: after 10 the Second Intifada, per capita GDP fell sharply: 0 from USD1612 in 1999 to USD 1070 in 2002. At Children Youth Adults Above this time, Israel was an important source of employ- (<=14 years) (15–29) (30–59) 60 ment for Palestinian workers, was its main trading Source: Staff calculations based on United Nations, Department of Economic partner, and undertook tax collection on behalf of and Social Affairs, Population Division (2011). World Population Prospects: The 2010 Revision, CD-ROM Edition. the Palestinian Authority. The events following the Second Intifada adversely affected all three channels and therefore severely impacted the economy. Inter- nal and external restrictions on mobility were scaled This young, educated, healthy population repre- up, and despite some relaxations since, remain a per- sents a vast potential resource for the future devel- sistent feature of the economy. opment of the West Bank and Gaza. However, con- flict has had far reaching economic consequences Similarly, after parliamentary elections in 2006, the on the Palestinian economy, and combined with formation of a Hamas government was followed by its dependence on Israel and the rest of the world, a fiscal crisis. Clearance revenues to the Palestinian have made the economy particularly vulnerable to Authority were held back, direct financial support crises. These crises have been manifested in eco- from international donors was temporarily sus- pended, and a complete embargo was imposed on the Gaza Strip in 2007. Gaza underwent a severe Figure 2. Life Expectancy and Literacy economic downturn, reflected in a spike in poverty in the West Bank and Gaza Compared to rates to nearly 50 percent (Figure 4). Selected Countries Pakistan West Bank and Gaza Nigeria Figure 3. Gdp Per Capita in the Palestinian Territories (in Constant Usd) Jordan Yemen 2,000 Turkey India 1,500 Iraq Egypt 1,000 Cameroon Ghana Sudan 500 Life expectancy at Literacy rate, adult 0 birth (years) (% of people ages 15 and above) 1994 1996 1998 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010 Source: World Bank central database, latest available years. Source: National Accounts, PCBS. 4 ASPIRATIONS ON HOLD? – YOUNG LIVES IN THE WEST BANK AND GAZA Figure 4. Poverty Headcount Rates – West ment rates peaked above 30 percent, and were still Bank And Gaza (2004–2009) well above 20 percent in 2009. At the same time, even those who had jobs increasingly reported being 60 under-employed: between 1998 and 2009, the inci- 50 dence of underemployment rose from 15 percent to 40 above 25 percent.4 30 And during this period, the composition of employ- 20 ment has altered significantly, with a secular decline 10 in the private sector and in productive job creation 0 (Figure 5). As a result, there has been a growing reli- 2004 2006 2007 2008 2009 ance on the public sector to act as a safety net and Total West Bank Gaza absorb job seekers. The share of the private sector in employment fell from almost half of all jobs in 1999 Source: PECS, 2004–2009. to 38 percent in 2009. At the same time, the share of the government in total employment increased from 17 percent to almost a quarter of all jobs. In the The recovery in poverty in Gaza between 2007 and immediate aftermath of the Second Intifada, self- 2009 occurred despite little improvement in funda- employment also became an increasingly important mental economic indicators. The crisis was accom- short-term response. panied by unprecedented contractions in economic activity in Gaza: a 20 percent contraction in 2006 Young people and women have been particularly followed by an 8 percent contraction in 2007 and hard hit by the lack of productive employment op- a 6 percent contraction in 2008. Despite a subse- portunities. Unemployment amongst the youth in quent recovery, by the end of 2010, real GDP per 2000 was 4 percentage points higher than the av- capita in Gaza was 33 percent below its 1999 level. erage (Figure 6). By 2009, this gap had increased The decline in poverty in Gaza in 2009 was also to 10 percentage points over the already high rates not accompanied by any significant improvements of overall unemployment. And insofar as the youth in labor market outcomes. Peaking at 41 percent in have so far been more reliant on private sector work, Gaza in 2008, unemployment rates remain as high this concentration, born of choice or compulsion, as 38 percent in Gaza in 2010. One in two young could also underpin the higher rates of unemploy- Gazans looking for work could not find a job. In- ment. Their heightened vulnerability is also evident stead, the decline in poverty was largely driven by an in the large and growing proportion of youth em- increase in foreign aid and social assistance to house- ployed as unpaid family workers: increasing from holds. By late 2007, international aid had been re- 11 percent in 1999 to 15 percent in 2009. instated and social assistance expanded. By 2009, 71 percent of all Gazans were beneficiaries of at least Female unemployment rates have also been steadily one form of social assistance. rising. In 2008 and 2009, female unemployment in Gaza was higher than 40 percent, and above male The far-reaching influence of conflict episodes and unemployment rates (Figure 7). At the same time, the accompanying mobility restrictions are also evi- female labor force participation has been slowly ris- dent in broader labor market indicators such as labor ing. This suggests that with widespread male un- force participation, employment and wages. Rates of unemployment in the West Bank and Gaza over the last decade have been amongst the highest in the 4 An employed person is defined as under-employed if re- world. Following the Second Intifada, unemploy- ported hours worked per week are less than 35. Young Lives in the West Bank and Gaza 5 Figure 5. Employment by Sector in the West Bank and Gaza All Working Age Individuals (15–64 years old) Youth (15–29 years old) 100% 100% 80% 80% 60% 60% 40% 40% 20% 20% 0% 0% 1999 2003 2009 1999 2003 2009 Irregular Private Sector Regular Private Sector UN/NGO National Gov Unpaid Family Member Self Employed Employer Source: PLFS – 1999, 2003, 2009. Figure 6. Unemployment and Under- Figure 7. Unemployment Rates, by Gender, employment in the West Bank and Gaza West Bank and Gaza 40% 50% 35% 40% 30% 30% 25% 20% 20% 15% 10% 10% 0% 5% 1998 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 0% W. Bank Male W. Bank Female 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 Gaza Male Gaza Female Unemployment Source: PLFS. Unemployment and Underemployment areUnderemployment for all working age 64 year old) Source: PLFS. Unemployment rates are for all working age (15–­ men and women. Youth Unemployment (15–64 year old) individuals. Youth unemployment is for 15–29 years old individuals. Pessimism about employment prospects is reflected employment, women are increasingly looking for in the low and falling labor force participation rates work, but with few jobs to go around, they are which are symptomatic of the lack of private sec- finding it very difficult to land jobs. Indeed, young tor job creation, especially in Gaza. The lack of jobs women (aged 15–29) in both rural and urban ar- and the high unemployment rates are very discour- eas face higher rates of unemployment than men. aging, especially for young people and women. As However, older women (aged 30–64) have lower explored in the sections to follow, they often just rates of unemployment relative to men, which may stop looking for work and drop out of the labor in part reflect traditions and norms that discourage force. In the short span of five years from 1998 to women’s economic participation as well as the weak 2002, youth labor force participation rates fell by prospects for them to succeed in the labor market 5 percentage points to 32 percent and remain be- (Figure 8). low 1998 levels a decade later. Worryingly, educated 6 ASPIRATIONS ON HOLD? – YOUNG LIVES IN THE WEST BANK AND GAZA Figure 8. Unemployment Rates, by Gender, Age and Location 0.40 0.35 0.30 0.25 0.20 0.15 0.10 0.05 0.00 Women Men Women Men Women Men Women Men Women Men Women Men Youth Non-Youth Youth Non-Youth Youth Non-Youth National Rural Urban Source: PECS 2009. youth are the most likely to drop out of the labor women are actively looking for work.The younger force (Figure 9). generation no longer faces the same returns to em- ployment either. Over the past decade, real wages in With this backdrop, it is no surprise that female la- the West Bank and Gaza have fallen across all edu- bor force participation rates are one of the lowest cation levels, especially among the least educated in the developing world, hovering around a mere (Figure 11). The mean wage earned by those with 15 percent of the working age female population secondary school education fell by 25 percent be- (Figure 10). However, in both the West Bank and tween 1999 and 2009 and by as much as 45 percent Gaza, labor force participation among women has for illiterate workers. Part of the explanation for this been steadily rising since 2003, suggesting that more trend is the loss in job opportunities for Palestin- Figure 9. Men Out of the Labor Force by Figure 10. Female Labor Force Participation, Age and Education – 2009 By Gender, West Bank and Gaza 0.5 25% 20% 15% Percent 10% 5% 0 0% 0 5 10 15 20 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 Years of Education Youth (age 18–34) Adults (age 35+) W. Bank Female W. Bank Male Source: PECS, 2009. Source: PLFS, Various years. Young Lives in the West Bank and Gaza 7 Figure 11. Mean Wages by Years of A Growing, Healthy and Schooling: 2009 Versus 1999 Well-Educated Young Population 4.6 Despite the economic and political uncertainty, the Palestinian territories have sustained a stellar perfor- 4.4 mance on many dimensions of human development: for instance, the Palestinian territories perform at 4.2 par with the United States and Germany on early childhood nutrition indicators. Only 11.5 percent of children under the age of 5 suffer from stunting 4 0 5 10 15 20 (low height for age), a third of the corresponding Years of Schooling estimate for the average middle income country. 2009 1999 A mere 1.4 percent are affected by wasting (low weight for height), a rate that is 7 times lower than Source: PLFS the average for middle-income countries. Compared Non-linear regressions of real wages on years of schooling, males in 1999 and 2009. Wages are measured in logarithms. to a sample of more than 130 countries, anthropo- metric outcomes in the West Bank and Gaza are bet- ter than most other countries in the world, irrespec- ians in Israel after the Second Intifada: the share of tive of income (Figure 12 and Figure 13 ). Palestinians working in Israel coming from Gaza fell from a high of 17 percent in 1998 to zero in 2005 These outstanding child nutritional outcomes are and beyond. These job losses were primarily among consistent with other indicators of child and ma- the less educated, but paid relatively better com- ternal health. Vaccination rates exceed those of the pared to similar jobs in the West Bank and Gaza. average middle income country: almost all children are immunized against diphtheria, pertussis, teta- However, even after accounting for the reduced inci- nus, measles and tuberculosis. Nutrition inputs such dence of Israeli wage premiums, the estimated wage as breastfeeding behavior and diarrhea incidence are gap between those with college degrees and elemen- also consistent, and there near universal coverage of tary school education rises by 13 percentage points between 1999 and 2003. And these discouraging trends are yet to reverse: real wages have continued to stagnate between 2003 and 2009. Figure 12. Incidence of Stunting in the Palestinian Territories and around the World All of this, set within the context of a demograph- Stunting prevalence (%) ic youth bulge that will only grow in the years to come. Under supportive conditions with high rates 70 Yemen of job creation, a disproportionately young popu- 60 Timor-Leste lation offers great potential for economic develop- 50 Low income countries ment in a society. Yet the reality of the labor mar- 40 Cambodia Syria ket facing these growing ranks of young entrants is 30 Egypt Djibouti Middle income countries dismal. Absent a significant expansion of economic 20 Lebanon West Bank and Gaza Sri Lanka Singapore opportunities, the rate of joblessness will only con- 10 Jordan Saudia Arabia tinue to mount with each passing year. This loss of 0 United States Germany productivity is all the more discouraging because –10 young Palestinians are well prepared to succeed in Source: World Health Organization, Global Database on Child Growth and the world of work if given the opportunity. Malnutrition; Size of bubbles proportional to total population. 8 ASPIRATIONS ON HOLD? – YOUNG LIVES IN THE WEST BANK AND GAZA Figure 13. Incidence of Wasting in the conflict: volatility in macro-economic indicators Palestinian Territories and around the World such as GDP and sectoral growth, a private sector that is severely inhibited by its lack of access to in- Wasting prevalence (%) puts and markets, and widespread joblessness. Yet 25 it is one where young men and women are growing 20 up healthy and relatively well educated. With such Djibouti Yemen low measurable returns on the labor market, why 15 Sri Lanka Timor-Leste do young Palestinians continue to invest in educa- Saudia Arabia Low income countries 10 Syria Afghanistan Egypt Middle income countries tion? As fathers and heads of households lose jobs Cambodia Lebanon or cannot find employment, mothers and sons are 5 United States Singapore Jordan increasingly looking for ways to support their fami- 0 West Bank and Gaza Germany lies, through self-employment and informal and un- –5 paid work. In these adverse labor market conditions, what coping strategies are Palestinian households re- Source: World Health Organization, Global Database on Child Growth and Malnutrition; Size of bubbles proportional to total population. sorting to? These manifestations of prolonged insecurity and prenatal care—every pregnant woman is attended at economic uncertainty in the labor market can also least once by skilled health personnel (Table 1).5 interact powerfully with gender norms in a tradi- tional society. How do young women, facing the Similarly, access to basic education is near univer- double burden of conservative norms about their sal—all children, whether girls or boys, whether in roles outside the family and the home, and concerns Gaza or the West Bank, enroll in school between the about their safety and security, translate their edu- ages of 6 to 12. Only 1 percent of young men and cation and aspirations into opportunities for work? women, in both urban and rural parts of the West How do men cope with their frustrations in the face Bank and Gaza, are illiterate (Figure 14). Indeed, at of their inability to be good providers for their fami- every level of education, there are few differences in lies? And how do young men deal with the pressure attainment across rural and urban areas. of having to grow up too soon? These insights from household and labor force sur- To answer these questions, we turn now to find- vey data paint a picture of an economy scarred by ings from new qualitative data collection. While the testimonies of young Palestinian men and women resonate with the broader socio-economic indicators Table 1. Health and Nutrition Related above, they also reveal the strong ideals and values Markers that are driving their aspirations, as well as their deep Palestinian Middle frustrations with the sheer lack of opportunities for Territories Income making the most of their potential and capabilities. Received immunization (ages 0–5) 99% Received DPT3 (ages 1–5) 95% 81% Received Measles (ages 2–5) 96% 83% 5 A usual marker that is looked at is “exclusive breastfeeding� Received BCG (ages 0–5) 99% 88% among children 6 months-old or younger. WHO database Prenatal care 99% 84% lists a rate of exclusive breastfeeding of 26.5 for West Bank and Gaza compared to 39.5 for middle income countries. Nutrition markers However it is unclear, for the West Bank and Gaza context, Breastfed (ages 1–5) 97% how this measure is calculated, and on the basis of which Breastfed >=6 months (ages 1–5) 89% instrument. For this reason, we have chosen not to feature Source: DHS 2006. WHO Database. this information in the table. Young Lives in the West Bank and Gaza 9 Figure 14. Education of Men and Women Ages 15–29, Urban and Rural 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% Illiterate Primary Secondary Post-secondary Illiterate Primary Secondary Post-secondary Women Men Rural Urban Source: PECS 2009. 2 The Qualitative Assessment: Learning from the Youth T he rapid qualitative assessment mobilized other areas of the West Bank and Gaza. On bal- nearly 4,000 individuals from 20 countries ance, the sample is also marked by higher poverty, into focus groups to explore questions of although Al-Jnena of Rafah and University Quarter gender norms and strategic life choices shaping edu- in Hebron provide insights into the strong effects cation, economic participation, and family forma- of the conflict even in better off contexts. Dirbas of tion. Nearly 100 communities from diverse urban Hebron is the only rural community sampled, and and rural contexts participated in the global exercise. its name has been changed to protect the anonym- ity of the study participants there due to the small In the West Bank and Gaza, this initiative was led population of this site. The findings from this tiny by the Centre for Development Studies at Birzeit sample cannot be generalized to wider contexts of University. Of particular interest in this field work the West Bank and Gaza, but these testimonies can was to learn more about whether and how the con- shed valuable light on how individuals and commu- flict may be affecting men and women differently on nities are coping with protracted conflict and weak the ground. The field work was conducted in early local economies. 2011 in three communities in Hebron Governorate and three communities in Rafah Governorate of the The field reports from all six communities docu- Gaza Strip (see Table 2). The governorates and com- ment numerous references to the harmful effects of munities were selected because they have been more the 2000 Intifada, including civilian deaths, prop- directly affected by the conflict relative to most erty and infrastructure destruction, loss of property Table 2. Sample Communities – Qualitative Assessment Community Established Population Est. poverty (10 yrs ago) Rafah Yebna 1948–50 4000 60% (40%) Al Salam 1978 5000–6000 35% (55%) Al Jnena 1980 20,000 15–20% (10%) Hebron Old City 800–900 years old 5,500 80%, (95%) University Quarter 50 years old 3000–3200 10%, (15%) Dirbas (pseudonym) 97 years old, refugees since 1948 450–500 50%, (60%) Source: West Bank and Gaza Rapid Qualitative Assessment 2011. Key informant data. 11 12 ASPIRATIONS ON HOLD? – YOUNG LIVES IN THE WEST BANK AND GAZA to settler communities, and outmigration to other exercise such “strategic life choices�—or agency— areas of the West Bank and Gaza. All three of the is “critical for people to live the lives they want...� Rafah communities, which lie next to or near the ((Kabeer 1999: 437). These path-defining choices border with Egypt, also lost lives and property dur- are made, moreover, most often in times of youth: ing the 2006 siege; and in the aftermath they have experienced repeated bombings of tunnels that Of the observable markers of transition— were dug to bypass trade restrictions with Egypt. such as completing school, leaving home, Both Rafah and Hebron contain numerous barri- beginning one’s work life, marrying and ers, armed forces, street closures, and checkpoints becoming a parent—financial indepen- that greatly restrict the movements of people and dence seems to be the best predictor of goods. Most communities also contain numerous self-perceived adulthood, in rich and workers who lost jobs in Israel. The most conflict- poor countries alike. It refers to econom- affected community in the sample is Old City, ic independence—not having to depend which is surrounded by four heavily guarded set- on parents or other family members for tler enclaves and barriers; and the key informant livelihoods. As young people begin to be there reports that most commercial businesses had financially independent, they naturally to close down because people outside of the area are confront more severe restraints on their too frightened to pass through the checkpoints and own consumption and investment deci- come into this once important commercial center sions� (WDR 2007:56). of Hebron. Young people’s accounts reveal their choices to be The field work in each community included six fo- exceptionally constrained by their difficult living cus groups as well as two-to-three interviews with conditions. It is also well known that women’s and key informants and residents. The focus groups were men’s agency differs around the world due to gen- conducted separately with males and females of der inequalities; and the analysis that follows spends three generations: adults (ages 25 to 60), youth (ages some time assessing the effects of conflict on gender 18 to 24), and adolescents (ages 10 to 16). This re- norms and on young women’s and men’s agency. port draws mainly on the testimonies from the two younger generations. Examples of questions to the Social norms are concrete directives for actions that younger focus groups include: Why did you decide derive from a society’s values; they refer to the infor- to end your education? What do most young people mal and formal rules that govern what a person can do here when they finish their education? Is it easier and cannot do as they go about their daily life (Portes for young men or young women to find a job in this 2006). The gender dimensions of social norms stem community? At what age do young people start to from a society’s deepest values of what it means to form their own families here? Is this a good age? The be a “real� woman or a “real� man. A young man’s or annex provides additional information on the study young woman’s status in their family and with the methodology. wider community is grounded in upholding social norms for their roles and responsibilities. Failure to In their responses, the youth provide insights into conform to these dictates can trigger strong social their attitudes and understandings about, and their sanctions. Young women, for instance, in the tradi- experiences with, moving into adulthood that are tional communities in this sample conform to seclu- just not possible to learn from survey data. The sion practices that require them to be accompanied youth elaborate on how they themselves, and their by a man in public; and they may be harshly scolded families and their peers, weigh choices and make for dressing or behaving without sufficient modesty decisions about their education, economic partici- and deference. Young men enjoy more freedom of pation, and formation of families. The capability to action, but may face ridicule for not acting tough; The Qualitative Assessment: Learning from the Youth 13 or they may experience acute frustration if they can- to the exigencies of insecurity and economic stress, not find work and assume their gender-ascribed pro- and this can create opportunities for new forms of vider role. agency to take hold. These processes are most evi- dent in the narratives of the older adult women, At the same time, periods of great stress and conflict which we examine in a concluding section of the can be moments when some gender norms relax due report. 3 “Building a Future�: Education for All “...all families send boys and girls because now everyone should get educated.� —18 year-old male student, University Quarter, Hebron. “[E]ducation is a girl’s best weapon to face the world., —An adolescent girl from Al-Jnena, Rafah I n spite of protracted conflict, in spite of high un- size education’s less tangible dimensions more than employment, in spite of scarce opportunities to their peers from the 19 other countries that par- realize the benefits of a good education, young ticipated in the global qualitative assessment. Young people across the six localities visited for the quali- Palestinians also argue fervently for educating girls tative assessment value education extremely highly. as much as boys. “Education is the most important, regardless of the injustice of employability,� insists a young woman Among the adolescent focus groups, we observe very from a Rafah neighborhood called Al-Jnena. Or, as strong ideals for completing high levels of educa- 16 yr old teen boy from University Quarter in He- tion and obtaining high status jobs. This optimism, bron tells us, “Of course, if someone wants to find however, becomes more guarded in the youth focus a respectable job he has to get educated.� Optimis- groups, with young men from poorer families espe- tic, ambitious, and very aware of the world beyond cially questioning the value of education and more them, these young people seem to be hoping against likely to withdraw from high school so that they can hope that the political and economic turmoil will begin to earn incomes. Due to economic hardship, not last and they will have opportunities to lead gender norms, and insecurity, young women also more normal lives. report that they must curtail their educational as- pirations. Why is education so strongly valued? As common around the world, these youth deem their school- ing as a means to good jobs. But the young people’s Investing in Work, Independence, testimonies of the West Bank and Gaza also stress Dignity and a Strong Society education’s multitude of intrinsic benefits for them- selves as individuals and for their wider society. In Palestinian children generally complete at least fact, on balance, these well educated youth empha- Tawjihi, the examination at the end of 12th grade. 15 16 ASPIRATIONS ON HOLD? – YOUNG LIVES IN THE WEST BANK AND GAZA A sizable number also aim for college and advanced you feel that he lacks a lot of things. He will live and degrees, without which chances of a good job are die and people will say he is not educated.� seen to be severely reduced. But education is also highly valued for less material purposes of gaining In the adolescent focus groups, the facilitators asked autonomy and respect and contributing to the fu- each of the boys and girls to indicate in private on ture of their society. small slips of paper the level of schooling that they would ideally like to achieve and the level that they The adolescent and youth focus groups of both sexes expect to reach (Figure 15 and Figure 16). Overall, very widely voice aspirations for professional careers. more than 60 percent of both the boys’ and girls’ “The one who gets an education can find a job in participating in the focus groups say that they expect the government or be a teacher,� explains a young to complete higher education. A boy in rural Dirbas, woman in her focus group from the neighborhood of Old City in Hebron. Similarly, an adolescent girl from this same neighborhood thinks that “educa- tion is important because all professions are avail- Figure 15. Ideal Level of Education able to whoever finishes education.� (Share of Individual Responses Reported in 12 Focus Groups) But Palestinian youth also associate their educa- tion with their personal development and gaining Other autonomy, a stronger character, and capabilities for better decision-making—all core dimensions Get an advanced degree of exercising agency. According to a young woman Finish college of Yebna refugee camp in Rafah, education “builds a person’s character and gives them their indepen- Finish secondary dence.� Similarly, young women from focus groups of Hebron maintain that education “is very impor- 0 0.20 0.40 0.60 0.80 tant to develop a person’s personality,� and those Boys (n=59) Girls (n=57) with education enjoy “self-confidence.� The youth see the educated as more equipped to make deci- Source: PECS, 2004–2009. sions and live in society. “The educated have good relations with people,� says a young woman of Uni- versity Quarter. Figure 16. Expected Levels of Education (Share of Individual Responses Reported in Education, moreover, affords personal dignity and 12 Focus Groups) social recognition—benefits that may be especially valued in a context that is providing scarce other Other means for young people to develop these. A young man from Old City suggests that education “is im- Get an advanced degree portant because when you have a degree you have Finish college your respect wherever you go;� while another young man from the same focus group adds that the “edu- Finish secondary cation of someone is the most important thing in life, his worth grows.� Or, this teenage woman Uni- 0 0.10 0.20 0.30 0.40 0.50 versity Quarter also sees education as key pathway to Boys (n=59) Girls (n=57) gaining respect: “For example my father is a trader and he has money. But because he is not educated, Source: PECS, 2004–2009. “Building a Future�: Education for All 17 for example, wants “to get a PhD because it is good school and learn a craft and work without a uni- for guaranteeing the future, to make money, and versity degree.� Other boys in that group then im- raise the generations.� And in the girls focus group mediately countered such claims, strongly arguing from this village, a participant adds, “I agree that that someone without a college degree will remain going to school is very important so that we get edu- “humiliated� and without “position� throughout cated in universities and teach the new generation their life. and to achieve our ambitions.� Similarly, a girl from University Quarter states, “I intend to continue as On balance, large shares of boys and girls in this much as possible because I have a high ambition and sample are optimistic and expect to get advanced would like to be an autopsy doctor.� professional degrees or finish college. The boys’ responses on ideal levels, nevertheless, foreshadow Yet, in response to the question about how much closely the frustrations that we will hear shortly from education they would ideally like to attain, more the young men’s focus groups about having to with- than half of the adolescent boys indicate that they draw from school and facing very scarce economic would prefer to pursue other routes after complet- opportunities. For their part, quite a few adolescent ing secondary school. Most unfortunately, the focus girls express aspirations for college but expect that groups with the boys do not probe into what these they will have to end their formal schooling sooner, other preferences might entail, but vocational train- and we explore the factors shaping these views below ing or apprenticeships are likely among them. In ur- as well. ban University Quarter, two boys in that group of 14 mention that staying in school longer than nec- The youth of the West Bank and Gaza also under- essary is a waste of time and they want to help their stand education’s benefits beyond the individual lev- fathers in maintaining the family as soon as possible. el. As one young woman from Yebna in Gaza puts it, A 13yr-old boy explains, “No, (higher education) is “An educated person is helpful and useful for their not important for us because we could get out of society.� Some focus group participants, like this Box A: A Courageous and Ambitious Schoolgirl Below are selections from an interview with Zahra (a pseudonym), a 10th grader from Al-Jnena, a community of Rafah. Zahra’s father is a trader and her mother a housewife. She attends a relatively new secondary school in her community. The establishment of this school made things easier for me, especially when it comes to transportation. If I had to go to another [school], it would have taken me 30 minutes to go ... and another 30 to go back home. And since my family has some financial problems, I don’t think that my father could have afforded to give me money for transportation..... The Israeli war and the siege affected us a lot because there are no job opportunities and there are a lot of goods which cannot come into Gaza. We cannot travel anywhere. My brother had a scholarship to pursue his education abroad but he could not travel because of the [conflict]. The war had a bigger effect on my younger brothers and sisters because they were always scared and crying. But as for me, it gave me motivation to do better at school so that I would fight ... with my knowledge. And when you ask young children about what they what to be in the future, a lot of them would tell you that they want to be fighters defending their country, or doctors to heal those who are wounded .... We have had our share of suffering for a while. We had no gas, no electricity, and we used to sleep in the dark. But now things are getting better, especially now that they started importing things through the tunnels from Egypt. Tunnels also have some disadvantages. They increased child labor, and we heard that a lot of children died in the tunnels. And the continuous bombing of the tunnels destroyed a lot of houses on the borders.... And because of our bad financial situation, sometimes my father cannot afford to give me money to go in the school trips. And they get very worried when I go out because they say I am at a critical age and they should know where I am all the time, and who I am with, and who my friends are. The school conducts a lot of activities and I am taking part in cultural contests. Eventually, I hope that I finish my education and that my parents can afford to send me to university. I hope that the siege will be lifted and that we will have a country like every other country. 18 ASPIRATIONS ON HOLD? – YOUNG LIVES IN THE WEST BANK AND GAZA girl from Old City, also see their education as a way play an especially powerful role in relaxing strictures to fight for the West Bank and Gaza and help end that limit the life paths of girls and women to pri- the conflict: “We ought to learn because if we don’t marily domestic roles. Practices that require female learn we will never free our land� (also see Box A). seclusion can be found across this sample; and poor security conditions mainly seem to reinforce these practices due to heightened concerns for women’s Investing in Motherhood, Freedom of and girls’ reputations and safety. Fear of the conflict Movement and Personal Security is widespread in the narratives at all ages, but adoles- cents appear to be especially outspoken and emphat- Most adolescents and youth, male and female, are ic. Adolescent boys in rural Dirbas of Rafah, for in- adamant that education is a right that should not be stance, make a stark contrast between women’s and denied to anyone. When asked how families decide girl’s vulnerability in public and their own: “I am who to send to school when there is little money, afraid for my sister or mother to go out because it young women living in the neighborhood of Uni- is not safe in this community; Of course it doesn’t versity Quarter in Hebron speak for others in the work that she goes out alone, there is no safety in the rest of the focus groups in declaring that “there is no world.� Boys, instead, can move freely, “Wherever specific way because here boys and girls go to school we want we can go alone. The young man if he got and education is compulsory� and “everyone should hurt he can defend himself.� learn and go to school there is no difference between girl and boy.� The young men in this neighborhood Nonetheless, it is deemed permissible for educated agree that “families send both girls and boys and women with good jobs to move about in public they don’t allow girls to stop going to school to start unaccompanied by a male guardian and to inter- with anyway.� act with men in the workplace. A focus group of men from Hebron explains that professional wom- Families are investing equally in educating their girls en’s larger freedoms are due to their education and and boys, and the youth offer three explanations for greater knowledge of how to conduct themselves this gender equality: educated women are better in ways that would not harm family honor if some- mothers, enjoy more freedom of action in public, one might call them names or be otherwise abusive and are also better equipped to deal with whatever towards them. It is also acceptable for female stu- difficulties they may face. The testimonies indicate dents as well as older women to move around more that these attitudes and beliefs are being shaped by freely compared to young women who are no longer both traditional and changing gender norms for studying. Young women in the focus group from women’s roles and by the stress of conflict. University Quarter explain that: According to a young woman from Yebna, “educa- Due to the social circumstances we live tion is very important especially if you are a mother. in and because of customs and traditions, It helps you raise your children better.� Education and the look of people and what not, is highly valued for girls not necessarily as a path- women cannot move freely; the com- way into working lives, but because it equips them munity looks badly at the uneducated to be better mothers. Education, explains an adult woman and doesn’t appreciate her. But man from Yebna, “makes the future for boys and the educated woman has the right to go girls. Boys get jobs with it, and women teach their out and move because she completed her children.� studies. Strict gender norms for women’s and men’s roles are Similarly, when asked if women can move freely, in flux around the world, and education seems to a young woman in Yebna of Rafah explains, “Yes “Building a Future�: Education for All 19 they do but only if they are escorted by a brother A Decision to Regret: Withdrawing or a father. But university students somehow have From School more freedom than other women.� Greater physical mobility is also accorded to women heads of house- While access to and the value of education is high for holds (who usually tend to be widows or divorcees) Palestinian girls and boys alike, many youth voice frus- if family circumstances compel them to go out and trations with having to end their schooling. Perhaps work. Hence, for educated women with good jobs, surprising, boys are deciding to withdraw from school female students, older women, widows and divor- at earlier ages than girls. Economic constraints and cees, local dictates regarding their physical mobility gender norms for male breadwinner roles seem to be have eased over the years. Young women who are no playing an important role in shaping these decisions. longer studying, however, seem to be kept under a watchful eye, and the conflict is reinforcing the mo- Overall, school enrollment is high for children aged bility restrictions on them. 6 to 18, although important gender differences in drop outs begin to emerge in high school years. Young “Education,� says a young woman from Old City, men withdraw from education sooner than girls, and “is the best weapon for the girl these days. Educa- their enrollment rates are more sensitive than girls to tion develops the girl and the society as a whole. their household’s economic conditions (see Figure 17, It also makes the girl able to make a decision.� Figure 18, Figure 19). Enrollment falls sharply among Indeed, the notion of education as a weapon for boys after the age of 14 in both the West Bank and girls appears as a recurring expression in the fo- Gaza, while for girls drop outs increase in the later cus groups, and has a particular resonance in the years of high school. In both regions in 2009, poor conflict-affected contexts of this sample. A young girls had enrollment rates comparable to their better man in University Quarter argues, “On the con- off peers but poor boys lagged greatly. trary I would pay more attention to the education of a girl than to the young man because for the These gender disparities are reflecting the present cli- girl you don’t know what time and life will do to mate of gender norms that support girls’ education her tomorrow. So she’d better have her degree as a and preparations for adulthood, on the one hand, weapon in her hand.� but place greater pressures on boys and young men Figure 17. School Enrollment among Children Aged 6 to 18 West Bank Gaza 96 98 94 96 92 90 94 88 92 86 90 84 88 82 80 86 78 84 Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Poor Non-poor Poor Non-poor 2004 2009 Source: PECS 2004, 2009. 20 ASPIRATIONS ON HOLD? – YOUNG LIVES IN THE WEST BANK AND GAZA Figure 18. School Enrollment by Age (6–18 Years) in the West Bank a. Boys versus Girls: All households b. Boys versus Girls: Poor households 1 1 0.8 0.8 0.6 0.6 0.4 0.4 5 10 15 20 5 10 15 20 Age (years) Age (years) Boys Girls Source: PECS 2009. Figure 19. School Enrollment by Age (6–18 Years) in Gaza a. Boys versus Girls: All households b. Boys versus Girls: Poor households 1 1 0.8 0.8 0.6 0.6 0.4 0.4 5 10 15 20 5 10 15 20 Age (years) Age (years) Boys Girls Source: PECS 2009. to assume breadwinner roles when family resources withdraw from school. For boys from poor families, are constrained, on the other. In the West Bank, the the pressures to end education and earn income in share of school-age boys in school declined between order to help their families can begin even before 2004 and 2009. It may be that the weaker market their high school years. Gender norms for males to in Gaza is having a salutary effect of discouraging assume breadwinner roles also fuel these important higher drop outs there. decisions. Boys and young men most often relate that the de- Breadwinning Teen Boys out of School cision to stop school is made by fathers. Many also claim to have decided of their own accord to end Household economic circumstances are by far the their education, although their decisions must be most common reasons why young people say they understood as made in a context of very constrained “Building a Future�: Education for All 21 choices. A young man of Dirbas in Hebron explains ages due to economic stress. Half of the adolescents that he quit school halfway through 12th grade be- in the focus group from the Yebna camp neighbor- cause “my brother had a company and he lost a lot, hood report reaching just 6th-8th grade: “because and so I had to drop out to help out my family of the bad economic situation� and “because I have with money.� In this community, many local busi- a very big family.� Similarly, in Al-Salam of Rafah, nesses were forced to shut down after the closures. “I had no choice but to drop school and help my In University Quarter, young men relate that when family.� The situation would’ve been different “if my the main breadwinner loses his job: “sometimes the father was working.� father would be fed up and unable to work; and want his son to provide for him. So it doesn’t work These boys’ and young men’s’ accounts about unem- for the son to continue his education, and he starts ployed fathers or relatives, and the ensuing finan- to work and spend money on the family.� In the cial problems of the household, are consistent with boys focus group of University Quarter, some also survey findings that link boys’ educational outcomes argue that they can “learn a craft and work without to the household’s labor market outcomes. In Gaza, a university degree.� enrollment rates for 17 year old boys are almost 20 points higher if the head is employed than for In Gaza, the young men’s focus groups also describe boys in households where the head is unemployed pressures on boys to withdraw from school at young or out of the labor force (Figure 20). Figure 20. Enrollment and Employment Status of the Head of Household Gaza Girls Gaza Boys 1 1 0.8 0.8 0.6 0.6 0.4 0.4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 Age (years) Age (years) West Bank Girls West Bank Boys 1 1 0.8 0.8 0.6 0.6 0.4 0.4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 Age (years) Age (years) Employed Unemployed Out of force Source: DHS 2006. 22 ASPIRATIONS ON HOLD? – YOUNG LIVES IN THE WEST BANK AND GAZA Diverse Pressures on Teen Women to pation seem to be steering them more than ever to Remain Homebound go into traditionally female-dominated disciplines, namely teaching or healthcare or other work in the The young women’s focus groups also most often re- public sector. A young woman from Yebna confides port financial pressures as reasons for withdrawing of being pushed out of a veterinary school because from school, but their dropouts typically begin later “it required me to go out to farms with men in my in their teen years than for the boys. “I had to drop practical study, which neither my husband nor his out of university because there was no money to family accepted. My only solution would have been pay for it. It was a very difficult decision to make,� to change my major.� This young woman’s experi- laments a young woman from Al-Salam in Gaza. ence is common. In the past few years, the female Gender norms for their roles, concerns for their rep- share of graduates in humanities and arts increased utations, and insecurity also greatly constrain young from 55 to 70% in 2004–2009, while the female women’s educational choices upon high school com- share in the sciences decreased from 58 to 53%, pletion. with women in engineering falling from 35% to 30% during the same time period (World Bank Ed- Marriage and childbearing soon after high school, stats, August 2011). in addition to financial constraints, remain impor- tant reasons why young women do not reach their Women’s educational choices are also restricted by desired levels of education. The choice to marry, the presence of Israeli armed forces and checkpoints usually made by the parents, typically means that throughout the West Bank and Gaza. It is extremely they do not enroll in, or stop attending, higher edu- hard for young women to attend schools or take cation. Once married, a young women’s chances to jobs that require even modest commutes. Accord- continue education are contingent on the husband’s ing to the women’s focus group from Old City, “the and his family’s approval. Pursuing a university de- father would say that because of the political situ- gree means that she must also resist powerful norms ation it is better to stay home than get harassed ...� in the wider community that demand that she first In addition to safety and reputational risks, young and foremost prioritize family. “It was really hard women’s domestic obligations and poor local trans- for me to drop my education but after I had my port infrastructure restrict their mobility. In rural first child, my main concern was only my children,� Dirbas, the young women’s group reports that their states a young woman of Yebna in Rafah. decision to “leave school was difficult, but it was made because of the inadequate transportation to For young women who are finding ways to remain in school in the other cities, and because for most par- university, the stresses of conflict, a weak economy, ents sending their girls to come home late was out and norms that discourage their economic partici- of the question...� 4 Few Pathways Into Desirable Jobs “[T]hey try to find a job or they sit in the coffee shops waiting.� —Young man, Al-Jnena, Rafah “Everyone waits for a job in order for their future to be stable and secure.� —20 year old female college student, University Quarter, Hebron “ I didn’t work at all after graduation. I have been people report spending months and even years look- graduated a year now and I am here sitting, ing for work. A young woman from Old City relates haven’t found a job,� confides a young man from that after her peers complete their education, “They University Quarter. Few youth report themselves or stay at home, go apply for [jobs with] companies. Get their peers to have accessed desirable jobs, making depressed. And say, ‘Why did I waste my time with their transition toward independence and adulthood education?’ I know a lot of cases [like this].� exceedingly difficult. Rather, the youth’s discourse about their economic opportunities and future pros- Relatively few of the focus group participants re- pects is filled with frustration and anxiety. They may port ever being employed, although many indicate be educated, but job openings for new entrants are in- that they are still studying. The references to having dicated to be practically nonexistent. The few “good� early work experiences in the young men’s groups jobs are seen to require special connections, while the include jobs for the government, volunteering, con- somewhat more available “bad� jobs pay poorly, are struction, taxi driving, restaurant work, and nurs- often temporary or voluntary, or risk their workers’ ing. Three young women from Old City report their reputations and safety. And while their society is pro- first jobs to be at a bank, factory, and a salon. Many viding a level playing field for educating both girls of the youth’s early work opportunities seem to be and boys, the leap from a student to a worker is much temporary or voluntary: “I was a volunteer at an or- harder to make for young educated women. ganization. I was a secretary. I was a social worker in a project� (Al-Salam), “I worked in construction� (Al-Jnena), or “I worked at the Summer Games as a Scarce Choices for First Jobs part of an unemployment program� (Yebna). When asked about their first jobs, the youth express Digging tunnels emerges as a prominent activity hopelessness in the face of their “horrible political and among young men and boys in the three Gaza com- economic situation� (young man, Al-Salam). Young munities visited (see Box B). Although illegal and 23 24 ASPIRATIONS ON HOLD? – YOUNG LIVES IN THE WEST BANK AND GAZA Box B: Risking Life in the Rafah Tunnels First, there were nine of us living in a house under very hard economic circumstances. My father is an old man who cannot work and we were very young. My eldest brother was the only provider for the household because he was a university graduate and employed. As we grew up, the needs of the house grew with us and we could not continue our education; we had to work in order to be able to live. The only option we could find was working in the underground tunnels that link the Gaza Strip with Egypt because there are no job opportunities in our area other than the tunnels. We started working in 2007, me and my twin brother. We were about 19 years old then. We were doing very well and we were paid well too, I was paid $110 per day, and my brother too. So things were getting better for us and we gave the money we earned to our mother so she can purchase whatever the household needs. We started providing for ourselves and we were counting only on ourselves. I was able to buy anything I wanted and go out whenever I wanted. I was considered a man in the house. We were able to register my brother ... at the university. Our life conditions got better. We built a house and each one of us has his own apartment, and my eldest brother is now engaged. We also bought a car for the family. But the big event that really affected us was the death of my brother. He died in the tunnels. Both of us had work that day, but I woke up feeling sick so he told me to stay at home and he would go alone. He was inside the tunnel with 5 other guys getting the goods out of it, and above their tunnels was another tunnel where they import petrol. Some trouble happened in that tunnel and the petrol started leaking into the tunnels where my brother was. None of the six guys in there managed to get out because the petrol spread so fast and suffocated all of them. They all died including my brother. Of course that affected all of us really badly. I stopped working in the tunnels for a whole year. But then things started to deteriorate again for us, economically, and we had some debt from building the house. So I went back to working in tunnels to help pay those debts. And have a decent life for me and my family. In spite of all the danger I face daily, I am still working in the tunnels to this day.... life threatening, the work is justified by the severe from University Quarter. While the young women’s lack of opportunities in the region. “It is very hard group there states that “whoever doesn’t have con- to find a job here or anywhere because there are no nections stays at home and doesn’t work.� Focus job opportunities for graduates in general. That’s why groups also sometimes mention needing a “party af- most young men chose to face death while working filiation� or “favoritism� to access a job. in tunnels just to be able to provide for themselves,� declares a young man from Yebna. Unfortunately, all When facilitators asked the focus groups what hap- three focus groups with boys in Rafah indicate that pens when a woman or a man loses their job in their they also take up jobs in the tunnels, although they, community, problems of “depression� and “nervous- too, are well aware of its deadliness and have lost ness� are common responses for both sexes, but addi- loved ones to the tunnels. “Five months ago I lost tional anti-social behaviors are often associated with my brother in the tunnels and all of my brothers still unemployed men. In Yebna, for example, young work in tunnels,� announces a boy from Yebna. women warn that women who lose jobs become de- pressed, while men not only become depressed and When asked what is keeping them from getting a frustrated but also “might start smoking or even us- good job, focus groups very consistently report that ing drugs.� In the face of men’s joblessness, young they cannot access the few good jobs available be- men in Al Jnena speak of “angriness, heavy smoking, cause “we don’t have high contacts.� According to problems with his wife�. Expectations that surround a young woman from University Quarter, “an or- men’s provider role make joblessness an especially dinary job like a seller at a store� could possibly be heavy burden for them. had without connections, but not a job that requires a degree. The need for connections appears in refer- ence to both the private and public sectors. “Who- Strong Normative Assessments ever has a company or a store will hire his family Applied to Jobs and relatives only and doesn’t hire anyone else� and “working in the government too is the same—all As part of the global exercise, facilitators asked the connections and nothing works there unless you focus groups to share their views of the best and know somebody,� reports the young men’s group worst ways that residents of their community make Few Pathways Into Desirable Jobs 25 Best and Worst Jobs, Young Men’s Focus Group, University Quarter, Hebron Table 3.  Best ways to make a living Men Women Presence Worst ways to make a living Men Women Presence Trade X X A lot Spying X Little Import X X A lot Stealing X X A lot Government Job X X A lot Weapon trade X A lot plumber X Medium Scamming X X A lot Art X X Little Money fraud X X A lot Work inside Israel X Little Money laundering X X Little Craftwork X X Medium Work in Jewish settlements X Little Manufacturing X X Medium Begging X X Little Agriculture X X Medium Stealing cars X Little Money exchanger X Medium Stock market X X Medium Fashion design X X Medium Work in politics X X Medium Taxi driver X Medium Accountant X X Medium Sell body parts X Medium Stock shares X X Medium a living. Their discussions shed light on the strong is halal (religiously acceptable) money.� The other values that color the youths’ attitudes about jobs. members of his focus group indicate that good jobs Also, these educated youths don’t perceive most job are not harmful for their workers, and are “suitable opportunities to be gender segregated, but they nev- and honest and bring a lot of money.� Conversely, ertheless understand very well that young women young women from Old City explain that� bad jobs are greatly disadvantaged in their local economy. are such because they are immoral and they cause a bad reputation and problems.� Such highly prin- Each of the focus groups compiled a list of the cipled views about jobs appear consistently in the “good� and “bad� local jobs, and then identified Palestinian testimonies. which of the jobs are performed mainly by men, by women, or by both sexes. Around the world, focus When speaking about the best jobs in their com- group participants identify the good jobs in their munities, the youth most often name work in edu- local economy as being well paid and reliable, and cation, health, construction, trade, police, security, bringing status and respectability to the workers agriculture, and services (with marked gender dif- who hold them. Bad jobs, by contrast, pay poorly or ferences which will be discussed in the coming sec- unreliably; can be physically strenuous; may involve tion). But these jobs are not easy to come by. The immoral, undignified, or illicit conduct; and run worst ways to earn a living that youth identify in- great reputational risks for their jobholders. clude various illegal or unlawful (haram) activities, such as trade in alcohol, tobacco, drugs and weap- Youth of the West Bank and Gaza apply an espe- ons, digging tunnels, and demeaning work such as cially strong moral assessment in their determina- cleaning or difficult farm work for low pay. These tions of good and bad ways to earn a living. A 23 types of jobs appear regularly across the conflict- year-old young man of University Quarter explains affected communities in the global sample, suggest- that a job is desirable “because first and foremost it ing that underground economies may be larger and 26 ASPIRATIONS ON HOLD? – YOUNG LIVES IN THE WEST BANK AND GAZA more important coping mechanisms in these con- which in practice leave very few jobs accessible to texts than may often be recognized (see Box B). women. According to two young women of Univer- sity Quarter, when asked what determines whether Testimonies worldwide reveal that traditional gen- a job is better for a woman or a man: “It depends der norms also strongly color men’s and women’s on the job and its kind, for example, a job that is conceptions of which jobs are acceptable and for for men are such as a mechanic, a taxi driver, a con- which sex. Half of the good jobs identified around struction worker, worker at a quarry.� “But definite- the world are deemed to be acceptable to both gen- ly the light and simple works need woman such as ders, while a further third are only accessible to men, a secretary and a seller at a store.� The young men and the remainder just to women (WDR2012, page from University Quarter make similar observations 211). The youth in the West Bank and Gaza, how- about gender differences in suitable jobs: “a woman ever, depart from these global patterns, deeming a cannot, due to her physical nature, lift things and much larger fraction jobs to be wide open to both import stuff because it is difficult for her. And she sexes. Table 3 from the young men’s focus groups cannot be a money exchanger. Muscles in men and in University Quarter can illustrate well this pattern not in women determine that they work in con- found among the youth across the six localities. The struction and metalwork and carpentry. A man also young people’s views of almost every desirable job cannot be a teacher in a nursery because he cannot being accessible to both sexes perhaps are reflecting deal with children the way a woman can and knows the strong gender equality in their educational expe- how to.� riences. The older adult focus groups from the West Bank and Gaza report the more common pattern of As explored next, such biases about suitable jobs important gender segregation in jobs that was found are part and parcel of wider forces that are heavily in the global sample. discouraging women’s access to economic opportu- nities. And while both young women and men ob- While, ideally, most jobs are seen by youth to be serve many types of potentially desirable jobs, they accessible to both genders, ensuing discussions mainly express deep frustrations and powerlessness about their work experiences display views about with finding any acceptable work in their belea- jobs that are strongly biased by gender norms and guered economy. 5 Close to Home: The Circumscribed Economic Choices of Young Women “The main role for a woman is to raise the children, but if she could work and help provide for her family and still be the mother she is supposed to be then that would be great.� —Young man, neighborhood of Rafah, Gaza Strip A large majority of the young women in this account from a young man of University Quarter study are well educated and express desires is typical: “There is one young woman who started to be out in the working world, at least be- going on tours around shops as a sales agent and fore marriage if not afterwards. But young women everyone started taking her phone number to harass seeking to enter the workforce face powerful pres- her and hit on her so she quit the job, she couldn’t sures to remain in their homes and give up goals for continue with it,� reports a young man from Uni- economic independence. Young women encounter versity Quarter. The boys of University Quarter pervasive concerns for their reputations and safe- similarly express deep concerns about girls’ potential ty, broad acceptance of discriminatory treatment for harassment in public: “I can move around and against them, and norms to prioritize strongly their thank God I am not a girl. Yes, they go out, but domestic responsibilities before any job. The pres- someone has to accompany them lest someone hits sures on young women to forego economic aspira- on them.� In short, focus groups everywhere point tions are magnified further by the insecurity and to young women’s vulnerability to harassment and poor job prospects in their communities. reputational harm as explanations for their limited economic roles. Reputational and Safety Risks in As discussed above, the great stress around a young Public woman’s protection and honor must also be under- stood within a context where seclusion practices are According to young women in University Quarter, normative, and where a woman’s presence alone in “It is very ordinary and easy for a young man to go public or in the workplace is still perceived by many to work and make something of himself � but “it is to deviate from acceptable conducts for their gen- very difficult for parents to let their daughter go to der. In such a climate, working women are widely work outside [the home] even if the job is good, un- reported to be vulnerable to all manner of abuses. less it was in a nearby place such as Doura for exam- According to young man of University Quarter, ple (10 minutes away by car). But farther than that “If she works as a secretary, they [her boss] will ha- would be impossible for the family to allow.� This rass her a lot and force her to do things she doesn’t 27 28 ASPIRATIONS ON HOLD? – YOUNG LIVES IN THE WEST BANK AND GAZA like to do.� In Dirbas, young woman warn that at a private office, that’s bad because something women are “yelled at� and could be harassed by the might happen to her...� These young women con- employer. clude that instead of these professions, women should be pursuing “hairdressing and sewing� as The conflict context, moreover, strongly reinforces well as schoolteachers where interactions with the the restrictions on women’s mobility. Young men in opposite sex are minimal. In Dirbas, the young Old City, where contact with Israeli soldiers and set- men warn that, “Working in a restaurant for wom- tlers is likely, explain that for a woman to be checked en might bring bad words about her...� Nor can by a soldier is an indignity: “A young woman might young women consider jobs requiring night-time curse at a soldier. This is not good for her. It is not work. An adolescent girl in Yebna warns that it is good to see a girl being checked by a soldier... Dig- too dangerous for them to consider “driving, trade, nity is the most important thing.� and being a nurse because it has night shifts�; and a girl from Al-Salam observed that pharmacy jobs Thus while an “educated women has the right to are bad because of their night shifts. Box C pres- move,� the focus group accounts tell a story of ents the push and pull of factors that led a woman quite forceful and interlocking pressures on women to run a daycare rather than pursue more desirable to comply with norms of seclusion or confine their prospects in her profession. choices to a small set of “preferred� or “honorable� jobs close to their homes. In reality, these types of Women explain that they must maintain strict codes jobs appear to be very few, and include working of silence about any harassment on the job or when from home (sewing, knitting, and embroidering) moving about in public lest they be accused of in- or as a teacher, daycare provider, hairdresser, or in viting it and damage their family’s honor. “The girl government offices. In Old City, young women even when she is not at wrong she will be blamed,� consider secretaries, university professors, judges, warns a young woman from Old City. In the face and lawyers to be unsuitable work, either because of harassment, young women of Dirbas insist, “She they leave women socially vulnerable or because doesn’t ask help from anyone in fear of getting fired they lack the emotional fortitude: “The secretary from work. Or her parents would punish her for a Box C: Bucking Tradition: A Working and Single Woman of University Quarter Nancy, age 28, holds a diploma in business administration and runs a daycare in her neighborhood. She resides in a relatively affluent area of Hebron, and families can afford her services. Nancy would rather be doing secretarial work, but that is not acceptable unless she can land a job with a large company and that is very difficult. Her first job in accounting was with a women’s company; however, when the company moved to Bethlehem she had to give up the job because her family would not allow her to commute there. If she had a choice, she would have kept the job and commuted. Instead, the only viable option was to find work in her own city, and preferably in her own neighborhood, hence the daycare. Although Nancy manages her own business, she still must live by her society’s rules for women. Every time she has to leave the house, she needs to inform her mother or father where she is going. If any of her relatives see her anywhere besides work, they tell her parents, who then ask her to explain. One time her cousin saw her in town, and she had to explain to her parents that she was visiting the ministry of education for paper work. If she goes out socially, she has to take one of her sisters with her. She would have more freedom to move about if she were married. Society does not see married women as a threat, while single women, especially not the very young ones, are seen as more daring and in need of more careful monitoring than a married or younger unmarried woman. Nancy resisted covering her hair with a veil when she was young. But when she was 14 and in 10th grade, a neighbor phoned her mother about her uncovered hair. She spent the next six years wearing the head scarf in her neighborhood, but taking it off at school and then university. Also, she would take it off when not in Hebron. However, after a while, that became more difficult and she just got used to wearing it. The most difficult thing is that everyone in the neighborhood knows her and her family, so she cannot but act carefully within the social norms. If she needs to be somewhere for work, she has to ask a permission from her mother, even at age 28 and even though she has her own business. Close to Home: The Circumscribed Economic Choices of Young Women 29 crime she didn’t do.� Only if a woman has strong face discrimination, the young women in Dirbas ex- trust with her mother, would she dare confide in plain that: her. This is not an environment where they can press for better treatment. The normative pressures, They are discriminated against in the sal- moreover, are no doubt intensified by men’s own ary even though they both do the same frustrations with the tight job market. A 39 year-old work. For example at a [local] plas- Hebron man confides that young men in his com- tic company, a woman gets 900 NIS a munity would become jealous if their sister had a month ($247) and a man gets 1800 NIS job and they did not. On a similar note, another a month ($495). If the [same] job is for a man argues that the lack of public safety for women woman and a man, for example at a fac- is a troubling consequence of the transition under- tory, you find that a man receives more way in gender norms: “Women have just started en- than a woman even though the woman tering society, so the man is still trying to maintain produces more than him in [the same] his control.�The qualitative findings on the many time and her work is better. But that’s it. pressures on women to restrict themselves to nearby It’s because our society is a male society. jobs are consistent with PLFS data on the location They remain the strongest. of workplace that suggest women are much more likely than men to work closer to home. In 1999, Young men in University Quarter are equally aware before the Second Intifada, 88 percent of working of the discrimination: “She gets subjected to a lot women went to work within their own governor- of things, one of which is the salary. She takes half ate (Figure 21). Since then, this share has risen to of the man’s salary, even if they are in the same job 90 percent by 2003, and 92 percent by 2009. and they work at the same thing.� Key informants for the qualitative assessment indicate that local women in low skilled jobs on average earn less than Gender Differences in Earnings 70 percent of what men earn in the same jobs; and they estimate that gender wage gap widened by 10 Women’s economic participation is also dampened percentage points during the past decade.Wider by routine practices in the workplace that reinforce surveys also indicate that women on average earn their subordinate status, perhaps the most evident of significantly less than men (Figure 22), especially which is lower pay than men. When asked if women Figure 22. Wages, by Education and Figure 21. Location of Work for Women Gender 100% 4.50 4.25 80% 4.00 60% 3.75 3.50 40% 3.25 3.00 20% Female Male Female Male 0% 1999 2009 1999 2003 2008 Illiterate Elementary/Prep Secondary In governorate In another governorate Israel/other Diploma University Source: PLFS- 1999, 2003, 2008. Source: PLFS. Mean of log wages. 30 ASPIRATIONS ON HOLD? – YOUNG LIVES IN THE WEST BANK AND GAZA for the majority of workers without college degrees. The predominant narrative among young men is In 2009, a university educated woman on average even more guarded about women combining do- earned 10 percent less than a similarly educated mestic and economic roles. “Women can work,� man; while a secondary school educated woman states a young man from Yebna, “… if they can earned 23 percent less than her male counterpart. balance both work and home chores. But women’s These wage gaps suggest that low returns are another main role is parenting and raising the children in a reason for low female labor force participation, par- good way. [The community] respects and supports ticularly among less educated women. her as long as she puts her family before her job.� In short, few livelihoods meet the strict prescriptions regarding women’s interaction with male strangers; Pressures on Working Mothers to mobility, honor and safety; and balancing family Prioritize Family and work priorities. Young men in University Quar- ter provide a particularly comprehensive summary In the global sample, young adults are more likely of the myriad pressures that discourage women’s than older adults to support more “modern� gender economic participation: norms of women combining domestic and bread- winner roles. In the West Bank and Gaza, young ... the main factors impacting women is people’s voices on this matter are more qualified. to balance work and home duties, mar- Many young women and girls express desires to riage and children’s responsibilities ... In hold jobs, but they also adhere to powerful norms addition, [they are] prone to sexual ha- that prioritize housework and childcare obligations rassment by the employer and to being well above a career. As a young woman from Yeb- exploited in low wages, as the woman is na describes, “a woman’s main role is to be a good not able to speak up and defend herself mother for her children. So she must find a way to because she is weak. And as you know, balance that with her work.� Even when women our customs and traditions don’t have may be speaking of their achievements as workers, mercy. And people will start talking if just it is not divorced from motherhood: “I believe that once they find her coming home late, or women must work in order to prove herself in soci- just once look at her [and disapprove] of ety and be a better mother,� states a young woman what she is wearing to work. from Al-Jnena. 6 Family Formation Choices: Who Decides? “My mother is one of the best mothers in the world. But I feel that she was treated unjustly when she got married at 15. She is all consumed by how she will raise us and take care of us.� —Adolescent boy, neighborhood of University Quarter, Hebon. D ecisions about family formation are among tions are widely upheld. The youth, however, consis- the most fundamental for shaping an indi- tently and passionately voice strong desires for more vidual’s life path. For this field work, youth control over these key decisions about the course of reflected on how couples in their communities come their lives. If given the choice, young women espe- together to form new families and begin childbear- cially yearn for more time to be single, and young ing. In both young women’s and young men’s focus men for less burdensome dowry and wedding ex- groups around the world, facilitators asked ques- penses. tions such as the following: Like their peers worldwide, Palestinian young wom- At what age do young people usually an voice desires for delaying the formation of a fam- come together to start their own families ily to a moment when they are well educated and in your community? Is this a good age? have the physical and psychological maturity need- ed for a good adult family life. When asked about Do you think marriage practices should the age that women in their community normally change in the future? If so, how? marry and start having children, the responses from the young women of Yebna closely echo the others: At what age do women typically have “at the age of 18, which is not a good age because their first child in this community? Is this all girls should be able to continue their education a good age? first.� They then elaborate that having a baby a year later is very common but “not a good age. She’s still The questions are designed to elicit young people’s young. The best age is 23.� Young women further views both about “customary� marriage and child- caution that marriages and pregnancies can still on bearing practices, and their notions of how these de- occasion “happen at 15 and 16 for girls, and they cisions might “ideally� be made. In the West Bank are not good ages because she hasn’t matured yet ...� and Gaza, the youth describe many formal dictates Some young women and girls also question why about when and how a young women and man may parents, and mainly fathers, should alone be making become a couple; and they report that these tradi- the vital decision about a daughter’s marriage. 31 32 ASPIRATIONS ON HOLD? – YOUNG LIVES IN THE WEST BANK AND GAZA Family laws can also reinforce gender norms by lim- having more children, explains one young man,� iting women’s agency within the household. The le- he would tell her: ‘I will marry another wife if you gal minimum age of marriage is lower for girls in don’t have a baby.’� “It is the parents in law� who the Palestinian territories (West Bank: 15; Gaza: decide, according to a young woman of Old City; 17) than boys. Delaying marriage can potentially in particular, “the mother in law� says a young man improve a woman’s decision-making power within of University Quarter. And the pressures for babies the household, especially with respect to education, come not only from family but also the wider com- choice of partner and the decision to work. Some munity: “as soon as a young woman gets married laws directly affect and limit women’s agency within she is eager to get pregnant and have babies because the household. if she takes too long with it, people will start to gos- sip and ask questions,� declares a young woman in On their part, young men especially express con- University Quarter. cerns for the asset transfers and wedding expenses that accompany marriage. Some describe heavy Strong family values, the capacity of husbands and dowry burdens and other marriage customs as “non- in-laws to control women’s childbearing, and the sense� that “should stop� given the present econom- high status conferred upon mothers of large fami- ic circumstances. “When I finished the university, lies are all helping to stimulate high fertility rates in I thought of working and making something of the West Bank and Gaza. These youth widely assert myself and getting engaged and married. And here desires for fewer children than their mothers, how- I am having not found a job yet and I’m unable to ever, who are reported to have had up to 17 children do anything,� laments a young man from University by the focus groups. Rather, young people express Quarter. Many young men in their focus groups in- desires for 2 to 6 children in their focus groups, dicate that they must put off any hopes of marrying. which is a higher range than that of other young Like this young man from Al-Jnena, their testimo- people in the global sample. According to wider sur- nies call for reducing the financial burdens: “Yes, for vey evidence, the fertility rate in the West Bank and sure, it is better to change the ceremony, the dowry, Gaza is one of the highest in MENA at 4.5 births because there are no good jobs.� per woman in 2009. The significant decline from 6.5 births in 1990 (Figure 23) is consistent with the The ideal of large families remains strong in the focus group accounts for smaller families. communities, and young women widely report that they will have to yield to strong pressure from In all of their focus groups these more educated husbands and in-laws over the number of children youth express aspirations for more say over their they will have. Youth refer to the use of family formation of families, but are finding relatively few planning (their estimates range between 1 and 20 outlets for acting on them. Although rare, some al- percent in their communities). Yet, their responses low for conditions where a couple might have more to whether women can themselves control their influence over who and when they marry and their childbearing are unanimously negative. “We live family size. This was most evident in the better in a masculine society, so most of such decisions off community of University Quarter, where one are made by men,� states a young woman of Al- young woman suggests, “If the man is old fashioned Jnena. And a young woman of Yebna similarly tes- he would want to have a lot [of children]. But if he tifies that women cannot decide on these matters, is educated and understanding he would agree to “not by herself at least.� If a woman were to refuse have less.� Family Formation Choices: Who Decides? 33 Figure 23. Fertility Rates in the West Bank and Gaza Relative to Mena and the World 7.0 6.0 5.0 4.0 3.0 2.0 1.0 0.0 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 Middle East & North Africa (all income levels) West Bank and Gaza World Middle income Source: World Development Indicators, 2011. 7 “Living in a State of War�: Women Taking Charge, Men Frustrated Most of the older men in [Yebna] used to go work in Israel and bring home a lot of money. They were perfectly capable of providing for their families, among others. They were considered the best of the society and were consulted on everything regarding their communities. —Men, neighborhood of Yebna, Rafah I n this section we set aside the young people’s exercise entitled the Ladder of Power and Freedom. focus groups in order to present testimonies The Ladder activity opens with a facilitator asking from the older adult focus groups (above age focus group members to identify the characteristics 25) about their conceptions of agency. These dis- of the most powerful and freest women (or men, if a cussions with the young people’s “parents� reveal men’s focus group) who live in their neighborhood. important gender differences in strategies for cop- For instance, the traits that women in Old City at- ing with the conflict. The older adults’ experiences tach to their most power and free women include: and sense of agency also provide a wider context for “Brave. Confident. Does not accept injustice and in- understanding the limited choices facing youth as sult... Able to manage matters herself... She takes re- they head into adulthood under these difficult cir- sponsibility. [Has] endurance [and] ability to teach cumstances. her kids endurance. Boldness.... Leadership. Able to undertake an economic project.� The facilitator then Overall, the adult women and men report sharply probes for traits of the least powerful and least free different trends in their sense of agency. The men women who reside in the community. And In Old speak widely of rising frustration and powerlessness City, the powerless women are portrayed as: “No in the face of their inability to be good providers, boldness/weak personality; not taking responsibil- authority figures, and protectors for their families ity; the one who leaves matters to others... afraid of and communities. Women, by contrast, report be- society. She does nothing but cry... Apathy... afraid, ing empowered by their experiences with pulling the nervous woman, always troubled.� their families through the hardships and traumas of living in a war zone.6 These strong gender differ- ences in agency are seen to increase the stress facing couples. 6 This same pattern in contrasting women’s and women’s agency is also on display in the three other conflict affected The qualitative assessment probed into the adults’ countries in the global sample, Afghanistan, Liberia, and general understandings of agency by undertaking an Sudan (Petesch 2012). 35 36 ASPIRATIONS ON HOLD? – YOUNG LIVES IN THE WEST BANK AND GAZA As the focus group is discussing these issues, the erage “mobility index� that the focus groups report facilitator draws a ladder on a large flipchart, and for the distribution of 100 representative local men annotates the top step with the traits of the most or women on their ladders. The index captures the powerful and free women, and the bottom step with difference between a ladder’s mean step now and traits of the least powerful and free women. The mean step ten years ago. In all but one of the six group is free to add as many steps between their top localities, the women perceive that many women and bottom ladder steps as they deem necessary to in their communities are finding ways to climb up capture the different levels of women’s power and the ladders of power and freedom. Women say that freedom perceived to exist in their community. Then their characters have grown stronger and they have the focus group discusses factors that help women developed new capacities from having to confront to move up the ladder, and factors that push them adversity and usher their families and communi- down to lower steps. At the close of the activity, the ties through the protracted strife. As a 35 year old focus group collaborates in distributing 100 “rep- woman from Old City explains: “a strong woman resentative� women (or men) of their community has to empower herself by herself, just like her to each of their ladder steps to indicate the share of mother. Since we are living in a state of war, most local women on each step now and the share on each of the ... women‘s husbands are either in prison, or step a decade ago. they are widows. So these women who have sac- rificed to raise their children may not have been Men’s ladders around the world typically stress educated, but that doesn’t change the fact that such economic factors, and this was also the case in the a woman’s children may become doctors.� Or, in West Bank and Gaza ladders. The “strong men� Dirbas, a village in Hebron, powerful women are who reside on the top step of the ladder for Al- seen as the ones who are taking responsibility; they Salam, a Rafah community that borders Egypt, en- have to improvise and economize: “she owns her joy stable work with a good income, are decision decision ... Now the intifada made her personality makers, and have freedom to travel. And Al-Salam’s stronger, raised her voice.� Box D examines similar men can climb into this top stop if they: “Work in perceptions of women gaining a larger say in their trade and earn a lot of money and become rich. households. Get promoted. Start a successful business.� The men also name three triggers that send men fall- In sharp contrast, men in all six communities report ing to a lower step: “Losing money in business. Be- falling down the steps of their ladders. A 45 year-old come a drug dealer or go to prison.� They estimate that ten years ago perhaps 30 percent of the men in their community resided on the top step, but the share has since dropped to 20 percent. Their Figure 24. Average Mobility Index on bottom step men are described as “weak,� “unedu- Ladders of Power and Freedom (12 Adult cated,� and relying on an “unstable job;� and step Focus Groups) one is seen to have doubled in size to 40 percent of the men in their community. In stark contrast, 0.45 the women’s focus group of Al-Salam in Rafah per- ceives that the share of women on their bottom two steps has plummeted from 60 to 20 percent in the past decade. Women say that they have climbed up through “marriage, work, a university degree,� and –0.31 now many fewer can be found on their bottom step where women are “poor,� “uneducated,� “unsocial,� Women Men and have “small families.�Figure 24 displays the av- “Living in a State of War�: Women Taking Charge, Men Frustrated 37 Box D: Slowly Changing Gender Norms Another activity with the older adult focus groups explores their ideals of what it means to be a “good wife� and a “good husband� in their community. The global assessment found these views to be surprisingly consistent whether a rich or poor context, whether urban or rural, men’s focus group or women’s, and indeed all across the world. A very strong normative framework shapes household roles and relations, even where many differences between men’s and women’s roles are disappearing in practice. The table below presents the traits for the good wife and husband from the women’s focus group of University Quarter. The good wife is “tolerant,� “cooperative,� and manages the domestic domain. The good husband is the provider for all, and the “strong personality� or dominant authority in the household. Again, such perceptions are very prevalent throughout the West Bank and Gaza and right across the global sample. Good wife Good husband Religiously committed now Religion Cooperative Morals Raising of her children Generous in his house Takes care of her family Strict Doesn’t make problems Provides all the needs of the family Economizing Patient Cares about family and mother in-law Strong personality Tolerant Little anger and good economic situation Helpful to others compassionate with his wife and affectionate “Raising her children properly� is a good wife’s job, according to women in Al-Salam. And when asked if a good wife contributes to family income, a woman there replies, “She doesn’t have to, because the husband is obliged to supply all of their needs.� Although some wives are certainly working in the West Bank and Gaza, and many husbands are unemployed and likely helping somewhat more around the house, these changing roles are not as recognized or appreciated in the normative frameworks that surround households. Traditional gender roles remain very strong. The focus groups also reflected on how the good husband and wife of today compare with the good husband and wife of the previous generation in their community. And for women of University Quarter, the good wife of their parents’ day is seen as having “no freedom,� “did not leave the house,� and “more obedient;� while the good husband of the past use to be more “stubborn,� “full of pride,� “dominating,� and less supportive of a wife helping to meet household expenses. The men’s focus group of University Quarter, however, never mentions an income earning role for their good wife of either generation. Also, rather than associating such strongly negative qualities for the good husband of the previous generation, the men describe him in more forgiving terms of “less educated,� and needing to be “more self-made� and demonstrating his “manhood.� Around the world, men are still recognized as the main household authority, but both sexes acknowledge women to be gaining more influence. Notions of a good girl and good boy echo closely the role models set by their parents. When the adolescent focus groups were asked to describe the characteristics of a good girl, with remarkable consistency they portray her as: “religious, wears the hijab, has good morals, educated, obedient, her clothing is respectable, does not wear make-up, her way of walking, does not have a boyfriend, helps her family, forgiving, has good manners, polite, honest.� The bad girl is the one who behaves in the opposite way, is “not religious, impolite, [wears] clothing that catches the attention, increasing the bad reputation of the family� etc. Many of the attributes of the good boy are similar to those of good girls: “polite, religious, educated, obedient, respectful, his morals are good.� Yet, there are other qualities that reflect boys’ greater freedom of movement and participation in social activities outside the home: “doesn’t smoke, doesn’t use drugs, has good friends, patriot.� Girls and boys are socialized from very early on in the different feminine and masculine qualities that make for a good girl and boy, and these processes help to explain why gender norms are so resistant to change across generations. man from Old City could speak for many other Old City asks, “How can I be happy when my chil- men in the study: “Unfortunately, the economic dren are sad, in addition to the terrible economic situation plays a lot in someone’s personality and be- and political situation, and the fighting between ing strong. If he is able to provide for his family his political parties? I’m not happy at all. I see most of personality would be stronger.� Men talk bitterly of our community to be unhappy because everyone is emasculation and emotional turmoil. A man from suffering.� 38 ASPIRATIONS ON HOLD? – YOUNG LIVES IN THE WEST BANK AND GAZA Among factors that the men of this community say of inadequacy in the face of insecurity and economic are eroding their sense of control over their lives are: turbulence. Focus groups also report that conducts unemployment, low wages, economic breakdown, and attitudes associated with women’s increasing psychological problems, feeling marginalized and agency can fuel violence against them. In Yebna, rejected by others, social problems, divorce, separa- men link domestic violence with “the darkness of tion, widowhood. For these men whose lives have life� and recognize that “the poor economic situation been severely affected by prolonged political violence and a wife’s negative behavior could lead to abuse.� and economic blockades, “freedom means stability, While in Al-Salam, a man suggests that “men may safety.� Two of the ways men identify for climbing abuse their wives if they were pressured due to work back up their ladders are to reach out and help oth- problems.� In University Quarter, a man posits that ers in the community, or, importantly, rely on their “the most important reason [for domestic violence] women: “If the wife takes the initiative to lead the is the temper, a tired psychology because of the high family his family will become better. If not, it will living cost.� lead to problems.� In many contexts, men acknowl- edge women’s central roles in helping them and their Women’s focus groups also frequently list the harsh children to cope with their stressful conditions. circumstances in their communities as triggers of domestic violence, but they stress even more than The adult study participants around the world also men that a wife’s disobedience or challenges to their reflected on causes, forms, and consequences of mar- husband’s authority can result in violent abuse. The ital strife in their communities. Like focus groups women’s groups everywhere warn that they could be elsewhere around the world, women and men of the punished for making “added requests� for funds, or West Bank and Gaza acknowledge domestic vio- for “refusal to comply with sexual needs of man,� lence to be occasional problems for couples where “the woman raises her voice to him,� “her pride/ they live and perceive a somewhat worsening trend haughtiness,� “not respecting her husband,� “her over the past decade; however, focus groups (as op- negligence of him,� “she retorts back and answers posed to private interviews) likely understate preva- him,� “her going out without his permission,� “she lence rates. In a survey conducted in 2006, about doesn’t listen to his orders.� a quarter of Palestinian women report one act of physical violence by their husband during 2005 and If women’s expectations and conducts are chang- a third report at least one act of violence at any point ing because of their education, because of relaxing before 2005 (World Bank 2010). Reports of psycho- norms surrounding their physical mobility and logical abuse climb to 70 percent of the West Bank economic roles, or because of their larger say over women and 50 percent of Gaza women. household affairs, these changes are not coming eas- ily for them. Men’s frustrations and insecurity seem Both men’s and women’s testimonies indicate that to be preventing a faster relaxation of norms, and women can be physically or verbally punished as a inhibiting women from making stronger contribu- consequence of men’s anger, frustrations, and sense tions to their households and communities. 8 Hope in the Face of Adversity “I had a goal of getting a proper job.� —Young woman, Al Salam T he experiences and perspectives of the youth East and North Africa region. In response, countries expressed in this report must be considered around the region are renewing efforts to diversify within the context of a society that has un- the economy, promote private sector-led job cre- dergone prolonged conflict and political and eco- ation, bridge skills mismatches, and boost competi- nomic uncertainty, and an economy that continues tiveness. to be characterized by enormous impediments to the mobility of people and goods. Visible manifesta- However, the viability of reforms such as these tions of the restrictions include the marked volatil- in the Palestinian context is predicated on a criti- ity in GDP since the Second Intifada and sharp de- cal pre-condition: the significant easing of restric- clines in the agricultural and manufacturing growth, tions on the access to natural resources and markets which in turn severely limit prospects for job cre- and lifting of the closure regime that have hitherto ation. While the observed trends in poverty, unem- constrained private sector growth, investment and ployment and labor force participation may not be consequently job creation.7,8 These measures are es- unexpected, it is indeed remarkable that within this sential for the West Bank and Gaza’s educated popu- very same context and period of time, the Palestin- lation to be able to translate their aspirations into ian territories display stellar performance in health reality. Absent fundamental changes in this status- and education outcomes. quo, policies to boost labor demand and expand the opportunity base will yield limited returns, espe- Although living through conflict, young Palestin- cially in Gaza. ians hold the same expectations for their futures as do youth in peaceful contexts. They aspire to be well From broader indicators of labor market distress to educated, have decent work, marry, and provide for the voices of young people covered in this report, a their families. Broad based access to education has no doubt strengthened their agency, their valua- 7 World Bank, 2011b. tion of autonomy and dignity, and their ambitions for respectable and stable work. The call for greater 8 The Government of Israel cites overriding security concerns economic opportunities is a common refrain among that restrict its ability to continue to ease or lift restrictions young men and women throughout the Middle on the West Bank and Gaza. 39 40 ASPIRATIONS ON HOLD? – YOUNG LIVES IN THE WEST BANK AND GAZA common narrative is one the contrast between the cess to credit, but also financial literacy, marketing significant investments in and ambitions of young and business skills. Interventions that help small people and the harsh reality of the labor market. In producers to form economic organizations to pur- the face of pervasive insecurity and scarce opportu- chase inputs and identify larger markets can also nities, young men set aside their goals and adopt boost productivity. coping strategies that include cutting their educa- tion short; undertaking temporary, dangerous or il- Similarly, knowledge-based industries and services licit work; waiting idly; and postponing thoughts of such as Information Communications Technology marriage. Young women, for their part, must cope (ICT) based businesses can provide opportunities with even more constrained choices due to mobility for bringing young people into the labor market. restrictions, safety and reputational risks, discrimi- Many aspects of back-office and business process nation, and traditional gender norms that lock them outsourcing services such as call centers, transcrip- into domestic roles soon after completing education. tion and data entry do not require the physical While the exigencies of conflict can create space for presence of workers at the clients’ workplace, and women to assume greater economic independence, output is easy to monitor and verify. These options Palestinian women in the difficult contexts sampled lend themselves to environments where mobility for this study report very few outlets for their agency constraints, social or externally imposed, restrict the beyond their domestic roles. ability of labor to move around freely (See Box E). Creating job opportunities therefore, is pressing for Over and above the physical restrictions on move- social as well as economic reasons. Jobs not only ment, Palestinian women are further constrained bring earnings, but also independence, status, be- in their ability to move around by concerns about longing, and a sense of fairness to their job holders. safety and harassment, and by social norms. In this Economic opportunities also help to build more co- context, safe, reliable transportation could improve hesive and secure communities. their ability to travel safely to study, work, and ac- cess services. One option, recently implemented in Given the limited scope for private sector led job Mexico and long in place in India, is “women only� creation, efforts could be made to boost opportu- buses, compartments or carriages on public transport. nities for self-employment and entrepreneurship The private sector can also ease mobility constraints for young people, especially out of the home. The for women directly. For example, some Indian firms range of support services needed to make such small provide women-only corporate buses to take women home-based businesses viable include not only ac- from their homes directly and safely to the work- Box E: Bringing Jobs to the Doorstep: Desicrew’s Innovative Business Model Desicrew is a rural business process outsourcing (BPO) company in India that uses an innovative business model to bring young rural women into the workforce. Rural BPOs shift back office tasks from urban locations to small towns and villages, creating high-skill employment outside of major urban centers. Employees enter data, manage databases, transcribe interviews, or aggregate information from the internet for corporate clients. Given the lower costs of living in rural areas, the wages are attractive for rural youth while generating large cost savings for clients. Approximately two-thirds of Desicrew’s employees are women, for many of whom this is a unique and new opportunity, as they do not have the option to work in a city. Parents are unwilling to let their daughters move outside their immediate area because of a combination of safety concerns and cultural restrictions. To convince parents to allow their daughters to work, the company undertook an extensive information campaign, stressing on the benefits of well-paid regular employment and the safety and prestige in working in a company that is seen as modern and urban. Desicrew’s experience suggests that rural outsourcing can play an important role in empowering women, improving their self-esteem and confidence and their bargaining power within the household. Source: Ranger (2010); Desicrew official website (http://desicrew.in/index.html). Hope in the Face of Adversity 41 place. In the West Bank and Gaza, transport services or the police out of fear of stigmatization, blame, or designed to help women reach jobs reliably and retribution. safely across checkpoints would reduce an impor- tant barrier. In light of the complexity of vulnerability revealed by the qualitative and quantitative analysis, and the Across the communities visited for the qualitative strong potential for long-run scars caused by cur- assessment, men and women of all generations also rent coping mechanisms, greater investments are express concern about the risks of harassment that merited in survey research to monitor conditions women face in the workplace and in the public and trends facing the youth. For example, current domain more generally. While legislation that ad- surveys should be refined to include more context- dresses harassment in the workplace is an important relevant and gender-sensitive indicators for gauging achievement, implementation and enforcement of the impacts of prolonged insecurity and uncertainty these laws remains an issue (as it does elsewhere on welfare. The qualitative data sheds light on many in the world). Active measures such as trainings, of these: measures of travel time, internal and ex- complaint mechanisms, and hotlines are needed ternal mobility restrictions, alternative and informal to promote greater sensitivity in the workplace and income sources in the face of limited private sector to improve monitoring and reporting mechanisms. job opportunities, workplace harassment, to name a A new initiative in Egypt, called HarassMap, is a few. Filling the knowledge gaps on the mechanisms mobile phone-based reporting system of cases of through which insecurity and conflict affect the dai- harassment, which is raising awareness of the prob- ly lives of ordinary people will go a long way towards lem and warning women of trouble spots.9 ICT ap- building a better understanding and designing more proaches that allow women to report and share in- effective policy responses in the future. formation anonymously are an innovative means to counter harassment in countries where women may be afraid to report such events to family, employers, 9 http://www.harassmap.org. Global Qualitative Assessment Annex Methodology D efining Gender in the 21st Century was de- Country selection for the global study was shaped signed to provide an unprecedented “bot- by where there was strong interest in World Bank tom-up� exploration of how gender shapes country departments to learn from the study and to the lives of men and women across 20 countries incorporate findings into their own policy analysis around the world. The study was conducted as back- and guidance activities. The samples are small, and ground for the World Development 2012: Gender are not representative of their general country or re- Equality and Development. In addition to West Bank gional contexts. At the community level, the sam- and Gaza, the field work reached urban and rural ples were designed to capture a mix of urban and ru- communities of Afghanistan, Bhutan, Burkina Faso, ral contexts as well as more modern and traditional Dominican Republic, Fiji, India, Indonesia, Liberia, gender norms. In every country, teams conducted Moldova, Peru, Papua New Guinea, Poland, Serbia, field work in both middle class and poorer neigh- South Africa, Sudan, Tanzania, Togo, and Vietnam. borhoods of cities and towns, as well as in prosper- Nearly 4,000 individuals from three generations ous and poor villages. participated in the study between June 2010 and March 2011. Within communities, five different data collection tools were used: three structured focus group discus- The rapid assessment explores trends in gender sions (one per age group), a key informant interview roles and norms, and what women and men say in the form of a community questionnaire with close- drive their major decisions surrounding educa- and open-ended questions, and a mini case study. The tion, economic participation, and family forma- table below summarizes the general topics covered tion. Small, single-sex discussion groups reflected with each method. Focus groups lasted two-and-a- on questions such as: How did you decide to end half to three hours on average. Biases can sometimes your education? Are men and women better at be introduced by focus group dynamics, whereby different jobs? Do women and men save differ- more assertive group members dominate discussions. ently? What makes a good husband? A good wife? In addition to mobilizing single-sex focus groups of Qualitative methods are appropriate for examining roughly similar ages, facilitators received training on these questions because they permit exploration of additional measures to foster inclusive discussions factors that are multidimensional and need to be that would capture a range of attitudes and experi- traced over time as well as contextually grounded ences that are common in the community. On some for sound interpretation of their meaning and sig- key questions, for instance, focus group members nificance in the lives of women and men and their had opportunities to respond by “voting� in private communities. and then volunteering to discuss their responses. 43 44 ASPIRATIONS ON HOLD? – YOUNG LIVES IN THE WEST BANK AND GAZA Local researchers with extensive country knowl- generally experienced facilitators and received train- edge and qualitative field experience led the studies. ing and a detailed methodology guide in preparation Dr. Samia M. Al-Botmeh, then director of the Centre for their field work. The methodology guide reviews for Development Studies, Birzeit University, led the the study’s conceptual approach and sampling pro- West Bank and Gaza study. The facilitators recruit- cedures, presents each of the study instruments, and ed to conduct the focus groups and interviews were discusses documentation and analysis techniques. Qualitative Assessment Data Collection Tools and Respondents Data Collection Method Time Topics Respondents Activity 1. Community 1 hour To gain an understanding of the local context, and community level factors that 1 or 2 key Questionnaire may contribute to gender differences and changes in gender norms and practices informants surrounding economic decision-making and access to opportunities. Activity 2. Focus Group 2.5 To explore with young women and men: 1 FGD of 8 to 12 Discussion: Making hours female youth, • Happiness Economic Choices (youth) ages 18 to 24 • Daily time use • Decisions surrounding transitions from school to work and family formation 1 FGD of 8 to 12 • Independence , cooperation, and obligations in economic decision-making male youth, ages processes 18 to 24 • Divorce, family dispute resolution mechanisms • Local economic opportunities • Savings practices • Community participation • Knowledge of gender-related rights • Role models • Hopes for the future Activity 3. Focus Group 2.5 To explore with adult women and men: 1 FGD of 8 to 12 Discussion with Adults: hours female adults, • Happiness Ladder of Power and ages 25 to 60 • Differences in the exercise of power and freedom, with a focus on economic Freedom (adults) decisions 1 FGD of 8 to 12 • Local economic opportunities male adults, ages • Independence , cooperation, and obligations in economic decision-making 25 to 60 processes • Divorce, family dispute resolution mechanisms • Sources of economic support • Household gender relations • General patterns of domestic and community violence • Hopes for the future Activity 4. Focus Group 2.5 To explore with adolescents: 1 FGD of 8 to 12 Discussions: Reaching for hours female youth, • Happiness Success (adolescents) ages 10–16 • Daily time use • Aspirations for the future 1 FGD of 8 to 12 • The value of education male youth, ages • Education/work balance 10–16 • The transition to life after studying • Dating, Formation of families • Norms surrounding adolescent girls and boys • Knowledge of gender-related rights • Domestic violence and public safety • Community participation • Role models Activity 5. Mini Case Study 1 to 2 To provide in-depth analysis of a finding that emerges as important for 1 or 2 key hours understanding gender norms or structures shaping economic decisions in that informants locality. Global Qualitative Assessment Methodology 45 As part of the field work in each site, facilitators The dataset from the field work is comprised of interviewed local key informants to complete a narrative and numerical data. The study’s principal Community Questionnaire, which covers extensive findings rest on systematic content analysis of the background information about the sample com- narrative data, which comprises over 7,000 pages of munity. Key informants might be a community text for the global dataset, and has been treated as leader, government official, politician, an impor- a single database and coded with the social science tant local employer, a business or financial leader, software NVivo. There is also extensive numerical teacher, or healthcare worker. The selection of the data from the Community Questionnaire and NVi- participants for the adolescent and youth focus vo frequencies of responses on the full range of study groups was based on the age requirements noted topics. For discussion of limitations with the quali- in table 2; field teams also received instructions for tative sampling, data collection and analysis tech- the groups to be composed, as much as possible, niques employed in this study, the reader is encour- to reflect the range of educational and livelihood aged to consult the forthcoming global report that experiences that are common in the community for is based on the Defining Gender in the 21st Century that age group. dataset (World Bank 2011). References Attanasio, O., A. Kugler, and C. Meghir. 2011. Report for the World Development Report “Subsidizing Vocational Training for Disad- 2013 on Jobs.� Washington, DC: World Bank. vantaged Youth in Colombia: Evidence from a World Bank. 2012 forthcoming. Opening Doors: Randomized Trial.� American Economic Journal: Gender Equality in the Middle East and North Applied Economics, 3(3): 188–220. Africa. Washington, D.C. Attanasio, O., and M. Vera-Hernandez. 2004 World Bank. 2012. 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