C omm GAP D iscus sion Paper s 89849 Communication for Governance and Accountability Program (CommGAP) Communication for Governance and Accountability Program Changing Norms is Innovative Solutions for Governance Key to Fighting Everyday Corruption Sabina Panth October 2011 Innovative Solutions for G overnance © 2011 The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development / The World Bank Communication for Governance & Accountability Program (CommGAP) External Affairs 1818 H Street NW, MSN U11-1102 Washington DC 20433 Telephone: 202-458-7955 Fax: 202-522-2654 Website: http:// www.worldbank.org/commgap Blog: http://blogs.worldbank.org/publicsphere E-mail: commgap@worldbank.org All rights reserved The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Board of Executive Directors of the World Bank or the governments they represent. 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Table of Contents Background . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 Analysis of the Case Studies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 Established Norms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 Instigating Factors Provoking Bottom-up Interventions . . . . 3 Objectives/Strategies for Action . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5 Tools and Techniques Used . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 Outcomes/Impact of the Interventions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16 Conclusion/Direction for Further Research and Action . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20 Organically Grown Movements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21 Project-Instigated Movements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22 End Notes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25 C h a n gi n g No r ms Is K e y to F igh t i ng E v e ry day C o r ru p t io n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d Acknowledgments Conflict and Conrad Zellmann from Transparency This research paper was made possible through the International for their help in providing contacts contributions of many individuals and organiza- for many of the case studies included in this paper. tions from around the world. Sina Odugbemi, head Additional thanks go to Danielle Kurtzleben, of CommGAP, was instrumental in conceiving the Giorgi Meladze, Caludia Samoyoa, Engi Haddad, idea and providing guidance in shaping up this Dr. Iftekhar Uz-Zaman, Vijay Anand, Martin Sigal, paper. Special thanks go to Fumiko Nagano for her and Shaazka Beyerle, who, among others, provided early research on this topic and to Shaazka Beyerle interviews and written contributions to the prepa- from the International Center on Nonviolent ration of the case studies. ii C h a n gi n g No r ms Is K e y to F igh t i ng E v e ry day C o r ru p t io n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d Acronyms ICAIG International Commission Against Impunity in Guatemala ACIJ Asociación Civil por la Legualdad y la Justicia (Civil Association for ICO Information Commissioner’s Office Equality and Justice) ICT information, communication AID Advice and Information Desk technology ALAC Advocacy and Legal Advice Center IPAB I Paid a Bribe CCC committee of concerned citizens IPSA Independent Parliamentary Stan- CEDECOL Council of Evangelical and Protes- dards Authority tant Churches of Colombia KPK Corruption Eradication CIACS Cuerpos Ilegales y Aparatos Clandes- Commission tinos de Seguridad (illegal groups and MP member of Parliament clandestine security apparatuses) NAFODU National Foundation for Democracy CICIG International Commission against and Human Rights in Uganda Impunity in Guatemala NGO nongovernmental organization COL Culture of Lawfulness CommGAP Communication for Governance NSIC National Strategic Information and Accountability Program Center CPI Corruption Perception Index PR public relations CRC Citizen Report Card PTF Partnership for Transparency Fund CRD Community Relations Department RTI Right to Information EAC Egyptians Against Corruption RTO Regional Transport Office FOIA Freedom of Information Act TI Transparency International IACC International Anti-Corruption UNCAC Uited Nations Convention Against Conference Corruption ICAC Independent Commission against YES youth empowerment and support Corruption iii C hanging No rms Is K e y to F ighting E v ery day C o rruptio n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d Background norms? What were the strategies developed to achieve this end? Was it an organic, spon- One of the biggest impediments to anticorrup- taneous movement or an intervention from tion efforts is the fact that corrupt practices have external agencies? Did a national or a local become so institutionalized in everyday society nongovernmental organization (NGO) or an that citizens view them as fixed and incontestable. international instrument play a part in insti- To break down such an entrenched mind-set, the gating the changes? public’s ignorance of their rights, cynicism, fear of reprisal, and mentality of submission to the status Tools and techniques used: What tools and quo must first be defeated. Perhaps most important, techniques were employed? Was it a series of the efficacy challenge needs to be addressed. Citi- well-run awareness-raising campaigns or train- zens generally must believe that they can actually ing geared toward citizens? An effective leader do something about corruption in order to summon or group who could engage a critical mass of the courage to act upon that belief. people in the fight? An especially compelling idea diffused by well-implemented communi- Based on CommGAP’s interactions with the cation efforts? global anticorruption community as well as earlier research, we were able to collate 18 representative Outcomes/impact of the interventions: instances (case studies) from around the world, What results were achieved? What were with real-life examples of citizens coming together the immediate and long-term outcomes and to speak up against corruption and social norms impact (e.g., actions taken, policy interven- vis-à-vis corruption or to change public services tion/amendment, level of corruption reduced, affected by corrupt practices. change in social norms about corruption)? This report is a “one-step-up” analysis of the col- Conclusion: What general lessons/conclu- lated case studies, which is intended to shed light on sions can be drawn from the experiences? practical approaches, tools, and techniques that have What conditions are critical for anticorruption been successful in bringing citizens together to stand campaigns to take root and succeed? against the daunting phenomenon of corruption. We have structured our analysis based on the Analysis of the Case Studies following components: Established norms Established norms: Entrenched norm, apathy, or tolerance of everyday corruption. Examples as derived from the case studies of For example, what were the prevailing public entrenched norms, apathy, or tolerance of opinions and accepted norms regarding petty everyday corruption. corruption, and why were they problematic? Idioms Instigating factors provoking bottom-up In most of the case study countries, corruption is intervention. Did a certain event trigger a such a part of everyday life that citizens have come reaction from the people? Had society reached up with their own shorthand to express it. The a “tipping point” with respect to corruption? Indonesians refer it by the abbreviation KKN— Who are the change agents? koropsi, kolosi, nepotismee (corruption, collusion, and nepotism). The Indians understand it as riswat Objectives/strategies for action: How did (bribery of public officials). The Georgians call it change agents go about transforming these chackobili, (corrupt) and in Egypt, petty corruption 1 C hanging No rms Is K e y to F ighting E v ery day C o rruptio n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d is described as “facilitation fees.” In Tunisia, a In Argentina, a famous legal philosopher, Carlos familiar proverb, “a rotten fish starts at the head,” Minos, describes the country as “at the margins has been used to trace the culture of corruption in of the law.” Some have alluded to Argentina’s dic- the country—the ultimate rotten fish being Sine tatorial political history as having cultivated the Ben Ali, Tunisia’s former president. The Filipinos culture of nepotism in public institutions. Others have accepted it as kalakaran (a way of life), and blame the heritage of Italian immigration for the in fact, have come up with the Corruptionary, a way business is done in the country, which caters dictionary that provides defines corruption in each to the “mafia” or the corrupt elite. In Turkey, public situation—for example, pang-almusal (for break- institutions are referred to as the gladio-mafia rule fast), pang-tanghalian (for lunch), pang-merienda (a combination of paramilitary entities, drug traf- (for snacks), pang-hapunan (for dinner), para sa fickers, mafia, business and government officials, birthday ni hepe (for the chief’s birthday), Ninoy and members of parliament). (the 500-peso bill, which features the face of former Senator Ninoy Aquino), porsyento (percent), and Apathetic Public many more. The political norm vis-à-vis the institutional norm that has established public offices as entities run Permissive Institutional Norms by powerful syndicates of the ruling elites in turn The case studies allude to permissive institutional has created apathetic publics, who feel either pow- norms that allow authorities to abuse their posi- erless or disengaged to take any action against tion. This, in turn, seems to have influenced the corruption. The case studies present anecdotes to political norm, elevating public figures to makers support this argument. In Argentina, public offi- and breakers of the law. For example, when asked cials are said to command entitlement to benefits whether it was right for taxpayers to foot the bill from citizens, and citizens, in turn, feel it their for an arguably unnecessary expense for a second duty to serve the public officials. In Bangladesh, home, the British parliamentarian who was alleged it is said the public no longer views corruption as for misappropriating allowance in the 2005 parlia- offensive, much less punishable. As a result, they mentary scandal responded, “It has always been have lost sight of their rights in obtaining goods a provision for the House of Commons that it and services. A survey conducted to assess police should be so.”1 In Brazil, 25 percent of the sitting corruption in the South-West region in Uganda members of parliament and Congress were facing revealed that the majority of the residents viewed criminal charges at one point. These politicians the police force as makers and breakers of the rules had little reason to worry because of the parlia- and hence, beyond reproach. mentary impunity protecting them. In Indone- sia, the institutional immunity to corruption is Public Cynicism evident in a statement issued by the former head On the other hand, however, the larger-than-life of the country’s national police, who likened the problem of corruption seems to have ingrained effectiveness of anticorruption activists to a “gecko deep cynicism and hatred among citizens against fighting a crocodile.” public authorities and caused retaliation in obeying laws that they believe are imposed by a small group Popular books and articles on the subject of social and political elites without much input confirm the institutional norms described in the from the marginalized majority. As a Colombian case study countries. For example, a history book, journalist puts it, “why then should the majority of Walking Ghosts, by Steven Dudley, describes Colom- the population respect the laws formally endorsed bia’s political culture as “the politics of anesthesia,” by the state?” Similarly, a student surveyed online indicating the apathy of citizens and authorities on the state of governance in the Philippines alike about corruption problems in the country. opined that he sees the government “as a zoo of 2 C hanging No rms Is K e y to F ighting E v ery day C o rruptio n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d crocodiles, wolves and vultures ready to pounce on Kingdom support this analysis. In Egypt, a whis- innocent victims.” His friend had a different take tleblower from inside the system who revealed on the situation, however. He believed that citi- judiciary fraud in the parliamentary reelection zens’ apathy was giving public authorities leeway was later picked by the public as a “champion” to continue corrupt practices. “We deserve to be in the fight against corruption. In the United fooled. We are not brave enough to fight for our Kingdom, the insider, who had been witnessing rights. We always talk, we always criticize but we misappropriation of the parliamentary allowance, do not do anything.” collaborated with two vigilant journalists already investigating the nature of members’ expenses. Justifying Corruption In some cases, corruption has been justified as Extreme suppression and/or apparent “facilitation fees” from “those who can to those who lack of cooperation from the government in need.” An Egyptian imam (clergyman) advanced responding to public outcry against corrupt this claim and declared that small bribes are not practices incited the public to take matters “haram” (unreligious). In Georgia, bribe-taking is into their own hands. expected to compensate for the low salaries of uni- In the case of Egypt, the minister of justice versity professors. Guatemala’s perpetual poverty sued the whistleblower and the NGO for defa- and injustice are said to have been exploited by mation and libel and referred the board of the the insurgent mafia groups to justify their criminal Judiciary club to court, threatening them with actions. In the case of Colombia, it is the citizens disciplinary actions. (The NGO had raised a peti- who are justifying their disregard for law, which tion requesting the ministry to conduct a thorough they believe is imposed by a small group of social investigation on the alleged judiciary forgery, and and political elites. the Judiciary club had endorsed the NGO’s plea.) These excessive actions of the government brought Instigating Factors Provoking Bottom-up youth out to the streets in support of a thorough Interventions investigation and an independent judiciary. Did a certain event trigger a reaction from the people? Had society reached a “tipping point” with respect to In Georgia, the university administration neu- corruption? Who are the change agents? tralized student activism by handpicking students who benefited from the corrupt practices in the The case studies illustrate various factors that con- university to represent the student association. tributed to the “awakening” of citizens in confront- Even the least qualified candidates could easily gain ing the entrenched norm of corruption. Below are admission to the university system. Once admitted, some examples: students could buy their diplomas. There was no transparency in the selection of student represen- An insider within an institution emerged tatives; hence no avenues for honest and hardwork- as a whistleblower to expose accounts of mis- ing students to organize and confront the rampant appropriation or laxity within the system. corruption taking place in the university. This led a group of idealistic students at Tblisi University to This in many instances was aided by exter- start a campaign that percolated into other univer- nal support, particularly (a) in encouraging the sities and civil society organizations and eventually insider to cooperate in exposing the matter to the culminated in a national campaign against corrup- public, or (b) by joining hands with the whistle- tion in the university system. blower once the matter was exposed to building pressure for the responsible entity to take correc- In Guatemala, time and again, the govern- tive actions. Cases from Egypt and the United ment demonstrated it is too weak to take any 3 C hanging No rms Is K e y to F ighting E v ery day C o rruptio n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d actions against the criminal group Cuerpos Ilegales gasoline and set himself on fire. It was claimed y Aparatos Clandestinos de Seguridad (CIACS), a that Bouazizi did not have the funds to bribe police state-funded illegal clandestine security appara- officials to allow his street vending to continue. In tus established during the civil war of 1960–1996. addition, Bouazizi’s family claims that he was pub- CIACS is said to have continued its operation in licly humiliated when a female official slapped him the country even after the war ended, furthering in the face, spat at him, confiscated his electronic political interests both of organized crime and weighing scales, and tossed aside his produce cart. real power in Guatemala. This led the citizens of Bouazizi is said to have walked to the municipal Santa Lucia province to take matters into their building, demanded his property, and was beaten own hands. (Santa Lucia is situated in a spot con- again. Then he walked to the governor’s office, venient for cross-border narco-trafficking between demanded an audience, and was refused. Experts Colombia and Mexico and has been a subject of have analyzed Bouazizi’s incident as a defeat of violent crime and suppression by CIACS.) hope engulfed by demands of bribe and corrup- tion in the country. His death served as a catalyst In the city of Oroquieta in the Philippines, a for a surge of civilian-led protests in that unfurled radio show initially started out as a commentary across North Africa and the Middle East, leading on local government affairs and corruption. But to sweeping political changes. when the show received backlash and pressure, the hosts retaliated by directly soliciting public com- Major political scandals markedly changed plaints and evidence on the air and through mobile public attitudes and garnered citizens’ support texting and Web-mails, leading to the eradication for anticorruption initiatives. of misuse of government funds in the city. In Turkey, a major political scandal known Deliberate undermining of citizens’ anti- as the Sursurluk scandal resulted in spontaneous corruption efforts by public figures insti- street protests engulfing the country. In November gated stronger public retaliation, anger, and 1996, a speeding car is said to have crashed on a street actions. highway late at night near a town called Susurluk. Among the passengers were a police chief, who An example is the national police in Indo- was also the police academy director, a member nesia, which issued a public statement likening of parliament, a mistress, and an escaped criminal anticorruption activists to “a gecko fighting a croc- and paramilitary member who was wanted by the odile.” This led the public, already enraged by the Turkish courts, the Swiss police, and Interpol. The framing of the two honest Corruption Eradication escaped criminal is said to have possessed a fake Commission (KPK, the government’s anticorrup- ID that was signed by the then-minister of internal tion agency ) officials, to unite against government affairs. Further, the car is said to have contained suppression. The “Saya Chicak” (“I am a gecko”) cash, cocaine, and weapons. A group of lawyers in movement formed during that period has since Turkey decided that the Susurluk scandal provided been active in anticorruption protests. an opportunity to tap public disgust over corrup- Incidents/personal stories illustrating ordi- tion and push for definable changes by mobilizing nary citizens as victims of corruption moti- the masses. This led to a countrywide citizen-led vated long-suppressed citizens to come out on campaign, eventually resulting in a change of gov- the streets against government atrocities. ernment in the country. On December 17, 2010, in the city of Sidi In Indonesia, the two officials of KPK, Bibit Bouzid in central Tunisia, Mohammad Bouazizi, and Chandra, were accused of accepting a bribe a 26-year-old street vendor, doused himself with from a corruption suspect. But 270 minutes of 4 C hanging No rms Is K e y to F ighting E v ery day C o rruptio n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d wiretap tapes were played back in court, revealing system and call on public attention to anti- an intricate plot with fabricated testimony aimed corruption efforts. at ousting the honest officials, who were trying the case of a powerful corruption suspect attempting In Hong Kong’s case, it was the then-gov- to flee the country. Public attitudes toward KPK ernor who decided to overhaul the traditional turned markedly positive after the incident, and a top-down operational modality of the national countrywide protest was carried out in support of anticorruption agency into a public education and the KPK officials. The citizen-led campaign culmi- citizen-government partnership projects to fight nated in the officials’ release and the dismissal of corruption. In Turkey, Egypt, and Brazil, educated those who were involved in fabricating the story. elites were able to use their resources, both in human and financial capital, to endorse support Good examples/cases revealing genuine from both the public and people within the system attempts by public authorities/agencies to that they were fighting, through movements such alleviate corruption encouraged citizens to as the Citizen Initiative for Constant Light, support their efforts. Egyptian Against Corruption, and Ficha Limpa (Clean Record) campaigns. Similarly, an expatri- In Indonesia, it was natural for the public to ate Indian physics professor from the University of greet KPK with cynicism because several anticor- Maryland, who, upon traveling back home, found ruption measures had been tried and failed amid himself harassed by endless extortion demands, the climate of chaos and growing corruption that came up with a zero-rupee note that has become a followed the legacy left by 31 years of former presi- popular nonviolent means of tackling widespread dent Suharto’s authoritarian regime. KPK was the corruption in India. seventh in the line of commissions. The public had no reason to believe that the new commission Objectives/Strategies for Action would be any different from the previous politically appointed ones. But when the wiretap scandal How did change agents go about transforming these broke out, the public learned about the integrity norms? What were the objectives? What were the of the KPK officials and the plot aimed at ousting strategies developed to achieve this end? the honest commissioners. This led the public to come out on the streets in support of these offi- Using international instruments, such as cers. This and other successive actions by KPK to the United Nations Convention against Cor- combat corruption in the country gradually led the ruption, UNCAC, into fight corruption at the Indonesian people to trust KPK. local level. In Hong Kong, the Anticorruption Office was In Egypt, members of Shayfeen.com (a citizen- part of the Police Department, which was regarded led social media platform established when a whis- as extremely corrupt. But a series of visible efforts tleblower exposed the scandal of judiciary fraud launched by the new government-led Independent in a parliamentary reelection) were made aware of Commission Against Corruption (ICAC) on com- the United Nations Convention against Corrup- munity education, alongside detection and preven- tion (UNCAC), to which Egypt is a signatory, and tion approaches, fostered public support for battling that UNCAC’s articles include protection for whis- corruption in the country. tleblowers. The group decided to use UNCAC as the main tool for its campaign strategy. This goal Educated elites and prominent figures in mandated the establishment of a grassroots move- public institutions and/or civil society orga- ment (Egyptians Against Corruption, or EAC) nizations used their influence and connec- that commanded credibility and became the plat- tions to penetrate the corrupt institutional form for anticorruption initiatives. The objective 5 C hanging No rms Is K e y to F ighting E v ery day C o rruptio n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d of EAC was to ensure that both government and Bestowing total independence and pros- the people fight corruption and to rally support for ecutorial power on the government anticor- UNCAC as the most comprehensive anticorrup- ruption agency. tion tool. In Indonesia, the comprehensive power that Using national legal instruments, such as KPK has at its disposal is responsible for many of the Freedom of Information Act and other its anticorruption gains. KPK is able to authorize existing legal frameworks, to build pressure wiretaps, order travel bans on individuals, request for government to increase transparency and financial information about suspects, freeze sus- accountability. pects’ financial accounts, request the assistance of other law enforcement agencies, and take over In the United Kingdom, a whistleblower and the indictment or prosecution of corruption cases journalists cooperated and used the newly enacted being conducted by the police or attorney general’s Freedom of Information Act to build pressure on office. The corruption cases handled by KPK are the government to publicly release the expenses of directly tried by the Corruption Crimes Courts. members of Parliament (MPs) and at the same time generate public awareness to support their action. Building strategic networks and coali- They also used the Green Book (a publication of tions to gain broad support from different the Department of Administration that detailed spectrums of society to fight corruption. MPs’ expenses) to compare permitted expenses with actual expenses claimed by MPs. In Colombia, the program Culture of Lawful- ness (COL)2 aims “to integrate the different sectors Public prosecutors in Costa Rica used the con- in a society to create a unified, overarching effort stitutional provision “rights of citizens to a healthy toward promoting the culture of lawfulness.” COL [institutional] environment” to define and claim has taken up this task with three main strategies: (1) social damage in the repatriation of $10 million consolidating a group of public and private leaders from the French-American company Alacarte for and local authorities to become leaders in fostering damage inflicted on the citizens of Costa Rica. a culture of lawfulness; (2) promoting knowledge Alacarte was accused of paying bribes to the former and the transformation of attitudes directed at president, Miguel Angel Rodriquez, and officials recognizing the benefits of a culture of lawfulness, of the state-run telecommunication company in with special attention to honesty and transparency exchange for a contract to install 400,000 cell in everyday action; and (3) institutionalizing edu- phone lines in the country. cation about the rule of law in formal and syner- gistic programs across sectors. It seeks to empower Creating “open government:” Building four key sectors—(1) public servants/law enforce- transparency, accountability, and participa- ment, (2) mass media, (3) school-based education, tory mechanisms in public institutions. and (4) centers of moral authority—to use their institutions to promote the rule of law. In Indonesia, KPK gained the trust of the public because of its transparency from its very inception. A group of idealistic student from the University Its first commissioners were selected transparently of Tblisi in Georgia got together and shared the idea and included many respected and well-known that the blatant corruption in the country’s university figures, such as prominent businessmen, academics, system could not continue and that they could actu- and members of civil society. Parliament was also ally contribute to improving the situation. Recruit- involved in screening the commissioners from the ing new members into their campaign and reaching pool selected by the president. This gave the com- out to entities outside the university (media, civil mission instant credibility with many Indonesians. society) for support became priority actions for the 6 C hanging No rms Is K e y to F ighting E v ery day C o rruptio n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d start-up group. The main problem for the students were designed to empower the target audience (the was the lack of opportunity to express themselves executive, the media, opinion leaders, concerned through student associations. The existing organiza- citizens) to embrace the cause and enable their tions were monopolized by the administration; there effective participation in fighting against corrup- was no transparency in selecting student representa- tion. The goal of EAC was to ensure that both gov- tives. Hence, the campaign focused on organizing a ernment and people fight corruption and to rally transparent process for electing student leaders and support for UNCAC as the most comprehensive creating an accountable student body within the tool against corruption. university system. Creating mediums to enable citizens to When the police force was declared the most express their impressions and initiate advo- corrupt institution in South-West Uganda, a local cacy efforts against corruption NGO, National Foundation for Democracy and Human Rights in Uganda (NAFODU), decided that Citizens of Oroquieta in the Philippines did the public needed to be aware of the laws governing not have a medium available to criticize corruption the police force and the duties and obligations of the even though they had long been observing misap- officers toward the citizens, while the police force propriation of budgetary allocations intended for needed to improve its integrity and ethical practices local socioeconomic development, most blatantly in dealing fairly and responsibly with the citizens it is in the purchase of overpriced government vehi- mandated to protect. The NGO decided to address cles, gasoline charges, and vehicle misuse. Given the problem with a two-pronged approach: working this problem, the local NGO, ECOLINK, set out with police to increase their ethical principle and to design and implement creative activities aimed integrity, and generating citizen awareness of laws at developing a culture of vigilance and fostering governing police conduct. active citizen participation in the campaign against misuse of public funds. This included creation of In Guatemala, a local grassroots campaign community radio, public vigilance committees, and civic actions emerged to break up the corrup- and mobile phone text-messaging services. tion-violence nexus and challenge government impunity for the criminal activities —conducted One of the major goals of the Advocacy and by CIACS—that were established during Guate- Legal Advice Center (ALAC)3 concept in Bangla- mala’s civil war. The movement worked to foster desh is to inform the public of the services they coalition among the political party established by should expect (for example, at hospitals and in former guerilla groups, the government, and civil schools), their entitlements, and what they should society to confront the criminal activities and expect to pay for public services. The benefits of prevent drug lords from entering local politics. this program are expected to be twofold: letting the host organizations keep abreast of corrupt prac- To forge unity against parliament impunity in tices in their communities, and allowing citizens to Turkey, the lawyers’ group that started the Citizen do their civic duty of reporting corruption without Initiative for Constant Light, a movement against fear of retribution. corruption, sought to systematically build a broad coalition by reaching out to civil society organi- The Civil Association for Equality and Justice zations, chambers of professions, bar associations, (ACIJ),4 an NGO in Argentina, decided to operate and professional associations of pharmacists, den- an online program called Citizen Action and Anti- tists, and engineers. corruption to promote citizen participation in the investigation, prosecution, and punishment of The Egyptians Against Corruption movement crimes of corruption and encourage transparency focused mainly on communication campaigns that of public agencies and institutions. The foremost 7 C hanging No rms Is K e y to F ighting E v ery day C o rruptio n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d task is facilitating public access to clear and orga- In relation to the prevailing culture of impunity nized information related to corruption cases and and corruption in Argentina, the founders of ACIJ trials in progress. ACIJ created online interactive launched an investigation campaign to analyze how database and social media platforms to display and the judiciary handled corruption cases. They went debate cases of corruption. with a multifaceted approach, using both advocacy and litigation as tools to combat corruption. This Janaagraha, a nonprofit organization in India, included launching a “community of practice” to decided to use online platforms to boost citizens’ encourage citizen participation and advocacy ini- confidence in obtaining services without suc- tiatives to pressure for public access to government cumbing to bribes. The NGO decided to build a information, specifically on corruption cases.5 website to encourage victims to report on corrup- tion cases that they have personally experienced In Turkey, the organizers of citizens’ movement and used that information to argue for improving against corruption decided to develop a leader- governance systems and procedures and tightening less organizational structure to defend themselves law enforcement and regulation in order to reduce against reprisals and to reinforce the notion that the scope for corruption in obtaining services from the initiative belonged to everyone. They felt the the government. campaign idea should appear to come not from an intellectual or an elite group, but from an everyday 5th Pillar, an NGO in India, decided to scale person, so they would not be required to identify up the invention of a zero-rupee note to fight cor- themselves or give an individual official’s name in ruption by shaming the officials who ask for bribes. their reports. Their demands were to remove par- The idea is for citizens to use the notes as a polite liamentary immunity, prosecute the founders of way of saying no to officials who hold out their criminal groups, protect judges trying such cases, hands for riswat (bribes). and reveal the crime syndicate relationships. In Turkey, organizers came up with the In Bangladesh, the ALACs established by Citizen Initiative for Constant Light, a synchro- Transparency International created an Advice and nized turning on and off of lights that responded Information Desk (AID) program “to equip citi- to the needs of the citizens and garnered a sense zens to take action on cases of corruption that they of national “togetherness” to take action against a have witnessed or been victims of.” This involved syndicated crime brought to light through a politi- taking legal action, filing complaints with responsi- cal scandal. ble anticorruption or other agencies, and “blowing the whistle” within institutions or bringing media Mobilizing citizens to improve or change attention to the issue. the legal structure to alleviate institutional immunity to corruption Strategic communication and visibility of the movement In Brazil, a coalition of civil society organiza- tions created the Movement for Fighting Electoral In Egypt, careful consideration was given Corruption to end parliamentary immunity that to broadcasting the movement in a manner that allowed convicted politicians to run for office. This ensured the awareness of the target audience. A included barring the convicted officials from reap- neutralization rather than confrontation approach pearing in a subsequent election and filing appeals was taken, with reliance on factual data and no to prevent them from doing so. The objective of the hearsay or exaggeration. Communication was was to introduce legislation to qualify only candi- aimed at creating messages that were direct and dates who had a clean criminal record to pursue a positioned corruption as a serious social ailment political career in Brazil. that must be confronted. The campaign aimed 8 C hanging No rms Is K e y to F ighting E v ery day C o rruptio n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d to convince the target audience that corruption The AID program in Bangladesh stationed can be confronted and there are tools available to Advice and Information Desks in front of public curb it. To gain more participation, the movement institutions such as hospitals and schools to inform decided to use both traditional and online com- people of what services they should expect when munication tools. they went inside. Volunteers were recruited to go door to door, and street theatre was used to bring In Turkey, organizers carefully defined goals, information to the masses in public places. A analyzed the media’s views on corruption, and number of voluntary organizations were instituted developed a publicity strategy before taking action. to support the AID program. They included the They developed a sophisticated publicity campaign Youth Empowerment and Support groups (made to spread their message, termed a “Unifying Propo- up of college and university students) and Com- sition,” signifying a message that encapsulates the mittees of Concerned Citizens (organized groups cause, the urgency for action, and the call for wider of respected community leaders) that helped mobi- participation. lize people at a local level to take a stand against corrupt practices and put pressure on institutions Spontaneous, organically grown move- that execute unfair practices. The AID program ment (without a carefully planned strategy) also sought out external expertise when needed. In Tunisia, after the street vendor Bouazizi’s For example, if a local government was being suicide, the place where the act was committed unfair in its land management practices, the AID began filling up with angry antigovernment protest- program called upon an organization that had ers, demanding greater accountability and an end greater knowledge and specialization in that area. to corruption. More than 5,000 people are said to have participated in the funeral procession. The The Culture of Lawfulness program in Colom- protests became more widespread, moving into the bia partnered with the government, local churches, more affluent areas and eventually into the capital. and other community-based organizations to The campaign sent a strong message that the public promote transparency and fight corruption in its wanted a culture of integrity, and for that, they program districts. For example, it collaborated with needed leaders who acted with integrity and trans- Catholic Churches and used their publications to parency, leaders who were responsive to citizens and issue calls for transparency to big businesses and the their needs, and the management of public goods public sector, as well as to inform the public about that benefited everyone, not just the elites. the negative impact of bribes. Likewise, COL has brought together pastors of the Council of Churches to advocate against corruption and involve them- Tools and Techniques Used selves in community projects and juvenile groups. Was it a series of well-run awareness-raising cam- COL and the Catholic churches also worked with paigns or training geared toward citizens? Was it an the secretary of planning, the mayor’s office, and effective leader or group who could engage a critical other groups to campaign against corruption. COL mass of people in the fight? Was it an especially com- also worked with the police force to combat citizens’ pelling idea diffused by well-implemented communi- lack of confidence in the effectiveness of the institu- cation efforts? tion. The police force cooperated with action plans to diminish specific problems in the city of Pereira, Using a broad approach (largely, pre- such as piracy, the sale of stolen goods, the violation ventive education, investigation, and public of traffic laws, and the falsification of documents. campaigns), by involving multiple partners (media, civil society, government institutions) In Georgia, student activists from Tblisi Uni- through coalition building and networking. versity established a strong network with the NGO 9 C hanging No rms Is K e y to F ighting E v ery day C o rruptio n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d community to support their fight against univer- respect their power in order to regain public trust sity corruption. The contact enabled students and confidence in the institution. Meanwhile, it to use material resources from the NGOs, such conducted a public information campaign through as offices for meetings, computers, and Internet a radio show, citizens’ survey, formation of citizens’ access. The NGOs, on the other hand, invited the vigilance committees, and other trainings. This students to meetings and conferences, giving the campaign promoted citizen engagement and infor- students an opportunity to raise awareness about mation exchange on laws governing the affairs of their campaign and establish networks with wider the police force and its duties toward citizens. circles, including media journalists. The journal- ists supported the students through interviews and In the United Kingdom, a whistleblower, articles. This encouraged the students to produce media, and public watchdogs collaborated to bring their own newspaper, which was distributed for free public attention to the 1995 expenses scandal of on campus. The popularity of the newspaper gar- the MPs and use the Freedom of Information Act nered support from students from other universities (FOIA) to ask that MP expenses be made public. to join the movement as well. All this encouraged Although the House of Commons made several the student activists to organize the election of a moves to block or delay the release of expenditure student body, parallel to the administration-backed information, the petitioners appealed repeatedly. student union. Empowered by this success, students But not until the media leaked a copy of the MPs’ started demanding better services from the univer- expenses was the movement able to gain public sity, such as quality books, libraries, and computers. support in pressuring the government to release the information. Background work of several NGOs In Guatemala, a strong coalition of women, contributed to this effort. For instance, the Cam- youth, and other local groups was built, and together paign for Freedom of Information, a London-based they conducted a wide and creative range of non- advocacy group, was instrumental in helping to violent actions, such as demonstrations, moni- pass FOIA. It also held educational campaigns on toring of municipal officials and spending, radio how to use FOIA to hold the government account- call-in programs, and theatre and recreation proj- able. Transparency International UK promoted a ects to combat CIACS crime and violence. These 20-point agenda for actions that asked all of the efforts were recognized and further supported by country’s major political parties to fight corruption donor agencies operating in the country. A secu- by formally committing to a zero tolerance policy rity plan was eventually developed with coordina- in their manifestos. When the scandal broke, the tion among the donors and civil society activists. watchdogs were able to motivate the public to use Statements and press against government’s apathy FOIA to demand the release of the MPs’ expenses. toward CIACS crimes were issued. The interna- tional community, including the United Nations, The Zero-Rupee movement in India devel- was mobilized to pressure the government to take oped two defining methods for its anticorruption action against CIACS operations. Human rights drive. The first was the promotion of a “nonviolent organizations helped in networking and protect- weapon” for ordinary citizens to refuse to pay petty ing activists at risk. Together, the coalition formed bribes. The use of zero-rupee notes sent the message the International Commission against Impunity in that citizens refused to cooperate with corruption. Guatemala and advocated for the government to The second was filing a Right to Information (RTI) recognize it as a legal body. to hold the officials accountable by document- ing and filing misbehavior complaints. Tactics In Uganda, a two-pronged approach was used associated with the RTI included inspection and to combat police corruption. The NGO NAFODU audits of public works, leafleting, and backup for worked with and trained police officers to use and those wanting to approach the state government’s 10 C hanging No rms Is K e y to F ighting E v ery day C o rruptio n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d Vigilant Department and the Central Bureau of tools such as radio shows, print materials, Investigation’s Anti-corruption Zone. The move- press releases, door-to door, street theatre, ment also engages in tactics designed to heighten and billboards were used for information dis- awareness, build interest, communicate messages, semination, awareness generation, and advo- garner media attention, gain support, and exert cacy campaigns. civic pressure and authorities to protect the RTI. Schools and adolescents have been specifically tar- In Argentina, a blog titled “No corruption” geted in this effort. has been created to provide a forum for the public to discuss corruption cases, explain legal rules and ICAC in Hong Kong has tackled corruption hurdles to access to justice, and simultaneously act with three functions: investigation, prevention, as an external pressure for judges and prosecutors and public education, which are structured to be who also access the information. Each month a interdependent and each build on the strength particular theme related to corruption is addressed of the others. Public education has been carried on the blog. An online interactive database has forward as follows: also been created, which provides detailed infor- mation on approximately 100 cases that the ACIJ • Face-to-face contacts with people in all walks has been following. Information includes the latest of life to enlist popular support for ending update on each investigation; information about corruption. magistrates, public prosecutors, and other factors • On an average year, Community Relations and actors involved in each case; and relevant past Department staff reached between 200,000 and future dates in the judicial agenda. A search and 300,000 people through approximately engine format allows the information to be cross- 800 talks, activities, and special projects. Every referenced, enabling the user to access informa- corner of society was a target. ICAC produced tion using basic and advanced search criteria. The “practical guides,” newsletters, and other information is also color coded to signify the differ- publications for government employees, trade ent stages of each case. unions, and other specific target groups on how to deal with tempting situations. In Uganda, Colombia, and the Philippines, • An Ethics Development Center was estab- radio programs have been used to promote public lished to promote ethical business practices, vigilance and awareness campaigns against corrupt which were endorsed by major chambers of practices in the police force and local government. commerce. In the Philippines, the program has gone online with In Indonesia, KPK partnered with major reli- an E-newsletter and a Facebook account to reach gious organizations to make a joint statement out to a wider audience. Additionally, billboards against corruption. KPK hoped that “when citizens have been erected in major cities where the radio see the leaders of their faith communities take a shows are hosted, featuring a hotline for citizens to stand against corruption, they will be more com- report on anomalies. Similarly, the Culture of Law- pelled to do so.” Celebrities have also supported fulness program in Colombia is working with the KPK’s mission and activities, including a popular police force in using radio shows and other media rock group, Slank, which has become synonymous channels to transmit broader message about the with anticorruption efforts in Indonesia. need for rule of law in daily activities and encourage the population to take a stake in the crime-fighting A combination of modern information process by reporting crimes they witness. communication technology (ICT)-based tools such as the Internet and social media, In Turkey, organizers launched a public rela- and mobile phones; and traditional media tions campaign to promote the Citizen Initiative 11 C hanging No rms Is K e y to F ighting E v ery day C o rruptio n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d for Constant Light. A chain of faxes was sent to get level playing field for all investors was central word all the way down to the neighborhood groups to the continued economic well-being of the (this was before the social media revolution). In the country. The TV commercials were designed campaign’s printed materials, an anonymous “aunt” with a subtle tone and manner, bearing in gave the call to action, symbolizing the message mind the that target audience was relatively coming from an average street person and not an better educated. elite group. Press releases were sent to the media • 1997 Syndrome: When Hong Kong rejoined and signed “The voices of the Silent Majority.” mainland China, there were worries that the unscrupulous would scramble for money by In Brazil, a massive public campaign was initi- various illegal means before migrating to other ated to collect physical signatures along with voter countries. To counter this, ICAC set out to IDs that were required to introduce a bill against assure the public that it was as determined as parliamentary immunity through a popular ini- ever to fight corruption. It put out the slogan tiative into Congress. This required a detailed “Hong Kong’s Advantage is ICAC.” logistics, including drawing and mobilizing vol- • New Millennium: Realizing that the digital unteers and sending them out to the communities age belongs to the youth, who were brought and on the streets, and receiving and processing up without experiencing the ruinous con- huge amounts of paperwork at campaign head- sequences of unchecked corruption, and to quarters. About 1.6 million signatures were manu- carry on the battle in which earlier generation ally collected. During the legislation’s trajectory fought so hard to keep the upper hand, ICAC in Congress, an online campaign was conducted reintroduced integrity education with youth that garnered an additional three million votes in as a target audience, using online channels. support of the bill. Schools and adolescents were ICAC’s youth website, “Teensland,” scored specifically targeted in awareness generation and more than one million hits in less than six communication campaigns. months of its launch The anticorruption agency in Hong Kong, In Indonesia, social media sites like MySpace ICAC, set up a press information office that pro- and Facebook have been the most successful anti- vided timely and positive information on ICAC’s corruption tools used to organize and publicize anticorruption initiatives. Television was also used protests. A Facebook group protesting the arrest of extensively through advertisements, drama series, the two honest officers of the government’s anti- and interviews reflecting real-life corruption cases. corruption agency, KPK, has more than 1.4 million ICAC’s mass media strategy was divided into members. Twitter and Facebook were also used to four phases: publicize a rally in support of the KPK that drew more than 5,000 attendees. A mobile phone ring- • The Era of Awakening: A promotion cam- tone has been invented in support of the KPK. In paign in the early 70s was directed primarily the first few hours after its release, the ringtone at the low-income people, such as hawkers or was downloaded by more than 40,000 Indonesian. manual laborers, who were most vulnerable to College professors started a KPK-support Facebook abuses. Their sufferings were highlighted and group to publicize protests and rallies. they were urged to come forward to share their stories. The catch phrase of the campaign was Janaagraha, a nonprofit in India, built a website “Report Corruption.” to encourage victims to report on incidences when • Level Playing Field: In the economic boom in they have been forced to pay a bribe, when they the 80s, the message targeted private sector have resisted a demand for a bribe, or when they did corruption. The message was conveyed that a not have to pay a bribe because of honest officers on 12 C hanging No rms Is K e y to F ighting E v ery day C o rruptio n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d duty or improvements in law procedures. Citizens expose government corruption. One such example are able submit their reports through telephone is using Google Maps to encrypt pertinent infor- calls, blog posts, audio or video recordings, or by mation in the country’s popular tourist sites. Social simply following the format on the website. The media also played a big role in sparking the street information obtained is aggregated and analyzed protest following the street vendor Bouazizi’s death to identify more corrupt departments, loopholes in Tunisia. Some protesters launched a Facebook used by officials to demand bribes, and situations page to document riots and share news. Twitter was in which bribes are demanded. The format for also heavily used to mobilize the masses. reporting is compartmentalized in a manner that allows both the viewers and the host organiza- The Zero-Rupee movement in India formed tion of the website to observe the nature, pattern, human chains; conducted beach rallies; initiated types, and distribution of bribes across cities and a signature campaign on huge banners of the government departments. zero-rupee note; organized street-corner meetings, village processions, poetry contests, diaspora chap- In Egypt, media had long been covering serious ters, “peaceful agitation,” and humorous stunts; cases of corruption. Yet no one was talking about made badges for honest officials; and reported the core of the problem. But when a whistleblower instances of corruption via Short Message Service came forward and exposed fraud in parliamen- (SMS) and the Internet. tary election, a group of like-minded individuals decided they could no longer turn a blind eye to Use of Social Accountability Tools the problem. They decided to found a social media In Bangladesh, the Advice and Information Desks platform (Shayfeen.com) and partnered with other stationed in front of public institutions informed traditional and modern media channels to form a the public on what services they should expect powerful Egyptians Against Corruption campaign. when they go inside. Integrity Pledges, Citizen Communication campaigns were designed to Report Cards, and Participatory Budgets were also empower the target audience to embrace the cause employed to conduct anonymous evaluations that and enable their effective participation in fighting citizens filled out and returned to the AIDs on the corruption. Channels such as a website, Facebook, quality of services at local schools or hospitals. YouTube, radio, podcasts, merchandizing, press ads, events, public relations, social marketing, pins, The Culture of Lawfulness program in Colom- stickers, posters, and press conference urged the bia introduced personal pledges to minimize fraud public to vote for the Anticorruption Hero and in microloan programs as well as to improve traffic introduced UNCAC’s importance and implemen- safety in the cities. Information cards were distrib- tation plan. Slogans such as “corruption kills” and uted to cyclists on basic traffic laws with a return “you either act or be an accomplice” were used. address for the cyclist to sign a personal pledge to abide by the safety rules. Citizens of Tunisia used Internet technol- ogy to track and highlight the misuse of state In Georgia, a survey was conducted among funds and exploited social media to promulgate students to name the most corrupt professor or street actions in protest. For example, one blogger administrator in the university. In Uganda, citi- tracked the misuse of the presidential plane by his zens’ surveys were conducted to assess the nature wife for her shopping trips abroad, which spread of corruption and identify loopholes in police like wildfire through social and mainstream media force regulations. channels. When the government tried to sup- press Internet activism, for instance by blocking In Uganda and the Philippines, Monitoring YouTube, citizens used alternative channels to and Vigilance Committees were introduced for 13 C hanging No rms Is K e y to F ighting E v ery day C o rruptio n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d citizens to track and monitor the behavior of police involvement in this process. Since its creation, the officers and redress complaints against public number of visitors has steadily increased and now misconduct in the respective program districts. reaches an average of 3,500 hits per month. The programs established district-based offices to handle complaints from the vigilance commit- Research and Advocacy tees and coordinate with the police to remedy the In Argentina, ACIJ conducted thorough research problems. In both countries, community radio pro- and published analytical reports on investigative grams were used to promote public vigilance and flaws in corruption cases that have taken more than awareness campaigns against corrupt practices in 14 years to be heard. Additionally, it provides public the police force and local government. access to clear and organized information on the investigation related to corruption cases and trials The Zero-Rupee initiative in India has targeted in progress through an online database and blog, to schoolchildren, who take a personal pledge to fight encourage transparency by the judiciary and most corruption and go home to tell their parents to do important, to involve the public in the process. the same. The initiative has also established citi- zens’ vigilance and monitoring activities, which ICAC in Hong Kong examined the procedures include using SMS and the Internet to report and practices of all government departments, plug- instances of corruption. ging loopholes to remove corruption opportunities along the way. On average, ICAC conducted 100 In Guatemala, citizens’ monitoring of crime studies a year on various government procedures activities and reports about the incidents of vio- and practices. lence were introduced. Additionally, a national security plan was conceived with the help of civil Curriculum development with anti­ society, donors and the government and distrib- corruption messages uted to citizens and journalists to encourage them to report on CIACS’ violence and crimes. KPK in Indonesia produced anticorruption modules to be distributed to high school students In India, a website, “I paid a bribe” has been in collaboration with the Ministry of Education. established to encourage victims to report on inci- The modules are targeted to students in kindergar- dents when they have been forced to pay a bribe, ten to high school and contain social, cultural, and when they have resisted a demand for a bribe, or religious values, including teaching students not to when they did not have to pay a bribe because of take the belongings of others. honest officers on duty or improvements in law procedures. The information is aggregated and COL in Colombia developed curriculums analyzed to identify more corrupt departments, instituted in most schools aimed at teaching stu- loopholes used by officials to demand bribes, and dents about the necessity for rule of law. The cur- situations in which bribes are demanded. riculums are targeted to middle and high school students, who are expected to send positive mes- In Argentina, the NGO ACIJ has created a sages to parents when they bring home their “community of practice” to encourage citizen par- homework. A guidebook for pastors has also been ticipation and advocacy initiatives to pressure public developed, advising the pastors about how the access to government information, specifically churches can get involved in preventing crime on corruption cases. Through its blog forum and and encourage their congregants to make lawful online database, ACIJ has facilitated public access individual decisions. to clear and organized information on corruption cases and trials in progress, leading to pressure for Mobilizing well-known or respected indi- transparency in the judiciary, and active citizens viduals in anticorruption initiatives 14 C hanging No rms Is K e y to F ighting E v ery day C o rruptio n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d KPK’s original commissioners in Indonesia The Culture of Lawfulness program in Colom- were well-known businessmen. Celebrities have bia hosts Heroes de Legalidad program in partner- also supported KPK’s mission and activities; one ship with various organizations that promote the example is the rock group Slank, which has become rule of law. For instance, the mayor’s office featured synonymous with anticorruption efforts in the one of the microloan recipients on a billboard to country. The band performed in front of the KPK recognize his efforts to make a living in an honest building to protest the arrest of two KPK officers. manner. The billboard featured the following text: The Indonesian government threatened to sue “As a food vendor, I earn my living in an honest the band, but 100 lawyers came forward to defend way to make my children proud. And you? What Slank should the case make it to court. While there are YOU going to do for a culture of lawfulness?” is no formal relationship between KPK and Slank, they informally support each other. A grand ceremony is dedicated to anti-Corrup- tion heroes in Transparency International’s yearly One of COL’s major objectives is to consoli- global conference against corruption. date a group of community leaders from the public and civil society to advocate for lawfulness-related The Zero-Rupee initiative in India provides reforms. These leaders include heads of NGOs, badges for honest officials in recognition of their representatives from the mayor’s office, church integrity and to encourage other officers to follow leaders, the transit institute, and the secretaries of the same route. education and health. Using strong measures In Bangladesh, Committees of Concerned Cit- izens have been established around the country, ICAC in Hong Kong took decisive enforce- which have respected community individuals as ment actions in restoring public trust and confi- heads to motivate citizens to get involved in anti- dence in the agency. A series of high-profile arrests corruption drives. These committees are also active were made, with prosecutions of police syndicated in corruption monitoring and vigilance activities. corruption on top of the list. The “big tiger” corrupt senior government officials were described in the In Brazil, activists used their contacts in the mass media, convincing the public that the govern- Congress to support the Ficha Limpa bill. ment was determined in its anticorruption drive. The Egyptians Against Corruption campaign KPK in Indonesia issues travel ban and used garnered support from 100 opinion leaders, who wiretapping, which have proven effective in bring- signed the petition for implementation of UNCAC ing down very high-ranking corrupt officials. and participated in the nomination of the Egyp- tian Warrior. Other innovative techniques/activities that are nonviolent Recognizing individuals who make sig- nificant contributions in fighting corruption In Turkey, a group of lawyers came up with as Public Heroes a simple, low-risk, nonviolent legal action—a synchronized turning on and off of lights that The EAC initiative holds an annual competi- responded to the needs of the citizens to garner tion to select an Egyptian Warrior as a tribute to a highly visible sense of national “together- anticorruption champions. The initial announce- ness.” The Citizen Initiative for Constant Light ment of the EAC movement was linked to the was born out of this idea. The group launched award of the Anti-Corruption Warrior to spread the a public relations campaign and sent a chain of message and garner public interest in the initiative. faxes to get word of action all the way down to the 15 C hanging No rms Is K e y to F ighting E v ery day C o rruptio n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d neighborhood groups. In the campaign’s printed “When we step out of the office to get lunch, we materials, an anonymous “aunt” gave a call to give them out to people waiting for their food. I action, symbolizing that the message coming from give them out to people boarding planes, anywhere an average person and not an elite group. The where people are waiting.” message read, “On February 1997, we will begin to turn off our lights at 9 p.m. every night, until Outcomes/Impact of the Interventions the members of the crime syndicate and its con- nections in the state are brought to the court.” What were the results achieved? What were immedi- Signed press releases were sent to the media. ate and long-term outcomes and impact? After three months of planning, on February 1, Results of citizen-led anticorruption initiatives citizens in Istanbul and many cities turned off (as derived from the case studies) can be classified their lights at 9 p.m. for one minute. Each day, the into two groups: number grew, and after two weeks approximately 30 million people, 60 percent for the population, • Concrete, system-level change (outcome) were participating through the country. Feeling • Changes in perception and strengthened civic empowered, people began to embellish upon the sense in confronting corruption (impact) action. They opened their windows, blew whistles, and banged pots and pans, while those on the road Concrete, System-Level Change (Outcome) beeped their horns or blinked their lights at the Actions taken by public agencies to sanc- appointed time. By the second week, entire neigh- tion corrupt behavior; legislative reforms; borhoods were engaged in street action, which had introduction of new legal instruments; policy a celebratory air. The citizen initiative received and institutional changes aimed at making faxes and phone calls from people from all over the system transparent and accountable and Turkey. In many regions, people had organized reducing corruption complementary events. The campaign lasted for six weeks, after which the organizers called a halt. Following public outcry against the misuse of parliamentary expense funds in the United In India, a zero-rupee note has been invented Kingdom, 389 MPs were ordered to pay back £1.12 to fight corruption by shaming the officials who million to the government; four MPs faced crimi- ask for bribes (riswat). The idea was dreamt up by nal charges; and 120 MPs declared that they will an expatriate Indian physics professor, who, travel- not seek reelection. In response to the scandal, ing back home, found himself harassed by endless Speaker of the House of Commons Michael Martin extortion demands. He handed out the notes as a stepped down. His successor, John Bercow, vowed polite way of saying no to officials who held out to reform the House of Commons and regain the their hands for riswat. The NGO 5th Pillar took it trust of the British people. Additionally, the British to a much larger scale. Initially, the NGO printed Parliament passed in the Parliamentary Standards 25,000 zero-rupee notes and distributed them to Act, which established the Independent Parlia- students in the southern states to encourage them mentary Standards Authority (IPSA). This new to stand against the corruption culture. Since body is authorized to perform several regulatory then, the NGO has distributed more than one duties, including setting an expenses regime for million bills in five languages, covering 600-plus MPs; administering that regime; and paying MPs’ institutions. Volunteers hand them out near places salaries. It is independent of any of the branches of where officials are often on the lookout for a bribe, the UK government. such as railway stations and government hospitals. “We use the rupee note to kick off conversations,” Following the Citizen Initiative for Constant Vijay Anand, the head of the 5th Pillar, told CNN. Light movement in Turkey, the minister of interior, 16 C hanging No rms Is K e y to F ighting E v ery day C o rruptio n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d whose signature appeared on the fake ID of the from their duties. The KPK officials were released criminal during the Susurluk scandal, was forced to from jail and cleared of the fraud allegation against resign. The mass mobilization of people is said to them. The BBC News in 2009 described KPK as have been so great that it inadvertently opened a “one of the few institutions people in this country window of opportunity for critics of the ruling party [Indonesia] actually have faith in.” and its coalition to bring down the government. Six month later, the parliament approved a new gov- In the first year of ICAC in Hong Kong, a ernment. Under the next prime minister’s regime, police chief superintendent who had fled the reform sparked by the campaign continued. Court country while under investigation by the police cases progressed, verdicts were handed down, and was located, extradited from the United Kingdom, a new investigative committee prepared a report and put behind bars for four years on charges of listing the names of all the people murdered by the pocketing millions in “black money” during his crime syndicate. A parliamentary committee was tenure. Two hundred and sixty police officers of also created to document the syndicate’s activi- all ranks were prosecuted—four times the number ties. Subsequent investigations were launched that prosecuted preceding ICAC. In a single scoop, exposed large-scale embezzlement, resulting in the ICAC rounded up 140 police officers from three arrests of well-known business executives. police districts. At one time, more than 200 were detained for alleged corruption. Within three years In Brazil, the popular people’s movement led of forceful actions, ICAC pronounced that corrup- to the president signing the Ficha Limpa law that tion syndicates within the civil service had been will disqualify from political office (for eight years) all but crushed. all those convicted of crimes, as well as all those In the Philippines, the head of the administra- whose resignations were motivated by a desire to tive unit, who was accused of misusing government avoid impeachment, from running for office. The vehicles for personal benefit, succumbed to public electoral court ruled that the law will apply not just pressure and gave an apology to her constituency to those convicted in the future, but also to those via a radio program, Corruption Watch. ECOLINK, who already have a criminal record and those who the NGO involved in this anticorruption drive, resigned under a cloud during the current congress. claims that the misuse of government-issued vehi- Since the bill passed, more than 330 political can- cles has been completely eradicated in the prov- didates have faced disqualification. However, even ince where Corruption Watch is aired. before the bill was approved, the popular people’s movement was pressuring several politicians to In Costa Rica, the office of public litigation step down. For instance, a deputy of the Brazilian successfully applied the concept of social damage in Workers Party who was suspected of connections the repatriation of $10 million from the company to at least 20 transgressions, including the embez- Alacarte, for the damage inflicted on the citizens zlement of public funds, announced his resignation of Costa Rica in a corruption case involving a $140 on Twitter. In his resignation announcement, he million contract. Following this, the Alacarte offi- wrote, “People don’t want criminal records and I cials pleaded guilty to making corrupt payments to respect that.” government officials, and the then-president linked in the scandal is facing trial. Indonesian President Yudhoyono, who had been seen as too distant from the corruption Following the Egyptians Against Corruption scandal that exposed the framing of the two honest campaign, the UNCAC article that calls for the officers of KPK, responded to public pressure by protection of whistleblowers was officially dis- ordering the police chief and attorney general to seminated in the country. The people’s movement discharge those exposed in the tape recordings also pressured the government into creating an 17 C hanging No rms Is K e y to F ighting E v ery day C o rruptio n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d Integrity Commission, and the minister of admin- In the United Kingdom, thousands of citizens, istration and development was assigned to oversee including NGOs and MPs, responded to a solici- the commission. tation issued by the newly created oversight body of the British Parliament, IPSA, for improving the In Guatemala, after significant public actions, parliamentary allowance system. The results of the government finally recognized the creation of this consultation have been compiled in an execu- the International Commission against Impunity tive report released in February 2010, along with in Guatemala (CICIG) and supported its objec- recommendations for next steps. Data on expense tives to dismantle the clandestine security appa- claims, contributions, and allowances have also ratus—the CIACS that were committing violent been made public on http://mpsallowances.parlia- crimes and corruption in the country. The human ment.uk/. rights defenders drew world attention to the strug- gle. Santa Lucia Cotzumalguapa became the host In Bangladesh, intermediary civil society orga- of national and international meetings, thereby nizations are setting standards for the Integrity sending a message to the corrupt power holders Pledges for institutions to maintain transparency that the country and the world were watching and and accountability in service provisions (such as stood together with the townspeople. the use of open, participatory budgets). Through Integrity Pledges, service-providing agencies are The suicide of a Tunisian street vendor served signing nonbinding social contracts with the citi- as a catalyst for a surge of protests that unfurled zens’ groups. The institutions are selected based across North Africa and the Middle East. It led the on public perception (results from Citizens’ Report then-President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali of Tunisia Cards). The tool has given citizens’ groups and to step down and flee the country after 23 years in individuals alike a stake in the process of better- power. The movement sparked significant people’s ing institutional practices. The broader work of protests in Algeria, Egypt, Yemen, Jordan, Bahrain, civil society organizations against corruption has and Libya, and led some of these governments to resulted in the formation of the country’s national make concessions in response to civic uprisings. It Anticorruption Commission and has persuaded is now clear that these protests will have lasting the government to sign on to the UNCAC. effects on the political landscapes in the region. The people’s movement in the Arab world shone In the Philippines, the Corruption Watch radio a spotlight on a pressing need for transparent state program has been instrumental in soliciting citi- institutions that citizens can hold to account. zens’ feedback and pressuring public agencies to improve on service delivery. For instance, when cit- In Georgia, the student-led campaign against izens of Oroqueita complained about rice distribu- university corruption led to the election and cre- tion containing harmful wastes of insects and farm ation of an alternative student union that gained animals and quotas to stores, the National Food more legitimacy than the existing body handpicked Authority reviewed all rice distribution in the city by the university, which was ultimately invalidated. and cut off maximum acquisition quotas to stores. Similarly, when citizens issued complaints about Change in Perception, and Strengthened Civic the failure of the goverment to finish road improve- Sense in Confronting Corruption (Impact) ments, the roads were immediately repaired. Citizen empowerment through increased awareness and vigilance has led to improved In India, policy makers are using information enforcement of transparency and account- and stories on corruption cases submitted by citi- ability in public institutions and delivery of zens in blogs and websites to take corrective mea- public services sures. One striking example is that of a transport 18 C hanging No rms Is K e y to F ighting E v ery day C o rruptio n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d commissioner who asked Janaagraha, the host In Guatemala, the citizens’ movement has led of the “I Paid the Bribe (IPAB)” website, to give to the creation of an alternative system of civil resis- him a list of complaints against his department tance, involving national and transnational net- and issued show-cause notices to 20 senior officers working and solidarity actions. In spite of violent based on the location of the bribes paid. Addition- intimidation, kidnapping, and murder, citizens ally, the transport commissioner of Bangalore, have continued to monitor criminal activities and Bhaskar Rao, invited the IPAB team to brief the actions. Solidarity networks have been established Regional Transport Office (RTO) officials on a with other communities and citizen groups in the report published in Janamahithi (Information for country and across borders. These networks have the People), which had information on bribes paid helped share information, experiences, and strate- in the Transport Department. During this briefing, gies, send out letters, and come to one another’s aid. IPAB gave recommendations on how to make the RTO offices bribe-free. According to the NGO, The Citizen Initiative for Constant Light the second Janamahithi report will be on bribes campaign in Turkey is said to have been successful paid in the Registration Department in another in breaking the taboo over confronting corruption, state (Karnataka). empowering citizens to collectively fight for a cause, and forcing the government to launch a series of Following citizens’ complaints about misuse judicial investigations. As follow-up actions in the of government vehicles by public authorities, the months after the campaign, the public presented city ombudsman in Oroqueita in the Philippines a citizens’ report on corruption, held roundtable announced actions against 50 high-ranking gov- meetings to develop a reform proposal, and initi- ernment officials who allegedly have illegally used ated a letter-writing campaign, keeping up the government vehicles for private purposes. pressure on the government and preventing it from seeking legal loopholes to block the inquiries. In Hong Kong, the public education campaign led by ICAC resulted in 3,189 reports of alleged cor- In a particular hospital in Bangladesh, poten- ruption in the first year of its operation, more than tial patients were routinely overcharged for services. twice the number of reports received by police the To use the hospital, citizens needed to purchase previous year. ICAC claims to have forged one of tokens, which cost 4.50 taka. But the token sellers the most extensive community networks in Hong never gave change to buyers, meaning that anyone Kong. ICAC claims that its effort has turned Hong paying with a 5- or 10-taka note ended up paying Kong from one of the most corrupt to one of the a .50 or 5.50 surcharge. This practice had become cleanest societies in the world. According to an so common that it had become an accepted part ICAC report, social disapproval of graft is so over- of daily life. However, the Advice and Informa- powering today that those convicted of corruption tion Desks, with support from citizen activists and carry a long lifelong stigma. volunteers, helped to pressure the token sellers and hospital to alter the system. They arrived at a solu- In Uganda, a survey reported that a citizen tion that could benefit society instead of taxing it: hotline established by the NGO NAFODU against The token rates were raised to 5.00 taka, with the corruption received at least 50 public reports in extra .50 from each token now going toward a fund the first year of its operation. At least 30 of these to help poor patients obtain hospital services. reports came from the districts and rural areas. Fur- thermore, the Inspectorate of Government cooper- In Argentina, journalists have mainstreamed ated with NAFODU to place suggestion boxes at information on cases of corruption that ACIJ made the NGO offices and postal addresses to encourage available through different channels (online data- citizens to report corrupt officials. base, blogs, website) for wider public knowledge, 19 C hanging No rms Is K e y to F ighting E v ery day C o rruptio n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d while other relevant organizations have used and From the above analysis, it can be concluded linked the ACIJ online information channels in that citizen-led movements against corruption their work. differ in terms of origin, approach, impetus, the players involved, and other factors. It is important to categorize these differences in order to provide Conclusion/Direction for objectivity to the evaluation process and quantify Further Research and Action successes for further research and actions toward supporting these movements. In view of this, I What conditions are critical for anticorruption cam- have categorized the citizen-led anticorruption paigns to take root and succeed? movement into three camps: Some evidence of increased sense of responsibility among citizens to fight corruption • According to Ipsos Mori poll of May 2009, 52 percent of Britons said they would “vote for a different candidate not caught up in the 2005 Parliamentary Expense Scandal, even if it meant voting against the party they want to win the election.” The same poll also showed that an overwhelming 80 percent of British people said the political system was “to blame for the expenses scandal, and not just politi- cians.” This, together with the aforementioned public response to IPSA’s consultation, shows that UK citizens paid attention to and understood the nature of the corruption. • A 2008 U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID)-sponsored public opinion poll showed that the Indonesian people care deeply about the eradication of corruption: 64.3 percent said they considered corruption an “important” problem facing the country, and 52.9 percent cited “the fact that the candidate is against corruption” to be a major factor in their voting decisions in the 2009 presidential election. This is cited as the third most important criterion in voting decisions. • In Egypt, hundreds of opinion leaders signed the petition for the implementation of UNCAC and par- ticipated in the nomination of the Egyptian Warrior. Twenty thousand people voted for the Anticorrup- tion Warrior, and eight thousand members joined Egyptian Against Corruption campaign, with more NGOs coming into the coalition. The popularity of the movement led to a 15-minute segment on one of Egypt’s most popular prime-time talk shows, 10 O’Clock (with a viewership base of six million). • A couple weeks after Tunisia’s former president fled the country, a sign that used to read “Ministry of Finance” was crossed out, and read instead “Ministry of Thieves.” Tunisians sent a strong message that a culture of integrity is what they want. And while they acknowledge that it certainly will not happen overnight, they see promise in the fact that the “rotten fish head” of Zine Ben Ali and his cronies is gone. • The 2000 campaign for student self-government in Georgia grew from 7 to 3,000 dedicated activ- ists from various faculties who shared the same goal. More than 4,000 students participated in public opinion survey, and the results were later publicized through the broadcast media and press. After the survey, many became active supporters of the movement. • In Uganda, increased awareness of corruption has been witnessed through increased reporting of corruption cases to the NGO offices. Also, many have approached the NGO to act as volunteers in the fight against corruption. A survey conducted by the NGO revealed that at least 60 percent of the listeners to the radio program on corruption were able to name at least three acts of corruption that have been punished by an administrative or legal sanction. At least 70 percent of listeners were aware of government channels for public complaints and recourse. • In the Philippines, the Corruption Watch radio program received more than 146 text messages per show and at least 21 reports every day of shows on corruption issues. The station maintained an average listener rating of 7,000 per show. 20 C hanging No rms Is K e y to F ighting E v ery day C o rruptio n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d Anecdotal evidence of changes in behavior • A police sub-lieutenant who participated in the Culture of Lawfulness program in Colombia said in an interview conducted by USAID that the program has allowed him to establish a closer relation- ship with the citizens he protects: “By way of this program, I have enjoyed a closer proximity with the community. The program is founded on leadership and commitment that the police should have with the community. As a result, it has improved my work as a police officer.” • A teacher who teaches a curriculum on anticorruption to students in Colombia has said that it has changed her own attitudes toward lawfulness: “With respect to myself as a teacher of the program, it has allowed me to reflect and reevaluate my mind-set toward certain acts that seemed very ‘normal,’ but at the heart of the matter were illegal. For example, my perspective toward buying pirated CDs, books, and photocopied material without respecting the author’s rights have changed, making me a citizen with greater respect for the laws of my country.” • Vijay Anand, the head of the NGO 5th Pillar in India, attests that the zero-rupee note campaign “gets the job done.” “We teach people to think that taking a bribe is equal to stealing and begging.” The notes have often shamed officials into performing their functions without bribes. Anand adds that hundreds of Indian citizens write and e-mail 5th Pillar every month. “The zero-rupee note has allowed its user to make a cutting statement without any of the grand moralizing about the ‘war on bribery and corruption,’” says Anand. “People are startled that you address the issue in public. It’s usually the person suggesting a bribe who feels uncomfortable.” For example, one official in Tamil Nadu was so stunned to receive the note that he handed back all the bribes he had solicited for pro- viding electricity to a village. Another stood up, offered tea to the old lady from whom he was trying to extort money, and approved a loan so her granddaughter could go to college. Ravi Sundar, an information technology recruiter in the southern city of Coimbatore, said he used the zero-rupee notes whenever he had government business to sort out. He gave one example of a tax official who refused to process documents unless he paid her 500 rupees. “I handed over the zero-rupee note which I always keep in my pocket,” said Sundar. “She was afraid and didn’t want to take it. She completed the job immediately and said she was sorry and asked me not to take it forward.” • Organically grown movements The cases of sitting legislators with crimi- • Project-instigated (externally supported) nal records in Brazil, misuse of the parliamentary movements allowance in the United Kingdom, the politi- • Hybrid, partnership-based movements (local- cal-mafia syndicate in Turkey, maltreatment of national-global partnership) the street vendor in Tunisia, and the deliberate framing of anticorruption officers in Indonesia are Organically Grown Movements all examples of political immunity and misuse of The case studies indicate that civic responses to power that sparked spontaneous public reactions. corruption have taken spontaneous, organic form Additionally, when the citizens’ petition against in some incidents, such as political scandals or per- judiciary fraud was suppressed in Egypt, when secutions that have exemplified deep-seated norms pressure was exerted to close down the Corruption of political immunity or misuse of authority. When Watch radio program in the Philippines, and when appeals to reform these unjust practices have been student activism was suppressed in Georgia, citi- deliberately ignored or suppressed through violent zens retaliated with much greater force. means, this often only fanned the flames of dis- content, resulting in more widespread, more deter- Street actions and virtual platforms have mined popular support for reform. complemented one another to enable citizens to 21 C hanging No rms Is K e y to F ighting E v ery day C o rruptio n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d express their frustrations and garner support in con- Local NGOs also are promoting civil fronting the entrenched norms of corruption. This engagement to pressure for transparency and was especially the case in Tunisia and Indonesia. In accountability in public services. Examples other instances, a group of like-minded individ- include the Citizens’ Action Against Corruption uals united and built partnerships with civil campaign led by the Argentine NGO, ACIJ; the society and media groups to spread the message “I Paid a Bribe” initiative of Janaagraha in India, and mobilize the masses. The Citizen Initiative for the Corruption Watch radio program implemented Constant Light, Egyptians Against Corruption, and by ECOLINK in the Philippines, and the citizens’ the legitimately elected student body in Georgia vigilance committees established by NAFODU were all born out of this approach. In Brazil and the in Uganda. Philippines, civil society organizations essentially relied on the public to support their cause, while Public entities have also been working the grassroots movements in Guatemala and Egypt to educate and involve citizens in their drive made use of international instruments to further against corruption. Civil society organizations their cause. In all cases, however, the initial have approached public offices (e.g., the Ministry of idea was homegrown and the movement took Education, Ministry of Justice, local ombudsmen in off spontaneously, without any external aid the Philippines, Uganda, and Colombia) to partner or influence. These I refer to as organically in their initiatives. Some public institutions, such grown civic movements against corruption. as the government anticorruption agencies KPK in Indonesia and ICAC in Hong Kong, have worked independently to enlist and foster public support in Project-Instigated Movements their battle against corruption. In other instances, external agencies have inter- vened to instigate or propagate civic activism Hybrid, Partnership-Based Movements against corruption. Under this category are specific Hybrid, partnership-based civic resistance projects that are intended to improve transparency movements are originally instigated by exter- and accountability in the public sector by involv- nal sources but gradually expand into or ing citizens in monitoring and vigilance. Tools and come under local ownership. For example, anti- techniques used in these cases are also derived corruption radio programs in the Philippines and from external sources. Citizens are mobilized and Uganda were originally conceived by local NGOs, trained by intermediaries, primarily nongovern- but the listeners developed their own vigilance and mental organizations. In some cases, government monitoring committees to report misappropria- anticorruption agencies have directly intervened. tion of funds in local government programs. Simi- Social accountability tools and media outlets have larly, the Advice and Information Desks originally been used to galvanize public and disseminate established by the international NGO Transpar- information. These I refer to as project-insti- ency International have been taken over by local gated anticorruption movements. youth groups and committees of concerned citi- zens (CCCs) in some localities in Bangladesh. In The Advocacy and Legal Advice Centers Colombia, local schools, centers of moral author- (ALACs) established by Transparency Interna- ity, and media outlets have incorporated Culture of tional in Bangladesh and the Culture of Lawful- Lawfulness activities into their everyday business. ness program implemented by the Washington, In Guatemala, the hybrid partnership has been the DC-based NGO National Strategic Information other way round—the grassroots organization that Center (NSIC) in Colombia are examples of inter- started in the small city of Santa Lucia has built national interventions to cultivate grassroots partnerships with local and international civil activism against corruption. society organizations to pressure the government 22 C hanging No rms Is K e y to F ighting E v ery day C o rruptio n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d to recognize the International Commission against effective in building pressure and improving trans- Impunity in Guatemala (ICAIG). In Georgia, local parency and accountability of public institutions. civil society organizations and journalists joined in Movements in the United Kingdom, Egypt, Costa and promoted the student activism against univer- Rica, and Guatemala provide examples of the use sity corruption. of such instruments. Common Strategies The work of government anticorruption Be they organic or external interventions, the case agencies, such as that of the KPK in Indonesia, studies reveal that civic movements against corrup- ICAC in Hong Kong, and IPSA in the United tion are able to gain momentum through carefully Kingdom, reflecting genuine efforts on the part planned strategies, aimed at gaining broad support of public institutions to fight corruption, have from different spectrum of society. Gaining support commanded citizen trust and support. However, entails building coalitions and networking with the effectiveness of these government agen- civil society organizations, community groups, and cies lies in their total independence from media channels, as well as forging unity between vested political interests and conferring of opposition parties (citizens vis-à-vis representa- prosecutorial power in carrying out their tives of public institutions). Almost every case official mandates. study reviewed for this paper has emphasized coali- tion building and networking in galvanizing mass In terms of tools and techniques applied, inno- support and strength in anticorruption drives. vations, such as the introduction of integrity pacts and citizen charters have encouraged public intu- Implementation methodologies in initiating itions to pledge transparency and accountability civilian actions against corruption have primarily in their services and functions. Personal pledges focused on the following: have encouraged individuals to commit to, adhere to, and advocate for fair practices. Also, honor- • Prevention: through public education, ing “Corruption Heroes” has sent an encouraging information dissemination, and awareness message to help citizens overcome fear of reprisal campaigns, aimed at building knowledge and for fighting corruption. Similarly, the endorse- change of attitude and instilling a culture of ment and participation of well-known personali- lawfulness and public vigilance ties and celebrities have been effective in rallying • Investigation: through research, social the public behind the cause. Social accountability audits, citizen charters, public surveys, citizen tools that involve the public in vigilance, moni- monitoring, and reporting, aimed at pressuring toring, and reporting of embezzlement of public public institutions for open and transparent money or unfair practices, such as the use of social systems audits, Citizen Report Cards (CRCs), participatory • Enforcement: through accountability mea- budgeting, citizen monitoring, and vigilance com- sures, including citizen and media advocacy, mittees, have been used to enforce transparency integrity pacts, and personal pledges, aimed at and accountability in public offices. eradicating political immunity, reforming and enacting legislation, and tightening rules and Creative tools, such as the establishment of regulations to curtail corruption Advice and Information Desks in front of public The use and application of national and service facilities, the dissemination of zero-rupee international legal instruments, such as the notes to shame officials seeking bribes, and an United Nations Convention against Corruption “Anonymous Aunt” note that symbolized the (UNCAC), Freedom of Information Act (FIOA), message coming from an average person to fight and constitutional provisions, have also proven the political-mafia syndicate in Turkey, are 23 C hanging No rms Is K e y to F ighting E v ery day C o rruptio n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d nonviolent means that can be freshly replicated Costa Rica, new precedents were set when a con- in similar contexts. stitutional provision was sought to claim repatria- tion from a French/American company accused of Media outlets, such as radio shows, press con- issuing bribes. ferences, print materials, door-to-door campaigns, public surveys and signature campaigns, and more In many instances, citizen-led anticorruption recently, web-based interactive channels, social movements have sparked media interest in remain- media, and mobile technologies, have been used ing focused on corruption cases. For example, the to inform citizens about corruption as well as to Telegraph newspaper in the United Kingdom main- collect citizens’ feedback to confront such norms. tains a special page on its site devoted to updates These tools have been effective mainly because of related to public figures’ expenses, often providing the strategies used to exploit the support base. daily reporting on the subject. The Daily Mail, BBC, Times of London, and other UK news sites Measuring Impact are also continuing to closely monitor parliamen- Citizen-led movements have yielded significant tary affairs. results in fighting corruption at both policy and individual levels. At the policy level, outcomes Intangible impacts, such as changes among of anticorruption drives can be observed in ordinary citizens in claiming a personal stake government sanctions against the perpetra- and responsibility for confronting corruption, are tors, even those holding powerful portfolios, such evident in the “Impact” section of this paper. as legislators and politicians. In some countries, the Ultimately, the impact of citizen-led move- movements helped to topple the seated government. ments in anticorruption drives can be measured Antigraft legislation has been enacted in many of in terms of how well they have addressed the these countries. Independent government bodies “efficacy” challenge. Efficacy refers to the sense (such as the Integrity Commission in Egypt, IPSA that one’s participation can actually make a dif- in the United Kingdom, and the Parliamentary and ference (internal efficacy) and that the political Investigative Committees in Turkey) have been system has been responsive to this participation created to curtail corruption in public institutions. (external efficacy). The examples and evidence described in this paper demonstrate the efficacy Citizen-led movements have also been instru- of citizens’ participation in anticorruption drives. mental in pressuring authority figures to take Intermediaries have indeed acted as catalysts, but action against corruption. For example, the Indo- the results ultimately relied on citizen engagement. nesian president, who was seen as too distant from the KPK wiretap scandal, was compelled to issue As to whether and how these types of activ- directives straight from his office to penalize those ism have changed people’s lives, many organizers who were involved in framing the anticorruption perceive that these initiatives provide platforms officers. Similarly, a local administrator in the Phil- whereby individuals become empowered through ippines, who had earlier denied charges against personal experiences in the collective. The main her, eventually succumbed to public pressure and impact is internal. People are able to personalize admitted her wrongdoings. She even apologized the meaning of their involvement in the collective to the public. In Guatemala, the government was and undergo personal transformation. pressured to support the objectives of the ICAIG. In Georgia, the student-led campaign against uni- The World Bank’s Communication for Gover- versity corruption led to the election of an alter- nance and Accountability Program (CommGAP) native student union that gained more legitimacy believes that there is a missing link in the global than the body handpicked by the university. In anticorruption agenda: an understanding of norm 24 C hanging No rms Is K e y to F ighting E v ery day C o rruptio n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d generation and norm transformation vis-à-vis cor- 2. A program initiated by the NGO National ruption. Only by generating widespread public Strategic Information Center (NSIC), which intolerance of corruption can anticorruption efforts envisioned a society where an overwhelming majority are convinced that the rule of law offers make a real impact and produce sustainable change. the best long-term chance of securing their rights This piece of research is a modest beginning based and attaining their goals. on desk work. More resources need to be devoted to deepening understanding of how problematic norms 3. ALACs are established by Transparency International across the world “to inform citizens arise and can be changed through bottom-up efforts. about their legal rights and equip them to take action on cases of corruption that they have witnessed or been victims of.” End Notes 4. ACIJ works on strengthening democratic In addition to the 16 case studies attached with institutions and promoting human rights in this paper, case studies for Costa Rica and Kenya Argentina. One of the major goals of ACIJ is to that are mentioned in the paper are found on the contribute toward the better performance and following URLs: http://blogs.worldbank.org/public- greater transparency of public institutions, such as sphere/node/5589 (Costa Rica) administrative agencies, the legislature, courts, and regulatory agencies. http://www.tisa.or.ke/coming-of-age (Kenya). 5. In Argentina, corruption cases are not open 1. In 2005, a parliamentary scandal broke out which to the public, and they undergo trials as long led to the investigation of several members of the as 14 years. After some years the statute of British Parliament accused of misappropriation limitation takes effect, preventing further of allowance funds. This led to resignation of the investigation. Meanwhile, the corruption cases accused parliamentarians and amendments to legal that do get public exposure are closed without any provisions. repercussions. 25 C h a n gi n g No r ms Is K e y to F igh t i ng E v e ry day C o r ru p t io n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d Egypt – Case Study 1 libel case and acquitting the judges, but no investi- gation was conducted. Established Norms Corruption was so rampant in Egypt that it was Objectives/Strategies for a business/lifestyle-enabling platform for many Action Egyptians, to the extent that public officers who During this period, members of Shayfeen.com refused to take bribes were perceived as dogmatic became aware that Egypt is a signatory of the and inflexible. Even Egypt’s mufti (clergyman) con- United Nations Convention Against Corruption tended that “petty corruption” and small bribes are (UNCAC) and that UNCAC’s articles include not haraam (unreligious) but should be looked at as protection for whistleblowers. The group decided “facilitation fees” to be paid by those who can to to use UNCAC as the main tool for its campaign those who need (Haddad 2010). strategy and in October 2006 formed Egyptians Against Corruption (EAC). The Problem The goal of EAC was to ensure that both gov- ernment the people fight corruption and to rally Media had been covering serious corruption cases support for UNCAC as the most comprehensive in the country. Yet no one was tackling the core tool against corruption. This goal mandated the of the problem: a highly underpaid and inflated establishment of a grassroots movement that com- public service platform that abused their position manded credibility and became the platform for and a citizenship who were seeking exceptions and anticorruption initiatives. willing to pay bribes to circumvent the system. When corruption was revealed among the judi- Careful consideration was given to publiciz- ciary during the parliamentary elections of 2005, a ing the movement in a manner that ensured the group of like-minded individuals decided that they awareness and attraction of the target audience. could no longer turn a blind eye to the problem. Mechanisms were designed to empower the target audience to embrace the cause and enable their The group founded an online citizen monitor- effective participation in fighting against corrup- ing movement, Shayfeen.com, to support the whis- tion. The support base spanned all demographic tleblowers who uncovered the judiciary fraud of the categories. A neutralization rather than confronta- parliamentary elections. The movement decided tion approach was taken. It relied on factual data— to petition the minister of justice for a thorough no hearsay and no exaggeration. investigation. It also sought support from the board of the Judiciary Club to endorse the proposal. Communication strategies aimed at creating messages that were direct and positioned cor- However, rather than acting on the petition ruption as a serious social ailment that must be and conducting an investigation, the minister confronted. They aimed to convince the target decided to sue the whistleblowers and the Shay- audience that corruption can be confronted feen.com members for defamation and libel and and that tools are available to curb it. Stake- referred the board of the Judiciary Club to court, holder mapping was conducted to help the audi- threatening them with disciplinary actions. These ence realize “what was in it for them” to support excessive actions brought the youth to the street to the movement. Online communication tools support a thorough investigation and demand an were introduced for wider reach. The movement independent judiciary. After two months of stand- decided to celebrate the whistleblowers and create off, the government compromised by dropping the role models in fighting corruption. C h a n gi n g No r ms Is K e y to F igh t i ng E v e ry day C o r ru p t io n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d Tools and Techniques Used phone, letters, and telegrams. • Eight thousand members joined EAC, and • The campaign used the UNCAC article that more NGOs joined the coalition. calls for the protection of whistleblowers. The campaign also used the Transparency Inter- • The popularity of the movement led to a national Corruption Ranking Index showing 15-minute segment on one of Egypt’s most Egypt’s place. popular prime-time talk shows, 10 O’Clock (with a viewership base of six million). • Announcement of the movement was linked to the award of Anticorruption Warrior. • UNCAC was officially disseminated. The EAC holds an annual completion for this government created an Integrity Commission title. Media and communication channels and assigned the minister of administration such as a website, Facebook, YouTube, radio, development to oversee anticorruption efforts. podcasts, merchandising, press ads, events, public relations, social marketing, Immer- Lessons Learned sive Virtual Reality and viral Short Message • Collaboration among active citizenry, Service (SMS), pins, stickers, and a press conscious public officials, and civil conference were used to urge the public to society movement was successful: A vote for the Anticorruption Warrior and to whistleblower exposed judiciary fraud of the introduce UNCAC’s importance and imple- parliamentary election and the Judiciary mentation plan. Club participated. The cause was supported • The campaign targeted the executive, the and brought to the public with the help of media, opinion leaders, and concerned a citizen monitoring body created for this citizens. purpose • Slogans were used, such as “Corruption kills. • Regressive action by the government You either act or be an accomplice” and “ exceeded public tolerance: The exces- UNCAC is the best tool available to fight sive actions by the minister of justice (suing corruption.” the whistleblower for defamation and libel) • Citizens supported the movement by brought youth to the street to protest and joining EAC; signing the petition calling for support a thorough investigation and judiciary UNCAC’s implementation; supporting the independence. EAC’s annual competition and helping select • Nonresponse from the government the annual Egyptian Warrior; buying and prompted citizens to take the matter wearing an EAC pin; or using a car sticker or into their own hands: A mere dropping hanging a poster (public awareness/education of the libel charge without further govern- campaign using media). ment action to investigate the alleged fraud led to the creation of Egyptians Against Outcome/Impact of the Corruption, a grassroots coalition to fight corruption. Interventions • EAC was launched with credibility and • Garnered support from 100 opinion leaders, a big bang: This led to a strongly supported who signed the petition for the implemen- platform. tation of UNCAC and participated in the • Relentless effort by civil society led to nomination of the Egyptian Warrior. the success of the movement: Initially the • Twenty-five thousand people voted for the government had tried to suppress the move- Anticorruption warrior through SMS, website, ment by pressing charges against its members. C h a n gi n g No r ms Is K e y to F igh t i ng E v e ry day C o r ru p t io n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d But the unyielding leadership and commit- Source ment of organizations eventually led the Engi El Haddad, founder, Egyptians Against government to give in. Corruption. PowerPoint presentation, July 2010. http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTGOVACC/ Prepared by Sabina Panth Resources/EgyptiansAgainstCorruption.pdf. C h a n gi n g No r ms Is K e y to F igh t i ng E v e ry day C o r ru p t io n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d Georgia – Case Study 2 Moreover, there were no avenues for honest and hardworking students to organize and confront the rampant corruption taking place in the univer- Established Norms sities. In fact, the administration tried to neutral- In Georgia, state funding was severely misused by ize student activism by handpicking students who the university administration, and corruption was benefited from the corrupt system as representatives tolerated. It was expected that the low salary of on the student associations. There was no transpar- university professors would be compensated with ency in the selection of students’ representatives. bribe-taking. It was possible for students who paid bribes to receive a diploma without passing exams. Objectives/Strategies for Action The Problem A group of idealistic second-year students realized Georgia, a small country with a population of 4.5 that there was a serious problem and they had to million, has one of the highest per capita numbers do something about it. “We all shared one idea of citizens with higher education. However, in that something needs to be changed. It cannot be many cases, that education was provided by poorly continued as it is now and we can actually con- organized, corrupt, and unqualified universities, tribute,” said Nini Gogiberidze, one of the leaders numbering more than 200 by the end of 1990s. of the student movement. Initially, the campaign The dramatic increase in the numbers of educa- was on a very small scale. The students started tional institutions occurred over just five years, to talk to their friends. Everywhere they went, with new universities springing up on every corner. including parties, they would try to raise the issue The overall inefficiency of the system was exacer- and recruit sympathizers. bated by corruption (Meladze 2010). The main problem was the opportunity for stu- The most corrupt area in the Georgian higher dents to express themselves through student associa- education system was admissions. As a result of tions. The existing organizations were monopolized chackobili (corrupt) oral and written examinations, by the administration; there was no transparency in even the least-qualified candidates could easily selecting student representatives. So the campaign gain admission to the university system. Accord- focused on organizing a transparent process for ing to students, the price for university admission electing student leaders and creating an account- could reach $25,000, depending on the prestige of a able student body within Tbilisi State University. university department. The most expensive faculty The recruitment of new students and reaching out was said to be the international relations faculty at to entities outside the universities (media, nongov- Tbilisi State University. To make the system more ernmental organizations) for support became prior- profitable, some universities started to split faculties ity actions. into smaller ones. In one case, a university’s faculty of international journalism was separate from the faculty of journalism. In another case, inter- national law was separated from the law faculty. Tools and Techniques Used This separation allowed universities to enroll more The campaign started to roll and activists estab- students without needing to adhere to additional lished strong networks with active nongovernmen- formal accreditation requirements. Once admitted, tal organizations. The contacts enabled them to students could basically buy their diploma, without use the NGO material resources, such as offices for even passing the exams. meetings, computers, and Internet access. C h a n gi n g No r ms Is K e y to F igh t i ng E v e ry day C o r ru p t io n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d Sympathetic allies in civil society organiza- Outcome/Impact of the tions began to invite the student activists to meet- ings and conferences, where the students found Interventions good opportunities to raise awareness about their In 2000, the campaign for student self-government campaign and establish contacts with journalists. gained popularity in society and in the media. The group of seven people grew to thirty dedicated The news media became interested in the activists from various faculties who shared the topic. (Since the late 1980s, no notable instances same goal. of student activism had taken place, particularly positive ones.) Journalists started to interview The media campaign sparked protests within activists and write stories. the university. Many professors called the student movement a political trick of opposition parties In late 2000, a student newspaper was released. that wanted to establish their support within the The newspaper touched on student issues, prob- institutions of higher education. However, it also lems of education and corruption, and other youth created tension between academics who were issues. It was distributed free among students and actively complicit in bribe-taking and the ones gained popularity. who hated the system but for years had to give After the campaign became popular, students silent consent to the corruption. from other universities started to join. The first Also, the movement spearheaded a campaign target was to organize independent student elec- against corruption in universities. The campaign tions in April 2001. It was impossible to replace focused on systemic problems as well as corrupt the system immediately, so the elections were orga- officials. The main targets of the campaign were nized as a parallel process to the formal, adminis- University Registrar Roin Metreveli and his closest tration-backed student unions. The elected body allies. Student groups designed a questionnaire to would have no formal powers, but everybody name the most corrupt professor at the university, understood that elections could give legitimacy to and more than 4,000 students participated in the the alternative student body and make its stand- survey. The campaign itself served as a good tool to ing much stronger. promote the movement, and the results were later After the news was announced, the student publicized through the broadcast media and press. group faced many difficulties. University adminis- Such influence was immeasurable. The problem trations became aggressive against the group. After became evident even to those who had preferred several attempts to co-opt the movement, includ- to remain quiet in the past. After the survey, many ing by offering a variety of benefits, the administra- became active supporters of the movement. tion denounced the movement. A parallel student union was created, which Several campaigns led to increased popular- gained more popularity and functioned as the ity of the student government. Students started to proper one. The “official” one was invalidated. demand quality books, libraries, computers, and other items that are normal in the functioning of a university. Try as it might, the administration Lessons Learned had difficulty opposing any of these demands. It • The unity of the core group until the end of was also unable to deal with the university’s many campaign contributed to the success of the problems. Such weakness became obvious, and the campaign. movement gained many sympathizers among both • A permanent dialogue and exchange of students and the general population. information with various student groups and C h a n gi n g No r ms Is K e y to F igh t i ng E v e ry day C o r ru p t io n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d active students contributed to spreading the • Inadequate funds to sustain the student movement and gaining support from outside newspaper led to its closure, although it had the university. managed to attract an eager audience and • The campaign would have been impossible helped activists to campaign on their issues. without the support of established civil society organizations and media. Students reached out to these entities to support the campaign. Prepared by Sabina Panth • The legal apparatus on transparency helped students demand transparency of public funds. Students used the established legislation to Source demand transparency. Meladze, Giorgi. 2010. “Student movement against • A clear strategy and dynamically changing corruption in Georgia, 2010.” http://siteresources. action plan helped maintain the momentum worldbank.org/INTGOVACC/Resources/ of the movement. EAC2009.pdf. C h a n gi n g No r ms Is K e y to F igh t i ng E v e ry day C o r ru p t io n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d Tunisia – Case Study 3 The presidential couple and their cronies were said to have controlled almost all aspects of peo- ple’s life. In such a state of affairs, public service Established Norms agencies showed no respect for the dignity of citi- “Everybody in Tunisia has a story about rashwa, zens, ignored basic human rights, and tolerated no paying a bribe to get a passport, a legal document, a signs of dissent, according to TruthOut magazine job, even government subsidies,” said a young Tuni- (2011). Young people were specially controlled and sian student in an interview given to American monitored. The government’s Ministry of Educa- Public Media. Tunisians traced the source of this tion, Higher Education and Scientific Research culture of corruption through a familiar proverb, even decided into which fields of study students “A rotten fish starts at the head.” A Tunisian busi- would be placed for their postsecondary education. nessman in the same press interview explained According to The Guardian, 31 percent of that the ultimate rotten fish head was Zine Ben the youth in the country are unemployed. The Ali, Tunisia’s former dictator, and his family. The income share of the top 10 percent is approxi- businessman said corruption in Tunisia has trick- mately 32 percent, and the top 20 percent of the led down from the Ben Ali family through the population control 47 percent of Tunisia’s income. ruling party and down into society at large (Global Tunisia’s inequality is so severe that the bottom 60 Integrity 2011). percent of the population earns only 30 percent of the country’s income. According to World Bank indicators, the top 40 percent of the country take The Problem home 70 percent of its income (TruthOut 2011). Transparency International ranks Tunisia among its seriously corrupt nations with a score of 4.3 on Mohammad Bouazizi (a street vendor’s story) a scale of 1 to 10 (where 1 is most corrupt and 10 is On December 17, 2010, in the city of Sidi Bouzid free of corruption). According to TruthOut online in central Tunisia, Mohammad Bouazizi, a 26-year- news (2011), 24 years of ruthless corruption and old street vendor, doused himself with gasoline dictatorship led to a concentration of wealth in and set himself on fire, revealing the utter despair Tunisia in the hands of a very few people connected prevalent today among Tunisia’s population. It has to the former President Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali’s been claimed that Bouazizi did not have the funds family and that of his wife, the Trabelsis. The ex- to bribe police officials to allow his street vending president’s wife had been nicknamed “the Regent to continue. Two of Bouazizi’s siblings accused of Carthage” for her power behind the throne and authorities of attempting to extort money from her love for money, luxury cars, and opulent homes. their brother, and Bouazizi’s family claims he was The family was known as the “mafia.” publicly humiliated when a female official, Faida Hamdi, slapped him in the face, spat at him, con- In 2007, the number of trips the Tunisian pres- fiscated his electronic weighing scales, and tossed idential plane was taking attracted attention from aside his produce cart. They said Bouazizi walked bloggers who wondered why, when the president to the municipal building, demanded his prop- was in Tunisia, his plane was in Paris. One blogger erty, and was beaten again. Then he walked to the browsed photos on aviation enthusiast websites governor’s office, demanded an audience, and was and found photos of the presidential plane in a refused (Wikipedia). number of European capitals. He tracked the plane around Europe and discovered that the president’s Many analyzed the Bouazizi incident as a defeat wife was using the plane for her shopping trips—a of hope engulfed by demands of bribe and corrup- clear misuse of state funds (Global Voices 2010) tion. The image of his family throwing coins at the C h a n gi n g No r ms Is K e y to F igh t i ng E v e ry day C o r ru p t io n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d local government office gate, money he was alleg- Tools and Techniques Used edly asked to pay as a bribe, is a poignant reminder that corruption kills, opines CNN. The revolution in Tunisia was compounded by various factors. Social media played a big role in sparking the street protest following Bouazizi’s death. Some protesters launched a Facebook page Objectives/Strategies for to document riots and share news. Earlier, the Action Tunisian presidential airplane and the “unofficial” trips it had taken to Europe and the fashion capi- What followed Bouazizi’s death took the world tals of the world had attracted the scrutiny of the by surprise. The desperation among the Tunisian country’s most outspoken bloggers. Google Earth population had reached the boiling point by this and YouTube videos had been used to map the time (CNN 2011). Soon after Bouazizi’s death, plane’s trips and publish the photos to back up the the street where the act was committed began map. “Who is using the president’s plane? Who filling up with angry antigovernment protesters, approved the trips abroad and how much was it demanding greater accountability and an end to used for official business?” were some of the ques- corruption. It was estimated that more than 5,000 tions the bloggers posed to break the silence over people participated in the funeral procession that corruption in the country. “I simply notice that began in Sidi Bouzid and continued to Bouazizi’s there is nothing, not a single word in the Tunisian native village. From the crowd, many were heard media that could explain the presence of the Tuni- chanting “Farewell, Mohammed, we will avenge sian presidential plane in Geneva’s airport,” one of you. We weep for you today. We will make those the bloggers wrote in response to the social media who caused your death weep.” Attempts by police awareness campaign (Global Voices 2010). to quiet the unrest served only to fuel what had become a violent and deadly movement. The protests became more widespread, moving into Outcomes/Impact of the the more affluent areas and eventually into the capital. The anger and violence became so intense Interventions that President Ben Ali fled Tunisia with his family The death of a Tunisian street vendor served as a on January 14, 2011. catalyst for a surge of protests that unfurled across North Africa and the Middle East. It led the then- Professor Basal Saleh wrote in his article President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali to flee the country “Protest by Suicide as a Symbol of Resistance” after 23 years in power. It sparked significant pro- (2011) that Tunisians were fed up with the status tests in Egypt, Algeria, Yemen, Jordan, Bahrain, and quo of a self-enriching and corrupt ruling family, Libya, and led some of these governments to make which is the de facto governing system in the concessions in response to civic uprisings. It is now Middle East and North Africa. “The people are clear that these protests will have lasting effects on fed up with corruption, and that frustration is the political landscapes in the region. They have fueling much of the outrage behind the protests,” shone a spotlight on a pressing need for transparent said Saleh. state institutions that citizens can hold to account, opines TruthOut online magazine (2011). Tunisians sent a strong message that a culture of integrity is what they want, and for that they A piece on American Public Media’s Market- needed leaders who act with integrity and trans- place summed up the conventional wisdom nicely: parency; leaders who are responsive to the needs of all citizens so that the management of public goods A couple weeks after Tunisia’s former president benefits everyone (Global Integrity 2011). fled the country, a sign that used to read “Ministry of C h a n gi n g No r ms Is K e y to F igh t i ng E v e ry day C o r ru p t io n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d Finance” was crossed out, and read instead “Minis- transparency-international-global-corruption- try of Thieves.” Tunisians sent a strong message that barometer/2?_s=PM:OPINION. a culture of integrity is what they want. And while Global Integrity. 2011. “Regime Change Is not they acknowledge it certainly won’t happen over- an Anti-Corruption Panacea.” http://www. night, they see promise in the fact that the rotten globalintegrity.org/node/569. fish head is of Zine Ben Ali and his cronies is gone. Global Voices. 2010, August. “Technology for Transparency: Five Lessons Learned.” http:// globalvoicesonline.org/2010/08/25/technology-for- Lessons Learned transparency-five-lessons-learned/. • Muhammad Bouzazi’s story exemplifies that a Public Media. 2011. “Under former dictator, corruption stunted economic growth in Tunisia.” http:// tiny spark can ignite a powerful blaze. Auto- marketplace.publicradio.org/display/web/2011/02/07/ cratic rule had produced disgruntled citizens, pm-under-former-dictator-corruption-stunted- who ultimately took power in their hands. economic-growth-in-tunisia/. • Transparency International highlights that Saleh, Bassal. 2011. “Protest by Suicide as a Symbol of major legal and institutional reform and capac- Resistance.” http://nawaat.org/portail/2011/01/02/ ity building will be necessary in Tunisia for tunisia-imf-economic-medicine-has-resulted-in- many years in order for the tide to meaning- mass-poverty-and-unemployment/. fully turn on corruption. The reform process Solnit, Rebecca. 2011. “Vision: Revolution is needs to start with good leaders and vigilant ‘Unpredictable and as Beautiful as Spring.’” http:// citizens who hold the government accountable. www.Tomdispatch.com. TruthOut. 2011. “Protest by Suicide Highlights Prepared by Sabina Panth Economic and Political Oppression in Tunisia.” http://archive.truthout.org/protest-suicide- Sources highlights-economic-and-political-oppression- CNN Opinion. 2011, February.” Corruption blew the tunisia66631. lid off North Africa.” http://articles.cnn.com/2011- Wikipedia. Tunisian Revolution. http://en.wikipedia. 02-08/opinion/labelle.corruption_1_civil-society- org/wiki/Tunisian_revolution. C h a n gi n g No r ms Is K e y to F igh t i ng E v e ry day C o r ru p t io n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d Philippines – Case Study 4 Objectives/Strategies for Action Established Norms ECOLINK geared up to prevent/curb corruption Corruption in the Philippines is so rampant that at the local government level through a series of the public has accepted it as kalakaran (a way of interventions: (a) increasing citizen participation life). In a Web survey conducted to learn how on the issue, (b) strengthening local mechanisms, an average Filipino feels about corruption in the and (c) reducing local government expenses. The country, a student responded, “I can compare NGO set out with the following activities: our country to a person suffering from a malig- • Measure the extend of funds wasted on vehicle nant cancer. The doctor is fast losing hope of procurement, use, and maintenance saving his patient because the cancer has already • Develop a culture of vigilance in the locality metastasized and spread out to many parts of the against the corrupt practices of government patient’s body. His only hope now is a miracle.” offices, including the misuse of government Another student had a different outlook. In his vehicles response to the survey question, he wrote, “We should blame ourselves. We let our politicians • Designing and implementing creative activities suck our blood and money. We never complain. to foster the active participation of citizens in We are not brave enough to fight for our rights. the campaign against squandering public funds We always talk, we always criticize but we do not • Using media (community radio) and informa- do anything. We deserve to be fooled” (The Fili- tion communication technology (ICT) to pino Global Community). mobilize citizens and expose corrupt activities Tools and Techniques Used The Problem As a part of the public vigilance and awareness raising The city of Oroquieta in the Philippines was campaign against corrupt practices, ECOLINK initi- dependent on central government revenue for its ated a community radio program called Bantay Kur- budgetary expenses. However, despite the limited pasyon (Corruption Watch) in Oroquieta. The show resources, the city bureaucracy was known to have initially started out as a commentary on local gov- wasted public funds in several ways. A particular ernment affairs and corruption. But when the show aspect of this, according to the nongovernmen- received backlash and pressure, the hosts retaliated tal organization (NGO) ECOLINK, was expen- by directly soliciting public complaints and evidence ditures for government vehicle procurement, use, on air and through mobile texting and Web mails. and maintenance. The residents of Oroquieta had The program also went online with an E-newslet- long been observing that budgetary allocations ter and a Facebook account to reach out to a wider intended for community-level socioeconomic audience in support of the cause. The E-newsletter development were squandered for the purchase of has a section that is devoted to public reporting on gasoline, overpriced vehicles, and vehicle misuse. corruption cases. It reads, “Any information on cor- Meanwhile, existing local mechanisms on curbing ruption? Complaint against a public officer or office? internal corruption were weak, if not totally Report here.” Similarly, billboards have been erected absent. Also, citizens of the city lacked a medium in major cities that feature a hotline for citizens to to express criticism of corruption. report on anomalies to Bantay Kurapsyon. C h a n gi n g No r ms Is K e y to F igh t i ng E v e ry day C o r ru p t io n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d Outcome/Impact of the • Complaints of students, parents, and teach- ers against a school principal for allegedly Interventions inflicting psychological and physical harm on The radio program Bantay Kurapsyon has been students voted the most popular and credible public affairs • Complaints against the National Food program, according to its website. The show Authority for distributing rice containing receives more than 146 text messages per show and harmful wastes of insects and farm animals at least 21 reports every day off-show, reports its and imposing quotas on stores January 2009 E-newsletter. The E-newsletter says • Complaints against the failure of the govern- that the show maintains an average listener-rating ment to finish road improvements of 7,000 per show. The station manager of the FM station where the show is aired reported that “more The following actions and achievements were and more listeners are tuning in their radios to the prompted by these complaints: DXNA FM Station since Bantay Kurapsyon began.” More than 600 members have joined the program’s • The Department of Education ordered a sus- Facebook page, where discussions on contemporary pension of the school principal after conduct- politics and government affairs (such as budget in ing an investigation of the matter. the health sector, spending in city hall construc- • The National Food Authority reviewed all rice tion, and corruption in the mayor’s office) are distribution and cut off maximum acquisition taking place. quotas to stores. • The road was immediately repaired. The show has gained its popularity not only • The practice of police victimization of small because it provides a forum to expose everyday vendors no longer exists. corruption faced by ordinary people, but because • The misuse of government-issued vehicles has it exploits its listener base to garner public been completely eradicated in the province. support and take actions on the issues raised. • The city ombudsman has committed to take For instance, a community member had reported actions against 50 high-ranking government that the head of a certain barangay (adminis- officials who have been alleged to have illegally trative unit) had been misusing a government used government vehicles for private purposes. vehicle for private use. After that program aired, more than a dozen text messages from the resi- dents of the same barangay confirmed the case. Lessons Learned Earlier, the barangay head had denied accusations • Efficacy is strongly correlated with political against her, but she finally had to succumb to and civil participation. the public pressure and gave an apology to her • Intermediaries, such as the ECOLINK and constituents on air. “Since then, people have felt the FM station, can act as catalysts in mobi- empowered. They have been reporting problems lizing citizens to take actions against corrupt concerning government offices without fear. And practices. the program keeps on its track,” the E-newslet- • The radio show gained popularity not only ter quotes Paul Gangoso, the executive director because it provided a forum to expose every- of ECOLINK, which cohosts Bantay Kurapsyon day corruption but because it exploited its with the FM station. listener base to garner public support and take actions on the issues raised. The radio program Bantay Kurapsyon has • The participation of individuals in report- tackled the following issues: ing cases of corruption actually made a C h a n gi n g No r ms Is K e y to F igh t i ng E v e ry day C o r ru p t io n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d difference, and the political system was ECOLINK. 2007. “Project Completion Report on responsive to this participation. the Anti-corruption and Transparency Initiative, Government Vehicle Monitoring for Partnership for Transparency Fund.” Prepared by Sabina Panth The Filipino Global Community. “Why Is Corruption Prevalent in Our Country?” http://www.philstar. Sources com/Article.aspx?articleid=403087. Panth, Sabina. Bantay Kurapyon, People Spaces and Deliberation. CommGAP/World Bank blog. http:// blogs.worldbank.org/publicsphere/node/5572 C h a n gi n g No r ms Is K e y to F igh t i ng E v e ry day C o r ru p t io n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d Uganda – Case Study 5 Tools and Techniques Used • Cooperation with the Police Force: Established Norms NAFODU organized a police commanders meeting that enabled police officers to share For poor and uneducated Ugandans, the police experiences regarding police integrity and how forces are the makers and breakers of the law, and the police could regain public trust and confi- hence beyond reproach. The public was so accus- dence. The meeting led to the development of tomed to police bribes and abuse that the police strategies for improving police Integrity. The force was declared the most corrupt institution in NGO trained 180 police officers. The train- South-Western Uganda ing was designed to help the police officers to understand their codes of conduct, the consti- tution, basic standards of policing in Uganda, The Problem and the derivation of their power. Most Ugandans had not realized how police abuse • Information Campaign: and corruption had affected their everyday lives. • Radio Program: The Gwanisa Oburi Bwen- They did not know that corruption existed beyond guzi (Fight Corruption) radio program was mere bribes and how the general attitudes toward launched in five districts. Radio broadcasts formal political processes influenced corruption were aired to promote public engagement levels in the country. They had not realized the and information exchange on laws govern- collective damage of corruption to the country as ing the police force and their duties toward a whole. The public needed to be aware of the laws citizens. The radio program was also used to governing the police force and the duties and obli- promote citizen outreach and recruitment gations of the officers toward citizens. The police and networking of monitoring and vigilance force also needed to improve its integrity in order committees to watch and register com- to gain the citizens’ trust and confidence. plaints of police corruption. • Survey: In order to assess the nature of corruption and identify loopholes in police Objectives/Strategies for force regulations, NAFODU conducted Action citizens’ surveys in the five selected districts When the police force was declared the most of its program interventions. (The NGO corrupt institution in the country, the nongov- plans to do another survey at the end of the ernmental organization (NGO) National Founda- project to determine if there have been any tion for Democracy and Human Rights in Uganda improvements in areas that were identified (NAFODU) decided to take action. NAFODU in the survey as particularly problematic.) realized that addressing problems with the police • Establishment of Monitoring and Vigi- force required a two-pronged approach: (a) working lance Committees: NAFODU mobilized with the police to increase their ethical principles citizen bodies and vigilance committees to and integrity, and (b) making citizens aware of laws track the conduct and behavior of the police governing police conduct. Accordingly, a series of officers in the respective districts. To ensure information campaigns was launched to generate local presence in each district, NAFODU awareness of and receive feedback from citizens on established district-based offices in Kisoro, police corruption, while strategies were devised to Kanungu, Rukungiri, and Ntungamo, with assist and cooperate with the police force to reduce each district having its coordinator appointed corruption and improve its integrity and image. by the NGO. The coordinator was responsible C h a n gi n g No r ms Is K e y to F igh t i ng E v e ry day C o r ru p t io n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d for handling complaints from the public o Theft or diversion of public funds or assets against police personnel and liaising with o Fraud police in the district. o Forgery or uttering false documents o False accounting Outcome/Impact of the o Conflict of interest o Victimization Interventions o Delay in public service delivery According to NAFODU, the 48 episodes of the o Nonpayment of entitlements (e.g., salaries, Gwanisa Oburi Bwenguzi radio program have had benefits such as pensions) the following results: o Breach of the Leadership Code • At least 70 percent of listeners became aware • Increased awareness of corruption has been of existing government channels for public evidenced by increased reporting of corrup- complaints and recourse: tion cases to NAFODU offices. NAFODU has received both written complaints and phone o The Directorate of Ethics and Integrity calls. Also, many people have approached o The Public Procurement and Disposal of NAFODU to act as volunteers in the fight Assets Authority against corruption in their districts and o The Office of the Auditor General communities. o The Inspectorate General of Government • The impact survey of the radio program o The Criminal Investigations Department’s revealed that at least 70 percent of listeners are Fraud Squad able to name NAFODU as an anticorruption o The Directorate of Public Prosecutions organization. “If we can get two or more orga- o The Public Accounts Committee of nizations in Uganda that are like NAFODU, Parliament corruption would be history,” commented a • A hotline was established and at least 50 regular listener to the program. public reports of corruption were received at • Sixty percent of the listeners were able to the time of the survey. At least 30 of these name at least three acts of corruption that came from the districts and rural areas. have been punished by an administrative or • NAFODU worked with the Inspectorate of legal sanction. Government to put in place a suggestion box • Unlike in the past, when most citizens per- at NAFODU offices. The postal address was ceived that corruption existed only in the form revealed to the public, who were encouraged of bribes, the radio program helped the public to report corrupt officials. become aware of other forms of corruption, such as the following: Lessons Learned o Mismanagement of public projects and public funds or property • Interviews with prominent personalities in the radio program established the credibility of the o Neglect of duty program and its content. o Causing financial or property loss to the • An anticorruption media program cannot be government operated solely on voluntary work. It needs o Making false claims full-time staff who can follow up on com- o Embezzlement plaints and compile reports on the findings. o Abuse of office or authority • For institutions like NAFODU, which cannot o Influence peddling be legally engaged in penalizing perpetrators C h a n gi n g No r ms Is K e y to F igh t i ng E v e ry day C o r ru p t io n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d of corruption, a radio program can help name should not be a reason to convert the police sta- and shame of perpetrators. tions into extortion and exploitation grounds.” Prepared by Sabina Panth Conclusion NAFODU acknowledges that the task of reforming Sources corrupt practices in the police force is ambitious, Korugyendo, Joseline. 2010. “Laws Are Not Enough: but it believes that public trust in the institution Citizens Against Corruption and Judicial can indeed be restored by working with the police Institution.” Paper submitted to the 14th Annual force and the public separately and together. At International Anti-Corruption Conference. the International Anti-Corruption Conference National Foundation for Democracy and Human Rights (IACC), it called on the government to ensure that in Uganda. 2007. “Project Completion Report the police force is provided with adequate resources submitted to Partnership for Transparency Fund.” (both managerial and financial) to improve police Panth, Sabina. “How Do You Improve the Behavior community services and discourage officers from of the Police? People, Power, Deliberation.” indulging in petty corruption. The presenter did CommGAP/The World Bank blog. http://blogs. add, however, that the “low pay the officers receive worldbank.org/publicsphere/node/5641. C h a n gi n g No r ms Is K e y to F igh t i ng E v e ry day C o r ru p t io n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d Guatemala – Case Study 6 to cross-border narco-trafficking from Colombia to Mexico. The objectives of the Santa Lucia move- ment were to win back the community from the Established Norms drug lords and organized crime, promote economic In Guatemala, endemic corruption functions as an and social development, prevent electoral fraud, enabler of violent groups, which engage in illicit challenge the climate of impunity, and defend the activities to make money and acquire weapons, or victories along the way. as a by-product of their efforts to capture local and Strategies involved innovative grassroots cam- national institutions and security forces, such as paigns and civic actions to break up the corruption- the police. Violent insurgents have used perpetual violence nexus, maintain resilience in the face of poverty and injustice in the country to justify their violent repression, and foster social and economic actions and recruit members, sustaining the cycle development. The movement aimed at fostering of violence (Samayoa 2010). coalition between the political party established by Unidad Revolucionaria Nacional Guatemalteca (former guerrilla groups) and the government to The Problem confront criminal activities, support fair local elec- Guatemala went through a civil war from 1960 tions, and prevent drug lords from entering local to 1996 within the cradle of the peasant union- politics. The civic engagement programs were spe- ized movement. During the war, the army formed cifically aimed at youth, who are often the targets Cuerpos Ilegales y Apraratos Clandestinos de Seguri- of organized crime recruitment. As a result, strong dad (CIACS) (illegal groups and clandestine public outcry emerged against government impu- security apparatuses) as counterinsurgents, and nity of CIACS and its role behind violent crime promoted organized crime to finance them. Over and corruption. time, the line between the political end and the An intensive civil movement also emerged criminal end became blurred with the emergence at the national level that mobilized and garnered of a hidden power that has established a corrup- support from the international community, includ- tion-violence link, surviving the cessation of the ing United Nations, for dismantling CIACS conflict. When the war ended, CIACS continued operations. Together, these groups challenged gov- its operation, furthering the political interests both ernment impunity for CIACS criminal activities. of organized crime and real power in Guatemala. The coalition demanded the establishment of the By 2002, CIACS had taken violent action openly International Commission against Impunity in against human rights defenders, journalists, judges, Guatemala (CICIG). The objective was to initiate prosecutors, and politicians. The government, the dismantling of the clandestine security appara- although aware of CIACS’ role in these attacks, tuses operating in the country. was too weak to confront the powerful criminal group (Samayoa 2010). Tools and Techniques Used Objectives/Strategies for Organizers built a strong coalition that included women, youth, and community groups. They con- Action ducted a wide and creative range of nonviolent In Santa Lucia Cotzumalguapa, a town in the actions, such as civil disobedience, demonstrations, south of the country, a local citizens’ movement monitoring of municipal officials and spending, emerged in the aftermath of the civil war. Santa literacy and development programs, radio call-in Lucia is unfortunately situated in a spot convenient programs, theater, and recreation projects. These C h a n gi n g No r ms Is K e y to F igh t i ng E v e ry day C o r ru p t io n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d efforts were recognized and further supported by The human rights defenders drew world donor agencies operating in the country, including attention to the struggle. Santa Lucia Cotzumal- the United Nations Development Programme and guapa became the host of national and interna- the Friedrich-Ebert Stifung foundation. A security tional meetings, thereby sending a message to the plan was eventually developed with coordination corrupt power holders that the country and the among the donors and civil society activists. world were watching and stood together with the townspeople. Successively, monitoring of crime activities and reports about the situation of violence and the security plan were prepared and disseminated to the Lessons Learned public. The security plan encouraged citizens and journalists to report on CIACS and organized crime, • A large public action pressured the breaking the silence from decades of repression. The government, which previously was too weak radio programs, forums, training, and university pro- to confront CIACS crimes, to agree to join grams supported the campaigns. There was a mobili- hands in creating CICIG. zation of the human rights community, ombudsmen, • A coalition among community, national, and other civil society organizations. Statements and and international groups helped pressure press reports against the government’s apathy toward the government to create CICIG. In extend- CIACS crimes were issued. The international com- ing the arena of resistance from the local to munity supported this effort. Human rights organi- the regional and international, the community zations helped in networking and protecting activists increased people power. at risk. Together, the coalition formed CICIG and • Success is based on capability to communi- advocated for the government to recognize it as a cate the problem throughout local, national, legal body. A broad coalition of government officials, and international levels and with different human rights and civil society organizations, and interest groups. ombudsmen supported the call. • The citizens’ movement led to the creation of an alternative system of civil resistance, involving national and transnational network- Outcome/Impact of the ing, solidarity, and actions. Interventions Prepared by Sabina Panth In spite of violent intimidation, kidnapping, and murder, civil resistance is ongoing, and solidarity networks have been established with other commu- Sources nities and citizen groups in the country and across borders. People have continued to monitor the Beyerle, Shaazka. 2010. “People Count: How Citizen Empowerment and Action Challenge Corruption criminal activities and actions of the new authori- and Abuse.” Paper submitted to the 14th Annual ties in power. Solidarity networks have helped share International Anti-Corruption Conference. information, experiences, and strategies, send out Samayoa, Claudia. 2010. “Guatemala: Innovative letters, and come to one another’s aid. Grass Roots Civic Campaigns and Nonviolent Action to Fight Corruption, Strategies for After large public actions targeting legislators, Resilience and Protection in a Setting of Extreme the government finally recognized the creation Violence.” PowerPoint presentation, 13th Annual of CICIG and offered to support its objectives, International Anti-Corruption Conference. although in practice the government has yet to http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTGOVACC/ prove its support. Resources/IACC2008Guatemala.ppt C h a n gi n g No r ms Is K e y to F igh t i ng E v e ry day C o r ru p t io n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d Turkey – Case Study 7 Objectives/Strategies for Action Established Norms A group of professionals and civil society advocates In 1996, Turkey was plagued by a nationwide decided that the Sukurluk scandal provided an crime syndicate that involved paramilitary enti- opportunity to tap public disgust over corruption ties (gladio), drug traffickers, the mafia, businesses, and push for definable changes by mobilizing the government officials, and members of Parliament. masses. Their demands were to remove parliamen- The gladio-mafia combination affected all walks tary immunity, prosecute the founders of the crimi- of life Even the major broadcasting corporation nal groups, protect judges trying such cases, and was under the control of the mafia, which manip- expose crime syndicate relationships. ulated legislation and business links, and often They felt that citizens should feel a sense of resorted to extrajudicial killings to further their ownership in the effort and ran the campaign in control. Consequently, “everybody suffered from a nonpartisan and nonideological manner in order this [corruption] the working class, the financial to attract the broadest possible base of groups and sector and the ordinary people,” according to citizens, and also to protect activists against gov- Ergin Cinmen, one of the initial organizers of the ernment attacks. Further, they adopted a leader- Citizen Initiative for Constant Light—a grass- less organizational structure to defend themselves roots movement that fought to uproot corruption against reprisals and to reinforce the notion that in Turkey. the initiative belonged to everyone. To forge unity, the groups reached out to civil rights organizations, the Istanbul Coordination of Chambers of Profes- The Problem sionals, the Bar Associations, unions, nongovern- One event in particular has encapsulated the mental organizations (NGOs), and professional nefarious system of corruption in Turkey. A speed- associations of pharmacists, dentists, and civil and ing car crashed on a highway late at night near a electrical engineers. town called Susurluk; among the passengers were a police chief, who was also the police academy The organizers then sought to come up with director, a member of Parliament, a mistress, and an innovative nonviolent tactic that would over- an escaped criminal and paramilitary member who come obstacles, including violent crackdowns and was wanted by the Turkish courts, Swiss police, imprisonment by the police and the feeling of fear and Interpol. The escaped criminal is said to have and powerlessness among the population. They possessed a fake ID that was signed by the then- also wanted something that would be highly visible minister of internal affairs. Further, the car con- and create a sense of national “togetherness.” They tained cash, cocaine, and weapons (Beyerle and felt the campaign idea should appear to come not Zunes 2006). from an intellectual or an elite group, but from an everyday person. In reaction to the scandal, students held pro- tests throughout the country, which were harshly suppressed by the police. The government had Tools and Techniques Used been repeatedly using harsh measures on students’ The organizers carefully defined goals, analyzed demonstrations, using force and restrictive mea- the media’s views on corruption, and developed sures to quell civic dissent. a publicity strategy before taking action. They C h a n gi n g No r ms Is K e y to F igh t i ng E v e ry day C o r ru p t io n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d constructed a sophisticated publicity campaign to in street actions, which had a celebratory air. The spread their message, termed a “Unifying Proposi- citizen initiative received faxes and phone calls tion,” signifying a message that encapsulated the from people from all over Turkey. In many regions, cause, the urgency for action, and the call for wider people had organized complementary events. The participation. campaign lasted six weeks, after which its organiz- ers called a halt. A teenage daughter of one of the lawyers came up with a simple, low-risk action—a synchronized turning on and off of lights. The Citizen Initiative Outcome/Impact of the for Constant Light was born out of this idea. Interventions The group launched a public relations (PR) The minister of interior, whose signature appeared campaign and sent a chain of faxes to get word of on the fake ID of the criminal, was forced to resign. the action all the way down to the neighborhood groups (this was before the widespread use of Short The mass mobilization was so great that it Message Service and e-mails). In the campaign’s is said to have inadvertently opened a window printed materials, an anonymous “aunt” gave the of opportunity for critics of the ruling party and call to action, symbolizing that the message came its coalition to bring down the government. The from an average person and not an elite group. The government was forced to resign on February 28 message read, “On February 1997, we will begin to during the Constant Light Campaign. Six months turn off our lights at 9.00 p.m. every night, until later, the parliament approved a new government. the members of the crime syndicate and its con- nections in the state are brought to the court.” The campaign had succeeded in breaking the Press releases were sent to the media, signed “The taboo over confronting corruption, empowered cit- voices of the Silent Majority.” izens to collectively fight for a cause, and forced the government to launch a series of judicial investiga- The National Broadcasters Association was tions. As follow-up actions in subsequent months, looking for ways to improve the media’s image in the public presented a citizens’ report on corrup- citizens’ eyes (due to mafia capture and control of tion, held roundtable meetings to develop a reform major broadcasting companies) prior to the Susur- proposal, and initiated a letter-writing campaign, luk case. Following the crash, a PR professional keeping up the pressure on the government and who had been hired to help the association became preventing it from seeking legal loopholes to block personally involved in the Citizen Initiative for the inquiries. Constant Light. Under the next prime minister’s regime, reform After three months of strategizing and plan- sparked by the campaign continued. Court cases ning, on February 1, citizens in Istanbul and many progressed, verdicts were handed down, and a new other cities turned off their lights at 9 p.m. for one investigative committee prepared a report listing minute. Each day, the numbers grew, and after two the names of all the people murdered by the crime weeks, approximately 30 million people, 60 percent syndicate. A parliamentary committee was also of the population, were participating throughout created to document the syndicate’s activities. Sub- the country. Feeling empowered, people began sequent investigations were launched that exposed to embellish upon the action. They opened their large-scale embezzlement, resulting in the arrests of windows, blew whistles, and banged pots and pans, well-known business executives (by 2010). while those on the road beeped their horns or blinked their lights at the appointed time. By the Although parliamentary immunity was not second week, entire neighborhoods were engaged abolished and the sole survivor of the crash remained C h a n gi n g No r ms Is K e y to F igh t i ng E v e ry day C o r ru p t io n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d in power, the campaign succeeded in sending strong • Creativity is one of the factors that can determine message to the voters, who elected the AK Party, the ability of civil movements or campaigns the reformulated moderate Islamic party. to overcome obstacles, adapt to changing circumstances, develop innovative tactics, and maximize the impact of their resources. Lessons Learned • Building unity around goals and people is critical. • The organizers’ decision to end the Citizen • Civil resistance can be a force for reform, Initiative for Constant Light campaign on a high accountability, and transparency by giving people note, before it eventually began to fizzle, was wise. the means and leverage to fight corruption. It produced a sense of victory, which is a key • Skills and strategies play a critical role in the strategic move essential for building a winning success of nonviolent movements, as they can record and setting the stage for future actions. ameliorate and overcome unfavorable or difficult situational conditions. Here, the citizens overcame Prepared by Sabina Panth repressive measures using creative low-risk tactics that exerted civic pressure and attracted broad Sources participation. Beyerle, Shaazka. 2010.“People Count: How Citizen • Communications strategies targeting the public Empowerment and Action Challenge Corruption and various pillars of support, including the and Abuse.” Paper presented at the 14th Annual government, political elites, and media, can help International Anti-Corruption Conference. confront the status quo. Beyerle, Shaazka, and Stephen Zunes. 2006. • A clean image is essential to winning support. “Mobilizing Citizens to End Corruption.” Paper Associating an “anonymous aunt” with the presented at the 12th Annual International Anti- anticorruption campaign had a galvanizing effect. Corruption Conference. C h a n gi n g No r ms Is K e y to F igh t i ng E v e ry day C o r ru p t io n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d India (1) – Case Study 8 up by an expatriate Indian physics professor from the University of Maryland who, traveling back home, found himself harassed by endless extortion Established Norms demands. He used the zero-rupee notes as a polite For many Indians, basic services such as obtaining way of saying no to officials who held out their hands a driver’s license, a voter ID, or a birth certificate for riswat (bribes). Vijay Anand, president of 5th are time-consuming and often become unbearable Pillar, thought the idea might work on a larger scale. when officials request “hidden fees” to help expe- dite the service. Below is one such scenario: Tools and Techniques Used For more than a year and a half, an old woman The zero-rupee protest note being promoted by 5th has been asking the Revenue Department for a land Pillar looks like a regular 50-rupee (Indian cur- title (patta) for the little land she owns. She needs rency) bill. It carries the phrase “Eliminate Cor- the land title in order to qualify for a collateral ruption at All Levels” on the front. Instead of loan that she plans to use for her granddaughter’s “I promise to pay the bearer...,” the bill reads, “I college education. The responsible officials at the promise to neither accept nor give a bribe.” Revenue Department are purposely dilly-dallying until the woman pays a fee for the service, which Initially, the NGO printed 25,000 zero-rupee is supposed to be provided for free. She is poor and notes and distributed them to students in the south- cannot afford to pay the bribe (5th Pillar website). ern state of Tamil Nadu. Since 2007, the it distributed more than one million bills in five languages, cover- ing 600-plus institutions. Volunteers hand them out The Problem near places where officials often solicit bribes, such as railway stations and government hospitals. Transparency International (TI) reports that each year almost four million poor Indian families must The notes are printed and distributed in a few bribe officials for access to basic public services. major regional languages of India. To take this Fifty percent of Indians have firsthand experience concept worldwide, the website http://zerocurrency. of paying a bribe or peddling influence to get any org/ came into being, offering zero currencies of the type of job done in a public office. As of 2010, India world in a downloadable format. 5th Pillar main- is the ninth most corrupt country in the world, tains a website and distributes a Tamil monthly with about 54 percent of Indians paying a bribe in magazine called Mattram (Change) that recounts, the past year, according to TI. Many Indians are in an entertaining fashion, the chase, capture, and resigned to paying bribes for government services downfall of many corrupt officials. and to smooth daily transactions. According to Beyerly (2011), the movement has developed two defining methods. The first is the promotion of a “nonviolent weapon” for Objectives/Strategies for Action ordinary citizens to refuse to pay petty bribes, Several new initiatives have come up in the civil and sending a message of “noncooperation to society sector to raise awareness of corruption-related corruption” by assuring people that they are not issues and to build anticorruption platforms. The alone; they are part of a larger movement. The nongovernmental organization (NGO) 5th Pillar is second filing a Right to Information (RTI) to one such organization, which is promoting the use hold officials accountable by documenting mis- of zero-rupee notes to fight corruption by shaming behavior complaints. Tactics associated with RTI the officials who ask for bribes. The idea was dreamt have included inspection and audits of public C h a n gi n g No r ms Is K e y to F igh t i ng E v e ry day C o r ru p t io n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d works, leafleting, and backup for those wanting to taking a bribe is equal to stealing and begging and approach the state government’s Vigilant Depart- to feel unafraid. In fact, it’s usually the person sug- ment and the Central Bureau of Investigation’s gesting a bribe who feels uncomfortable.” He adds, Anticorruption Zone. “hundreds of Indian citizens write and e-mail 5th Pillar every month. Hundreds more phone in every The movement also engages in tactics designed day. The zero-rupee note allows its user to make a to heighten awareness, build interest, communicate cutting statement without any of the grand moral- the message, garner media attention, gain support, izing about the ‘war on bribery and corruption.’” and exert civic pressure on authorities to protect the RTI. These include human chains, beach Anand claims the notes have even had a prac- rallies, signatures on huge banners of the zero- tical effect, often shaming officials into getting rupee note, street-corner meetings, village proces- business done efficiently without using real cash. sions, poetry contests, diaspora chapters, “peaceful agitation,” badges for honest officials, humorous One official in Tamil Nadu was so stunned to stunts, and reporting instances of corruption via receive the note that he handed back all the bribes Short Message Service and the Internet. he had solicited for providing electricity to a village. Another stood up, offered tea to the woman from “Because of the way we operate, not attacking whom he was trying to extort money, and approved or accusing any party or individual, we have faced a loan so her granddaughter could go to college. no problem, no danger, no threats, no resistance,” Anand says. “In fact, in the last three years 5th Ravi Sundar, an information technology Pillar has not made anyone’s life more complicated recruiter in the southern city of Coimbatore, said by offering a zero-rupee note in place of a bribe.” he used the notes whenever he had government business to sort out. He gave one example of a tax 5th Pillar’s strategy has been to target schools official who refused to process documents unless he and adolescents. “We reach out to a younger paid her 500 rupees. generation and drive home the message in a hard-hitting manner. This is not a choice. It’s an “I handed over the zero-rupee note which I imperative. We teach them that bribery and cor- always keep in my pocket,” said Sundar. “She was ruption are poison. We use that word. Then they afraid and didn’t want to take it. She completed take a pledge, sign a banner and go home and tell the job immediately and said she was sorry and their parents,” says Anand. asked me not to take it forward.” “We use the rupee note to kick off conversa- Most of the success has taken place in India’s tions,” Anand told CNN (2010). “When we step largely educated southern cities Chennai, Vizag, out of the office in Chennai to get lunch, we give Bangalore, and Hyderabad. But Anand has also them out to people waiting for their food. I give received calls from Nepal, Argentina, Mexico, them out to people boarding planes, anywhere France, and Germany. Some want their own note where people are waiting.” to fight corruption; others want to use it in schools to teach children. Outcome/Impact of the As a result of the campaign, some officials have the zero-rupee note displayed in their office Interventions to let people know that they are noncorrupt. “It [the zero-rupee note] gets the job done,” Anand The note serves as a way for citizens to demon- says. “Just try it. People are startled that you address strate that “I will not pay a penny more than is the issue in public. We teach people to think that required by law to get access to the basic rights to C h a n gi n g No r ms Is K e y to F igh t i ng E v e ry day C o r ru p t io n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d which I am entitled.” Because the currency carries • The notes maybe valueless, but not the contact information of 5th Pillar, the official worthless: The zero-rupee note has allowed knows that the individual who has presented the its users to make a cutting statement without note is not alone. any of the grand moralizing about the “war on bribery and corruption,” according to Anand. Its help in transforming social norms is the key Lessons Learned to fighting petty corruption. • The backing of an organization is impor- Prepared by Sabina Panth tant in individual fights against corrup- tion: Ordinary people are more willing to Sources protest when they know an organization is Beyerle, Shaazka. 2011. People Count, How Citizens behind them. Empowerment and Action Challenge Corruption and • The success of tools like the zero-rupee Abuse. Washington, DC: International Center on note lies in people’s willingness use Nonviolent Conflict. them. 5th Pillar website: http://india.5thpillar.org/. • Using nonviolent tools to fight corrup- Nagano, Fumiko. “Changing Norms Is Key to Fighting tion invites less retaliation: “There has not Corruption. People, Spaces and Deliberation.” been one incident where a zero-rupee note has CommGAP blog post. The World Bank. http:// created a more serious situation,” said Anand. blogs.worldbank.org/publicsphere/paying-zero- • When people are not afraid to stand public-services up against corruption, corrupt officials Transparency International. 2010. Global Corruption get scared: Corrupt officials who seldom Report, 2010. Berlin: Transparency International. encounter resistance from ordinary people are Wadhwani, Sita. 2010. “Zero Rupee: Fifth Pillar’s subtle frightened when people show their zero-rupee fight against corruption in India.” CNN Report. notes, making a strong statement condemning Wikipedia. “Corruption in India.” http://en.wikipedia. bribery. org/wiki/Corruption_in_India. C h a n gi n g No r ms Is K e y to F igh t i ng E v e ry day C o r ru p t io n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d India (2) – Case Study 9 than taking action with specific departments based on individual citizen reports. Established Norms The organization desired citizens to act through a simple, easy, and nonthreatening process, where Corruption is rampant in India, where citizens they are not required to identify themselves or give come face to face with it in their daily lives. For an individual official’s name in their reports. instance, a widow is unable to access food through the Public Distribution System because the gov- ernment official demands a bribe to issue her a Tools and Techniques Used ration card. The “I Paid a Bribe” website was launched on August 15 (India’s Independence Day), 2010. Citi- The Problem zens can submit their reports through telephone calls, blog posts, audio/video recordings, or by fol- There has been increasing anger and frustration lowing the format in the website. The information over bribery in India, but at the same time there obtained is aggregated and analyzed to identify is a high level of tolerance. Some citizens habitu- more corrupt departments, loopholes used by offi- ally offer bribes in exchange for services, further cials to demand bribes, and situations in which perpetuating corruption. Citizens are also afraid bribes are demanded. The format for reporting is to raise their voices against corruption for fear of compartmentalized in a manner that allows both retaliation and further setbacks to obtaining essen- the viewers and the host organization to observe tial public services. the nature, pattern, types, and distribution of bribes across cities and government departments. Objectives/Strategies for Features such as “Frequently Asked Ques- tions,” “Discussion Forum,” and “Ask Raghu” in the Action website allow citizens to interact with hosts as well Janaagraha, a nonprofit organization, came up with as with one another to share information on pro- an idea to boost citizens’ confidence in obtaining cedures, fees. and time required to obtain services services without succumbing to bribes. It decided in specific sectors or government departments. T.R. to build an online forum to encourage victims to Raghunandan, who has 30 years of experience in report on incidences when they have been forced civil service in India, answers specific questions, to pay a bribe, when they have resisted a demand providing people with the information they need. for a bribe, or when they did not have to pay a bribe He explains that people are usually very fearful of because of honest officers on duty or improvements the government, mainly owing to lack of informa- in law or procedures. The idea was to empower tion. “There should be more information available citizens to bring out their stories in order to build so that people are more confident in dealing with greater awareness of everyday corruption. officials and can insist on following established procedures and not paying a bribe,” says Raghu The collated information is intended to be used to assist in arguing for improving gover- People can also give their suggestions and con- nance systems and procedures and tightening law tribute to newer practical and tactical approaches enforcement and regulation, thereby reducing the to dealing with corruption on the website’s forum. scope for corruption in obtaining government ser- Through this platform, citizens can share their vices. The idea was to use a systematized process to experiences of corruption, monitor injustice, and identify the most serious areas of corruption rather collaborate to fight against it. Janaagraha plans C h a n gi n g No r ms Is K e y to F igh t i ng E v e ry day C o r ru p t io n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d to put out white papers, the first one being on make the RTO offices bribe-free. The group has land and property registration, along with a video also come up with a “10 commandments” poster on feature, so that people are equipped with the right how to avoid paying a bribe, which will be put up knowledge about the procedures, fees, time needed, in all RTO offices in Bangalore soon. It has begun and the duties of the officials. work on the second Janamahithi, which will be on the bribes paid in the registration department in Karnataka—a different state. Outcome/Impact of the Interventions Lessons Learned The “Impact” section of the website mentions cases in which people have been able to stand against • Online technology can be a powerful platform bribery through information Janaagraha has made to empower citizens and build solidarity to available, and by simply providing a platform for fight corruption. citizens to raise their voices. The section mentions • Information can make people more confident case stories where information on the website has in dealing with officials and refusing to pay been used to take corrective measures. One strik- bribes. ing example is that of a transport commissioner • An online tool with organizational backing who asked Janaagraha to give him a list of com- can garner citizens’ actions and alert or pres- plaints against his department, and issued show- sure the government to take corrective mea- cause notices to 20 senior officers based on the sures to fight against petty corruption. location of the bribes paid. Prepared by Sabina Panth I Paid a Bribe (IPAB) has entered its second and third phases of engagement with the govern- Sources ment by publishing its first Janamahithi (informa- I paid a Bribe website. http://ipaidabribe.com. tion for the people) report on the bribes paid in the Panth, Sabina. I Paid a Bribe. CommGAP/World Bank Transport Department, Bangalore. The transport blog. http://blogs.worldbank.org/publicsphere/i- commissioner of Bangalore, Bhaskar Rao, invited paid-bribe. the team to brief the Regional Transport Office Singh, Namita. 2010. “I Paid a Bribe: An Endeavor (RTO) officials on the report. During the brief- in India.” Global Voices. http://globalvoicesonline. ing, IPAB also gave recommendations on how to org/2010/09/14/i-paid-a-bribe-an-endeavor-in-india/. C h a n gi n g No r ms Is K e y to F igh t i ng E v e ry day C o r ru p t io n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d Hong Kong – Case Study 10 require nothing short of a “quiet revolution in the society.” He knew too well that law enforcement action alone, no matter how effective, would not Established Norms be able to stamp out corruption in the long term “Some get on the bus, others run alongside it, yet (LaMagna 1999). very few stand in front of it.” This was how the ICAC was thus established with the statutory entrenched norms of corruption in Hong Kong duties to educate the public about the evils of cor- were described. Alan Lai Lin, a former commis- ruption and to enlist and foster public support in sioner of Hong Kong’s Independent Commission the battle. Community education was to be an Against Corruption (ICAC), further asserted, “It integral part of the antigraft strategy, alongside would probably start with an officer finding some detection and prevention. cash in his personal locker. Then, it was up to him. He could quietly accept it and tacitly ‘get on the bus’ of corruption. Or he could, if he refused to accept the money, mind his own business and ‘run Tools and Techniques Used alongside’ the bus, in which case he would become Many resources were deployed to win over an a virtual outsider and never expect to go far in his incredulous public, to assure them that ICAC was career. But worst of all was for him to ‘stand in effective, impartial, and determined to remove the front of the bus,’ that is, to report corruption. It “rotten apples.” In order to allay public fears of pos- was simply suicidal in job terms and an invitation sible retaliation, a stringent “sacred rule of silence” for victimization” (Lai Line 2000). was instituted from the outset on the origins of corruption complaints under investigation. The Problem Knowing that public support could dissipate at the slightest hint of inertia or inefficiency, ICAC Illegal kickbacks, protection rackets, briberies, and commissioned regular surveys to gauge the public other corruption-related crimes were accepted as “a mood, assessing— way of life” in Hong Kong until the early 1970s. • Level of tolerance of corruption The problem of corruption was epidemic in • Tolerance of private sector corruption the whole government. It permeated every part of • Willingness to report people’s lives. Scenes like ambulance men demand- ing “tea money” before picking up a sick person • Public support and hospital amahs asking for “tips” before giving Corruption was simultaneously tackled on patients a bedpan or a glass of water were com- three fronts: monplace. Public distrust of the Anti-Corruption Office, which was part of the police, was deep- • Investigation rooted (LaMagna 1999). • Prevention • Public education Objectives/Strategies for These three functions were structured to be Action interdependent, each building on the strengths of the other. When the government decided to set up an inde- pendent body to tackle corruption, the then gov- To demonstrate to the public that the corrupt ernor openly declared that lasting success would would be brought to justice regardless of who they C h a n gi n g No r ms Is K e y to F igh t i ng E v e ry day C o r ru p t io n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d were, ICAC determined to act without fear or favor. 800 talks, activities, and special projects. CRD ICAC took decisive enforcement actions to restore staff talked to every corner of society. Be it a civil public trust. A series of high-profile arrests and servant, a taxi driver, a housewife, a teacher, a prosecutions occurred, with police syndicated cor- construction worker, or a successful businessman, ruption on top of the list. The “big tiger” corrupt everyone was a target. The CRD produced “practi- senior government officials were described in the cal guides,” newsletters, and other publications for mass media, convincing the public that the anti- government employees, trade unions, and other corruption drive was serious. specific target groups on how to deal with tempt- ing situations. An Ethics Development Center was Corruption prevention and community rela- established to promote ethical business practices, tions also moved into top gear. Prevention special- which were endorsed by major chambers of com- ists examined the procedures and practices of all merce in the country. government departments, plugging loopholes and removing corruption opportunities along the way. A Press Information Office was set up to An average of 100 studies a year were conducted on provide the mass media with timely information various government procedures and practices. In on ICAC’s anticorruption initiatives. Television view of the growing demand, an Advisory Services was also used extensively. TV advertisements and Group was also established to provide tailor-made drama series based on real-life corruption cases confidential advice to the private sector. were aired. The mass media strategy was divided into four phases: Understanding that “the cancerous cells of corruption may be dormant, but they are waiting • The Era of Awakening: A promotion cam- to strike again,” the Community Relations Depart- paign in the early 1970s was directed primar- ment (CRD) undertook the task of transforming ily at low-income people, such as hawkers or the public attitude toward corruption. The CRD’s manual laborers, who were most vulnerable to responsibilities included the following: abuses. Their sufferings were highlighted and they were urged to report their stories. The • Promoting the image of ICAC as an indepen- catch phrase of the campaign was “Report dent and determined anticorruption agency corruption.” • Educating the public on the anticorruption law • Level Playing Field: In the economic boom • Enlisting public support in reporting of the 1980s, the message targeted private corruption sector corruption. The message was that a • Instilling and fostering a culture of integrity level playing field for all investors was central and fairness in order to ostracize the corrupt to the continued economic well-being of the country. TV commercials were designed with Public education was carried forward through— a subtle tone, since the target audience was relatively refined and educated. • Face-to-face contacts with all walks of life in the community to hammer home the evils of • 1997 Syndrome: When Hong Kong rejoined corruption and enlist support mainland China, there were worries that the • Extensive use of the mass media in illustrat- unscrupulous would scramble for money by ing the dire consequences of corruption and illegal means before migrating to other coun- inculcating positive values in society tries. To counter this perception, ICAC set out to assure the public that it was as determined In an average year, CRD staff reached between as ever to fight corruption. It put out a slogan: 200,000 and 300,000 people through approximately “Hong Kong’s Advantage Is ICAC.” C h a n gi n g No r ms Is K e y to F igh t i ng E v e ry day C o r ru p t io n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d • New Millennium: Realizing that the Effective enforcement can be tracked from the digital age belongs to the youth, who following outcomes: were brought up without experiencing the ruinous consequences of unchecked cor- • In the year of ICAC’s inception, a police chief ruption, ICAC reintroduced integrity superintendent who had fled Hong Kong while education with youth as a target audi- under investigation by the police Anticor- ence, using online channels. ICAC’s youth ruption Office was located and extradited website, “Teensland,” scored more than one from the United Kingdom by ICAC. He was million hits within less than six months of put behind bars for four years on charges of its launch. pocketing millions in “black money” during his tenure. • Between 1974 and 1977, approximately 260 Outcome/Impact of the police officers of all ranks were prosecuted— Interventions four times the total number prosecuted preced- The changes in public perception of corruption ing ICAC. In a single scoop, ICAC rounded can be tracked by the following indicators: up 140 police officers from three police districts. At one time, more than 200 were • The percentage of nonanonymous corruption detained for alleged corruption. reports (a good indicator of public confidence) • In ICAC’s first year of operation, 3,189 reports rose from 35 percent in 1974 to 56 percent in of alleged corruption were filed, more than 1980s and has remained steady at about 68 twice the number received by the police Anti- percent in the past few years. corruption Office the previous year. • The percentage of reports alleging govern- • Within three years of actions, ICAC pro- ment corruption dropped drastically, from 86 nounced that corruption syndicates within the percent in 1974 to 60 percent in 1984 and civil service had been all but crushed. 40 percent in 1999. Reports of police corrup- • ICAC claims to have forged one of the most tion plunged from 45 percent in 1974 to 30 extensive community networks in Hong Kong. percent in 1984 and to 14 percent in 1999. Most important, police corruption nowadays ICAC claims that its efforts have turned Hong concerns only individual officers. Syndicated Kong from one of the most corrupt to one of the corruption is a thing of the past. most upstanding societies in the world. According • In 1993, 36.7 percent of survey respondents to an ICAC report, social disapproval of graft is said they would not tolerate corruption in so overpowering today that those convicted of cor- both the private and public sector. The level ruption carry a lifelong stigma. rose to about 80 percent in the late 1990s and stood at 83 percent in 2000. • In 1993, 44.6 percent of respondents expressed Lessons Learned tolerance of private sector graft. This level • Tackling corruption requires simultaneous dipped to 11 percent in 2000. efforts on three fronts—investigation, preven- • The percentage of respondents indicating tion, and public education. “willingness to report” corruption gradually • With full commitment, support, and well- rose from 54.4 percent in 1993 to 64.7 percent thought-out strategies, a government anti- in 2000. corruption agency can be the most effective • Public endorsement of ICAC persistently instrument to fight corruption. hovers between 98 and 99 percent. • An elaborate system of checks and balances is C h a n gi n g No r ms Is K e y to F igh t i ng E v e ry day C o r ru p t io n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d important to ensure the integrity and credibil- • Public trust in a government-run anticorrup- ity of a government-led anticorruption agency. tion agency hinges on its ability to remain All aspects of ICAC’s work are subject to the effective and impartial in the execution of its scrutiny and monitoring of civilian advisory duties. committees appointed by the chief executive. Prepared by Sabina Panth • Adequate legal power should be bestowed on anticorruption agencies to avoid secrecy and Sources manipulation by powerful vested interests. An Lai Lin, Alan. 2000. “A Quiet Revolution, the Hong independent judiciary is just as important. Kong Experience.” http://sc.icac.org.hk/gb/www. icac.hk/en/services_and_resources/sa/qrhke/index. • A high level of staff integrity is necessary to html. make anticorruption agencies effective. ICAC claims to have very stringent staff recruitment LaMagna, Richard C. 1999. Changing a Culture of Corruption: How Hong Kong’s Independent criteria. It also has an internal monitoring unit. Commission Against Corruption Succeeded in • Garnering support from the mass media was Furthering a Culture of Lawfulness. Washington, a great help in exposing corruption and the DC: Working Group on Organized Crime, effective work done by ICAC to counter it. National Strategy Information Center. C h a n gi n g No r ms Is K e y to F igh t i ng E v e ry day C o r ru p t io n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d Argentina – Case Study 11 Objectives/Strategies for Action Established Norms The Civil Association for Equality and Justice Carlos Minos, a legal philosopher, described (Asociación Civil por la Legualdad y la Justicia, or Argentina as “a country at the margins of the law.” ACIJ) is a nongovernmental organization that Some Argentines believe the political history of works on strengthening democratic institutions Argentina justifies this hypothesis (the country and promoting human rights in Argentina. One of was under a dictatorial regime until the recent ACIJ’s main aims is to contribute to better perfor- past). Some blame the country’s Italian heritage mance and greater transparency of public institu- for “the way business is done,” which caters to tions, such as administrative agencies, courts, and the “mafia,” or the corrupt elite, at the expense of legislative and regulatory agencies. the silent majority. Public officials are known to In relation to the prevailing culture of impu- command entitlement to benefits from citizens, nity and corruption, ACIJ founders launched an and citizens feel it is their duty to serve the public investigation campaign to analyze how the judi- officials. Such practices have been said to trigger ciary handles corruption cases. institutional configurations and operations that have been linked to the economic meltdown in the In Argentina, most corruption cases are not country in the early 1990s (Sigal 2011). open to public, and trials go on as long as 14 years. After some years, the Statue of Limitations applies, preventing further investigation. Meanwhile, the The Problem corruption cases that do get public exposure are closed without any repercussions (Sigal 2011). To Argentina has consistently ranked among the most address this problem, ACIJ decided to operate a corrupt countries in the world, with Transparency program, called Citizen Action and Anticorruption, International ranking it as the 106th least corrupt with a two-pronged approach: to encourage the country in 2009. Abuse of public office for private transparency of public agencies and institutions of gains is a prevailing condition in Argentina, government, and to analyze and promote the par- undermining the rule of law, weakening institu- ticipation of citizens in the inquiry, prosecution, and tions, and encouraging the excessive influence of punishment of crimes of corruption. ACIJ believes private interests on public institutions. that citizen participation to confront corruption is a Moreover, the structure of the legal system prerequisite for positive and sustainable results. has provided vast impunity for corrupt officials. The interactions between federal judges and public functionaries takes place without over- Tools and Techniques Used sight from any third party, generating a fertile ACIJ’s work in this area has been accomplished climate for corruption. Judicial performance through a multifaceted approach, using both advo- is extremely inefficient in the investigation of cacy and litigation as tools to combat corruption. major acts of corruption. Despite a large number In the area of securing access to information, ACIJ of reports that have been entered, only a tiny had a recent successful request for information on percentage of cases are tried. There is no pro- more than 100 pending corruption cases. ACIJ is vision for citizens’ access to legal information. also aggressively pursuing advocacy and strategic Congress has yet to pass the Access to Informa- litigation around the advancement of open corrup- tion Law (Sigal 2011). tion cases, and has advanced a case as far as the C h a n gi n g No r ms Is K e y to F igh t i ng E v e ry day C o r ru p t io n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d Supreme Court, where it hopes the precedent will initiatives to pressure for public access to gov- favor its anticorruption drive. ernment information, specifically in the deal- ings of corruption cases. No public discussion ACIJ has contributed to analysis and investi- was held prior to this initiative on corruption. gation of the problems with publications, such as a • Citizens are becoming more aware of and research report on investigative flaws in corruption informed on legal rules on access to justice, cases that take more than 14 years to be heard. It including the roles and responsibilities of has facilitated public access to clear and organized public judges and prosecutors and the rights of information related to corruption cases and trials corruption victims. in progress in order to encourage transparency by • Through its blog and online database, ACIJ the judiciary, and most important, to encourage has facilitated public access to clear and public involvement in the processes. It has launched organized information on corruption cases a blog, entitled “Sin Corrupción” (Without Corrup- and trials in progress, leading to pressure for tion), which provides a forum for discussing cases transparency in the judiciary and active citizen and explains legal rules and hurdles on access to involvement in this process. justice, and simultaneously acts as external pressure on judges and prosecutors who access the informa- • Journalists have shared information that ACIJ tion. The blog also provides a forum for publishing made available through different channels for and debating case analysis and inefficiencies that wider public knowledge, while relevant organi- tend to characterize the judicial investigations. Each zations have used and linked the ACIJ online month a particular theme related to corruption is information channels in their work. addressed on the blog using written as well as audio- • Since the blog’s creation, the number of visi- visual materials (e.g., articles, interviews, graphics). tors has steadily increased and now reaches an average of 3,500 hits per month. The blog ACIJ has also expanded its communication has also been linked to other popular social technologies in the fight against corruption with an networking sites such as Facebook and Twitter. online interactive database, which is a detailed direc- tory of information on approximately 100 cases that it Lessons Learned has been following for online debate and discussions. Information includes updates on each investigation; • Innovation and incorporation of new tech- information about magistrates, public prosecutors, nologies, such as the blog and online database, and other factors and actors involved in each case; as can be effective tools for monitoring corrup- well as relevant past and future dates in the judicial tion cases, increasing citizen participation, agenda. A search engine format allows the informa- promoting transparency in the public sector, tion to be cross-referenced, enabling the user to access and, more broadly, in strengthening democ- information using basic and advanced search criteria. racy and the quality of democratic institutions. The information is also color coded to signify the • The fight against corruption is a long, tiresome, progress or the different stages of each case. relentless effort. The movement needs to have a long-term goal but with consistent short-term, visible outcomes, to keep citizens engaged. Outcomes/Impact of the • It is easy to garner citizens’ involvement in the fight against corruption once they are Interventions informed and aware of the problems and • ACIJ has created a “community of practice” opportunities. through different information channels to encourage citizen participation and advocacy Prepared by Sabina Panth C h a n gi n g No r ms Is K e y to F igh t i ng E v e ry day C o r ru p t io n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d Sources Argentina, ACIJ.” Paper submitted to the 14th ACIJ (Asociación Civil por la Igualdad y la Justicia). International Anticorruption conference. Two-page flyer, submitted by the organization to Sigal, Martin. 2011. Interview with Martin Sigal, the World Bank. codirector of ACIJ. Nino, Ezequiel. 2010. “Access to Information in Corruption Investigations: A Case Study from C h a n gi n g No r ms Is K e y to F igh t i ng E v e ry day C o r ru p t io n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d Brazil – Case Study 12 Tools and Techniques Used The movement initiated a massive campaign to Established Norms collect physical signatures along with voter IDs that were required to introduce legislation through a As in the majority of countries around the world, it popular initiative into the Congress. This required was not uncommon for political candidates running a massive and detailed logistical task, including for office in Brazil to have a criminal record. In mobilizing volunteers and sending them out to Brazil, both the political system and citizenship the communities and on the streets, and the cam- remained immune to parliamentary crimes, which paign headquarters had to receive and process huge included money laundering and corruption. amounts of paperwork. The campaign managed to manually collect 1.6 million signatures. This helped create the Ficha Limpa (Clean Record) bill. The Problem The spirit of the bill was to accomplish the goal of At one point, 147 out of the 513 members of the campaign to clean up Brazilian politics. Congress in Brazil faced criminal charges in the To enable the bill to move forward, the cam- Supreme Court or were under investigation. Most paign developed a strategy to build support within of the crimes involved either violating campaign Congress. This included referencing the constitu- finance laws or stealing public money through tional root of the bill—as stated in the first para- corruption. The same went for 21 of 81 seating graph of the Brazilian Constitution, “all power senators (The Economist 2010). However, these emanates from people and it will be exercised on politicians had little to worry about. The law their behalf.” The negotiations that took place had been modified to limit parliamentary immu- during this process helped improve the bill further. nity for corruption, but the Brazilian justice was patient. Politicians had the right to be tried by the The movement became an online phenom- Supreme Court, but many cases lapsed before they enon during the legislation’s trajectory in Congress were heard. Even when the candidates were con- in 2010. Avaaz.com conducted a massive online victed, they lost only temporary rights, as the law campaign that included support for the bill by an allowed them to run for office in the following elec- additional three million advocates via the Inter- tion year, and they resumed their usual business of net. The online campaigning was a valuable addi- crime and corruption (Mühlbeier 2010). tion to the offline campaign and helped push Ficha Limpa legislation through Congress. On June 2010, President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silvia signed the Objectives/Strategies for bill, which became the historical and revolution- Action ary Ficha Limpa law. Six days after the signing, the Brazilian Superior Electoral Court ruled that the A coalition of civil society organizations called the law will be applied to the coming year’s elections. Movement for Fighting Electoral Corruption started a campaign to put an end to parliamentary immunity, mainly in allowing convicted politicians running for Outcome/Impact of the office, which included barring the convicted officials from reappearing in the following election or filing Interventions appeals to prevent them from having to serve their • The popular people’s movement led to the sentences. The movement campaigned to introduce president signing the Ficha Limpa law that legislation to qualify only candidates who had clean will disqualify from political office (for eight a criminal record to pursue a political career. years) all those convicted of crimes, as well as C h a n gi n g No r ms Is K e y to F igh t i ng E v e ry day C o r ru p t io n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d all those whose resignations were motivated by was passed, a Brazilian Workers Party deputy a desire to avoid impeachment (as determined was forced by public pressure to step down by the electoral tribunals) from running for from his position. office. The electoral court ruled that the law • While online campaigning is effective, off-line will apply not just to those convicted in the campaigning is equally important in mobiliz- future, but also to those who already have a ing community support and building strong criminal record and those who resigned under networks to fight corruption. The off-line a cloud during the current Congress. movement law helped initiate the massive • Since the bill passed, more 330 candidates for signature campaign and the collection of voter office are facing disqualification. IDs required for to introduce the bill. It also • The day after the Ficha Limpa law went into helped negotiate and build support within the effect, protests against officials suspected of Congress to improve and pass the bill. criminal activity were launched in 13 cities • A combination of online and off line cam- in the southern state of Parana. According to paigns proved effective in passing the Ficha one report, the protest was against corruption Limpa law. and the recent scandals involving allegations • “If citizens don’t make a demand, politi- of legislators’ paying fictitious employees and cians will keep on doing whatever they embezzling public money in the Parana Legis- want,” explained Wilson Lopes dos Santos, a lation Assembly. 57-year-old engineer who participated in the • Even before the bill was approved, the popular demonstration. movement pressured several politicians to step down. For instance, a deputy of the Brazil- Prepared by Sabina Panth ian Workers Party announced his resignation on Twitter. He was investigated for suspected Sources involvement in connection with at least 20 Beyerle, Shaazka. 2010. “Digital Civil Resistance transgressions, including the embezzlement for a Clean Parliament, New Tactics in of public funds. In his resignation announce- Human Rights, Empowering Citizens to Fight ment on Twitter he wrote, “People don’t want Corruption.” http://www.newtactics.org/yi/ criminal records and I respect that.” blog/new-tactics/empowering-citizens-fight- • The movement is expected to change the corruption#comment-5162. trend of the voters, even if the judiciary fails The Economist. July 2010. “A Campaign Against to enforce the law. According to the politi- Corruption.” http://www.economist/com/ cal analyst Nelson Rosario de Souza, “It’s a node/16542611. complex thing for the population to analyze Mühlbeier, Débora Bressan. 2010. “Ficha Limpa: all the characteristics of a candidate. But if the Politicians in Brazil Must Have Clean Criminal politician undergoes Ficha Limpa screening, Records.” Infosurhoy. http://www.infosurhoy.com/ voters’ analysis will be easier.” cocoon/saii/xhtml/en_GB/features/saii/features/ main/2010/06/22/feature-03. Lessons Learned • Popular uprisings through strong coalition can mount public pressure for corrupt politicians to step down. Even before the Ficha Limpa law C h a n gi n g No r ms Is K e y to F igh t i ng E v e ry day C o r ru p t io n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d Colombia – Case Study 13 22 municipalities. Furthermore, Bogota, under the leadership of mayor Antanas Mockus in the mid- 1990s, saw a drastic improvement in legal reason- Background ing and responsible behavior, proving that such The National Strategy Information Center (NSIC) change on a large scale was possible in Colombia. is a Washington, DC-based nonprofit educational COL had three broad goals in Pereira over its organization. Through the Culture of Lawfulness three-year period: (COL) Project, it is developing and implement- ing programs around the world to increase societal 1. To consolidate a group of public and private support for the rule of law.1 To accomplish this, the local authorities to become leaders in fostering COL Project works with a variety of actors, such as a culture of lawfulness school systems, law enforcement, nongovernmen- 2. To promote knowledge and the transformation tal organizations (NGOs), the United Nations, and of attitudes directed at recognizing the benefits the Organization of American States. of a culture of lawfulness, with special atten- COL defines a “culture of lawfulness” as “a society tion to honesty and transparency in everyday in which the overwhelming majority of members are actions convinced that the rule of law offers the best long- 3. To institutionalize education about the rule term chance of securing their rights and attaining of law in synergistic programs across sectors, their goals. They believe that this is achievable and including schools, NGOs, local government, are committed to upholding it.” COL uses a frame- and the private sector work that builds upon past successful initiatives such as those in Sicily and Hong Kong in the 1980s. Objectives/Strategies for Within this framework, COL collaborates with key sectors in a country—including public servants, Action law enforcement, mass media, school-based educa- COL has worked with Pereiran governmental and tion, and centers of moral authority (respected indi- nongovernmental leaders to institute a series of viduals, religious institutions, etc.)—to develop and programs aimed at promoting respect for the rule implement rule of law education within and among of law among the people of Pereira. Though not all their institutions. When these different sectors work of their specific tactics are aimed at combating cor- together synergistically, they create a unified, over- ruption exclusively, promoting this broader issue arching effort toward strengthening a culture of law- in many areas of daily life can ultimately create a fulness throughout their society. culture that is intolerant of corruption, as respect- ing the rule of law becomes a norm for everyone Since early 2008, COL has been using this in society. COL explains this approach as follows: framework for a three-year initiative with local “By marginalizing lawless behavior, a culture of government and civil society leaders to combat lawfulness helps protect societies against major corruption and promote the rule of law in the threats to democracy: organized crime, corruption, Colombian city of Pereira. When COL first began extremism, political violence, authoritarianism, its work in Pereira, some existing national efforts and public fatalism.” helped it get started. For example, a formal edu- cation program aimed at enhancing integrity and the rule of law had already been instituted by the Centers of Moral Authority National Colombian Police in police academies One major objective in Pereira is to consolidate a across the country. A 60-hour culture of lawfulness group of community leaders from both the public course for ninth graders was also being taught in sector and civil society to advocate for broad C h a n gi n g No r ms Is K e y to F igh t i ng E v e ry day C o r ru p t io n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d societal support for the rule of law. These leaders students who have learned about the importance include the mayor, City Council members, leaders of culture of lawfulness in school. Students play of NGOs and churches, Pereira’s Transit Institute, music that appeals to Colombian youth and engage and the city’s secretaries of education and health. in frank discussions about how to fight corruption on their own level, such as in school elections. The COL supports initiatives undertaken by faith- program provides an outlet for youth to openly based organizations to promote transparency and discuss the crime and corruption they face in their fight corruption. The Catholic Diocese of Pereira, neighborhoods and allows them to develop possible for example, has begun using its monthly maga- solutions with law enforcement authorities. zine, Pregon Catolico, to issue calls for transpar- ency to big businesses and the public sector, as Mass Media—Daily Efforts to Educate well as to inform about the personal and collec- Readers and Viewers tive consequences of bribes. Likewise, Council of Evangelical and Protestant Churches of Colom- The mass media are also playing an important role bia (CEDECOL) pastors in Pereira are joining in fostering a culture of lawfulness. In addition to together to advocate against corruption and to regular coverage of COL initiatives in press, radio, become involved in community projects. With and television news sections, entertainment radio technical assistance from COL, CEDECOL has and television programs are generating community developed a guide for pastors, advising them how support for the rule of law. For example, Voxpopuli, to encourage their congregants and all people to a weekly news talk show, interviews well-known reject crime and corruption and to make respon- regional leaders about what the culture of lawful- sible individual decisions. ness means to them and how they are promoting it. Band members performing live on Vitrola radio music program discuss the consequences for the Public Servants/Law Enforcement music industry of purchasing pirated goods. A local The police are a major focus not only of COL’s community radio station sponsors a talk program, work in Pereira but of other regional and nation- Legalismo, designed to educate listeners on how to wide initiatives. When law enforcement officials defend themselves from unfair legal proceedings. promote the rule of law in their professional and personal lives, citizen confidence increases. This School-Based Education ultimately allows police to become more effective at improving security. Fifteen police lieutenants A curriculum aimed at teaching students about the are currently working with community members benefits of the rule of law and how it applies to their on action plans to diminish specific security chal- lives in and outside the classroom has been insti- lenges in Pereira, such as piracy, the sale of stolen tuted in many of Pereira’s schools. The ninth grade goods, the violation of traffic laws, the falsification Culture of Lawfulness curriculum has been intro- of documents, and street theft. duced in 56 of Pereira’s 64 middle schools. Like- wise, several other educational initiatives aimed at Police are also encouraging the population children, such as the aforementioned Parche Legal, to take a stance in the crime-fighting process by work to instill a respect for the rule of law in people reporting crimes they witness, a practice that at a young age. increases the police’s likelihood of solving crimes. It is hoped that educational programs tar- The police also are working to increase their geted at children will have an impact that reaches visibility to and rapport with the population via beyond children alone—for example, sending posi- mass media strategies. The police have created tive messages to parents when children bring home Parche Legal, a weekly radio talk show featuring homework from the COL curriculum. C h a n gi n g No r ms Is K e y to F igh t i ng E v e ry day C o r ru p t io n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d The above is just a sampling of how COL col- contain a short (three-question) quiz about simple laborates with local partners in its four framework traffic laws, then ask cyclists to sign a safety pledge areas. It also supports a variety of local organiza- and hand them in. More than 4,000 pedestrians tions in combating corruption. One such organi- and motorcyclists have signed and returned these zation is Vida y Futuro, a microlending nonprofit life pledges. In addition, several main thoroughfares in Pereira that is actively participating in culture in Pereira have been updated with traffic lights and of lawfulness education. Recipients of microloans new lane markings, and more than 200 citations have in the past been known to engage in unlaw- have been issued to cyclists and motorcyclists for ful practices such as tax evasion, not applying for law infractions, with emphasis on equal applica- permits, hiring underage workers, purchasing and tion of the law regardless of political or socioeco- reselling contraband products, and not abiding by nomic status. food and health regulations. Vida y Futuro saw an opportunity to create a fairer and a more equitable Another important initiative has been the community of small entrepreneurs. In addition to city’s public communication campaign, under- developing workshops about the role of businesses taken with the support of Megabus, the Catholic in the promotion of the rule of law, Vida y Futuro Church, the secretary of planning, the mayor’s created a culture of lawfulness certificate for loan communication office, public advertising, and recipients. The certificate allows recipients to other independent groups. This four-phase cam- commit to specific lawful behaviors of their choice. paign includes public service announcements on Examples include paying their taxes on time, billboards, Megabus, trains and in buses, as well as abiding by labor laws, formalizing their business partnerships with newspapers and radio stations, in through the Chamber of Commerce, or reporting which a select group of citizens are recognized as any public official who tries to offer them bribes. “Heroes de Legalidad”—individuals who make sig- nificant contributions toward protecting and pro- At the base of many of the culture of lawful- moting the rule of law in their daily lives. ness activities developed in Pereira is the idea of becoming a part of daily life. One major way this Though some of these initiatives start small is achieved is the renovation and recuperation of and initially may reach only a fraction of the popu- public spaces. For example, a task force composed lation—such as cyclists or microloan recipients— of both government, law enforcement, and civil COL’s programs are all intended to be part of a society institutions is currently working to clean larger whole, working together to promote a culture and reclaim Parque la Libertad—a local park where of lawfulness. It is important to note that many of crime and underage prostitution are rampant. the programs listed above under each of COL’s four framework parts really extend across framework Likewise, a major area of COL’s work in Pereira lines. The public communication “Heroes of Law- focuses on transportation safety. COL learned fulness” campaign is both a mass media campaign that a major cause of traffic accidents in Pereira and a centers of moral authority initiative. was ignorance of traffic laws. With the partner- ship of the police, Megabus (the city’s metrorail system), the secretary of education, the Institute Outcomes/Impact of the of Transportation, CEDECOL, motorcycle repair shops, and City Hall, an initiative was launched to Interventions educate Pereirans about traffic safety and decrease The COL program has not yet conducted a formal the number of accidents involving motorcyclists assessment of its effects (such an assessment is due and pedestrians. One initiative included giving in January 2011). Yet results can already be seen on “prueba de vida” cards to cyclists. These cards an anecdotal level. As one police sub-lieutenant C h a n gi n g No r ms Is K e y to F igh t i ng E v e ry day C o r ru p t io n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d explained, the program allows him to have more of a some of Pereira’s traffic and public space relationship with the citizens he protects: “By way of education campaigns are based on programs this program, one enjoys a closer proximity with the instituted in the late 1990s by then-Bogota community. ... It improves my work as a police officer mayor Antanas Mockus. since it is founded on the leadership and commitment • Concrete and simple programs are easier that the police should have with the community.” to implement. Start small, and help people to engage in rule of law principles on a per- A Pereiran teacher agreed, saying that the cur- sonal level, as with the microloan or bicycle riculum she teaches also changed her own attitudes pledge programs or through art and theatre toward lawfulness: “With respect to myself as a contests. Make programs simple, doable, and teacher of the program, it has allowed me to reflect engaging for the target audience. and reevaluate my mindset toward certain acts that • Get into people’s daily lives. This is a seemed very ‘normal,’ but at the heart of the matter corollary to the above lesson. COL’s programs were illegal. ... For example, my perspective toward tend to fall into two basic categories: (1) buying pirated CDs, books, and photocopied mate- Those with specific and measurable objec- rial without respecting the author’s rights have tives, such as decreasing the number of traffic changed, making me a citizen with greater respect accidents through targeted strategies; (2) for the laws of my country.” those that promote attitudes of respect for the One other clear result can be seen in the proj- law, like public education campaigns. These ects that have arisen purely out of citizen excite- two approaches work together to give people ment over lawfulness programs. The mayor’s office regular opportunities to change their attitudes and Megabus, for example, were so impressed with of apathy, fear, and indifference to positive the efforts of Vida y Futuro that they are featuring actions that help build the rule of law. one of the microloan recipients on a billboard to • Balancing public image. Because Pereira’s recognize their efforts to make a living in an honest mayor so readily embraced culture of lawful- manner. The billboard will consist of a gigantic ness education, the media first saw the Culture portrait of a microloan beneficiary with the fol- of Lawfulness programs as exclusively an lowing text: “As a food vendor, I earn my living administration effort. It is important to iden- in an honest way to make my children proud. And tify respected private sector leaders who can YOU? What are YOU going to do for a culture of talk publicly about the efforts to promote the lawfulness?” This is part of the mayor’s office and rule of law by civil society. Megabus’s citywide “Heroes de Legalidad” program. • Addressing local needs: Understanding local voices and needs is necessary when Results can also be seen in the number of people designing culture of lawfulness programming. who take part in COL activities. Perhaps the most Though advances in Parque de Libertad are prominent was the first annual Culture of Law- making headway, progress would have been fulness Week in June 2009. This event comprised faster if government and civil society leaders 22 large-scale cultural, athletic, and community had consulted with those who frequent events, and drew more than 20,000 participants. the park before designing the educational program. Local neighborhood groups and civic organizations whose members live near Lessons Learned the park are now partnering with municipal • Learn from and build on other successes. government and civil society leaders. COL has learned from approaches that gener- ate positive results elsewhere. For example, Prepared by Danielle Kurtzleben C h a n gi n g No r ms Is K e y to F igh t i ng E v e ry day C o r ru p t io n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d Endnotes to all equally and is uniformly enforced, (2) laws are created with citizen participation, and(3) the law 1. For educational purposes, the rule of law is described protects individual and collective rights. as having three main principals: (1) the law applies C h a n gi n g No r ms Is K e y to F igh t i ng E v e ry day C o r ru p t io n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d United Kingdom – Case Study 14 incurred in the performance of their duties” (UK House of Commons 2009). Established Norms The Green Book lists six categories of expendi- tures that MPs may claim for receiving parliamen- There was a permissive institutional norm in tary allowances: the British Parliament regarding the allowance claimed in the performance of official duties. As • Employing staff (Staffing Expenditure) members of the House, some of the elected officials • Facilities, equipment, and supplies for them- exploited their privileges by claiming reimburse- selves and their staff (Administrative and ment for expenses that were outside the allowance Office Expenditure) rules. The Green Book, published yearly by the UK • Overnight stays away from home while on House Department of Finance and Administra- parliamentary duties (Personal Additional tion, lays out the rules governing the expense that Accommodation Expenditure) members of Parliament (MPs) are allowed to claim • Communicating with constituents (Commu- for reimbursement. nications Expenditure) While the institutional culture of the • House stationery and postage (Stationery and British Parliament allowed the MPs’ claims to go Postage) unchecked, the political norm cultivated a disen- • Travel between Westminster, the constitu- gaged public, who viewed the business of the MPs ency, and the member’s main home (Travel as beyond their reach Expenditure) The Department of Finance and Administra- tion sends a copy of the Green Book annually to The Problem MPs, reminding them of their duties to be honest The UK parliamentary expenses scandal, more and prudent in the reporting of allowances. widely known simply as the “expense scandal,” began to unfold in 2005, with repercussions still being played out today. When members of the Objectives/Strategies for British press learned of and publicized reports that Action MPs were spending taxpayer money inappropriately, the resulting widespread outrage led to the resigna- In January 2005, two journalists and a freedom of tion or ousting of more than two dozen MPs and information advocate decided to investigate the Cabinet members. But it also helped to spark inter- nature of these expenses. They used the newly est in freedom of information, as well as the hope enacted Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) to for change in the institutional culture of Parliament. request details of MPs’ expenditures claimed under the Personal Additional Accommodation Expen- At the time this scandal broke, claiming a diture, which covers costs MPs incur when they variety of expenses had long been a well-estab- stay at residences away from their primary homes lished norm in Parliament. The UK House Depart- for the purposes of attending Parliament sessions. ment of Finance and Administration’s Green Book, The House of Commons rejected the request in distributed to MPs annually, spells out the rules April 2005, and the three petitioners appealed to governing the expenses that MPs are allowed to the information commissioner. Over the next three claim for reimbursement. The Green Book says that years, members of the House of Commons made “Parliamentary allowances are designed to ensure several moves to block or delay the release of expen- that Members are reimbursed for costs properly diture information, and the petitioners repeatedly C h a n gi n g No r ms Is K e y to F igh t i ng E v e ry day C o r ru p t io n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d appealed. It was only in January 2009 that Commons The Daily Telegraph website continues to members stopped their attempts to block the FOIA update its readers on the expense scandal and request and announced that the expenditure infor- now has an easily searchable page (http://www. mation would be made public in July 2009. telegraph.co.uk/news/newstopics/mps-expenses/), allowing readers to look up expenses information However, before the information was made by MP or by district. public, the London newspaper The Daily Telegraph obtained a leaked copy, and in May 2009 began publishing reports of MPs’ expenses in install- Outcome/Impact of the ments. Daily Telegraph reporters at the helm of the investigation credit a whistleblower for alerting Interventions them to the egregious expenses claimed by MPs. The most visible results of the scandal pertain to the This unnamed mole was outraged that members punishment of those found guilty of expense fraud. of the UK military were among those processing As of February 2010, 389 MPs had been ordered to MP expense claims, moonlighting between tours pay back £1.12 million (Wright and Groves 2010). of duty in Iraq and Afghanistan so that they might Furthermore, the careers of several MPs have been earn enough money to buy basic safety equipment cut short. More than 120 declared that they will such as body armor. not seek reelection in the June 2010 elections—a record-setting figure (Winnett and Prince 2009). The release of the expenditures data both cap- Additionally, in February 2010, it was announced tured the public’s attention and helped to expedite that four MPs would face criminal charges. the public release of expenses information—in June 2009, a month ahead of schedule, Parliament One of the most prominent MPs implicated released a full detailing of all approved expenses in the scandal was Michael Martin, speaker of the from 2004 through 2008 on its website. House of Commons, who stepped down amid fraud accusations in June 2009. His successor as speaker, More than half of the 646 MPs were implicated John Bercow, has vowed to reform the House of in the scandal; 389 MPs were forced to repay more Commons and regain the trust of the British people. than £1 million in inappropriate expenses, with However, it is clear that the press will not let the average per MP being around £3,000 (Winnett this story go. The Telegraph, for example, maintains 2009). Among the outrage-provoking expenses a special page on its site devoted to updates related claimed by MPs were £1,851 for an imported rug, to public figures’ expenses, often providing daily £8,865 for a plasma TV set, and a whopping £13,000 reporting on the subject. The Daily Mail, BBC, by one MP for a mortgage he had already repaid. Times of London, and countless other UK news sites also continue to monitor this story closely. Ben Leapman of the Daily Telegraph reported Having learned of this persistent culture of corrup- that one MP from the outskirts of London “was tion, the media’s interest does not appear likely to claiming £14,000 a year in second-home allow- wane anytime soon. ance when his constituency was only 17 miles from Westminster.” When asked if it was right for All of this is evidence of a widespread changing taxpayers to foot the bill for an arguably unneces- of norms. Parliament’s formerly permissive norms sary second home, this MP replied, “It has always regarding expenses can be seen in its creation of been a provision of the House of Commons that an oversight body. In July 2009 it passed the Par- it should be so” (Leapman 2009). This is a clear liamentary Standards Act, which established the statement of an entrenched set of unethical norms Independent Parliamentary Standards Author- about expenses. ity (IPSA). This new body, independent of any of C h a n gi n g No r ms Is K e y to F igh t i ng E v e ry day C o r ru p t io n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d the branches of UK government, is authorized to Of course, it is impossible to establish causality perform several regulatory duties, including setting between the expense scandal and these statistics an expenses regime for MPs, administering that about public opinion and public knowledge. Not regime, and paying MPs’ salaries (IPSA 2010, 14). all of ICO’s figures boded well for transparency and One step it took was soliciting advice for how to accountability: In 2009, 54 percent of respondents change the expenses system. Throughout January said they would consider exercising their rights and February 2010, IPSA received thousands of under FOIA, a 6 percent decrease since 2008 (ICO responses from citizens, nongovernmental orga- 2009, 8). However, one can at least perhaps say nizations (NGOs), and MPs themselves and pub- that the scandal increased the visibility of FOIA lished those responses on a website. The results of in public discourse. this consultation, as it was called, were compiled in an executive report released in February, along Elections are another arena in which British with recommendations for next steps. IPSA plans citizens’ participation and ideas can be seen. One to hold another consultation at the start of the small bright spot in the aftermath of the expense next Parliament on the subject of MP compensa- scandal is that of somewhat increased citizen tion (IPSA 2010, 15). attention to parliament and elections. A May 2009 poll by YouGov asked UK citizens about the scan- Research performed by the Information Com- dal’s potential effects on their likelihood of voting missioner’s Office (ICO) in 2009 also showed some in upcoming parliamentary elections. Fifty-four evidence of increased knowledge and concern percent said they would have voted anyway, but 19 about transparency among the British public in percent said they were more likely to vote as a result recent years. For example, 37 percent of respon- of the expense disclosures, compared to 16 percent dents to an ICO survey spontaneously mentioned who said the scandal made them less likely to vote an “awareness of the right to request information (YouGov 2009). Furthermore, citizens appeared held by the government and other public authori- willing to hold their representatives accountable; ties” in 2009, a 6 percent increase over 2008. an Ipsos Mori poll from May 2009 showed that 52 Additionally, 18 percent of respondents spontane- percent of Britons said they would “vote for a dif- ously mentioned FOIA, representing an increase ferent candidate not caught up in the scandal, even of 2 percent over 2008. Perhaps more striking, 82 if it meant voting against the party they want to percent of those surveyed said they had heard of win the election” (Ipsos Mori 2009). FOIA when prompted, an impressive 28 percent increase from 2004 (ICO 2009, 7). The same poll also showed that an overwhelm- ing 80 percent of British people said the political The ICO report also noted that “transparency system was “to blame for the expenses scandal, and accessibility...continue to be translated to the and not just politicians.” This, together with the public.” Respondents were asked if they agreed with aforementioned public response to IPSA’s consulta- the following statement: “Information you want tion, shows that UK citizens paid attention to and about the government and other public authorities is understood the nature of the corruption. available and accessible.” Fifty-nine percent agreed, which was a 9 percent increase over 2008; only 25 Yet for all this, change in MP norms surround- percent disagreed. Respondents also held informa- ing expenses is disappointingly slow: In March tion to be an important issue: 80 percent believed 2010, the Telegraph reported that MPs are fighting “access to information held by public officials” to be IPSA’s attempts to reform the expense system. Pro- a concern, compared to 48 percent in 2004—a fact posed reforms include requiring MPs to lease, not that ICO cites as “demonstrating the ever-increasing purchase, second homes; restricting second homes profile of this subject” (ICO 2009, 6). to MPs who live outside of London; and requiring C h a n gi n g No r ms Is K e y to F igh t i ng E v e ry day C o r ru p t io n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d receipts for all expenses claimed. MPs responded of Information, a London-based advocacy group by saying that these restrictions were prohibi- that was instrumental in helping to pass FOIA, tive for MPs “without substantial private means” collaborates on various anticorruption ventures, (Winnett and Prince 2009). MPs also have spoken such as working with the UK Statistics organiza- out against IPSA’s proposal that MPs only travel tion on investigating the Ministry of Justice’s FOIA the rails in first class under “exceptional circum- numbers and teaching courses to both citizens and stances,” claiming that traveling first class is neces- public officials on how to use FOIA. sary to their work (Sawer and Leach 2010). Likewise, Transparency International UK is putting pressure on political parties to fight cor- ruption. In November 2009, it published Zero Contributing Factors to Tolerance for Corruption, a 20-point agenda for Success action that asks all of the UK’s major political The expense scandal is an obvious case of how a parties to commit to fighting corruption by for- healthy media sector is essential to a functional, mally committing to a zero-tolerance corruption noncorrupt democracy. The Daily Telegraph per- policy in their manifestos (Transparency Interna- formed a valuable service in that it worked to tional UK 2009). uncover and present public data to its readers—the average UK citizen would likely not have had the Finally, Parliament itself has decided to make time or energy to make FOIA requests, much less its expense practices more transparent; data on to contend with Parliament’s repeated attempts to expense claims, contributions, and allowances block those requests, or to make the results of that have been made readily available to the public on research public and widely available. Because the http://mpsallowances.parliament.uk/. Telegraph kept the public informed of the scandal and its repercussions, it also thus indirectly forced MPs to answer for their actions, either facing scru- Lessons Learned tiny or even stepping down. The Daily Telegraph • Freedom of information laws are not thus exemplified how a good media organization themselves enough to fight corruption. can serve as a barrier against corruption. They are useful only when citizens know about and use them. However, a watchful, active citizenry is also integral to holding guilty parties accountable. Were • Journalists and citizens can be more it not for the whistleblower, this story might not effective by working together. Whistle- have come to light. When citizens know that they blowers and enterprising members of the press can come forward with a minimal risk of repercus- are essential to promoting a corruption-free sions—for example, in this case, the whistleblower culture, and can together be very effective to was able to remain anonymous—they are more this end. Members of the public, for example, likely to do so. might see impropriety but not have the time or resources to investigate it, as in the case of the The media-public watchdog collaboration that expense scandal. But when members of the brought the scandal to light has sparked interest in public bring such information to well-informed using these tactics more widely. NGOs have taken journalists—who know FOIA rules and how an active role in promoting freedom of informa- to use them effectively, and also have the time tion since the scandal, promoting initiatives to and energy to fight for freedom of informa- get people involved in holding the government tion—corrupt practices can more easily be accountable via FOIA. The Campaign for Freedom brought to light. C h a n gi n g No r ms Is K e y to F igh t i ng E v e ry day C o r ru p t io n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d • Corrupt officials will attempt to hinder Telegraph. http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/ even the most well-established press. newstopics/mps-expenses/5571738/When-will-MPs- Even in a highly developed nation with a come-clean-about-their-expenses.html. sophisticated and well-established press system, Sawer, Patrick, and Ben Leach. 2010, March 6. “MPs corrupt government officials can hinder the demand right to travel first-class.” The Daily free flow of information. MPs held up the Telegraph. http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/ release of expense information for four years newstopics/mps-expenses/7386502/MPs-demand- right-to-travel-first-class.html. after the initial FOIA request was made. • Shaming works. Simply publicizing the MPs’ Swaine, Jon, and Nick Allen. 2009, June 19. “MPs’ Expenses: the 20 Worst Cover-Ups.” The Daily shameful acts created enough pressure to cause Telegraph. http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/ many to resign their political offices. newstopics/mps-expenses/5572694/MPs-expenses- • Be preventative, not just reactive. The the-20-worst-cover-ups.html. media, public, civil society, and government Transparency International UK. 2009, November. Zero all were forced to be reactive in this case, but Tolerance for Corruption. http://www.transparency. as a result many people from all these are now org.uk/publications/92-uk-needs-zero-tolerance-for- acting preventively—for example, teach- corruption/download. ing lessons about and learning about FOIA, UK House of Commons. 2009. The Green Book: A assisting IPSA—to reduce the chance that Guide to Members’ Allowances. London, UK: such a scandal will happen again. The media House of Commons. can likewise play a part in mobilizing the Winnett, Robert. 2010, February 5. “More than half population against corruption, as it clearly did of MPs guilty of over-claiming expenses.” The in this case. Daily Telegraph. http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/ newstopics/mps-expenses/7161198/More-than-half- Prepared by Danielle Kurtzleben of-MPs-guilty-of-over-claiming-expenses.html. Sources Winnett, Robert, and Rosa Prince. 2009, December 28. “Quarter of MPs to stand down over expenses.” Griffiths, Emma. 2008, February 7. “Expenses Details http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/newstopics/mps- ‘Intrude’ on MPs.” BBC News. http://news.bbc. expenses/6894889/Quarter-of-MPs-to-stand-down- co.uk/2/hi/uk_news/politics/7233560.stm. over-expenses.html. Information Commissioner’s Office (ICO). 2009, Winnett, Robert, and Gordon Rayner. 2009, December. “Report on the Findings of the September 25. “MPs’ expenses leaked over failure Information Commissioner’s Office – Annual to equip troops on front line in Afghanistan and Track 2009.” http://www.ico.gov.uk/upload/ Iraq.” The Daily Telegraph. http://www.telegraph. documents/library/corporate/research_and_ co.uk/news/newstopics/mps-expenses/6229051/MPs- reports/ico_annual_tracking_individuals_final_ expenses-leaked-over-failure-to-equip-troops-on- report2009.pdf. front-line-in-Afghanistan-and-Iraq.html. Independent Parliament Standards Authority (IPSA). Wright, Stephen, and Jason Groves. 2010, February 2010, January. MPs’ Expenses: A Consultation. 8. “Shameless MPs try to dodge trial using 1689 Norwich, UK. http://www.parliamentarystandards. law which protects them from prosecution.” The org.uk/docs/ipsa-consultation-mps-expenses.pdf. Daily Mail. http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/ Ipsos Mori. 2009, June 2. “Ipsos Mori Expenses article-1248688/MPs-expenses-Three-Labour-MPs- Poll for the BBC.” http://www.ipsos-mori.com/ Tory-peer-charged-false-accounting.html. researchpublications/researcharchive/poll. YouGov. 2009, May 27–29. “YouGov / Daily Telegraph aspx?oItemId=2349. Survey Results.” http://www.yougov.co.uk/ Leapman, Ben. 2009, June 18. “When Will MPs corporate/archives/press-archives-pol-Main. Come Clean About Their Expenses?” The Daily asp?dID=2009. C h a n gi n g No r ms Is K e y to F igh t i ng E v e ry day C o r ru p t io n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d Indonesia – Case Study 15 of Indonesia’s natural resources, and a culture of favors and corruption in the business elite.”3 Background Amid the climate of chaos and potentially growing corruption that followed the Suharto Indonesia’s Corruption Eradication Commission regime, several anticorruption measures were (KPK) is an excellent example of an anticorrup- tried and failed. KPK is the seventh in a line of tion initiative that has gained widespread public commissions created to fight Indonesia’s corrup- support. It was described by BBC News in 2009 as tion problems. “one of the few institutions people in this country [Indonesia] actually have faith in.” Established by Commissioners are selected by the parliament 2002 law, KPK began operations in 2003, follow- from a pool selected by the president. Corruption ing decades of attempts (with varying success) to cases handled by KPK are tried by the Corruption fight a culture of corruption among government Crimes Court. KPK is a very powerful institution, officials and citizens alike. It handles around 30 with wide-ranging authority—it can authorize percent of Indonesia’s corruption cases and has a wiretaps, order travel bans on individuals, request 100 percent conviction rate against officials from financial information about suspects, freeze sus- all branches of Indonesia’s government. pects’ financial accounts, request the assistance of other law enforcement agencies, and take over Indonesia has a long history of corruption. the indictment or prosecution of corruption cases Suharto, the president of Indonesia from 1967 to being conducted by the police or the attorney gen- 1998, presided over 31 years of power abuse by public eral’s office.4 servants of at levels. Perhaps most well-known of Suharto’s corrupt practices was nepotism, giving Amien Sunaryadi, one of the first KPK com- top posts to his close relatives. Indeed, in 2004, missioners, believes that KPK’s short life span since Transparency International named Suharto the 2003 can be characterized as having two periods. most corrupt leader of the 20th century,1 estimating During the first, from KPK’s 2003 inception until his monetary gain over those 31 years at $15 billion mid-2009, he characterizes public support for the to $35 billion. Corruption was such a fact of life KPK as middling. Merly Khouw and Steve Burgess, in Indonesia that the citizens even had their own who work in the East Asia and Pacific Anticorrup- shorthand to describe it: the acronym KKN, which tion Focal Point at the World Bank, likewise say stands for the Indonesian words “korupsi, kollusi, that this period was characterized by both cynicism nepotisme”—“corruption, collusion, nepotism.”2 and cautious optimism on the part of the Indone- sian people. The Indonesian citizens, say Khouw After Suharto’s resignation in 1998, Indonesia and Burgess, applauded KPK’s successes but also faced chaos; a 2003 World Bank report notes that, maintained an attitude of skepticism toward this though corrupt, Suharto “succeed[ed] in deliver- success, regarding it as fragile. For example, when ing high levels of economic growth and substantial a new board of commissioners was chosen in 2008, poverty reduction despite high levels of corruption” many Indonesians feared that KPK’s power would because his regime “was careful to ensure that the subsequently diminish. scale of corruption did not deter investment and economic activity.” Furthermore, the report noted, But according to Sunaryadi, public attitudes any such success “is overstated since it came at a toward KPK turned markedly more positive and high cost in terms of weak and corrupt institutions, public support for KPK skyrocketed when two KPK severe public indebtedness through mismanage- officials—Chandra Hamzan and Bibid Samad ment of the financial sector, the rapid depletion Riyanto—were accused of accepting bribes from a C h a n gi n g No r ms Is K e y to F igh t i ng E v e ry day C o r ru p t io n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d corruption suspect attempting to flee the country. that after this interview, “very quickly the term The case culminated in November, when 270 became very popular, with positive perception for minutes of KPK wiretap tapes were played back in KPK and negative perception for the police,” and court, revealing “an intricate plot with fabricated the Indonesian people formed the “Saya Cicak” (“I testimony aimed at ousting Bibit and Chandra.”5 am a gecko”) movement, which has been active in anticorruption protests. Public outrage at the flagrant corruption took many forms, including Facebook protest groups and street protests. A Facebook group supporting Tools and Techniques Used Hamzah and Riyanto currently has more than 1.4 million members, and Facebook was also used in The formation and operations of KPK have proven November 2009 to publicize a rally in support of as important to its success as its actions. Khouw KPK, with more than 5,000 people in attendance. has said that, while past government anticorrup- tion initiatives were “toothless tigers,” KPK gained The outpouring of public support helped to the trust of the Indonesian public in part because inspire action against the officials responsible for of its transparency from its very inception. Its first framing Chandra and Bibit. Indonesian president commissioners were selected transparently and Yudhoyono, who had been seen as too distant included many respected and well-known Indone- from the case, responded to the pressure by telling sians, such as prominent businessmen. This gave the police chief and attorney general to discharge the commission instant credibility with many those in the tape recordings from their duties. Indonesians. More recently, KPK has been working to Furthermore, the comprehensive powers that uncover how Bank Century, once Indonesia’s 13th KPK has at its disposal are responsible for many largest bank, used the $716 million in bailout funds of its anticorruption gains. KPK modeled itself on provided to it by the government in November Hong Kong’s Independent Commission Against 2008. The Jakarta Post reported in March 2010 that Corruption (ICAC) but added prosecutorial powers Indonesia’s Financial Transactions and Reports to those of prevention and investigation7. Analysis Center “recently listed hundreds of suspi- cious transactions related to Bank Century, some of ICAC itself has praised KPK’s results, explain- them linked to high-profile politicians.”6 The Indo- ing why this commission has succeeded when so nesian Parliament requested that KPK investigate many past initiatives in Indonesia had failed: this case, and an investigation has been under way for several months. As Sunaryadi told CommGAP, One of the main reasons why these previ- although public perception is that the minister of ous efforts have not been successful is that they finance is guilty, KPK has found no conclusive evi- only focused on repressive actions: pre-investigat- dence of his guilt. This has caused some deteriora- ing, investigating, and prosecuting corrupt acts. tion of public opinion of KPK’s effectiveness. Although repressive operations are vital for the success of corruption eradication, these past efforts The Indonesian people have reacted not only failed in the medium to long term due to the lack to instances of corrupt practices but also to appar- of significant preventive actions. The KPK is there- ently entrenched corruption norms among the fore a fresh start, a new way of looking at the cor- powerful. When Susno Duadji, former head of the ruption epidemic: the agency shall not monopolize Indonesia National Police, likened the effective- the anti-corruption effort, but merely act as a trigger ness of anticorruption activists’ efforts to a gecko mechanism to empower authorized institutions to fighting a crocodile, Indonesians were outraged become more effective. Selected cases are handled and latched onto the “gecko” label. Sunaryadi says by the KPK, in order to show the public that it is C h a n gi n g No r ms Is K e y to F igh t i ng E v e ry day C o r ru p t io n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d serious; prevention activities such as socialization, constant and in the news. Likewise, KPK’s abili- education, research into the potentials for corrup- ties to use strong measures such as travel bans and tion of each government institution, and so on, wiretapping have proven very effective in bringing provide the basis for a long-term anti-corruption down very high-ranking corrupt officials. However, strategy. Of course, prevention activities will like- such powers must be closely monitored, used wisely, wise fail if the KPK is unable to show corruptors and used only as long as they are necessary, to and the public that it means business by actively protect against abuses. bringing down corruptors.8 As stated above, social media sites like MySpace Burgess expresses similar sentiments. Just as and Facebook have been among the most success- ICAC notes that KPK is a “trigger” mechanism, ful anticorruption tools in Indonesia, used to orga- Burgess foresees a day when that trigger is no longer nize and publicize protests. But they are also simply needed. He says that ideally, KPK need not exist a convenient way for people to make their voices forever; rather, it can use its powers to change both heard, as Teten Masduki, the secretary general of citizen and governmental norms, then wind down Transparency International in Indonesia, told the its power. Once the police and attorney general’s Asia Times in November 2009. “Now we have a office are able to fight corruption on their own and new model on how to control our government. gain the trust of the people in a less corruption- … With new technology it’s easy to share our dis- tolerant society, KPK and its broad powers will no satisfaction with the president: just update your longer be necessary. status.” Masduki also worked to release a mobile phone ringtone in support of KPK. The Asia Times Thus, many of KPK’s successes can be seen at reported that, in the first few hours after its release, the operational and organizational level. However, the ringtone had been downloaded by more than it has used some effective techniques as well. One 40,000 people.10 of these is education. In December 2009, KPK part- In some cases, KPK has not even been directly nered with the National Education Ministry to involved in the social media initiatives; concerned put on a seminar showing teachers how to include users start their own online movements and gain anticorruption education in their curriculums. A support via their social networks. One example is Jakarta Post story from December 2009 describes Usman Yasin, a lecturer at Muhammadiyah Uni- how KPK and Ministry of Education have “jointly versity in Jakarta, who started a KPK-supporting published anticorruption modules that could be Facebook group to publicize protests and rallies. distributed to students. The modules are intended for kindergarten up to high school students and Another technique for combating corruption the subjects contain social, cultural and religious in Indonesia has been the use of well-known or values, including teaching them not to take the respected individuals in anticorruption initiatives. belongings of others.”9 For example, several of KPK’s original commissioners were businessmen well known throughout Indonesia. Success, of course, has been the most powerful KPK has also partnered with major religious organi- technique. As noted above, the Indonesian people zations to make a joint statement against corrup- began to trust KPK when they saw it succeeding at tion—it is hoped that, when citizens see the leaders combating corrupt practices. But this success also of their faith communities taking a stand against had to combine with visibility, both of the wrong- corruption, they will be more inclined to do so. doings of corrupt officials and of KPK’s efforts. One aspect of visibility is maintaining constant activity. Celebrities are another group that can play a KPK works to maintain a low but steady flow of vital role in spurring people to fight corruption. cases, done at regular intervals, to keep its activity One example of this is that of Slank, a popular C h a n gi n g No r ms Is K e y to F igh t i ng E v e ry day C o r ru p t io n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d Indonesian rock group that has become synony- by the U.S. Agency for International Development mous with anticorruption efforts. Slank’s lyrics showed that the Indonesian people care deeply often speak out against corruption, and have infu- about the eradication of corruption: 64.3 percent riated parliamentarians, who threatened to sue said they considered corruption an “important” Slank for defamation. A Slank spokesperson told problem facing the country, and 52.9 percent cited CommGAP that Slank supporters came to their “the fact that s/he is against corruption” as a major rescue in this situation, showing solidarity among factor in their voting decisions in the 2009 presi- anticorruption advocates: “When the lyrics and dential election.12 This makes it the third-most music of Slank’s song ‘Gosip Jalanan’ [Word on the cited criterion in voting decisions. Street] had parliamentarians in Jakarta threaten- ing to sue them for besmirching the good name of the DPR [Indonesian parliamentarians], the masses Lessons Learned strongly rallied behind Slank in the media, blogs • Some of the most powerful initiatives are etc. There was a plan by 100 lawyers volunteering not part of a formal, planned communi- to defend Slank should the case make it to court.” cation strategy. For example, many social media initiatives, student protests, and Slank’s Slank is also an example of informal alliances anticorruption lyrics and special concerts were in the fight against corruption: The band per- not officially sanctioned by KPK. But KPK’s formed in front of the KPK building in 2009 to clear track record in fighting corruption no protest the Chandra-Bibit arrests, and while there doubt gave citizens hope, inspiring them to is no formal relationship between Slank and KPK, encourage the fight against corruption. the two continue to support each other informally. • Success breeds success. The combination of public outrage at entrenched corruption and public support of KPK helped lead to con- Outcome/Impact of the crete actions in the Bibit-Chandra framing case. Such success would not have been pos- Interventions sible if the public did not perceive KPK as a KPK’s most notable success can be seen in its 100 successful organization. percent conviction rate and the individual cases it • Anticorruption strategies are not uni- has won, such as that of getting Chandra and Bibit versally transferable. As Burgess told the released. Transparency International, an interna- World Bank, KPK works uniquely well in tional nongovernmental organization that works Indonesia; it was created in the right place at to fight corruption, has noted these changes and the right time—when public tolerance of cor- clearly taken them into account in its Corruption ruption had reached a low and people wanted Perception Index (CPI), which rates corruption a change. Culture and attitudes must be taken levels in countries around the world. The higher into account before institutions like KPK can the rating, the less corruption a particular country be put in place and used to their full potential. is experiencing. Indonesia has risen steadily in its • Corruption commissions need not be CPI rating in recent years, from 2.3 (on a scale of 1 permanent. Indeed, the broad powers of KPK to 10) in 2007, to 2.6 in 2008, to 2.8 in 2009.11 might be detrimental if maintained for an extended period; such powerful institutions Furthermore, as noted by Burgess and Khouw, are better seen as a means to an end—govern- the people of Indonesia appear less cynical and ment officials who do not abuse their power, pessimistic about corruption than they formerly and citizens who do not tolerate such abuses. were. This is borne out in public opinion surveys of the Indonesian citizenry: A 2008 poll sponsored Prepared by Danielle Kurtzleben C h a n gi n g No r ms Is K e y to F igh t i ng E v e ry day C o r ru p t io n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d Endnotes 7. Bolongaita 5. 1. BBC News, “Suharto Tops Corruption Rankings,” 8. “KPK: The Corruption Eradication Commission of http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/3567745.stm. Indonesia,” Hong Kong ICAC, http://www.icac.org. 2. http://siteresources.worldbank.org/ hk/newsl/issue22eng/button3.htm. INTINDONESIA/Resources/Publication/03- 9. Irawaty Wardany, “KPK Targeting Students for Publication/Combating+Corruption+in+Indones Anticorruption Education,” The Jakarta Post, ia-Oct15.pdf. December 2, 2009, http://www.thejakartapost. 3. Ibid. com/news/2009/12/02/kpk-targeting-students- anticorruption-education.html. 4. KPK Annual Report 2008, http://www.kpk.go.id/ modules/PDdownloads/visit.php?cid=5&lid=34. 10. Sara Schonhardt, “Facebook People Power,” The Asia Times, November 7, 2009, http://www.atimes. 5. Rayta et al., “Indonesia Antigraft Deputies Bibit, com/atimes/Southeast_Asia/KK07Ae02.html. Chandra Released,” Jakarta Globe, November 3, 2009, http://thejakartaglobe.com/home/corruption- 11. Transparency International, “Corruption fighters-freed-by-tapes/339484. Perceptions Index 2009,” http://www.transparency. 6. Arghea Desafti Hapsari, “KPK Grills Bank org/policy_research/surveys_indices/cpi/2009/ Century Fraudster Over Graft,” Jakarta Post, cpi_2009_table. March 20, 2010, http://www.thejakartapost.com/ 12. The International Republican Institute and U.S. news/2010/03/20/kpk-grills-bank-century-fraudster- Agency for International Development, “Survey of over-graft.html. Indonesian Public Opinion,” May 16–June 1, 2008. C h a n gi n g No r ms Is K e y to F igh t i ng E v e ry day C o r ru p t io n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d Bangladesh – Case Study 16 and 5,000 registered volunteers, Bangladesh is the country in which TI has its greatest presence—and its history of tried-and-true campaigns against cor- Background ruption, it has many resources and much research Bangladesh has long been battling corruption. to draw upon to help its work in Bangladesh. The country was ranked 139th out of 180 coun- One of TI’s major programs in many countries tries on Transparency International’s (TI) 2009 are Advocacy and Legal Advice Centers (ALACs). Corruption Perception Index. Though this is a low Their purpose is “to inform citizens about their ranking, it is an improvement over years past: The legal rights and equip them to take action on cases country was ranked the lowest on TI’s Corruption of corruption that they have witnessed or been Perception Index for five years straight, from 2001 victim of. This can involve legal action, filing com- through 2005. In 2009, on a scale of 0 to 10, with 0 plaints with responsible anti-corruption or other being the least corrupt score possible, Bangladesh agencies, ‘blowing the whistle’ within institutions received a rating of 2.4 on TI’s scale. or bringing media attention to the issue.”3 Indeed, corruption has become a part of daily Dr. Iftekhar Uz-Zaman, the executive director of life for many Bangladeshi people—public officials TI Bangladesh, says that TI saw Bangladesh as a great requiring bribes for basic services and “skimming place to use the ALAC concept.4 He said that corrup- off the top” by imposing arbitrary fees have become tion had become so widespread that it had become such a part of life for Bangladeshis that many do an entrenched norm among Bangladeshis—they not bother to question or fight such practices. had stopped seeing corruption as offensive, much less as punishable. They had also lost sight of their A schoolteacher told Reuters in September rights in obtaining basic goods and services; Zaman 2009 that corruption has affected every part of his identifies education, health, and local government life, from employment to food to medicine: “I had as the three areas in which corruption was having to pay 100,000 taka [US$1,430] as bribe to get this the greatest impact on the lives of Bangladeshis. He job. But the poor salary I get covers only a part of told CommGAP that one of the major goals of using my expenses,” he told the reporter. He continued, the ALAC concept in Bangladesh was to inform the “Grocery sellers ask higher prices every next day, public of the services they could expect at hospitals doctors at government clinics won’t treat my child and in schools, and entitlements they could expect without money or give me medicine supposed to be from local government, as well as what they could a free handout.”1 expect to pay for services such as medical care. This individual-level problem is so rampant And so in 2003 the Advice and Information that it has taken a major toll on the country’s Desk (AID) program was instituted in Bangla- economy at large: It is estimated that 3 percent of desh. What began as six desks soon grew to thirty- the country’s gross domestic product is lost each six spread throughout the country, working to year to corrupt practices such as bribery and the empower Bangladeshis to fight corruption in their deliberate overpricing of public goods and services. own daily lives. Economists also say that corruption is preventing foreign investment in Bangladesh.2 Transparency International has used its Tools and Techniques Used already very strong presence in Bangladesh to take TI Bangladesh’s AID program has used a variety on this problem. With TI’s well-established pres- of tactics to help educate the Bangladeshi people ence in Bangladesh—at more than 250 employees about the effects of corruption and their rights in C h a n gi n g No r ms Is K e y to F igh t i ng E v e ry day C o r ru p t io n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d combating it. These communication campaigns empowerment and support (YES) groups and com- involve common tactics such as fliers and bro- mittees of concerned citizens (CCCs). YES groups chures, but this alone is not sufficient in Bangla- are often made up of college and university students desh, where literacy rates are low. This has created who volunteer to help TI with its initiatives. CCCs the need for other tactics, like AID’s program of are organized TI-supported groups, one in each of setting up tables in front of public institutions, such the 36 AID districts, that help to mobilize people as hospitals and schools, to inform people who are on a local level to take stands against corrupt going in of what services they should expect. practices and put pressure on, for example, institu- tions that are unfair in their pricing or practices. Tabling in front of institutions of public service Many CCCs are headed by respected community also exemplifies another general tactic of TI’s efforts members, which can help to motivate citizens to in Bangladesh: making information convenient. get involved. They also have mandatory female Instead of waiting for citizens to come to them, TI representation, ensuring equal representation. has started a program of mobile AIDs that can go door to door to educate citizens. AIDs have also used Citizen Report Cards (CRCs) are another street theater to bring information to the masses in important part of TI’s work in Bangladesh. These public places—this technique can be very effective are anonymous evaluations that citizens can fill out at getting the attention of people who might not and return to their AIDs about the quality of service otherwise seek out the assistance of AIDs. at their local schools or hospitals. The benefits of this program are twofold: It allows TI and its AIDs Of course, fighting corruption cannot be a one- to keep abreast of corrupt practices in their commu- sided affair; aside from educating citizens, AIDs also nities and also allows citizens to do their civic duty put pressure on service providers to end practices of reporting corruption without fear of retribution. that are costly to customers and the country at large. Zaman told CommGAP about one notable example Finally, TI works with partner organizations that occurred at a Bangladeshi hospital, where poten- when particular expertise is needed. For example, if tial patients were routinely overcharged for services. To a local government is being unfair in its land man- use the hospital, citizens needed to purchase tokens, agement practices, Zaman says, TI will call upon which cost 4.50 taka. But the token sellers never gave an organization that has greater knowledge and change to buyers, meaning that anyone paying with specialization in that area. TI Bangladesh has part- a 5- or 10-taka note ended up paying a .50 or 5.50 nered with groups ranging from local social service surcharge. This practice had become an accepted organizations to human rights organizations. These part of daily life. However, AIDs, with support from partnerships, Zaman says, are helpful beyond their citizen activists and volunteers, helped to pressure the most immediate benefits to citizens, in that they token-sellers and hospitals to alter the system. They make corruption an even more prominent part of arrived at a solution that could benefit society instead public discourse: “We would like to see as many of taxing it: the token rates were refixed at 5 taka, organizations talking about corruption as possible.” with the extra .50 from each token now going toward a fund to help poor patients obtain hospital service. AIDs cannot do their work alone; as Zaman told Outcome/Impact of the CommGAP, “It is not a tool in isolation.” Indeed, TI Interventions uses a variety of other programs and is assisted by a variety of other organizations and people. Zaman says the successes seen by the AIDs are “unquantifiable.” While he notes that public Perhaps the greatest sources of support that TI opinion about corruption as an acceptable daily has are citizens themselves, in the form of youth part of life has changed for the better in recent C h a n gi n g No r ms Is K e y to F igh t i ng E v e ry day C o r ru p t io n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d years, he also says that AIDs and much of TI’s work workforce, they are a free source of very ener- have effected more meaningful change on a local getic labor, says Zaman. level, and in specific instances. • Understand the particulars of the country in which you are working. As As in the case of the hospital tokens, AIDs Zaman noted, Bangladesh has a low literacy have experienced success with pushing indi- rate (47.9 percent over the age of 15 can vidual public institutions to be more transparent read and write, according to the CIA World and fair in their practices. One program that has Factbook).5 Thus, brochure campaigns are seen results in this area is that of Integrity Pledges, less effective than tabling in front of popular in which service-providing institutions identi- institutions and other mobile AID campaigns. fied by TI sign nonbinding social contracts with • Success and integrity are among the CCCs and groups of respected individuals nomi- most powerful tools at an anticorrup- nated by service recipients. TI selects these insti- tion organization’s disposal. Zaman says tutions by looking at public perceptions (such as that one of the key contributing factors to the the results from CRCs) and then setting standards AIDs’ success is “the integrity and credibility for the institutions to maintain, such as the use of of the work we do.” When citizens begin to see open, participatory budgets. The Integrity Pledge that corruption does not need to be the norm program gives CCCs and individuals alike a stake in the most important areas of their lives, and in bettering an institution’s practices. that TI is sincere in its efforts, attitudes can change, and citizen-supported initiatives can In addition, TI’s work against corruption in Ban- gain major momentum. gladesh has seen larger success in the political arena. TI Bangladesh was instrumental in the formation • Many strategies working together are of Bangladesh’s national Anti-Corruption Commis- effective at creating comprehensive cor- sion and also persuaded Bangladesh to sign onto the ruption reform. Though the AIDs have UN Convention Against Corruption in 2007. been successful, that success would not have been possible without the assistance of other TI-supported programs, such as the CCCs. Only by coordinating broadly across several Lessons Learned levels of society can corruption be fought and • Know and stick to your role. Zaman told defeated at all levels. CommGAP that one of the biggest challenges faced by the AIDs in Bangladesh is managing Prepared by Danielle Kurtzleben expectations. Citizens often approach workers at AIDs for assistance in combating individual Endnotes instances of corruption, a role that the AIDs do 1. Amis Ahmed, “Analysis—Bangladesh Struggles to not fill. Rather, workers at the AIDs point citi- Control Corruption,” Reuters, September 13, 2009, zens to places where they can obtain legal assis- http://www.reuters.com/article/idUSSP464050. tance services, for example, in helping them to 2. Ibid. bring legal action against unjust institutions. 3. http://www.transparency.org/global_priorities/ • Youth are a powerful force. College and other_thematic_issues/alacs. university students make up a major part of 4. Much of the information used in this case study the AID programs’ people power. They act as was obtained during a phone interview with Dr. volunteers, manning AID tables and helping Zaman on 4 May 2010. Except where otherwise to advocate for TI causes. Though there is specified, quotes and figures in this case study were naturally high turnover in this volunteer obtained from this interview. C h a n gi n g No r ms Is K e y to F igh t i ng E v e ry day C o r ru p t io n: ‘O n e-S t e p -Up’ A n a l ys i s o f t h e C o l l a t e d C a s e S t u d i e s f r o m a r o u n d t h e Wo r l d 5. Central Intelligence Agency, “Bangladesh,” CIA publications/the-world-factbook/geos/bg.html. World Factbook, https://www.cia.gov/library/ Central. The Communication for Governance & Accountability Program (CommGAP) seeks to promote good and accountable governance through the use of innovative communication approaches and techniques that strengthen the constitutive elements of the public sphere: engaged citizenries, vibrant civil societies, plural and independent media systems, and open government institutions. Communication links these elements, forming a framework for national dialogue through which informed public opinion is shaped about key issues of public concern. CommGAP posits that sound analysis and understanding of the structural and process aspects of communication and their interrelationships make critical contributions to governance reform. CommGAP is funded through a multi-donor trust fund. The founding donor of this trust fund is the UK’s Department for International Development (DFID). Web site: http://www.worldbank.org/commgap Blog: http://blogs.worldbank.org/publicsphere The Communication for Governance & Accountability Program (CommGAP) seeks to promote good and accountable governance through the use of innovative communication approaches and techniques that strengthen the constitutive elements of the public sphere: engaged citizenries, vibrant civil societies, plural and independent media systems, and open government institutions. Communication links these elements, forming a framework for national dialogue through which informed public opinion is shaped about key issues of public concern. CommGAP posits that sound analysis and understanding of the structural and process aspects of communication and their interrelationships make critical contributions to governance reform. CommGAP is funded through a multi-donor trust fund. The founding donor of this trust fund is the UK’s Department for International Development (DFID). Web site: http://www.worldbank.org/commgap Blog: http://blogs.worldbank.org/publicsphere