86298 Gender and Conflict Note SoMALIA March 2013 I. Overview This background note is intended to inform the World Bank’s Interim Strategy Note for Somalia to ensure gender consid- erations are incorporated into identified operational and ana- this analysis SUDAN SOUTH lytical priorities. The aim of is to provide a brief delineation of gender disparities in Somalia through a review of existing literature and interviews with relevant actors and organizations.1 Findings of this analysis and proposed recom- mendations reflect consideration for the development priori- ties outlined within the World Bank’s Operational Policy on Gender and Development (OP/BP 4.2),2 the Africa Regional Strategy, the WDR 2011 and WDR 2012, previous Bank initia- tives within Somalia including the 2006 UN-World Bank Joint Needs Assessment, the resulting Reconstruction and Devel- opment Program and the 2007 ISN for Somalia. Somalia’s development challenges are enormous. Decades of protracted conflict, political instability, persistent drought and tions such as al-Shabaab, have had a damaging impact on hu- famine have disrupted delivery of desperately needed servic- man development. es, devastated human capital and physical infrastructure, and contributed to systematic impoverishment and displacement Socio-economic indicators are among the lowest in the world of the population. While relative stability and administrative for both males and females and gender disparities are stark.3 coherence in Somaliland and Puntland have enabled mod- According to the 2012 Human Development Report for So- est gains in basic service delivery and recovery initiatives, the malia, gender inequality indicators—across health, empower- absence of functioning central government institutions since ment and economic measures—are among the worst in the 1991, combined with ongoing civil violence with militant fac- world, following only Yemen Afghanistan, Mali and Papua New Guinea (UNDP 2012). Despite the dynamic role women have historically played in Somali society as community mo- bilizers and peace-builders, the pre-eminence of religious and 1 Agencies and organizations interviewed included: UNDP, UNHCR, UN Women, UNFPA, UN OCHA, FSNAU/FAOSO, and IOM, as well customary clan-based systems ascribes women with inferior as representatives from Sweden, DFID, USAID, the European Union, social status and contributes to women’s exclusion from politi- Norway, Denmark, and SAACID. Individual interviews were conducted cal and public decision-making fora. Realization and enforce- with Tanja Chopra, Judith Gardner, Rakiya Omaar, and Anji Yoder-Maina. A meeting was also attended with the UNCT Gender Theme Group. 2 The World Bank’s Operational Policy on Gender and Development 3 Gender and human development indicators vary widely across and (OP/BP 4.2) is to assist member countries to reduce poverty and enhance within the three regions of Somaliland, South Central and Puntland. economic growth, human well-being and development effectiveness by ad- Although this notes presents data and summary information of Somalia dressing the gender disparities and inequalities that are barriers to develop- as a whole, strategic engagement or analytical work related to gender will ment, and by assisting member countries in formulating and implementing require more nuanced consideration for the unique and variable conditions their gender and development goals. within all three areas. ment of human rights are challenged by pervasive religious gender-responsive actions to address them in the near-term. and traditional practices such as polygamy, early and forced One immediate recommendation, therefore, is to undertake marriage, wife inheritance and FGM/C. Gender-based vio- more comprehensive social and gender analyses to identify lence is widespread, with the systematic use of sexual violence and investigate in greater depth factors underpinning and in- and rape a common feature of the ongoing conflict. Women fluencing gender dynamics across multiple sectors. This work and girls en route to or staying within IDP/refugee camps are should survey and build on the analytical activities already un- particularly vulnerable to assault. Economically, women have dertaken by other actors, while exploring topics or areas pre- made some gains, expanding into employment and livelihood viously unaddressed. A guiding principle of this work should sectors traditionally held by men, particularly as more women be how best to translate the information gained into concrete, assume responsibility for household income generation. Iden- effective operational ideas. tifying mechanisms to consolidate this expansion and to facili- The following note includes a summary of (i) the legal frame- tate further economic advancement, however, particularly in work and features of political participation, (ii) key gender is- livestock and trade sectors, will be critical for future interven- sues related to human development, as well as economic and tions. livelihoods development, (iii) protection concerns related to Recent political developments, namely the appointment of a sexual and gender-based violence and forced displacement, sovereign, post-transition government led by President Has- and (iv) current donor engagement related to gender. san Sheikh Mohamud, present a promising opportunity for the country’s emergence from decades of instability (Men- khaus 2012a). This, combined with military victories over and II. Legal Framework and Political general weakening of al-Shabaab and other militant forces, Participation culminating in the recent capture of Kismayo by Kenyan and Somali forces (Menkhaus 2012b), raises hopes that Somalia is A. National Framework poised to move into a new phase of stabilization and recovery. The current political and security context is extremely frag- On August 1, 2012, the National Constituent Assembly ap- ile, however, and fraught with a myriad of challenges to the proved the new Provisional Constitution of the Federal Re- nascent government. As national, regional and international public of Somalia. Under the General Principles of Human actors begin to investigate ways to engage and support the Rights, the constitution articulates provisions prohibiting dis- new government, priority must be placed on the integration crimination across numerous categories, including on the ba- of gender considerations across all sectors and all activities. sis on gender. More specifically, Article 11 states, that: Engendering reconstruction and development, identifying 1. All citizens, regardless of sex, religion, social or eco- and addressing key gender disparities, barriers or challenges nomic status, political opinion, clan, disability, occupa- as feasible, will be essential to secure broader internal stability tion, birth or dialect shall have equal rights and duties and recovery. before the law. In the context of this note, gender refers to the socially con- 2. Discrimination is deemed to occur if the effect of an structed roles of and relationships between women and men. action impairs or restricts a person’s rights, even if the These roles are influenced by variables such as age, race, class actor did not intend this effect. and ethnicity, and are mutable over time, subject to learning and evolving contexts. Diagnosis and analysis of gender-based 3. Government must not discriminate against any person differences has important implications for poverty reduction on the basis of age, race, colour, tribe, ethnicity, culture, and sustainable development particularly in the context of dialect, gender, birth, disability, religion, political opin- persistent instability. Identifying and understanding the unique ion, occupation or wealth. barriers and opportunities men, women, boys and girls con- 4. All government programs, such as laws, or political and front helps to ensure that interventions, project activities and administrative actions that are designed to achieve full analytical work promote equitable realization of economic, equality for individuals or groups who are disadvan- political and social gains. taged or who have suffered from discrimination in the past, shall not be deemed to be discriminator. Drawing from these priorities, this analysis attempts to ex- pand the conversation further, investigating factors influenc- Additionally, the constitution provides for numerous other ing gender disparities across legal, political, social, economic protections for women. Article 3(5) specifically indicates that and cultural categories. The analysis is not comprehensive, but “Women must be included in all national institutions, in an highlights key barriers to gender equity and identifies potential effective way, in particular all elected and appointed positions 2 across the three branches of government and in national and Article 29 of the Charter did, however, allot 12 percent of independent commissions.” Article 15 includes prohibition of seats within the Transitional Federal Parliament to women female circumcision, while also permitting abortions in order (Federal Republic of Somalia 2004). Fulfillment and enforce- to save the life of the mother (abortion is otherwise outlawed). ment of this quota went largely unrealized, with female par- Article 24(5) protects against sexual abuse, segregation and ticipation in parliament reported at only 6.8 percent (WDI discrimination in the workplace, while also mandating compli- 2012). Notably, the recently appointed cabinet for the new ance of labor laws and practices with principles gender equali- government includes 10 ministers, 2 of whom are women, ty. Article 27 describes that women, among other marginalized including the first female appointed to lead the Ministry of groups in Somali society, “shall receive the necessary support Foreign Affairs, Fowsiyo Yusuf Hajji Aden (UNDP Somalia to realize their socio-economic rights.” Article 28, which de- 2013). However, of the 275 selected members of the new par- fines protections for family care, states that marriage will not liament, women still only account for 14 percent (Mohamed be considered legal if forced (without consent) or if either 2012). This amount is greater than in years past, but still falls party is under age of maturity (18 years old). Women are also far below the 30 percent originally advanced. According to afforded protection against discrimination when being con- female parliamentarian, Khadija Mohamed Diriye, “The new sidered for positions in the armed forces (Federal Republic constitution gives women more political rights, but the prob- of Somalia 2012). Principles of gender equity and women’s lem is that some tribes have not honoured their promises to rights are further enshrined in the individual constitutions of political leaders when it comes to giving women their allotted Somaliland and Puntland (UNDP Somalia 2012). quota in parliament.” (Mohamed 2012) These statutes constitute a significant, positive shift from pre- The movement toward affirmative action quotas connects vious legal frameworks as they offer broader protections and to broader efforts to improve women’s rights and access to freedoms to women under the law than in years past.4 Real- voice in Somali public life. Throughout the varying phases of ization and enforcement of these rights, however, will be a civil conflict and political instability, women have advocated significant challenge and, in the immediate future, is unlikely. to occupy a more visible space in political and social spheres. Notably absent from the constitution is language providing This process, however, is fraught. As mentioned, Somalia is a for a 30 percent quota for women in representative bodies conservative, patriarchal society that assigns women and girls of government, for which political and women’s rights orga- inferior social and legal status. The traditional clan-based sys- nizations had vigorously advocated and which had appeared tem upon which socio-cultural norms are rooted structurally in earlier drafts. The 30 percent allotment had been earlier excludes women from peace building and political decision- enshrined within the ‘Garowe II Principles,’ an agreement making fora. The ‘4.5 Formula’, a clan-based power-sharing signed in February 2012 which set forth the new institutional scheme, exemplifies this exclusion. The system designates structures to replace the transitional government. According equal quotas for representation to the four major clans with to one report, the quota stipulation was dropped from the .5 reserved for the 5th clan, which is a composite of minority provisional constitution as part of a ‘gentleman’s agreement’ groups (UN INTRAW 2008). Several authors argue that the by elders to provide for a similar percentage of female repre- 4.5 formula is male-biased and disadvantages women occupy- sentatives without resorting to permanent law (Linden 2012). ing inferior positions within the clan, as women will be passed The preceding Somali Transitional Charter was relatively si- over for positions in favor of more powerful members of lent on gender-related rights as compared with the current the clan (Dini and Osoble 2011). Other barriers, such as pro- constitution. hibitive campaign finance costs deter women from contest- ing in elections locally and nationally (Maxamuud 2011). Of the women who have successfully secured political positions, 4 A notable exception is Siad Barre’s military regime, which was few may have the formal education or technical experience to instrumental in opening up political space for women, enacting a variety of provisions promoting gender equity, including promulgation of the carry out effectively the mandate and duties of their office. Family Law in 1975. This law, embedded in the rhetoric of the regime’s ‘scientific socialism’ recognized equal rights of men and women in such Despite these restrictions, however, women have historically matters as marriage, divorce and inheritance. The government’s embrace still played a dynamic, albeit under-valued, role in peace pro- of gender equity and the promotion of women’s rights, however, was motion and peace-making. At the community level, women largely regarded as a political maneuver designed to consolidate power and neutralize political and religious opponents (Haji 2011 and Gardner and have acted in accordance with their traditional role as domes- El Bushra 2004). Since Barre’s deposition in 1991, the reforms embedded tic interlocutors mediating confrontations across family and within the Family Law have been redacted and largely discredited due to clan divisions. At the national level, women have employed a its association with the regime (Haji 2011). According to multiple sources, variety of activities to influence decision-making and support vestigal hostility to the reforms enacted during this period may continue to generate suspicion toward and impede broader promotion of gender peace processes. These activities include, “formal presenta- equity principles in Somalia today. tion to warring parties, demonstrations, direct action, petition- 3 ing of politicians, and elders, and provision of logistical and by men and there is evidence of its misapplication in accor- financial support to peace processes.” (Gardner and El Bushra dance with social norms and values that ultimately favor men 2004) They have advocated, with varying degrees of success, (Gardner 2007). For example, the Islamic Courts that gained for positions at international peace conferences such as the control of Mogadishu in 2006 instituted a strict application Arta Conference in Djibouti and the Mbgathi conference in of Shari’a law, banning among other practices women’s ap- Kenya (Jama 2011). Within the Arta conference in particular, pearance in public without a male relative (UN INSTRAW advocates for women’s rights vied for the inclusion of women 2008). Shari’a law also generally reasserts women’s social duty as members of the “Sixth Clan,” emphasizing women’s mem- to maintain the household and care for the family (UNICEF bership in Somali society transcending clan divisions. Women Somalia 2002). were granted 25 seats at the conference to be divided equal- Secular judicial structures are not necessarily more effective in ly amongst clans according to the 4.5 Formala (Jama 2011). protecting women as they are similarly governed by traditional Women’s associations and organizations have proliferated cultural systems that seek to preserve social stability between since independence in 1960, contributing to a vibrant civil communities and families over an individual’s rights. Family society in Somalia and playing a central role in the delivery elders may attempt to delay or withdraw cases reported to of essential services including healthcare, education and trade the police to enable time for families to negotiate appropriate (UN INSTRAW 2008). While Somali women still suffer from compensation for violations. Families may further attempt to systematic exclusion from the public domain, these incremen- exert pressure on judges to rule in accordance with local prac- tal developments continue to coalesce to create new space for tices and values (Chopra 2011). Court determinations there- women’s participation in political and social life. fore often reflect and uphold deeply entrenched patriarchal The complex interaction between multiple justice institutions norms that ultimately disfavor women. and traditional social and cultural norms in Somalia contrib- utes to the suppression of women’s individual rights in favor III. Key Gender Issues of patriarchal and communal priorities. Legal pluralism is a defining feature of Somalia’s legal system with three main sources of law: customary, clan-based law (Xeer), Islamic A. Human Development Shari’a law, and secular law grounded in colonial and post- independence frameworks. Somalia has an estimated population of over 9.6 million people5 with 62 percent of the population living in rural ar- Clan affiliations are an important characteristic of local culture eas compared to 38 percent in urban areas (WDI 2011). Just and play a critical role in delineating men’s and women’s roles over half of the total population is female. Somalia is a young in Somali society. Customary traditions and conventions help country with over 70 percent of the population under the age to define rights and obligations between kin, clans and sub- of 30 (UNDP 2012). Prolonged conflict and instability, com- clans. (‘Shuke’ 2010). Somali customary law effectively treats bined recurrent drought and flooding, have had a devastating women as legal minors and limits their rights in the public impact on the country’s social and economic development. domain, effectively excluding them from political and judicial Disparities between rural and urban areas are pronounced. structures (Gardner 2007). According to customary law, com- According to the 2012 HDR, GDP per capita is $284, with pensation for crimes against women is usually half of what is an incidence of poverty of 73 percent (61 percent in urban paid to men (UN INSTRAW 2008). centers and 80 percent in rural areas) (UNDP 2012). Only 7 percent of the rural population enjoys access to improved Comparatively, Islamic law theoretically affords women more water sources, in contrast to 66 percent of people living in rights than customary systems, recognizing equality of men urban areas (WDI 2010). Nationally, only 23 percent of the and women before the law (UNICEF Somalia 2002). Under population has access to sanitation facilities, with access rates Shari’a law, women have access to judicial systems, the right to of 52 percent in urban centers and only 6 percent in rural en- property and to inherit, and the right to education and train- vironments (WDI 2010). Out of 170 countries, Somalia ranks ing. Furthermore, customary law is often perceived as under- among the bottom five least developed countries as measured mining the primacy of Shari’a law. For example, one report describes how Xeer laws circumvent Shari’a law with respect to women’s inheritance, denying women ownership of land, 5 Socio-economic data is of variable quality and reliability and there appears to be a lack of consistency in figures used across institutions. camels and other assets in order to protect the property of the Population statistics commonly cited particularly by UN agencies fall patriarchal line (UNICEF Somalia 2002). significantly lower at 7.5 million, reflecting UNDP estimates from 2005. UN agency rates and measures cited in this analysis may reflect this lower In practice, however, Shari’a law can only be administered population figure. 4 by UNDP’s HDI index (UNDP 2012). school survey was not conducted for Central South Somalia, however, as noted, available national enrolment statistics are According to the Food Security and Nutritional Analysis Unit’s lower than in either northern zone, likely reflecting poor edu- (FSNAU) assessment of the post-Gu rainy season in 2012, cation conditions in the South Central region. the food security and nutritional status of a large portion of the Somali population continue to improve as the country re- In Somaliland, the gender gap among teachers is severe. Fe- covers from the devastating famine formally declared in 2011 male teachers account for only 16 percent of all teachers in (FSNAU 2012c). The report indicated a 16 percent reduction the region. Similarly, although the cohort of teachers in Punt- in the population in acute food security crisis, declining from land has increased since 2006, females still account for only over 4 million to 2.12 million. While the improvements are 18 percent of total teachers-(Ministry of Education 2012). significant, the remaining affected population still requires Additionally, out of 900 qualified teachers (possessing at least immediate, ongoing humanitarian assistance for survival. An a teaching diploma) only 122, or 14 percent, were female. additional 1.7 million people, though technically no longer in Qualified teachers tend to be concentrated in urban environ- crisis, remain vulnerable to a return to crisis if not provided ments, underscoring both the need to recruit more qualified some form of livelihoods support. (OCHA 2012a/FSNAU personnel in general (and female personnel in particular) and 2012c). Of the 2.12 million, 38 percent are IDPs, who are to implement reforms encouraging deployment of qualified among the most vulnerable populations. Women and children teachers to more remote areas. (Ministry of Education 2012). are also disproportionally affected, accounting for 70-80 per- Increasing the number of qualified female teachers may also cent of those considered to be in acute food security crisis present one mechanism to increasing female enrollments rates (UNDP 2012). as part of a broader strategy to improve conditions and facili- ties for female students. The collapse of the Somali state in 1991 resulted in the dis- appearance of formal education systems, leaving most chil- Barriers to education include limited or unavailable opera- dren without an opportunity to receive an education (UNDP tional primary and secondary facilities, prohibitive school fees, 2012). This has had a dramatic impact on education indicators and household demands. Girls in particular are less likely to to date and has exacerbated severe gender disparities in lit- attend school due to domestic responsibilities, especially in eracy and enrolment. Nearly 75 percent of females between female-headed households in which mother’s pursue econom- 15-24 are illiterate (MICS 2006; UNDP 2012). National gross ic opportunities and require additional support in the home. enrolment rates are estimated to be 31 percent, with a GER The 2012 HDR reports that with the potential onset of po- of only 22 percent for girls as compared with 34 percent of litical stability and improved security conditions, Somalia will boys (UNICEF 2011b). Secondary school participation falls likely witness an increase in demand for education services, even lower for both boys and girls, with net attendance ratios which will put pressure on already limited facilities and ca- of 12 and 8 percent respectively (UNICEF 2012). pacity. There is a need for expanding operational spaces and resources and improving overall access while also ensuring As with other socio-economic indicators, education statistics quality and relevance for future transitions to livelihoods and are generally higher and more readily available in Somaliland employment (UNDP 2012). and Puntland as compared with South Central Somalia. Prima- ry school surveys carried out in both regions examined educa- The overall health status of men and women in Somalia, in- tion data across nearly all formal primary schools, Alternative cluding access to services, is extremely poor. Infant mortality Basic Education systems and Integrated Quaranic Schools. rates are estimated to be 108 deaths per 1,000 live births, while Gross enrolment rates for Somaliland in 2011-12 were report- under 5 mortality rates are 180 per 1,000 live births. Both sta- ed at 44 percent, with a GER of 50 percent for boys and 38 tistics are unchanged since 1990 (UNICEF 2012). Life expec- percent for girls. (Ministry of Education and Higher Educa- tancy at birth is 51 years (UNICEF Somalia 2012). Although tion 2012).6 In Puntland, the Ministry of Education reported reported rates for HIV/AIDS prevalence is low at .7 per- a GER of 41 percent, with 46 percent for boys and 37 percent cent, misconceptions regarding transmission,7 protection and for girls. These figures reflect a slight but significant 3 percent healthy practices, combined with the early age at which young increase in enrolment rates since 2006/7. A similar primary men and women first have sexual intercourse (15 years of age for many), underscore the need for expansion of sensitization and awareness raising campaigns (UNDP 2012 and WHO/ 6 Figures from the Primary School Census surveys in both Somaliland are based on the UNDP population projection estimates for 2011 incor- UNFPA 2009). porating a 3 percent projected growth rate from the 2005 data. Education statistics may not therefore present accurate figures. A population census is apparently planned for 2013 to be conducted by UNDP, UNICEF and 7 One potentially dangerous belief held by Somali youth is that female other partners. (Ministry of Education and Higher Education 2012) circumcision can prevent transmission of HIV (UNDP 2012). 5 Barriers to health care provision and services in Somalia in- fibulation.8 FGM/C, particularly the practice of Type III, in- clude insufficient and poor facilities, inaccessibility, prohibi- fibulation, is a likely factor contributing obstructed labor and tive costs (related both to services and transport), insufficient fistulas, which dramatically impacts maternal health in Soma- implementation capacities and constraints to service delivery lia.9 Infections also arise as infibulation necessitates additional arising from ongoing conflict and instability. As of 2009, incisions to be made to widen the vaginal opening in prepara- there were an estimated 625 health posts and 225 maternal tion for birth. Additional long-term health consequences in- and child health centers in Somalia (UNICEF 2009a). Assum- clude infibulation cysts, scar formation, urinary incontinence ing a population of 9.6 million, this amounts just one health (if the urethra is damaged), sexual dysfunction, and difficult post per 15,200 people. Existing services appear to be largely childbirth (World Bank/UNFPA 2005). Female victims of sexual violence are further exposed to risk of infection as per- provided by the private sector, including pharmacies and drug petrators use knives, sharpened metal or other devices to cut stores, which may account for high service fees. Individuals or re-open infibulations scars during rape. also reportedly seek services provided by traditional and reli- gious healers (UNICEF 2009a). Notably, the new provisional constitution legally bans the prac- tice in Somalia, stating, “Circumcision of girls is a cruel and Estimates for maternal mortality (MMR) are extremely high degrading customary practice, and is tantamount to torture. at 1,200 per 100,000 live births (UNICEF 2008). The MMR The circumcision of girls is prohibited.” (Federal Republic of for Somalia is actually likely to be even higher given that 90 Somalia 2012) Whether this injunction translates into enforce- percent of deliveries take place in the home and are therefore ment and concrete legal action is not yet known. There is also not recorded (WHO/UNFPA 2009). Key causes of maternal a risk that without proper education, awareness raising and deaths likely include ante- and postpartum hemorrhage, ob- community engagement, the outright prohibition of the prac- structed labor, hypertensive disorders, and sepsis and infec- tice may serve to drive the practice underground rather than tions (WHO/UNFPA 2009). Other reproductive health in- eradicate it. In Puntland as well, a law banning Pharonic—or dicators present an equally grim picture and contribute to the Type III infibulation—was passed in 2011. However the law high maternal mortality rates. A high fertility rate at 6.3 aligns still allows for other forms of circumcision (UNDP Somalia with low contraception prevalence (15 percent), resulting in 2012). poor birth spacing, which increases risks to mothers. (WHO B. Economic Development/Livelihoods 2012). Teenage pregnancy is common. The fertility rate of girls Development between the ages 15-19 years having their first child is 123 per 1,000 (MICS 2006). Only 9 percent of pregnant women are Decades of conflict in Somalia, compounded with recurring attended by skilled health personnel during birth, while only drought and famine, have precipitated significant shifts in gen- 6 percent receive antenatal care (of 4+ visits) (WHO 2012). der roles and dynamics particularly as related to the household There is a total absence of decent emergency obstetric care in economy. Agriculture is the most important source of food Somalia, which further contributes to death and disability of and income in Somalia, with particular emphasis on livestock women of reproductive age (WHO/UNFPA 2009). and livestock products. 4.2 million people are pastoralists or agro-pastoralists, occupying 26 out of 33 defined livelihoods Socio-cultural factors play a further significant role in the zones in the country (FSNAU 2012c). Livestock and livestock health status of women in Somalia. Family planning decisions, trade account for 40 percent of Somalia’s GDP and over 50 e.g. access to contraceptives, may be restricted and subject to percent of export earnings (UNDP 2012). Protracted conflict consent of husbands and in the case of contraceptives may in and drought have resulted in a shift away from pastoralism, as part account for low national contraceptive prevalence rates populations adopt new livelihood strategies to cope with ex- (4.6 percent in Somaliland and .1 percent in Puntland) (MICS ternal stresses. In particular, populations have increased crop 2006). Responsibility for decisions related to health-seeking production activities, while migration to urban centers to find behavior, such as when to travel to clinic for treatment, may alternate livelihoods is common. Unemployment rates are reside with male members of the household and contribute to delays in seeking care. Early marriage is considered a sig- 8 According to WHO, Type III FGM/C entails “Excision of part or nificant factor in high maternal mortality rates, as it leads to all of the external genitalia and stitching/narrowing of the vaginal opening early age of first pregnancy. FGM/C in particular is a deeply (infibulation).” (UNFPA: http://www.unfpa.org/gender/practices2.htm) entrenched, near universal, cultural practice in Somalia, with 9 In 2005 the World Bank, in conjunction with UNFPA, conducted an 98 percent of women between the ages of 15-49 having un- assessment of FGM/C eradication programs in Somalia in order to guide future programming. Among other recommendations, the report advo- dergone either Type II or Type III FGM/C. In Somalia, 80-90 cated for the integration of FGM/C eradication initiatives into reproduc- percent of women have undergone Type III FGM/C, or in- tive health, education, social protection and rural development strategies. 6 high, reaching 67 percent for people between 14 and 29, and tended separation beyond traditional limits and necessitated 54 percent for those between 15 and 64 (UNDP 2012). women to adopt new, more expansive roles as income earners, particularly if separation becomes permanent. The extended As mentioned previously, Somali society is strongly patriar- absence of males, whether due to conflict or abnormal migra- chal, with clearly delineated divisions of labor between males tion, has resulted in a significant number of female-headed and females in the home. Men are traditionally identified as households, as well as households in which women become protectors of family security, as primary breadwinners, and the primary or contributing breadwinners for the family. as the central decision-makers in both public and private set- There are positive and negative implications associated with tings. Women meanwhile are responsible for bearing and rais- this shift. On the one hand, Somali women are becoming in- ing children, for food production and for the full range of creasingly active in non-traditional economic activities such domestic tasks. During non-crisis periods, men and women in as livestock trading and marketing activities in multiple sec- pastoral communities also maintain a well-defined, synergistic tors (Ibrahim 2004). An assessment of livelihoods activities partnership in livestock and crop production activities, with in Baidoa revealed that women occupy 20 percent of the un- women playing a significant, specialized role in the overall skilled labor within the construction sector and 70 percent of maintenance of the pastoral system. Indeed, women account petty trade (FSNAU 2012b). for 45.1 percent of those involved in livestock management or crop and natural resource harvesting (FAO 2010). While Women’s associations across sectors are common and women male members of the household are responsible for example, managing small business enterprises, which are relatively few, for most activities related to camel rearing and raising, women are also now apparently organizing themselves into traditional are responsible for the sale and processing of camel by-prod- savings and credit groups to support their ventures (Gardner ucts such as milk and ghee. Although women and children are 2004). Women are also assuming further responsibility for key tasked with raising and tending to sheep and goats (shoats), household decisions, for example as related to income use and men are jointly responsible for shoat trade and export (FS- expenditures. These changes, and women’s overall increased NAU 2012b). Major trade for export is typically conducted economic empowerment, appear to have had a positive impact by men, while women’s engagement in trade is usually done on perceptions of women’s status in Somali society (Gardner so at the subsistence level (FSNAU 2012b). With respect to 2004). Consolidating the benefits of women’s expanding en- household income, decisions regarding household expendi- gagement in the economic sphere, and determining how to tures and how income is used may be subject to internal dis- leverage those advances into broader efforts toward gender equity, will be critical and should be one objective of any tar- cussion, but control of income at least formally falls in the geted livelihood or employment interventions. domain of men. At the same time, women still often maintain control and use of income earned from the sale of milk and Available economic opportunities, however, are still quite lim- ghee (FSNAU 2012b). This income is generally used to meet ited for both men and women and female-headed households basic household needs. remain among the most vulnerable populations. Women, par- ticularly female IDPs, are still reliant on charity through social In the face of crisis, such as insecurity, drought or famine, protection mechanisms such as zakat,10 and contributions from gender roles shift as men and women adopt different coping the Diaspora in the form of remittances. The unemployment strategies to increase household resilience. Family splitting, rate for females is higher in Somalia than for males, at 74 per- for example, constitutes an important survival mechanism cent as compared with 61 percent respectively (UNDP 2012). as families break up to spread economic risks and increase Gender gaps in income persist as well, with men receiving access to livelihood opportunities (Gardner 2004). Men and higher wages for informal work, for example, in construction older boys, for example, may take herds and migrate longer than women similarly engaged in casual employment (FSNAU distances in search of water, resources, or possible alternative 2012c). Also, while women have been moving into economic livelihoods, while women remain with small children, the el- terrain previously dominated by men, there has been little to derly and weaker animals (Ibrahim 2004). Women might also no shift in men’s participation in domestic tasks. Women are take children and move to an IDP camp in theory for greater therefore bearing the double domestic burden of earning an access to resources and security, although these migrations of- income and taking care of the home. The consequences of ten expose women to greater security threats. Male household this burden often fall to girls in the family, who are expected members may migrate to urban centers seeking economic op- to contribute to the maintenance of the home, often at the portunities. Alternatively, women sometimes travel to towns expense of education and skills development. to engage in petty trade and engage in the informal economy. While family splitting may be a common coping strategy, pro- 10 Zakat refers to the obligatory annual contribution required under longed exposure to conflict and recurring droughts has ex- Islamic law that is used for charitable and religious purposes. 7 Additionally, there is an incomplete understanding of the im- C. Protection pact of the shifting gender ideologies and how these chang- ing gender dynamics affect men’s sense of identity and self i. Sexual and Gender Based Violence in Somali society, as well as their productive capacity overall. Sexual and gender-based violence constitutes a significant pro- Unemployment is pervasive in Somalia and job prospects for tection concern throughout Somalia. Incidents of sexual and men, particularly in urban centers, are shattered. The emer- physical violence are widespread and may be rising, although gence and reliance on women as income earners and bread- insufficient information is available measuring prevalence and winners has transformed traditional male identity as men fail extent. Patriarchal religious and cultural practices persist in- to fulfill their main responsibilities as provider and protector. cluding polygamy, wife inheritance, early and forced marriag- Reports indicate that some men are accepting of this transfor- es, and abduction. Deeply entrenched traditional views assign- mation and willing to relinquish control over family income ing women secondary status in Somali society, combined with (Ibrahim 2004). shifting, disempowered male identities exacerbated by the ab- sence of viable income generating opportunities and report- There is evidence, however, that changing gender roles in So- edly high rates of Khat use, are factors negatively influencing malia is a significant source of stress and distress. Evidence in the treatment of women, particularly in the home. Domestic other countries has demonstrated that men may feel threat- violence is widespread, though unreported, and generally re- ened by women’s increasing economic empowerment and this garded as an accepted practice. may lead to increased violence against women. Greater atten- tion should be paid to examining the unique needs and chal- Human trafficking has been described as serious, largely lenges affecting men and boys, how to address them and how under-acknowledged challenge in Somalia.11 Somaliland and to advance constructive alternative models of positive male Puntland have both been identified as sources of transit, des- identity in Somali society. tination and origin for both internal and international vic- tims of trafficking, with many transiting to countries such as Particular attention should be given to identifying mechanisms Ethiopia, Djibouti, Yemen, Saudi Arabia and the UAE (IOM to promote and empower Somali youth. Unemployment and 2011). Ongoing conflict, heightened vulnerability, poverty and the absence of sustainable livelihoods opportunities present displacement and the absence of rule of law have created en- a significant challenge in Somalia, particularly when 70 per- abling conditions for international trafficking through South cent of the population falls under the age of 30. Expanding Central Somalia (IOM 2011). Victims are frequently women youth populations, with little education and training, are ex- and girls and they are often subjected to forced labor, pros- erting extreme pressure on already saturated labor markets, titution or sexual slavery, and organ removal (IOM 2011 and as they confront limited opportunities for earning an income. UNHCR 2012). Unskilled, uneducated youth populations are most vulnerable to economic shocks and least likely to find work in the formal Several organizations described dramatic increases in report- economy, and the absence of educational and job opportuni- ed GBV incidents in recent years, likely resulting from dete- ties may heighten inequalities and impede poverty alleviation riorating security conditions, as well as increased vulnerability efforts. Frustrated ambitions and feelings of deprivation may and displacement due to famine and drought. Introduction further contribute to a breakdown in community participation of more effective assessment and reporting tools, particularly in IDP/refugee camps, may also account for the rise.12 A UN and social cohesion and may leave youth populations vulner- OCHA report described that GBV cases in South Central So- able to mobilization into criminal activities, including partici- malia quadrupled between January – July 2011, jumping from pation in gangs, drugs and other illicit networks such as piracy. 86 cases during the same period in 2010 to 332 incidents in Evidence has indicated, for example, that idle, uneducated 2011 (UN OCHA 2011). In September of 2012 alone, 277 and/or unemployed youth populations are ready targets for cases of sexual violence were reported in Mogadishu, of radicalization and recruitment into militant groups such as al- which 237 were rape (UNDP Somalia 2013). Shabaab. As described by an ex-Somali pirate, “After complet- ing secondary education, I was unable to continue due to pov- Several reports describe gang rape by male youth as a com- erty. I had to look for a job, but could not find one. Because of this frustration, I was lured into piracy in August 2009. I saw some of my friends leading luxurious lives with money 11 Interview with IOM, 5 February 2013. from piracy and that was another attraction” (UNDP 2012). Interventions targeting youth empowerment and employment 12 An interview with UNCHR (7 February 2013) revealed that a new GBV Information management system has begun to capture some data will therefore be essential for ensuring inclusive growth and regarded domestic violence, creating a better picture of its pervasiveness. broader regional stability. The GBV IMS is discussed further below. 8 mon feature of sexual violence in Somalia.(UNFPA and IOM Survivors of GBV face a number of impediments in access to 2010) In certain nomadic groups, abduction and rape are also services or justice. These include, among others, (i) prevailing common and women/girls may not be allowed to return to cultural attitudes, stigma, shame and fear preventing survivors her family until she is pregnant with her first child (Musse from reporting SGBV or seeking care, (ii) high costs associ- 2004). As in other countries, rape carries a strong cultural ated with medical care combined with limited availability, (iii) stigma and can lead to rejection of victims by their families or limited access to confidential reporting mechanisms, and (iv) communities. Traditional clan-based structures are supposed breakdown or absence of traditional or statutory structures to provide protections against sexual and physical assault as within communities to seek redress, particularly within dis- male members are bound by duty to protect the honor and placed populations. status of women within their clan (Ibrahim 2004). Survivors of violence may be reluctant to report or seek services due to As indicated, the evidence base measuring prevalence and fear of stigmatization or rejection or due to a lack of aware- extent is poor. Barriers to proper collection of data include ness of available options for care. insecurity, restricted access and inadequate capacity for data collection. Additionally, local actors have been discouraged In the context of the ongoing conflict in Somalia, rape has and threatened against reporting specific dimensions of GBV also been used as a targeted mechanism by hostile clans to data, resulting in a dearth of usable information (UN OCHA destabilize, destroy and displace populations, to build fear, to 2011). The recent, highly publicized arrest and sentencing of humiliate and to disempower local communities and clans. a woman who filed a rape claim against state security services, Women are raped in front of their husbands to underscore and of the journalist who reported her claim, has raised seri- the inability of these men to fulfill their traditional role as pro- ous concerns that institutional and community intimidation tectors. In the face of large-scale, systematic rape, customary will further discourage survivors and associated service or- and formal mechanisms for redress are insufficient or have ganizations from reporting information related to sexual as- eroded due to conflict, migration and general displacement. sault.13 Importantly, a consortium of UN agencies and orga- A culture of impunity prevails as there is limited legal recourse nizations have developed and launched a GBV Information for survivors of violence. Somali customary systems are ori- Management System (GBVIMS) to address these challenges ented around mechanisms for communal reconciliation as and to improve collection and reporting of cases of GBV. families seek redress through compensation (or diya) or by ex- Information collected through the IMS will support analysis acting revenge. Emphasis is placed on preservation of social of trends and patterns of violence and may ultimately be used cohesion and pacification rather than on punishing perpetra- to improve prevention, mitigation and response programming tors. Social pressure to resolve disputes through these struc- as well as targeted advocacy and awareness campaigns. The tures is high as families of survivors may fear stigma as well as system was launched in 2011. Despite initial challenges with the loss of opportunities for compensation if alternate chan- the roll out process, usable data for analysis are now beginning nels are sought (Chopra 2011). In many cases these mecha- to emerge.14 nisms also give way to alternate social negotiations. Rape and ii. Displacement sexual assault may be used as an avenue to initiate marriage while circumventing high bride prices. In Somali culture, the Displacement and forced migration constitute a significant value of a daughter is in part ascribed to the bride wealth she can bring to her father’s family upon marriage. In the event of rape, however, a girl’s family may attempt to negotiate bride 13 www.hrw.org/news/2013/03/03/somalia-woman-alleging-rape- cleared-journalist-convicted. prices down in order to secure marriage and minimize social stigma. 14 There are a number of organizations and agencies engaged in vari- ous initiatives related to SGBV. UNFPA is the chair of the SGBV Working Access to alternative mechanisms for justice is limited. Legal Group which is responsible for coordination, policy development, techni- cal assistance and oversight of SGBV initiatives engagement on SGBV. As aid services may be inadequate, while many women lack suf- chair of the working group, UNFPA manages a consortium of agencies, ficient financial resources to afford them in the first place. INGOs, NGOs, government bodies and other stakeholders, including Cases reported to police or filed with the courts may be with- organizations operating as working groups in 8 zones on the ground in Somalia. UNHCR is the lead agency for the overarching protection cluster drawn by families mandating treatment through customary and manages the GBV IMS. These agencies, as well as UNDP, IOM, UNI- systems. As mentioned, structures of justice, including police CEF, OCHA, WFP and UNPOS for example all have programming with or judges, may be influenced by clan affiliations, traditional components related to some facet of SGBV, whether prevention, mitiga- or political authorities or other social norms. Several reports tion or response. A sample of international and national organizations addressing SGBV includes (but is not limited to) Nagaad, the Baahi-Koob further note that judges often refer cases of violence back to Center (previously SARC), the Somali Youth Social Forum, CCBRS, DRC, customary networks for adjudication. GRT, IRC, Care International, and Save the Children 9 development challenge in Somalia. UNHCR estimates that dicate, however, that female-headed households within eight between January and July 2012, 22,000 people per month surveyed IDP camps were more charity-dependent than male- were displaced. Of those, 70 percent were displaced due to headed households, relying primarily on zakat or gifting (FS- insecurity (FSNAU 2012c). Most recent estimates from UN- NAU 2012c). IDPs transitioning from a pastoral existence HCR indicate that 1.1 million people are currently displaced may have lost all or some access to all assets such as livestock internally, the majority of whom are located in South Central herds, and therefore must adopt alternative livelihoods strate- Somalia (UNICEF Somalia 2012). Between October and De- gies. While men appear to be more dependent on casual labor, cember 7, 2012, 89 percent of recorded new displacements women appear to be more involved in petty trade (FSNAU (16,000 out of 18,000) occurred in South Central Somalia 2012c). (UNHCR 2012b). UNHCR has registered just over 1 million Somali refugees in the region, the majority of whom are in Among the numerous challenges already facing female IDPs camps in Kenya, Ethiopia and Yemen (UNHCR Data Por- and refugees, displacement heightens women and girls’ vul- tal 2012). Motivations driving movement both internally and nerability to sexual and gender-based violence, as experienced across borders include escape from insecurity resulting from both en route to and within settlement camps. An IRC assess- conflict, hardship and dislocation resulting from drought and ment reported that women and girls in transit to Dadaab refu- famine and lack of access to livelihoods or broader economic gee camp in Kenya were often victims of sexual and physical opportunities (Jureidini 2010). violence, frequently targeted by bandits and armed groups along the way (IRC 2011). Major protection constraints affecting organizations like hu- manitarian institutions include volatile security conditions, lack Within IDP and refugee settlements, women and girls are of access to affected populations, and insufficient resources to further exposed to various forms of violence. Location of meet the full extent of needs. Insurgent forces have regularly shelters is often liminal and unplanned, while construction impeded access to local populations. In November 2011, for is usually makeshift and therefore insufficient to provide any example, al-Shabaab ejected 16 humanitarian organizations protection or security. An FSNAU survey conducted in 2012 operating within its area of control, forcing agencies to work revealed that female-headed households in IDP camps were through national partner networks, while in Puntland, foreign more likely to have homes constructed from tarpulins or stick aid workers are frequently targeted for abduction (UNHCR huts. Male-headed households, by contrast, were more likely 2012a). As such, displaced populations have limited access to to incorporate corrugated metal roofs (FSNAU 2012b). Sev- much needed humanitarian support and are among the most eral reports indicate that armed groups frequently break into vulnerable and disempowered in the country. Of the estimat- camps and rape or abduct women and girls directly from their ed 2.1 million people to be facing acute food crisis, roughly tukuls or tents (IRC 2011). Traveling long distances to collect 800,000 were IDPs (UN OCHA 2012a). Factors contribut- firewood or to distribution points for water, food or other ing to vulnerability include dislocation from homes and clan materials further exposes women and girls to the potential for support systems, lack of adequate shelter, loss of assets and sexual and physical assault (Abdi 2011). means to livelihoods, and in the case of South Central Soma- lia, the absence of credible rule of law institutions such as Donor Engagement on Gender in Somalia police and security forces. Interviews with a selection of donor representatives revealed Conditions confronting female IDPs are particularly precari- a keen interest in and active engagement on gender issues in ous. Women and girls comprise a significant proportion of Somalia.15 While several donors such as the European Union, displaced populations. Some reports have described that 50- DFID and Denmark have been actively supporting gender 60 percent of IDP households are headed by women (UNI- activities by channeling dedicated funds either through UN CEF 2011a), while others have suggested that 70-80 percent partners or other implementing organizations, several others, of IDPs and refugees are women and children (UNDP 2012). such as Norway and Sweden, are still in the process of clarify- Husbands or male relatives may have either died or been re- ing or re-orienting their gender programs and priorities. Such cruited by armed groups during the course of ongoing con- donors also direct funds through partner organizations, such flict. Families may have also adopted a family splitting strategy, as UNDP, for programs that may have some impact on gen- migrating separately in search of livelihood or economic op- der issues, but the funding has not necessarily been targeted to portunities. Both male and female IDPs struggle to earn and income and 15 Agencies and organizations interviewed included: UNDP, UNHCR, UN Women, UNFPA, UN OCHA, FSNAU/FAOSO, and IOM, as well rely heavily on humanitarian assistance, charity or social pro- as representatives from Sweden, the United Kingdom/DFID, USAID, the tection mechanisms, such as zakat, for survival. Reports in- European Union, Norway, Denmark, and SAACID. 10 promote gender-specific outcomes. The following summary for engagement on gender. As with DFID, Sweden has provides a snapshot of some key donors’ engaged in Somalia, previously contributed significantly to health initia- outlining current initiatives or intended areas of focus moving tives and will likely continue to do so moving forward. forward. SIDA has also provided humanitarian support through UN OCHA and funding for a variety of projects with • The United Kingdom – DFID’s current operational UNDP, including support for programs with gender strategy for Somalia extends from 2011-2015 and is components (e.g. the Governance, Rule of Law and Se- comprised of four main pillars including governance curity, and Poverty Reduction and Environmental Pro- and peacebuilding, wealth and job creation, health (with tection projects). Future gender programming will likely an emphasis on women and girls) and humanitarian as- entail a combination of mainstreaming initiatives and sistance. The strategy outlines a strong focus on women stand-alone projects, however specific activities have and girls, including family planning support, skills de- not yet been identified. In order to inform the develop- velopment, access to justice and reducing incidence of ment of the strategic program, Sweden has conducted FGM/C. DFID is generally reducing its commitment a mapping on gender and security issues in Somalia (as in education programming as part of a harmonization well as a mapping of gender-related reports). This map- strategy with the EC (which has a strong focus on edu- ping identifies key issues and knowledge gaps while also cation, while DFID has stronger focus on health ini- outlining proposals for possible areas of engagement. tiatives). However, DFID has launched the Girls Edu- Potential priority areas include political participation cation Challenge Fund in Somalia as one of 8 target and decision-making, SGBV and FGM/C and imple- countries and is funding 15-16 projects supporting girls’ mentation of UNSC Resolution 1325. education as implemented by NGOs such as Relief In- ternational and Care. • The European Union funds a variety of gender-tar- DFID is also working to expand its focus on program- geted initiatives and maintains a dedicated gender unit ming related to SGBV, currently financing a number in Nairobi. The unit has recently sponsored an audit of of initiatives including support for medical treatment gender activities sponsored by the EU as well as those programs, training of police in Somaliland, and support implemented by partner organizations. The intention is for legal aid services and the training of female lawyers. to feed into an update of a Gender Profile developed in DFID also supports operations of the Baahi-Koob 2007 to ensure implementation activities and strategies Center, a multi-sectoral sexual assault referral center are realistic and properly grounded in the context of (previously known as SARC) housed within Hargesia the country. Group Hospital. DFID also intends to host a break out Projects funded by the EU address varying dimension of meeting on SGBV as part of its broader London Con- gender including economic growth and empowerment, ference on Somalia in May 2013 as well as peace and security. In 2012 the EU launched a Additionally, the UK Foreign & Commonwealth Of- call for proposals for projects supporting gender equity fice highlights Somalia as one of the target countries and women’s economic empowerment, with an overall for its Preventing Sexual Violence Initiative, as launched budget of over €2 million. Projects awarded thus far by the Foreign Secretary in 2012. The initiative aims to focus on minority groups’ rights, SGBV, economic em- prevent sexual violence in conflict-affected countries powerment, livelihood, capacity building and political as a key facet of conflict prevention and peacebuilding. representation. One project awarded under this financ- The initiative includes the establishment of team of 73 ing vehicle to Danish Refugee Council (DRC) includes dedicated specialists available for rapid deployment to implementation of an initiative targeting justice and conflict-affected areas to collect evidence and testimony economic empowerment activities for survivors of to support investigations and prosecutions of incidents gender-based violence in Hargesia. The EU currently of sexual violence. Additional activities include pro- supports a number of other projects with gender impli- viding support for survivors and witnesses, as well as cations across multiple sectors. As mentioned the EU working to build the capacity of civil society and local is the lead donor for education activities in Somalia. institutions to prevent, mitigate and respond to SGBV. The EU also funds several projects targeting vocational This initiative constitutes a priority component of the training and employment for youth, including a focus UK’s Presidency of the G8. in particular on disadvantaged youth and women to re- duce vulnerability. • Sweden is in the process of developing its overarching 5-year strategy for Somalia and is exploring entry points • Denmark: Denmark currently channels direct funding 11 for targeted gender initiatives through UNDP’s gender ing advance degrees in peace and security, micro-credit program. Key areas of focus include fostering leader- and business skills training for women-led businesses, ship and political participation, promoting economic herd replenishment for female pastoralists, improving and social rights, improving legal and policy frame- access of mothers and children to basic health packages works for women’s political representation and access and support for female civil protection officers. Under to justice, and prevention of violence against women USAID’s Transition Initiatives for Stabilization (TIS) (SGBV and FGM/C). Specific activities among others program, 50 percent cash-for-work grants were distrib- include: provision of scholarships to tertiary institu- uted to female beneficiaries while women also partici- tions in non-traditional sectors (e.g. science, technology pated in the community-driven design process for TIS and medicine); identifying and building the capacity of activities. USAID is also working with UN Women and gender champions at the policy level; advocating for the Somali Youth Development Network to test the ef- application and fulfillment of gender quotas for rep- fectiveness of trauma healing and social reconciliation resentation within government institutions across all workshops for communities in Mogadishu ultimately to three regions while also building the capacity of elected reduce violence against women and girls. women to fulfill their responsibilities of office; formu- lating an economic empowerment study addressing key Norway To date, the majority of Norwegian funding constraints such as access to finance, land tenure and for Somalia has been directed toward humanitarian aid inheritance issues and entrepreneurship and business efforts, with over NOK 600 million, for example, dedi- skills development; and support for Baahi-Koob. The cated to humanitarian support in 2011 at the peak of gender unit is also responsible for mainstreaming gen- the famine. Norway’s funding portfolio does not ap- der within other UNDP projects and across the country pear to have an explicit gender focus, although given team in general. the high proportion of women and children affected by the humanitarian crisis, there is a strong probability that • USAID is also in the process of reworking its framework funding has had impact effects on gender-relevant in- for operations in Somalia, although programming will dicators. Norway has also funded a number of partner likely still fall in alignment with the current stabilization organizations that do have programs with embedded framework. Gender issues are mainstreamed through- gender activities including UNDP’s series of projects out the portfolio of projects, with gender-specific activ- related to Rule of Law, Governance, and Poverty Re- ities incorporated within ongoing interventions. There duction and Environmental Protection (PREP). Nor- is no stand-alone gender project, however as the agency wegian Church Aid has worked with local organizations re-evaluates its operational strategy, consideration is be- to promote women’s empowerment both in productive ing given to potential gender-specific projects. Under activities as well as in decision-making, both in public the current portfolio, gender support has included in- spheres and in the home. A program evaluation report creasing enrolment rates of girls in secondary schools reviewing in Gedo, Puntland and Mogadishu between and non-formal education programs, vocational train- 2008 and 2010 reported improvements in women’s par- ing and job/internship placements, increasing political ticipation in community development initiatives (NCA participation in traditional assemblies and governance 2010). 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