71004 Building Community Resilience to Climate Change Testing the Adaptation Coalition Framework in Latin America By Maximillian Ashwill, Cornelia Flora and Jan Flora November, 2011 Building Community Resilience to Climate Change Testing the Adaptation Coalition Framework in Latin America By Maximillian Ashwill, Cornelia Flora and Jan Flora © 2011 The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development/ The World Bank 1818 H Street NW Washington, DC 20433, USA www.worldbank.org Design and layout: The Word Express Cover photo: Jan Flora, Iowa State University (2010) The findings, interpretations and conclusions herein are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (World Bank) and its affili- ated organizations, or its Executive Directors, or the governments they represent. Maps were produced by the Map Design Unit of The World Bank. The boundaries, colors, denominations and any other information shown on these maps do not imply, on the part of The World Bank Group, any judgment on the legal status of any territory, or any endorsement or acceptance of such boundaries. Readers are encouraged to quote or reproduce material from this publication, as long as the resulting works are not being sold commercially and that due acknowledgement is given to the authors and the World Bank. This work benefited from support from the Trust Fund for Environmentally and Socially Sustainable Development (TFESSD) made available by the governments of Finland and Norway. Contents Acknowledgements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . v Overview . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vii Key Concepts. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xi 1. Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 2. Background. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 3. Rationale . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5 4.1. Adaptation Coalitions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8 4.2. Identifying and Mobilizing Local Assets. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 4.3. Bridging and Bonding Social Capital. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10 4.4. Why is the Adaptation Coalition Framework Different?. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10 4.4.1. Locally led. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10 4.4.2. Long-term. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11 4.4.3. Flexibility—Planning with Uncertainty. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11 4.4.4. Focusing on Vulnerability. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12 4.5. Practical Background . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12 5. Methodology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15 5.1. Field Investigations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15 5.2. Site Selection . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16 5.3. Final Products. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17 6. Case Study Summaries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19 6.1. Argentina . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19 6.1.1. Salta, Argentina. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19   n  iii 6.1.2. Río Negro, Argentina. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21 6.2. Bolivia. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22 6.2.1. Los Andes and Murillo, Bolivia. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22 6.3. Dominican Republic . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24 6.3.1. North Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25 6.3.2. Lake Enriquillo, Dominican Republic . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26 6.4. Paraguay. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27 6.4.1. Ñeembucú, Paraguay. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27 6.4.2. Presidente Hayes, Paraguay. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29 6.5. Peru . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30 6.5.1. Peruvian Altiplano. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30 6.5.2. Peruvian Amazon . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31 6.6. General Conclusions. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33 6.7. Risks. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33 7. Lessons Learned. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35 7.1. Social Impacts of Climate Change are Diverse, Long-term and Uncertain. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35 7.1.1. Diverse Impacts. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35 7.1.2. Long-Term Impacts. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36 7.1.3. Uncertain Impacts. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37 7.2. Developing a Practical Vulnerability Framework. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37 7.2.1. Exposure. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37 7.2.2. Sensitivity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38 7.2.3. Adaptive Capacity. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38 7.3. The Creation of Perverse Incentives through Climate Interventions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39 7.4. Inequitable Adaptation Contributes to Vulnerability . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40 7.5. The Many Faces of Migration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41 7.5.1. Migration is a Climate Change Impact and Adaptive Strategy. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41 7.5.2. Migration Increases Vulnerability to Climate Change . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42 7.6. The Adaptation Coalition Framework as a Tool of Conflict Prevention . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42 Bibliography. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45 iv  n  Building Community Resilience to Climate Change: Testing the Adaptation Coalition Framework in Latin America Acknowledgements This report was authored by Maximillian Ashwill of the Social Development Unit in the Latin America and Caribbean Region of the World Bank, with Cornelia Flora and Jan Flora of Iowa State University. The five country case studies and all proj- ect related activities and products were coordinated by Maximillian Ashwill. World Bank task team leaders for this project were Estanislao Gacitua-Mario, Dorte Verner, Pilar Larreamendy and Fabio Pittaluga. Peer reviewers for this document were Niels Holm-Nielsen, Senior Disaster Risk Management Specialist (LCSUW), Willem Janssen, Lead Agriculturist (LCSAR), and Margaret Arnold, Senior Social Development Specialist (SDV, and Social Dimension of Climate Change Cluster). Additional comments were received from Lorena Trejos, Tiguist Fisseha (LCSUW) and Rachel Nadelman (LCSSO). The team would like to acknowledge the dedicated research from the five country teams including Instituto Dominicano de Desarrollo Integral in the Dominican Republic led by Juan Manuel Diaz, Instituto Desarrollo in Paraguay led by Victor Vazquez, the Consorcio para el Desarrollo Sostenible de la Ecorregión Andina (CONDESAN) in Peru led by Edith Fernández-Baca, CARE Bolivia led by Silvia Aguilar and Roxana Liendo and, last but not least, Monica Bendini, Maria Ines Garcia, Marta Palomares and Norma Steimbreger in Argentina. In-country technical support was provided by World Bank staff including Morten Blomqvist, Andrea Gallina, Raul Tolmos, and Beatriz Nussbaumer. Administrative support was provided by Maribel Cherres and Ramon Anria. Finally, the team would like to express gratitude to World Bank management for enabling this initiative, including Maninder Gill, Franz Dreez-Gross, Christina Malmberg, Ousmane Dione, Michel Kerf, Rossana Polastri, Roby Senderowitsch and Oscar Avalle. This report represents the culmination of an idea originally proposed by Estanislao Gacitua- Mario who passed away in early 2011. This paper is dedicated to his memory.   n  v vi  n  Building Community Resilience to Climate Change: Testing the Adaptation Coalition Framework in Latin America Overview Climate change impacts involve three defining features that are not always a part of other development challenges: they are diverse, long-term and not easily predict- able. Adapting to these three traits is difficult because they require making context- specific and forward-looking decisions regarding a variety of local climate impacts and vulnerabilities when the future is highly uncertain. The 2010 World Development Report: Development and Climate Change, echoes this by stating that, “Climate change adds an additional source of unknowns for decision makers to manage� and planners must accept “uncertainty as inherent to the climate change problem.� La Descubierta, a town near Lake Enriquillo in the may the community be confronted by? Due to this Dominican Republic, has a unique mix of commu- uncertainty, it is also important that communities nity characteristics, which makes climate change stay engaged with the issue of climate change impacts highly particular to this area. Locals are over the long-term. exposed to flooding from rising water levels of the lake, stronger and more frequent hurricanes, and In response to these challenges La Descubierta longer dry seasons. Because of the types of liveli- formed coalitions (alliances among community hoods in the area (livestock, agriculture, etc.), and groups and external actors that share a com- other economic, environmental and social factors, mon desired future) in order to adapt to climate La Descubierta is vulnerable to climate change in a change. These coalitions formed an alliance with way that is specific to them and very different from a local NGO, which was able to bring the com- other communities, even those nearby. For this munity to the attention of their partners at USAID. reason, it is important that responses are locally led The US development agency is now considering in order to adapt to these unique local conditions. La Descubierta for a major climate change adapta- tion project in the region. The goals of this project Furthermore, the future im- are to foster economic diversity pacts from climate change in Adaptation Coalitions are and sustainability in the face this area are still very uncer- community groups that come of climate change. This would tain. Will the lake continue to together as an internal coalition benefit local communities by rise? A new species of crab and form alliances with outside providing external resources has begun populating the lake, groups in order to achieve common to confront a problem they what other surprises are in desired futures around climate have previously identified. It store? What other problems change vulnerability and impacts. will also benefit USAID, which Overview  n  vii Figure A > 1. Knowledge Exchange 2. Training and 3. Feedback and 4. Strengthening The Four Information Gathering Planning Coalitions Basic Steps • Facilitator group gathers of the ACF as existing data • Training of local • Feedback meeting led • Develop agreements Outlined in • Facilitator makes research team by community research and governing presentation to • Gathering information team to share results structures The Adaptation community counterparts through interviews and and gain feedback from • Monitor and maintain Coalition • Community wide focus groups community coalitions Toolkit. meeting to determine • Processing information • Develop a community local drivers of action plan vulnerability to climate change would garner active local participation and support responding over the long-term to climate change’s for their climate change adaptation initiatives. The diverse and uncertain challenges. These steps, building of adaptation coalitions in this area has led outlined in Figure A, are described in detail in, “The to the mobilization of local resources, increased so- Adaptation Coalition Toolkit: Building Community cial cohesion and a greater collective voice around Resilience to Climate Change.� The Toolkit is a the issue of climate change. It has created a com- companion piece to this report. munity institution with the mandate of increasing resilience to climate change over the long-term. Task team leaders or project managers of national or sub-national projects can use this strategy as a Keeping this example in mind, the Adaptation means to foster wider local participation in their re- Coalition Framework (ACF) aims to train local spective initiatives. This approach can be a means communities in the knowledge, organizational to raise participation levels of even the most tools and alliance forming strategies needed to marginalized and conflict-sensitive communities. identify the long-term drivers of social vulnerabil- It is a way to link top-down planned adaptation ity to climate change and mobilize the essential with bottom-up autonomous adaptation so that internal and external resources to adapt to them. projects do not have to search for local partners, The basis of this approach is to build Bonding and but local partners will search for them. In this way, Bridging Social Capital. Bonding Social Capital the local and non-local are meeting halfway and is the strengthening of internal organization and building a sense of ownership over the process at capacity to take collective action. Bridging Social multiple levels for greater outcomes. Capital links these local groups to resources and external partners with similar goals to adapt to This method was tested and refined in over climate change. To do this, the ACF follows four twenty communities in five Latin American steps. First, it exchanges knowledge between local countries—Argentina, Bolivia, the Dominican and non-local actors on climate change, second, Republic, Paraguay and Peru—with encouraging it trains local adaptation teams to gather informa- results. Short-term outcomes from this process tion on vulnerability and external alliances, third, it demonstrate successes in the building of Bridging feeds this information back to the community and and Bonding Social Capital, mobilizing of inter- helps them begin adaptation planning, and fourth, nal resources and increasing access to external it builds coalitions between the community and ex- resources, including knowledge. Results include ternal partners and resources which can assist in the following: viii  n  Building Community Resilience to Climate Change: Testing the Adaptation Coalition Framework in Latin America ■■ The majority of communities were able to change. Nevertheless, it is limited in certain identify and form coalitions with the stated aim respects. Specifically, the definition of “ex- of reducing vulnerability to climate change. posure� is misleading to community groups, The formation of these groups created long- traditional definitions of “sensitivity� are in- term, local champions for building climate complete and should be expanded to include resilience. social sensitivities like conflict, and the defini- ■■ In all five case study countries, communi- tions of “adaptive capacity� are theoretical ties increased their levels of communication and vague and need to be developed further. with nonlocal actors and raised their internal The ACF has expanded these definitions. awareness of climate change and its dangers. ■■ Some interventions designed to respond to ■■ In all five countries, the building of coalitions impacts exacerbated by climate change can led to some form of agreement between actually increase community vulnerability. community groups and external institutions. This can happen when policy decisions lead As a result, local-nonlocal alliances were to perverse incentives to continue the very strengthened. activities that made people vulnerable in the ■■ In about 75% of the communities tested, local first place. assets, or community capitals, were mobi- ■■ Inequitable adaptation can increase vulner- lized in order to adapt to climate change. ability to climate change. This was dem- ■■ In three out of five countries, communities onstrated in examples where economic were able to gain access to financial or mate- diversification, usually a positive outcome, rial resources to adapt to climate change, when combined with social fragmentation despite having only a few months for the and inequality, led to social conflict, land deg- coalitions to form and strengthen. It would radation and decreased motivation to build usually be expected that financial or material resilience to climate change. investment into local communities would be ■■ Migration is not only a climate change impact more of a long-term outcome, but evidence and adaptive strategy, but also a source of suggests that this support can happen vulnerability. This is because the exodus of quickly too. community leaders creates a “leadership drain� and increases the workload of women In addition, the case studies produced many inter- and other groups who are forced to take over esting and policy-relevant findings. These include the responsibilities of those that emigrated. the following: ■■ One of the major successes of this work was to identify the applicability of the ACF in situ- ■■ Climate change vulnerabilities and impacts ations of conflict. In the case study regions are highly diverse and locally specific, long- where communities were experiencing term, and difficult to predict. The ACF has natural resource conflict, Tartagal in northern been shown to be effective in responding to Argentina and the Bolivian altiplano, the ACF these unique challenges. was used as a conflict mediation tool. In the ■■ The IPCC vulnerability framework of expo- latter region, the process of building coali- sure, sensitivity and adaptive capacity is tions broke stalemates and brought adversar- practical as a general guide to identifying the ies together to negotiate towards developing problems and risks associated with climate agreements. Overview  n  ix x  n  Building Community Resilience to Climate Change: Testing the Adaptation Coalition Framework in Latin America Key Concepts Definitions Climate Change: a statistically significant varia- tion in either the mean state of the climate or in its Adaptation Coalition Framework: Derived from variability, persisting for an extended period (typi- the Advocacy Coalition Framework, is a process cally decades or longer) (IPCC 2001). through which local groups form coalitions or alli- ances with outside groups around climate change Climate Change Adaptation: An adjustment in issues in order to achieve common desired natural or human systems in response to actual futures. or expected climate stimuli or their effects, which moderates harm or exploits beneficial opportuni- Adaptive Capacity: the degree to which adjust- ties (IPCC 2001). ments in practices, processes, or structures can moderate or offset the potential for damage or Desired Future: A common future or end that a take advantage of opportunities created by a community or group of individuals desires and is given change in climate (IPCC 2001). willing to plan for. Bonding Social Capital: the strengthening of in- Extreme Weather: A climatic event that registers ternal organization and capacity to take collective as a disaster in the international community—e.g. action based on the common backgrounds and hurricanes or quick on set floods—that lead to aid experiences of the individuals or groups involved. responses, population movements and associ- ated fatalities (World Bank 2010d). Bridging Social Capital: the linking of local groups or institutions to resources and external Exposure: the character, magnitude, and rate partners with similar goals. of climate variation to which a system is exposed (IPCC 2001). Capacity: the ability of individuals and organiza- tions or organizational units to perform functions Resilient : the ability to cope with and/or adapt effectively, efficiently and sustainably (UNDP 1998). to long-term, systemic and secular change while maintaining or enhancing core properties. Capitals: resources or assets that can be used, invested, or exchanged to create new resources. Key Concepts  n  xi Sensitivity: the degree to which a system will re- Sustainability: the ability to cope with and recov- spond to a given change in climate, including only er from immediate changes, stresses and shocks harmful effects (adapted from IPCC 2001). (that do not necessarily threaten long term secular change), while maintaining core properties. Severe Weather: climatic trends that would not register as a disaster in the international commu- Vulnerability: the extent to which a natural or nity and entail an extensive range of less dramatic social system is susceptible to sustaining damage impacts than disasters (World Bank 2010d). from climate change (IPCC 2001). xii  n  Building Community Resilience to Climate Change: Testing the Adaptation Coalition Framework in Latin America 1. Introduction This purpose of this paper is to present the findings from a five-country case study which tested the application of the Adaptation Coalition Framework (ACF) in Latin America and the Caribbean. The development of the ACF is based on the belief that climate change presents challenges that many climate change adaptation models and sustainable development frameworks do not completely address. As a conse- quence, four perspectives had to be integrated to effectively build social resilience to climate change. First, climate change impacts are highly diverse and context specific so planning needs to be locally driven and across sectors but also include non-local knowledge and resources, second, these impacts often represent long- term changes so institutions must adapt with an eye towards the same time scale, third, climate change impacts are difficult to predict by nature and a framework must be developed with the appropriate flexibility to evolve, and, fourth, adaptation must go beyond being reactive to climate impacts to focusing on precautionary measures and concentrating on the underlying drivers of vulnerability. The testing of the ACF took place in five Latin piece to this document, and will be referred to American countries including Argentina, Bolivia, throughout the report. This paper provides the the Dominican Republic, Paraguay and Peru. analytical underpinnings for the Toolkit by offer- As a result of this fieldwork and the findings ing a rationale and conceptual framework for uti- presented in this report, “The Adaptation lizing the ACF. Further, it presents evidence from Coalition Toolkit: Building Community Resilience the various case studies and highlights results to Climate Change� was developed for practi- and lessons learned. By contrast, the Toolkit tioners seeking to build community resilience represents a practical guide to implementing the to climate change. The Toolkit is a companion ACF in the field. Introduction  n  1 2  n  Building Community Resilience to Climate Change: Testing the Adaptation Coalition Framework in Latin America 2.  Background The consequences of climate change are now well understood. The 2010 World Development Report (WB 2010b) states, “Left unmanaged, climate change will re- verse development progress and compromise the well-being of current and future generations. It is certain that the earth will get warmer on average, at unprecedented speed. Impacts will be felt everywhere, but much of the damage will be in devel- oping countries.� To greatly simplify the dynamic atmospheric processes at work, these consequences of climate change and variability can be explained as follows: increased global temperatures will lead to increased water evaporation into the atmo- sphere and in turn greater precipitation when the moisture falls back to the earth. This simple mechanism of the water cycle will create greater aridity in regions with already scarce water supplies and more water in areas that already receive an abundance. Furthermore, this moisture will increasingly concentrate into storm systems leading to a greater frequency of extreme weather events like torrential rains and even hurricanes. Most of the countries in the Latin America and The observed changes and projections show Caribbean region are significantly affected by the that climate change is taking place in Latin adverse consequences from climate variability America and is gathering pace. The effects are and extremes. If no adaptation or mitigation takes expected to significantly impact human health, place, estimates for damages due to warming in livelihood systems and social cohesion (World the region vary from 1.3 percent to seven per- Bank 2010a). Evidence from these five country cent of GDP by 2050 (CAIT 2008). The greatest case studies suggest that under certain situations income effects are expected in the agricultural this increases conflict over resources, migration, sector followed by energy and infrastructure. poverty, inequality and vulnerability as impacts However, this only tells part of the story, as the hinder the efforts of the region’s poorest people to social impacts and vulnerability to climate change build a better life for themselves and their children. are largely unquantifiable. According to the World The main climate impacts from the four Latin Bank (2010c), “A major challenge in vulnerability American and Caribbean regions covered in this studies is that capturing factors that research- study include the following: ers believe will impact vulnerability and adaptive capacity are often hard to measure with discrete ■■ The Caribbean: This region has been af- quantitative indicators.� fected by the intensification of extreme events Background  n  3 as a result of climate change. Hurricanes, for and oxygen producing qualities, is facing example, have been shown to cause such land-use (deforestation) and climate changes disastrous social impacts as widespread that threaten the savannization of the eastern migration and loss of land, property and life. Amazon. This would have dramatic global In several cases, hurricanes, and the resulting consequences as well as local impacts on costs, have exacerbated social and political water resources and livelihoods for communi- tensions (Smith and Vivekananda 2007). ties that rely on forest resources. ■■ The Andean countries: The most momen- ■■ The southern cone: These nations have tous climate impacts include major warming, seen dramatic changes in rainfall patterns changes in rainfall patterns and rapid tropical leading to increased drought and flooding. glacier retreat. These factors will significantly This combined with severe land degradation affect water availability for human consump- has led to many deleterious social impacts tion, soil revitalization, agriculture, and energy including involuntary changes in productive generation (IPCC 2007). This has a direct and means, assets and other livelihood issues. deleterious impact on peoples’ livelihoods and may lead to a greater risk of disputes, conflicts and migration.1 1 For more on the relationship between environmental ■■ The Amazon: This region, of critical impor- pressures and conflict see Homer-Dixon (1991) and tance to humankind for its carbon storing Gleditsch et al. (2007 & 2002). 4  n  Building Community Resilience to Climate Change: Testing the Adaptation Coalition Framework in Latin America 3. Rationale The objective of this 5-country case study was to design and test a framework that would help strengthen community resilience to climate change in Latin America and the Caribbean region. The work was meant to be a direct, operational follow-up to the conclusions of the edited volume Reducing Poverty, Protecting Livelihoods, and Building Assets in a Changing Climate: Social Implications of Climate Change for Latin America and the Caribbean (WB 2010a). “In particular, this volume recommends the use implies changing decision-making strategies for of community-specific social analysis focusing long-lived investment and long-term planning.� on improving livelihood outcomes, careful atten- Moreover, the report recommends that priority tion to building social assets within and between should be given to investment and policy options stakeholder groups, and strengthening resilience that provide benefits even in the absence of cli- through asset-based adaptation at the local level.� mate change impacts; a “no-regrets� approach. The volume goes on to recommend a three- Another World Bank report (WB 2010c), based pronged approach to reducing social vulnerability on a six-country case study, develops a checklist to climate change: (1) Enhance good governance for good adaptation practice that recommends, and the technical capacity of the public sector, among other things, pursuing interventions that (2) Develop social capital in local communities: create co-benefits with sustainable develop- voice, representation, and accountability, and ment, anchors decision-making mechanisms in (3) Build household resilience through asset- inclusive and participatory processes and targets based adaptation: a “no-regrets� approach.2 geographic regions where sensitivity to climate change is high. The World Bank’s guiding document on climate change issues, the 2010 World Development Based on the recommendations from the work Report (WDR): Development and Climate Change discussed above, the ACF was developed to serve (WB 2010b), establishes the need for such work. as an adaptation framework that would be focused For example, the WDR asserts, “Climate change on specifically addressing social vulnerability. adds an additional source of unknowns for deci- sion makers to manage� and that, “accepting uncertainty as inherent to the climate change 2 A “no regrets� approach is defined as actions that generate net social benefits under all future scenarios problem and robustness as a decision criterion of climate change and impacts (Heltberg, et al. 2008). Rationale  n  5 6  n  Building Community Resilience to Climate Change: Testing the Adaptation Coalition Framework in Latin America 4.  Conceptual Framework The purpose of testing the ACF was to develop a methodology for building commu- nity resilience to climate change. In emphasizing this approach, the team made four assumptions: First, community members must participate in planning to optimize adaptive capacity to manage the diverse local manifestations of climate change; second, these impacts represent long-term change; third, climate change impacts are difficult to predict by nature; and fourth, the focus needs to be on the drivers of vulnerability when adapting to climate change. The ACF was designed to strengthen local com- or a lack of resources, inequality, and other munities’ long-term engagement with climate potentially harmful socio-economic and environ- change based on the belief that to maximize mental factors. Adaptive capacity encapsulates results adaptation interventions must integrate the community characteristics or practices that local with non-local responses. In the ACF, the contribute to building resilience and reducing vul- IPCC (2001) framework for vulnerability is used, nerability. These include economic diversification, with vulnerability being defined as, “a function of migration, access to resources and community the sensitivity of a system to changes in climate, capitals, social cohesion, sustainable environ- adaptive capacity, and the degree of exposure of mental practices, among others. These three the system to climatic hazards (author’s italics).� components, or drivers of vulnerability, interact to In order to operationalize this approach, we refer produce the human impacts of climate change. to exposure as the exogenous drivers of vulner- Specifically, the ACF aims to reduce vulnerability, ability, or climate related events and changes that thereby lessening negative social impacts, by humans cannot directly control, such as weather building adaptive capacity and reducing sensi- variability, droughts and floods. Sensitivity refers tivity. In the ACF, this is done by identifying and to the harmful endogenous drivers of vulner- mobilizing community assets around a common ability, these include community characteristics desired future and by strengthening Bridging or practices that humans can control and which and Bonding Social Capital for greater organiza- contribute to vulnerability. Examples of these are tion, voice and access to external resources and deforestation or the loss of vegetative cover, liveli- knowledge. Figure 1 is a visual representation of hoods reliant on the natural environment, poverty the conceptual framework. Conceptual Framework  n  7 Figure 1 > Exposure Conceptual Climate hazards Weather variability Framework Long-term climate changes Sensitivity Adaptive Capacity Poverty, Environmental Access to resources, Social Cohesion, degradation, Inequality, etc. Economic diversification, etc. – + Building Adaptation Coalitions Mobilizing community capitals Building Bridging and Bonding Social Capital Climate change impacts on individuals, households and communities 4.1. Adaptation Coalitions The Floras (Flora and Flora 2008) adapted this structure to serve as a participatory development The Adaptation Coalition Framework was based and research tool. By determining from institu- on the Advocacy Coalition Framework adapted to tions at various levels where they want to go (their climate change scenarios and put into a practical declared and implicit missions) and how they will model for intervention. The Advocacy Coalition get there (the means they see as viable and effec- Framework was selected to be the model for the tive), local groups can seek appropriate alliances ACF due to its application as a locally led, long- for varying periods of time—adaptation coali- term and flexible methodology.3 tions—in order to work toward their desired future in light of the climate change threat. The Advocacy Coalition Framework, as argued by Sabatier and Jenkins-Smith (1993), is how certain The Advocacy Coalition Framework was a useful groups form coalitions or alliances around con- framework for incorporating social groups within crete issues in order to achieve common desired a locality into a larger inter-institutional framework, futures. This takes the form of institutional acts at and for increasing the efficacy of those groups. various geographic scales that share: (i) cer- Forming coalitions that include marginalized social tain basic beliefs that anchor common desired futures (ends); (ii) the implicit or explicit means for 3 The Advocacy Coalition Framework was originally uti- reaching those futures (means); and (iii) rules of lized as an externally led research strategy, but later evidence that allow for members of the coalition it was put into practice as a locally led and flexible to mutually ascertain progress towards the goals. development tool (Flora and Flora 2008). 8  n  Building Community Resilience to Climate Change: Testing the Adaptation Coalition Framework in Latin America groups at the local level strengthens their Bonding a number of scholars have found that the com- Social Capital—ties within an organization or com- munities that were most successful in supporting munity—and Bridging Social Capital—ties that link healthy, sustainable community and economic the organization or community to others. To bring development were considering seven types of about positive change, or in certain instances to capital, which they designated as natural, cultural, maintain a resilient status quo, adaptation coali- human, social, political, financial and built (Flora tions are formed within civil society with linkages and Flora 2008). These seven capitals have been to various state institutions and market firms. organized into the Community Capitals Framework (CCF),4 which provides a tool for analyzing how It follows, then, that effective coalitions share communities work. Based on this framework, a common desired futures and the means to number of researchers and field-based specialists achieve them, but are also sufficiently diverse in developed a workbook to assist communities in their contacts and external linkages to garner a planning, strategizing and monitoring community diversity of resources and knowledge. In other development projects. Mary Emery, Susan Fey, words, the most effective coalitions are those that and Cornelia Flora (2006) presented the benefits combine Bridging and Bonding Social Capital. in utilizing this process in “Using Community Capitals to Develop Assets for Positive Community In the Adaptation Coalition Framework, policy- Change.� These benefits include the following: making is contested and influenced by different sectors from different levels and is not linear ■■ The concept of community capitals provides (Münch et al. 2000). Furthermore, policymak- a useful framework for identifying the diverse ing cannot be captured in a series of prescribed resources and activities that make up a local steps to be taken by decision makers, which if economy, social system, and ecosystem. This appropriately executed would almost automati- provides a systematic framework for identify- cally lead to optimum decisions. Such an overly ing asset flows and opportunities to recom- rationalist element often creeps into decision- bine resources in the face of change. making models that take a technical rather than a ■■ Through understanding and using the CCF, re- socio-political approach. sources can be mobilized within the communi- ty to address a variety of issues and to expand options for responding to climate change. 4.2. Identifying and Mobilizing Local ■■ The plurality of capitals can be conceived Assets as a variety of accounts offered by a bank, including capacities to store strengths, skills, The ACF utilizes the concept of “community capi- opportunities, and other kinds of resources. tals� as a framework for indentifying and mobilizing Such a bank might offer seven types of capi- local resources to enhance adaptive capac- tal accounts, making the assets in each avail- ity. Typically we associate the term capital with able to the community. These assets can be business and financial investments. But capital wisely invested, combined, and exchanged to can come in many forms. The most fundamental create more community resources. But they definition of capital is a resource or asset that can be used, invested, or exchanged to create new resources and, therefore, it can refer to much 4 For more information on the Community Capitals more than only financial resources. After over thirty Framework, refer to the Adaptation Coalition Toolkit years of applying community capitals in the field, or the aforementioned citation (Flora and Flora 2008). Conceptual Framework  n  9 can also be squandered or hoarded if the to resources and external partners with similar community does not use them wisely. goals. The overall objective of this method is to build the adaptive capacity of local communities The CCF is useful in forming adaptation coalitions, by identifying community capitals and organizing particularly for vulnerable communities because the community around internal asset mobilization it provides an easily understood mechanism for (Bonding Social Capital) and gaining access to communities and organizations to examine the external resources (Bridging Social Capital). The stocks and flows of their assets. Through dis- justification is that by increasing the amount of covery of their collective assets using this holistic capitals (internal and external) at a given com- framework and seeing which ones have de- munity’s disposal and organizing the use of those creased or increased over their lifetimes, commu- resources around a common desire for a future nities can discover which assets to invest. of resilience to climate change, one is increasing the adaptive capacity of these communities and reducing vulnerability. This process is represented 4.3. Bridging and Bonding Social in Figure 2. Capital Social capital can be defined as the norms and 4.4. Why is the Adaptation Coalition social relations embedded in the social structures Framework Different? of society that enable people to coordinate action and to achieve desired goals (Narayan 1999). A Through our case study research5 we found great deal of research on social capital examines that climate change adaptation requires unique its presence and impact on individuals, and thus focuses and consequently different techniques tends to view community social capital as the sum than regular development. The ACF differs from of each individual’s norms and social relations. many traditional development strategies in that However, the ACF uses social capital as a charac- it is characterized by four combined traits that teristic of social structures, such as communities we believe are necessary for building community and organizations, which can be more—or less— resilience to climate change. These traits include the sum of the stock of social capital of each being locally led, long-term, flexible and focused individual within that community or organization. on the drivers of vulnerability.6 Specifically, this framework looks to build two types of social capital: Bonding and Bridging. 4.4.1. Locally led Bonding Social Capital is the strengthening of in- ternal organization and capacity to take collective Many adaptation strategies are not locally led; action. Bridging Social Capital links local groups some are high level government initiatives or major Figure 2 > 5 For more on these findings see section 7.1. Bonding Social Internal cohesion Process of Greater voice 6 The ACF can be understood as a form of Community Capital and mobilization Driven Development (CDD) that focuses squarely on Building Strengthened Access to reducing climate vulnerability. Other approaches that Bonding and ties linking external resources Bridging Social share some of these core principles are the Shared Bridging Capital local to nonlocal (including Learned Dialogue (SLD), participatory scenario devel- Social Capital institutions information) opment and a number of others. 10  n  Building Community Resilience to Climate Change: Testing the Adaptation Coalition Framework in Latin America programs led by international financial institu- water resources, the long-term problem of de- tions or transnational NGOs, while others, though creasing water supplies has not gone away. To managed by local institutions, are often still led by take from an actual watershed management external development agents. By contrast, com- project in the Bolivian altiplano, local water re- munity based adaptation frameworks tend to be sources will in fact be cleaner and more plentiful more local in nature and typically involve a “hand- as water disbursement systems are improved over� step where project management is handed and vegetation is planted. This vegetation acts over to community leaders after a certain amount as a natural cleanser and cooler of the microcli- of time. The ACF differs from many of these frame- mate thus preventing rapid evaporation of these works because it focuses on training community resources during dry spells. However, this project, members in the actual investigative and organi- while helpful in the short-term, does not tackle zational skills needed to plan for themselves and the longer-term problem, which is that there is lead the adaptation process from the beginning. simply less and less water available and maintain- This focus on local planning and organization dif- ing the same livelihoods may not be sustainable. fers from other adaptation frameworks that often Currently, in this same Andean community, locals concentrate on responding to previously identi- are losing their traditional sources of water due fied impacts or sector-specific measures.7 These to the melting of tropical, mountaintop glaciers. frameworks act as tools within the adaptation So, while watershed management initiatives will toolbox, each with a particular purpose. The pur- improve water access in the short-term, they will pose of the coalitions approach is to allow locals not necessarily adapt to the longer-term problem to identify what climate change impacts are most of dwindling water supplies. The adaptation coali- important to them and then provide them with tion approach builds Bridging Social Capital so the investigative (rather than technical) training to that long-term partnerships are fostered between respond. In other words, the ACF goes beyond internal (community) resources and external. It simply using local knowledge to inform a project‘s is these long-term partnerships, and the ability design, but actually meshes local with non-local to make them, that goes beyond relieving short- experiences during implementation to guarantee term stresses and matches the long-term evolving that adaptation is genuinely led locally. nature of climate change. 4.4.2. Long-term 4.4.3. Flexibility—Planning with Uncertainty Commonly, adaptation projects are designed to respond to a current problem or impact and not Even if community development or adapta- to adapt to long-term scenarios, which could tion frameworks plan for the long-term and are leave them unsustainable in the long run. While effective in tackling a particular development adapting to any particular problem can be a challenge that is either caused or aggravated by difficult task, climate change exacerbates this climate change, there is no way they can plan for because changes are often both short-term and the unplanable or predict the unpredictable. For long-term (in fact, by definition “climate change� example, if flooding, and the consequent loss of refers to thirty year averages). For example, while a given community may participate in a helpful 7 For examples of other adaptation approaches please reforestation or watershed regeneration project refer in the bibliography to CARE 2010a and 2010b, to protect the quality and quantity of community ICLEI 2008 and World Bank 2009. Conceptual Framework  n  11 crop productivity, is currently affecting a particular change, they do not go far enough in targeting community, this may be identified as a problem the underlying local drivers of vulnerability. For and solutions such as building flood controls example, an impact-specific strategy to reduce or diversifying crops may be adopted locally. flood risk could include measures like building lev- However, what if climate variability then leads to ies or planting vegetation to increase the absorp- drought? What if fires become a problem or hail tive capacity of the land. Alternatively, a strategy or frost? Empirical evidence has shown that it is that focuses on reducing the underlying drivers difficult to predict exactly what impacts climate of vulnerability would include measures to reduce change will have on a particular community. So sensitivity and build adaptive capacity. This could while a community may in fact have periods of include efforts like the diversification of livelihoods water abundance, that same community may also away from those that make the community sensi- have periods of extended water scarcity and may tive to flooding (e.g. logging, monocultures, etc.) or be unable to predict when each situation will af- other crosscutting, social responses. In practice fect them. This was the case for several commu- this means two things, (1) targeting interventions nities from the case studies, which found growing holistically towards climate vulnerability and not seasons to be shorter and harder to predict, mak- solely impacts, and (2) building the capacity of ing planning difficult and complicating traditional communities to adapt autonomously. practices. In some cases, communities altered their traditional planting calendars from one to two times a season with the hope that if one crop 4.5. Practical Background failed, maybe the other would succeed. Prior to the testing of this framework as a re- In addition, every community is unique with dif- sponse to climate change across Latin America, fering sensitivities to climate change and adaptive it was put into practice on a small-scale in isolat- capacities. This makes the resulting vulnerability ed communities in Peru. This work began in 2006 highly context specific and difficult to predict. and was part of the Sustainable Agriculture and The coalitions approach deals with this challenge Natural Resource Management and Collaborative of uncertainty by focusing on organization and Research Support Program (SANREM CRSP) 8 at process and by building Bonding Social Capital. It Virginia Tech University, funded by USAID. Other strengthens the resiliency of communities by im- collaborative institutions involved in the research proving their ability to respond to whatever chal- included CONDESAN,9 the Institute of Small- lenge climatic changes may pose, even if these Scale Sustainable Production10 at the National challenges are diverse, contradictory and shifting. Agrarian University of La Molina (La Molina) in Peru,11 Iowa State University and the University 4.4.4. Focusing on Vulnerability 8 Many strategies for climate change adaptation 9 Consejo para el Desarrollo Sostenible de la Región have become what is known as impact-specific, Andina (CONDESAN) 10 El Instituto de la Pequeña Producción Sustentable tor such as water or infrastructure and specifically (IPPS) level). While these responses have gone a long 11 Universidad Nacional Agraria La Molina 12  n  Building Community Resilience to Climate Change: Testing the Adaptation Coalition Framework in Latin America of Missouri. However, because of the nature of of fiber from extra fine, fine, semi-fine, and coarse the coalition approach, many other institutions with the finer the fiber meaning the higher the were involved. It was initially discovered through price. These new standards motivated the com- this fieldwork that building coalitions could be an munity to seek ties with scientists and NGOs effective measure towards building community engaged in breeding alpaca with fine fiber. As a re- resilience to climate change. sult, research committees13 formed by community members were trained in interview techniques and There are several examples from the Peruvian visited a variety of potential allies until they found experience that could demonstrate this, but we two groups whose goals coincided with their will focus on one from the indigenous Aymara- own. These goals were to improve pasture and speaking community of Apopata, near Puno. In increase the fineness of the fiber on each alpaca. this example, a team of Aymara speakers from With the help of external alliances, alpaca herders the National Altiplano University12 in Peru and La were able to produce higher incomes with fewer Molina met with community leaders to define a alpaca. The research committee then sought out general development project around sustainable other villages to form a cooperative collection agriculture and natural resource management. center ( centro de acopio) where they could gather During the course of the community’s diagnosis and categorize the fiber. This also allowed them to of its past, present, and desired future, it became seek other progenitors with fine fiber. clear that climate change exposure was a source of vulnerability. Weather variability was of particu- This example, though very small-scale and specif- lar concern as it caused unseasonal freezes and ic to one community, proved to be highly relevant greatly impacted the availability of pastures for for locals in improving livelihoods and reducing alpaca grazing, a major livelihood in Apopata. As vulnerability to climate change. Obviously, dupli- a result, the nutritional status of the local alpaca cating the development of alpaca cooperatives declined and the spontaneous abortion rates of would not be relevant for many communities as early stage alpaca fetuses were increasing. an adaptive strategy, yet based on this and other results from Peru, it was believed that the process At the same time, the government of Peru was of building coalitions had great potential. offering a new buying scheme that rewarded the quality of alpaca fiber and not just quantity. In 2004, the technical standards for alpaca fleece 12 Universidad Nacional del Altiplano fibers ( Normas Técnicas Peruanas de la Fibra de 13 These community research teams have been re- Alpaca de Vellón) were established. Prices were named Community Adaptation Teams (CATs) in the henceforth differentiated based on the category Adaptation Coalition Framework. Conceptual Framework  n  13 14  n  Building Community Resilience to Climate Change: Testing the Adaptation Coalition Framework in Latin America 5. Methodology In order to test the effectiveness of developing the advocacy coalition framework into a more practical adaptation coalition framework, a five-country case study was designed to create knowledge by doing. The action research built adaptation co- alitions in the five case study countries under various social, political and climatic conditions in an effort to help local communities build social resilience to climate change. In the process of coalition formation and case study research, information was gathered on creating best practices in order to develop an operational guide, the Adaptation Coalition Toolkit, and improve the equity of adaptation. Five research teams led the case studies in the five countries under guidance from the World Bank task team. While the process of building adaptation coali- 5.1. Field Investigations tions is ongoing, the implementation time for the case studies ranged from four to nine months. This study looked at five country case stud- The reason for the large disparity in time was ies—Argentina, Bolivia, the Dominican Republic, that in some countries, like the Dominican Paraguay and Peru—through the ACF. The Republic, the research team had a long history methodology used in each country was generally of working with the communities in question the same but with some “wiggle room� to modify and could begin work immediately. In other locally to develop best practices. Generally, countries, like Paraguay, there was a lot of information was gathered through a combina- institutional red tape and other formalities, such tion of expert interviews, institutional interviews, as presenting official letters to municipal lead- local workshops and focus group discussions. ers soliciting their formal approval for the work, Final methodologies for each country were pro- showing these letters to state authorities for their duced after in-country consultations took place approval, and returning these approvals to the during the first methodological design stage, municipal level for further discussions. These which ensured that the proposed methodol- discussions delayed the implementation by ogy and case study approach was validated by several months. in-country stakeholders (including researchers, Methodology  n  15 the government, civil society organizations and (one to two per municipality). Therefore, there community participants). Then, after preliminary were a total of between two and five research results become available, in-country training areas chosen in each country, selected by giving was organized to develop the capacity of local priority to areas, and the villages within, with researchers to apply the methodology. particularly high social vulnerability to climate change as identified through existing data- bases or key informants. Measures were taken 5.2. Site Selection to assure variation between sites in climate change hazards, livelihood impacts, wealth, and Locations were selected using a nested re- ecology, such as altitude differences between search design based on country (five countries), communities/villages (which may be related to region/department/province (two per country), remoteness/closeness to the local administrative municipality (at least one per department, with a headquarters). See Table 1 for a list of the study total of two per country) and community/village sites. Table 1 > Country Region Province Municipality Community Case Study Argentina North Salta Tartagal Tartagal Locations— Salvador Adaptation Mazza Coalition Framework Aguaray Patagonia Río Negro Los Menucos Los Menucos Sierra Colorada Ministro Ramos Mejía Bolivia Altiplano Los Andes Pucarani Chunavi Condoriri La Paz - Valles Alto Murillo Palca Amachuma Grande Andino Huancapampa Pueblo de Palca Dominican Santo Domingo Norte Distrito Nacional Distrito Nacional La Zurza Republic Guachupita Lago Enriquillo Independencia La Descubierta La Descubierta Bartolome Paraguay South Western Ñeembucú Pilar Pilar Paso de Patria Paso de Patria Chaco Presidente Hayes Villa Hayes Villa Hayes Benjamín Aceval Benjamín Aceval Peru Amazon Convención Echarati Comunidad Nativa de Matoriato Comunidad Nativa de Timpia Altiplano Huancané Huancané Huancané Moho Huayrapata Huayrapata 16  n  Building Community Resilience to Climate Change: Testing the Adaptation Coalition Framework in Latin America 5.3. Final Products Figure 3 > Steps for Training and Once the fieldwork was completed in all five coun- Knowledge Feedback and Strengthening Building Information tries, reports were produced documenting the Exchange Planning Coalitions Adaptation Gathering information gathered and lessons learned. These Coalitions* five country reports14 were used as the primary informational sources for this report and the com- * These are defined in detail in “The Adaptation Coalition Toolkit: Building panion Toolkit. In addition, ongoing consultations Community Resilience to Climate Change,� an operational guide and the companion piece to this document. took place with the teams that developed this framework locally, to comment on and validate the integrated results from all five countries. As a consequence, the process for building adap- 14 Full titles for these reports can be found in the tation coalitions can be broken down into four bibliography. They are referenced as Bendini, et al. main steps or chronological sequences shown 2010 (Argentina), CARE Bolivia 2011 (Bolivia), IDDI in Figure 3 (these are described in detail in the 2011 (Dominican Republic), Instituto Desarrollo 2011 Adaptation Coalition Toolkit). (Paraguay) and CONDESAN 2011 (Peru). Methodology  n  17 18  n  Building Community Resilience to Climate Change: Testing the Adaptation Coalition Framework in Latin America 6.  Case Study Summaries 15 Information from the case studies will be described at the sub-regional level as opposed to the national level. The great diversity of socio-economic factors, vulner- abilities, impacts, geographies, cultures and adaptation strategies at sub national levels makes it impossible to accurately summarize these indicators at an aggre- gate national level. Each summary will begin with some general information and then briefly describe the main drivers of vulnerability, impacts, some of the com- monly desired futures and the relative success of these emerging coalitions (refer to Section 4 for these definitions). It should be noted, that building and strengthen- has an area of 155,488 square kilometers and ing adaptation coalitions can take years. This is accounts for 4.17% of the entire national ter- precisely the point; to make sure the coalition ritory. The estimated population in 2009 was stays engaged with climate change issues over 1,245,573 inhabitants, which constitutes 3.1% of the long-term. Therefore, it should be taken into the national population. This area was traditionally account when reading these summaries that covered in lush forest. case studies took place over the course of several months (usually between four and nine) so only short-term successes could be recorded. 15 All of the information included in the case study sum- 6.1. Argentina 16 maries was extracted from final reports produced by research teams in each case study country and subsequently verified by them. These teams include Case study communities for Argentina were Instituto Dominicano de Desarrollo Integral (IDDI) in located in two distinct regions of the country, the the Dominican Republic led by Juan Manuel Diaz, northern province of Salta and the Patagonian Instituto Desarrollo in Paraguay led by Victor Vazquez, state of Río Negro. el Consorcio para el Desarrollo Sostenible de la Ecorregión Andina (CONDESAN) in Peru led by Edith Fernández-Baca, CARE Bolivia led by Silvia Aguilar and Roxana Liendo and the team of Monica Bendini, 6.1.1. Salta, Argentina Maria Ines Garcia, Marta Palomares and Norma Steimbreger in Argentina. The province of Salta is shaped like a horseshoe 16 All information pertaining to the Argentina case study and located in the northwest of Argentina. It is taken from Bendini, et al. (2010). Case Study Summaries  n  19 Tartagal VEINTICINCO SALTA DE MAYO Salta Salta S A LTA ARGENTINA BUENOS AIRES Tartagal CASE STUDY MUNICIPALITIES PROVINCE CAPITALS R�O NATIONAL CAPTIAL Viedma NEGRO R�O NEGRO Los Menucos Viedma GENERAL JOSÉ DE SAN MART�N Drivers of Vulnerability in Salta represents 16% of the national total. Exposure: This part of Argentina is characterized The two industries of soy and mineral extraction by increased rainfall, in both intensity and total combined with logging have left much of the area amount. Community members have also com- deforested. Over the last thirty years it is estimat- plained of higher temperatures, a claim supported ed that 600,000 hectors have been deforested in by climate change models, which predict a one Salta. The second major source of sensitivity in degree Celsius increase for the whole country by the region is the high levels of social conflict due 2020/2040, but particularly in the north (World to land disputes and forced migration. The land Bank 2009: Argentina Country Note). use changes from forestry, sugar and tobacco to soy, natural gas and oil has led to very powerful Sensitivity: Sensitivity to climate change in Salta groups moving into the region and forcing indig- is driven by two main factors. First, land use enous populations away. This involuntary resettle- changes. Salta was traditionally known for forest ment has led to major conflict between traditional products, sugar cane and tobacco, but the rapid groups and these powerful industries. expansion of the soy frontier and natural gas ex- ploration has changed it dramatically. Thirty years Adaptive Capacity: The presence of large sources ago, soy was not a major crop in the region, but of natural resource wealth means that the po- today represents 30% of the region’s agricultural tential to adapt is relatively high. However, the production. In 2003, it was estimated that over large inequalities between the haves and have- half of the lands dedicated to soy production nots means that only privileged groups have this were previously forest. Natural gas production capacity. Furthermore, the region contains many 20  n  Building Community Resilience to Climate Change: Testing the Adaptation Coalition Framework in Latin America highly organized groups that represent the gas continued success in this area despite persistent and soy industries as well as local, community conflict and social fragmentation. interests that oppose them. The problem is that these groups are in conflict with one another over the land, with neither side trusting the government 6.1.2. Río Negro, Argentina to be an honest broker. The southern line of Río Negro ( linea sur rioneg- Impacts: These vulnerabilities have interacted to rina) has an area of 114,000 square kilometers, lead to the following impacts: the loss of pro- representing 60% of the Río Negro Province. ductive lines like agriculture for others like gas This area is known for its dry lands and relatively exploration; landslides due to increased rainfall sparse population, with an average of only two and decreased vegetative cover; the resettlement/ persons per square kilometer. expulsion of peasant and indigenous communi- ties and extra-regional migration due to land use changes; increased levels of conflict; high levels Drivers of Vulnerability of poverty as traditional livelihoods are reduced; Exposure: This region is very dry and prone to increased inequality; and increased incidence of extended dry spells, drought and even deserti- dengue and malaria due to a rise in temperatures fication. The risk for drought has increased with more suitable for these diseases. predicted temperature increases. Although it does not rain frequently in this region, when it Desired Futures: The communities of this region does it can be intense, leading to occasional flash voiced a desire for diversifying their livelihoods, flooding. increasing their access to resources and to gen- erally graduate out of poverty. Indigenous groups Sensitivity: The primary livelihood activity is to additionally wished to return to their native forests, raise sheep and goat and, with the exception of a prospect made difficult by the deforestation mining, there are very few productive alternatives. and loss of land from soy expansion and mineral Livestock raising is highly dependant on the natu- exploration. All of the communities desired greater ral environment and, therefore, highly sensitive to economic, food and physical security. climate change. It is also largely dependant on international wool prices. Success in Building Adaptation Coalitions: Coalitions in this region were successful in reduc- Adaptive Capacity: Due to the dry characteristics ing vulnerability to climate change, particularly of the land, people have developed strategies for as it relates to land use changes. Adaptation adapting that include constant movement to find coalitions were successful in establishing links pasture, water or work. The mining of gypsum, with external partners, including the Salta Land granite, slate, quartz and porphyry makes migra- Forum (el Foro Salteño por la Tierra), and have tion to mining areas an option. Furthermore, com- established partnering agreements with govern- munities have a history of communally resolving ment institutions. Coalitions were also successful shared problems. This means that social cohe- in attaining external support to voice indigenous sion is relatively strong. demands for greater forest access to the national justice system. The presence of established Impacts: Dryer conditions combined with falling institutions and an active civil society means wool prices have led to a decrease in sheep from that adaptation coalitions have the potential for 2.6 to 1.5 million in the area and the permanent Case Study Summaries  n  21 migration of 42% of the rural population in the near the capital, La Paz. All five have similar mid-1980s. vulnerabilities and will therefore be analyzed col- lectively. Desired Futures: These communities aspire for greater access and use of water and land, includ- ing ownership. 6.2.1. Los Andes and Murillo, Bolivia Success in Building Adaptation Coalitions: Unlike These areas of Bolivia are characterized by dra- in Salta, the communities of Río Negro lack ex- matic mountain landscapes and the indigenous treme levels of inequality and social fragmenta- Aymara culture. The two case study communi- tion and as a consequence coalition forming has ties in Los Andes—Chunavi and Condoriri—are been a much easier task. Coalitions were able to supplied water by the Tuni-Condoriri mountain mobilize local assets for reducing vulnerability, in- glacier, while the three in Murillo—Amachuma cluding human, social and financial capital. Local Grande and Huancapampa—are resting below researchers in Argentina believe that coalition the Mururata glacier. building shows great potential in Río Negro. 6.2. Bolivia17 The five case study communities of Bolivia are 17 All information pertaining to the Bolivia case study is all located in the highland areas of the altiplano taken from CARE Bolivia (2011). LA Pucarani PAZ PEDRO LA PAZ DOMINGO PUCARANI BOLIVIA PUCARANI MURILLO Palca LOS LA PAZ LA ANDES PAZ PALCA PALCA MURILLO LOS ANDES LA PAZ Pucarini CASE STUDY MUNICIPALITIES NATIONAL CAPITAL 22  n  Building Community Resilience to Climate Change: Testing the Adaptation Coalition Framework in Latin America Drivers of Vulnerability Additionally, in the communities of Murillo there Exposure: Climate exposure in these regions is is sensitivity due to the gold mining industry and characterized by a shorter rainy season with more the subsequent pollution of water supplies. These intensive precipitation, increased temperatures downstream communities are in dispute with the and changes in the traditional agricultural calen- upstream communities that control the water dar. The higher temperatures are a principal driver resources coming from Mururata. of the rapid glacial retreat of the glaciers Tuni- Condoriri and Mururata. Since 1956, Mururata Adaptive Capacity: The Aymara communities glacier has lost approximately 20% of its total in the Andean altiplano and valleys have always surface area, which accounts for 1.6 square kilo- been exposed to climate variability and, over the meters. Due to their location in lower altitudes, the course of centuries, have developed strategies to Tuni and Condoriri glaciers are more at risk from adapt to these conditions. This is demonstrated increases in temperatures and they are expected by both the anthropocentric landscape and di- to disappear completely by 2025 and 2045, re- versified agricultural production on display at dif- spectively. The melting glaciers have, over the last ferent altitudes. This has been made possible by decade, actually led to an increase in the stream strong traditional organizational structures, known water supplies that provide communities with as Ayllus, which have allowed the communities crucial water resources for human consumption, to establish relatively complex land-use systems. agriculture and livestock. The current increased Nevertheless, during the last century, only some water availability is probably why none of the case of these agricultural systems have been main- study communities emphasized glacier retreat tained. Due to the proximity of these regions to as a climate risk but rather underscored severe the major cities, La Paz and El Alto, migration is a climate events (drought, frost and hail), higher strategy used by all communities. This proximity temperatures (drying of the soil) and inter-annual also ensures easy market access for a number of climate changes as their major climate concerns. local products. The frequent migration has helped However, in the long-term it is expected that gla- diversify the local economy, creating new employ- cial retreat will lead to major water shortages. ment in the transport sector, mining and tourism. Sensitivity: Typical livelihoods in these regions Impacts: Short-term water abundance in streams are exposed to extreme conditions because of has been a result of glacial retreat, but long-term their altitude (between 3,000 and 4,500 meters water scarcity issues are expected as glacial above sea level) and depend directly on the surfaces are reduced or disappear completely. climate. These livelihoods include agriculture, More intensive rainfall is leading to more frequent which is mainly rain-fed and includes potatoes landslides, flooding of vulnerable areas, the loss and quinoa; and extensive livestock produc- of critical ecosystems like wetlands, the loss of tion that includes llama, sheep, alpaca and dairy critical pasture for llamas and a general decrease cattle. This livestock depends on the natural in agricultural production. Increased migration vegetation from communal lands. These activities rates often leave women behind in the commu- are highly dependent on water resource avail- nities with the added burden of taking over for ability and temperature, which are changing. This the departed male’s activities. The inconsistent is further complicated from the lack of a quality availability of water resources has led to discord water harvesting and irrigation infrastructure. It is between upstream and downstream communi- estimated that current systems are highly inef- ties in Murillo. These disputes are likely to intensify ficient, with water losses as high as 50 percent. as water availability is reduced and population Case Study Summaries  n  23 growth increases water demand. Conflicts have reduce competition and avoid conflict over water also been observed in the Chunavi-Condoriri resources. By contrast, the communities in Murillo communities where a nearby dam only supplies have more relative income and a productive gold water to the cities of La Paz and El Alto. Finally, mining industry, yet have been less successful communities have highlighted the fact that an in building coalitions and are increasingly more increasingly difficult to predict climate means that vulnerable to climate change. There are two main traditional climatic indicators and the agricultural reasons for this. First, because mining is a resilient calendar are no longer valid. livelihood that is not directly impacted by climate change, there is little motivation to adapt. This has Desired Futures: The communities voiced a desire led to detrimental impacts to the land, traditional for consistent supplies of clean water, the ex- livelihoods and women’s ability to sustain their pansion and improvement of irrigation systems, homes and families. Second, there is increased alternative water harvesting systems (e.g. dams), competition over water resources with upstream introduction or improvement of alternative income communities, as well as social conflict and frag- generating activities such as tourism or fish mentation. Still, it should be noted that despite farming, and improved agricultural and livestock the difficulties this region has faced, there is an production systems such as dairy cattle or new emerging adaptation coalition, which has part- cash crops like vegetables. nered with CARE Bolivia in an effort to improve local water management. Together they have Success in Building Adaptation Coalitions: The negotiated an upgrade of local irrigation systems findings of the case studies from the two regions with the World Bank. This highlights the fact that in Bolivia offer an interesting comparative example coalition formation is a fluid process that can take of how coalitions can be successful in resolving many months or even years to fully develop. This issues related to climate change. The reason is case demonstrates that even young coalitions that, despite similarities between the two regions, built under less than ideal circumstances (social the results from building coalitions were vastly fragmentation, weak local institutional arrange- different. Similarities include the following: both ments and organization, etc.) still can lead to regions are of the Aymara culture, equidistant clear, incremental and positive results. from the capital city, La Paz; both depend on retreating glaciers for water supplies; and the live- lihoods of both are traditional rain-fed agriculture 6.3. Dominican Republic19 and livestock. Yet, in Los Andes the process of building coalitions has been much more success- There were four case study communities in ful in reducing vulnerability. This area has formed the Dominican Republic. Two—La Zurza and coalitions, which have established a working Guachupita—are urban neighborhoods located relationship with the state water agency, EPSAS.18 in the north of Santo Domingo, the capital, while This partnership has guaranteed that local com- two—La Descubierta and Bartolome—are more munities’ concerns are voiced in EPSAS’ building rural and located around Lake Enriquillo. of dams and other adaptation efforts. As a result, these communities have negotiated the alloca- tion of certain amounts of water supplies from 18 Empresa Pública Social del Agua y Saneamiento the dams, which were established to help provide (EPSAS). water security to the major downstream com- 19 All information pertaining to the Dominican Republic munities of El Alto and La Paz. This has helped to case study is taken from IDDI (2011). 24  n  Building Community Resilience to Climate Change: Testing the Adaptation Coalition Framework in Latin America LA DESCUBIERTA La Descubierta Lake INDEPENDENCIA Jimani Enriquillo DOMINICAN REPUBLIC Jimani SANTO DOMINGO INDEPENDENCIA DISTRITO Santo Domingo NACIONAL SANTO DOMINGO DISTRITO La Descubierta CASE STUDY MUNICIPALITIES NACIONAL PROVINCE CAPITAL NATIONAL CAPITAL 6.3.1. North Santo Domingo, Dominican compelled to live in low lying areas of the city that Republic are exposed to the dangers of a rising river. This puts the homes of locals directly at risk of flood These areas represent parts of the capital city damage. Poor urban dwellers frequently lack the and are highly urban. They are low lying zones titles to their land, which means they are ineli- with La Zurza located along the Isabela River and gible for many social services. In addition, since Guachupita resting on the shores of the Ozama many of these people have already migrated from River, respectively. rural areas to the city, there is a limited ability to migrate again. Drivers of Vulnerability Adaptive Capacity: These areas have a long history Exposure: These areas are confronted with rising of managing disaster risk, so preparedness and temperatures, unpredictable rainfall patterns and capacity to adapt to hurricanes is relatively strong. longer hurricane and cyclone seasons. These In addition, livelihoods in these urban areas are climate changes are leading to the rising of the relatively diversified, with both private and public water levels of both the Isabela and Ozama rivers. sector jobs that are not highly dependent on the This climate exposure has led to flooding in these natural environment. These traits make the need neighborhoods. to adapt to climate changes less of a necessity for many in the city. Sensitivity: The two communities are sensitive to climate change because of high levels of poverty. Impacts: The location of these communities in low- This poverty means that inhabitants do not pos- lands near rising rivers makes housing susceptible sess the resources needed to effectively adapt to to flooding. This has led to the temporary resettle- climate change and, with limited options, they are ment of inhabitants of these neighborhoods. There Case Study Summaries  n  25 is also anecdotal evidence that violence is on the Drivers of Vulnerability rise. Locals explained that it is commonly believed Exposure: Lake Enriquillo is exposed to the that crime rates increase when temperatures rise same climate variables as the rest of the and local hospitals have released information that country, including increasingly unpredictable demonstrates this phenomenon. This relationship rainy seasons, a longer hurricane season and cannot be causally linked; still, locals perceive it to longer dry seasons. However, the main visible be true. There is also evidence of increased inci- exposure is the rising water levels of the lake. dence of diarrhea and respiratory illness. Historically, the average size of the lake ranged from 245 to 260 square kilometers, but now is Desired Futures: Locals shared a desire to over- about 350 square kilometers. It is believed that come poverty and relocate to better areas of the the additional rains accumulated during tropi- city. cal storm Noel in 2007 caused the rise in water levels, at least initially. Success in Building Adaptation Coalitions: Although the coalition has not yet received any Sensitivity: The areas around the lake are suffer- financial support, they have been active try- ing from high levels of deforestation and the loss ing to raise adaptation funds. The coalition has of flora and fauna. This leads to soil erosion and a participated in a National Meeting on Adaptation general loss in fertility. Furthermore, these areas and Risk Management held in Santo Domingo are highly reliant on the natural environment for and had mobilized in response to the cholera their livelihoods, leaving activities such as agricul- epidemic that broke out in Capotillo by help- ture, fishing and cattle raising as highly sensitive ing clean wastewater and preventing the spread to climatic events. Persistent poverty in the region of the disease. Furthermore, the coalition has is also a factor. marshaled local resources and formed informal partnerships to reduce vulnerability. This includes Adaptive Capacity: Despite losses in forest building social capital in partnership with local cover and other vegetation, this region is still grassroots organizations and developing human rich in natural resources. The case studies capital through the public and private sector. The suggest that, compared to their urban counter- May rainy season is often intense and can result parts, the communities in this region are rich in in floods and landslides. The coalition partici- social capital and networks. Finally, there is the pated in the 2010 rescue efforts and voiced their presence of livelihoods associated with the pub- concerns with authorities about the resettlement lic sector and tourism, which are less sensitive policy. These concerns included issues related to to climate change than natural resource based developing resilience to future climate events and livelihoods. preserving human dignity. Impacts: The changing water levels and loss of native forest and vegetation is leading to a 6.3.2. Lake Enriquillo, Dominican Republic loss in animal and fish species. Decreased soil fertility and soil erosion has led to a decrease in Lake Enriquillo is both the largest lake and the agriculture and livestock productivity. This loss lowest altitudinal point in the Caribbean resting in productivity has a direct and negative impact nearly 40 meters below sea level. The case study on incomes. In addition, reports of respiratory ill- communities—La Descubierta and Bartolome— nesses and diarrhea are on the rise. are located around the lake. 26  n  Building Community Resilience to Climate Change: Testing the Adaptation Coalition Framework in Latin America Desired Futures: Communities envisaged a future 6.4. Paraguay20 with higher incomes and greater economic diver- sification. The two regions of Paraguay chosen for the case studies are located in the dry, savannah-like Success in Building Adaptation Coalitions: The Chaco and the lusher southwest of the eastern coalitions of the communities in Lake Enriquillo half of the country. The Chaco communities in- have benefitted from extensive media coverage clude Villa Hayes and Benjamín Aceval in the de- surrounding the rising water levels of the lake. This partment of Presidente Hayes and Ñeembucú, of media coverage reached its pinnacle after heavy the eastern half, includes the towns of Pilar and rains in May 2010 led to the rapid swelling of the Paso de Patria. lake. As a result, USAID sought out areas affected by these exposures to take part in a major adapta- tion project. The coalition was able to communi- 6.4.1. Ñeembucú, Paraguay cate with USAID and is now being considered for this major initiative. The goals of this project are The two communities of Ñeembucú—Pilar and to diversify economic activities and agriculture to- Paso de Patria—occupy wetland areas in south- wards greater sustainability and less vulnerability; western Paraguay. Both towns are small and to promote ecotourism; and to create, with local have urban and rural characteristics. They are and civil society participation, a local community both located along major rivers, with Pilar located defense network and environmental warning system. At press time, the project was still only a proposal, but indications were that it would go 20 All information pertaining to the Paraguay case study forward in La Descubierta and surrounding areas. is taken from Instituto Desarrollo (2011). PRESIDENTE HAYES CHACO REGI O N Benjamín Aceval Villa Hayes PARAGUAY Villa Hayes PRESIDENTE Villa Hayes CASE STUDY MUNICIPALITIES HAYES DEPARTMENT CAPITALS NATIONAL CAPITAL ASUNCIÓN Pilar ÑEEMBUCÚ ÑEEMBUCÚ Paso de Patria Case Study Summaries  n  27 alongside the Paraguay River and Paso de Patria Adaptive Capacity: Members of these communi- located where the Paraguay and Parana rivers ties often migrate to find work or pursue educa- intersect. tion. In Pilar, with the loss of wetlands, farmers have been shifting away from agriculture towards livestock management. Paso de Patria has been Drivers of Vulnerability developing the industries of trade and tourism, Exposure: Changing weather patterns in south- taking advantage of the proximity of its relatively western Paraguay are leading to the depletion wealthy neighbors across the river in Argentina. of these traditional wetlands. Dry seasons have grown longer, which is causing the dieback of Impacts: There has been a significant decline to many of the marshes and other natural ecosys- natural fish stocks in the region, affecting one- tems. When the rains do come, they tend to be fourth of the 2,000 fisherpersons in Ñeembucú. more intense and have been known to cause flash In part, this has been compensated by the flooding and an overflow of the Paraguay and creation of fishing subsidies at the national Parana rivers. level during the fishing ban season (November- December). Generally, agricultural productiv- Sensitivity: Inhabitants of this region rely heav- ity in the region has declined as a result of the ily on livestock raising, agriculture and fishing for loss of moisture in the wetlands and exhausted, their livelihoods. Each of these activities is reliant eroded, nutrient poor soils. The wetland dieback on the natural ecosystem, and therefore, highly has also led to greater competition between sensitive to climate exposure. In Pilar, the biggest humans and native wildlife over the natural envi- job creator is a single, large factory ( Manufactura ronment, leading to the decline of certain animal Pilar), with few alternative economic opportunities. populations. Because of extended dry seasons Farmers in this region tend to practice unsustain- that made rural livelihoods difficult, some families able agricultural techniques such as slash-and- moved to riverbank slums exposing themselves burn and, as a result, have depleted the soils and further to flood risk. caused erosion. This has increased runoff from farmlands into the rivers, leading to decreased wa- Desired Futures: These communities identified ter quality and pollution. This area is also known many desired futures but the most consistently for poor infrastructure generally, but especially mentioned was the desire to attain support, tech- roads, which are predominantly unpaved. In urban nical and resource-based, from external institu- areas, a lack of affordable land combined with tions, particularly governments. Fishermen voiced high poverty rates has led to populations moving concern over their dwindling livelihood. into the poor slums located in lowland areas near the rivers, which are sensitive to flooding. Finally, Success in Building Adaptation Coalitions: a problem that is widespread in Paraguay is the Generally, there was more interest in building issue of political clientelism. This takes the form of coalitions in rural than in urban areas. This was public and private leaders either directly collect- because of the more direct impact that climate ing and hoarding resources or indirectly funneling exposure has had on livelihoods combined with them to allies or others with longstanding relation- fewer options for diversification. Coalitions have ships. This stifles development and adaptation approached municipal authorities about sup- efforts as it leads to the inequitable distribution of port in terms of protecting waterways for fishing adaptive capacity and risk management (see more and reducing the relative isolation of rural areas. on inequitable adaptation in Section 7.4). Coalitions have not attained outside resources to 28  n  Building Community Resilience to Climate Change: Testing the Adaptation Coalition Framework in Latin America help build resilience to climate change, and facili- muddy or dusty depending on rainfall). Finally, like tators have noted that this is due to the relatively most of Paraguay, the structure of political prefer- small amount of time that coalitions have had to ence and clientelism is fully practiced in this region, develop (to date, only a couple of months). Still, in leading to the inefficient distribution of resources. the short-term, communication on the theme has improved greatly between communities and local Adaptive Capacity: Communities in the Chaco governments as a result of the nascent adaptation possess traditional knowledge on how to make coalitions. the most of their lack of water. These techniques include catchment systems as complex as roof- top eaves collecting and retaining water, and as 6.4.2. Presidente Hayes, Paraguay simple as locals running outside on a rainy day. Due to the proximity of Villa Hayes to the nation’s Presidente Hayes is the region of the Chaco clos- capital, Asunción, there have been efforts to di- est to the capital of Asunción. The Chaco makes versify the economy beyond livestock and to inte- up the vast, dry and sparsely populated western grate more with the major city, including the most half of Paraguay. Although it represents over half important steel plant in Paraguay. In Benjamín of the total landmass of Paraguay, it contains Aceval, the soils are much more productive than less than ten percent of the total population. It is other parts of the Chaco, so there is potential to a region well known for its lack of water. There diversify agriculture production beyond the sugar were two communities from this region involved industry. in the case study. Villa Hayes is a town with both urban and rural attributes, while the community of Impacts: Population growth combined with de- Benjamín Aceval is purely rural. creased water availability has led to competition over resources and the decreased productivity of livestock and agriculture activities, including sug- Drivers of Vulnerability ar in Benjamín Aceval. In Villa Hayes, there has Exposure: This region has traditionally been also been the forced resettlement of urban slum exposed to very long dry spells and near perma- dwellers when river levels swell. These changes nent drought like conditions, but climate change to the river have also led to a loss in fish stocks. has caused dry seasons to become even longer. Benjamín Aceval has faced food security issues In addition, there have been periodic but intense because of its isolation during the rainy season rainfalls, which lead to flash flooding. and lack of crop production the rest of the year. Sensitivity: Due to the predominantly rural makeup Desired Futures: Both communities seek to of these two communities, they are both engaged diversify their economic activities and attain more in livelihoods wholly dependent on the natural government support in times of climate stress, environment—livestock in Villa Hayes and organic especially for infrastructure. In the urban areas of sugar production in Benjamín Aceval, respectively. Villa Hayes, the coalitions were focused on water There are very few alternative productive activi- related issues such as the lack of drinking water ties in the latter. Some of the poor urban areas and the risk of flooding in the poor slums on the of Villa Hayes are slums that rest on the banks banks of the Paraguay River. of the Paraguay River. Both communities lack a consistent supply of potable water and have poor Success in Building Adaptation Coalitions: There infrastructure, most notably their dirt roads (either is a strong interest in both communities for the Case Study Summaries  n  29 coalitions to continue functioning. Awareness of 6.5.1. Peruvian Altiplano the role that climate change plays in vulnerability has increased markedly. As a result, coalitions The case study areas of Moho and Huancané have successfully identified alternative liveli- are located in the department of Puno on the hood options, particularly in the private sector in northwestern side of Lake Titicaca and rest nearly Asunción, for locals whose assets are affected by 4,000 meters above sea level. climate change. This has strengthened both social and financial capitals through the greater connec- tivity and increased incomes that have resulted Drivers of Vulnerability from labor migration and remittances. Exposure: The communities in Puno are exposed to rising temperatures, increased precipitation and as a result, times of both water abundance 6.5. Peru21 and water scarcity. Longer dry seasons, coupled with shorter, but more intense rainy seasons, have Peru is a vast and geographically diverse country made efficient water use a challenge. with a variety of climates, topographies and cul- tures. In order to take advantage of this diversity, Sensitivity: Cattle raising is the main source of two regions were selected in the case studies for income in these communities, though crops are their very different characteristics. This includes two Aymara communities from the Peruvian alti- plano and two Machiguenga communities from 21 All information pertaining to the Peru case study is the Amazon, respectively. taken from CONDESAN (2011). Echarati LA CONVENCIÓN Echarati CASE STUDY MUNICIPALITIES REGION CAPITALS ECHARATI NATIONAL CAPITAL LA CONVENCIÓN CUSCO PERU Cusco Huancané LIMA HUANCANÉ CUSCO MOHO Cusco HUANCANÉ Puno PUNO Puno PUNO Huayrapata MOHO 30  n  Building Community Resilience to Climate Change: Testing the Adaptation Coalition Framework in Latin America grown and harvested for subsistence. Alpaca and a space for an improvement in the relationship llama production has decreased over the years as between Moho and the municipality. Currently, cattle production has increased and become more there are also plans to integrate this committee profitable. Still, some farmers, especially in Moho into the Huancané Provincial Committee of Farm keep alpaca and llama for their meat and fiber. Management (COPROGAH—Comite Provincial Predictably, these communities are also very poor Ganaria de Huancané). Recently, a new govern- and have reported having very little communication ment has come into power and local authorities or connectivity with the local municipalities. In fact, have changed and it, therefore, remains to be due to civil society interventions, these communi- seen if the municipal environmental committee ties are more connected to regional and national continues to develop. In addition, coalitions have markets than they are to their own municipality. succeeded in attaining technical support from CARE Peru22 and financial support from AGRO Adaptive Capacity: The communities in this region RURAL23 and FONDOEMPLEO24 for a livestock- are looking to diversify their livestock in order to fattening project. reduce the risk from shifting market prices and variable weather. Local producers are represented by highly organized producer organizations that 6.5.2. Peruvian Amazon help link local goods to national and regional markets. This task is made easier by the relatively Just downriver from the ancient city of Machu good road access to this region. Picchu in the upper and lower Urubamba River, live the Machiguenga people. The Machiguenga Impacts: There have been decreases in the yields is an indigenous group that occupies parts of the of subsistence agriculture thanks to a myriad of Peruvian Amazon. The region’s two case study climatic factors, which have led to increased food communities are Matoriato and Timpia. They are insecurity. More alarming, from an economic similar in many respects except that the latter standpoint, is the decreasing llama population in has about twice the population size as the for- the region. This is likely due to a loss of ideal graz- mer—720 versus 340 people. ing habitat. Communities have also reported an increase in human illnesses, specifically diarrhea and respiratory problems. Drivers of Vulnerability Exposure: Over 90% of respondents from the Desired Futures: The communities of Puno desire community observed some form of climate the increased productivity of livestock and crops change occurring, including changing precipita- as well as support from the municipality in build- tion patterns, increasing cold spells and changing ing resilience. seasons, although none of them identified “cli- mate change� as a cause. The water levels of the Success in Building Adaptation Coalitions: As rivers Timpia, Sihuaniro and Urubamba are rising. a result of the coalition formation process, a municipal environmental committee was formed 22 CARE Peru to respond to issues such as climate change. 23 Programa de Desarrollo Productivo Agrario Rural The committee is comprised of representatives (AGRO RURAL) from several communities. In the case of Moho, 24 Fondo Nacional de Capacitacion Laboral y the formation of this committee, with the com- Promocion del Empleo (FONDOEMPLEO) Case Study Summaries  n  31 Sensitivity: The Machiguenga people are traditional colds, tonsillitis, bronchitis and, the most com- hunters and gatherers who have historically relied mon, diarrhea. Focus group discussions reveal on their forests and rivers for a variety of animal that locals believe these impacts are a result and fish species. More recently they have begun of changes in the weather, poor land manage- small plot agriculture to produce coffee, cacao, an- ment practices, pollution caused by a series of natto, banana and the more traditional yucca root. spills from the gas pipeline and angry spirits. These communities are highly isolated from the The climate variability has made it more difficult rest of Peruvian society, and their settlements are for locals to predict growing, hunting and fishing only accessible through a combination of driving, seasons, rendering traditional knowledge of the boating and walking. Deforestation of the Amazon natural environment unreliable. is occurring as a result of climate change in combi- nation with the expansion of the agricultural frontier Desired Futures: Locals aspire for a more pro- and the presence of extractive industries for timber ductive natural ecosystem with more ample and and natural gas. The Camisea natural gas project diverse supplies of animals to hunt and fish. that extracts from this region has suffered several damaging spills from ruptured pipelines, leading to Success in Building Adaptation Coalitions: These the pollution of local water sources. communities have not taken steps to build coali- tions. The research period coincided with mas- Adaptive Capacity: Locals have engaged in sive protests against the Camisea Natural Gas several adaptation projects. These include: Project, which interrupted the coalition building building fish farms and raising small animals process. The conflicts between communities such as chickens, ducks, turkeys, and guinea and the national gas project created a volatile pigs; reforestation; training in sustainable coffee environment that locals felt would be danger- production; improving water disbursement infra- ous for researchers. Transportation costs and structure; construction of a health post; some the ongoing volatility prevented researchers from erosion control; and planning to construct a returning. Therefore, ideas for future actions were damn. Locals have a relatively strong voice, given discussed and community leaders voiced their their isolation. This is due to their representation interest in coalition building, but there were no for- by the Machiguenga Council of the Urubamba mal agreements on who should form the coalition River25 (COMARU), an organization promoting and with what external actors they should partner. local indigenous rights. Nevertheless, the researchers, who know these communities well, believe that coalition work has Impacts: The increases to river water levels are great potential in the region and should continue. likely attributable to shorter, more intense rainfalls They believe that coalitions will provide locals with combined with less forest and vegetation cover to the opportunity to directly interact with external absorb water and prevent runoff. Flora and fauna actors at the regional and national level, some- diversity has decreased, and community mem- thing that was missing in this research. bers commented that fish population levels are lower than anytime they can remember. Animal species for hunting have become more and more 25 Consejo Machiguenga del Rio Urubamba (COMARU) scarce. Pests and disease have ravaged coffee is the largest indigenous Machiguenga organiza- production, and other crops are experiencing tion representing 30 native communities. They have decreasing yields as well. More frightening is the become well known for their persistent resistance to increase in illnesses such as coughing, the flu, the Comisea natural gas extraction project. 32  n  Building Community Resilience to Climate Change: Testing the Adaptation Coalition Framework in Latin America 6.6. General Conclusions more of a long-term outcome, but evidence suggests that this support can happen Based on results from field-testing the ACF, it has quickly too. been shown that this approach is an effective mechanism for building community resilience to climate change. Short-term outcomes demon- 6.7. Risks strate successes in the building of Bridging and Bonding Social Capital, mobilization of internal There are some limitations and risks associated resources and increased access to external with the ACF that should be taken into account resources, including knowledge. These outcomes when planning. First, social indicators are notori- include the following: ously difficult to quantify and this is also true of measuring Bridging and Bonding Social Capital. ■■ The majority of communities identified and A monitoring mechanism is included in the final formed coalitions with the stated aim of stage of the Toolkit, but even with this as a guide, reducing vulnerability to climate change. The demonstrating the totality of results in all of their formation of these groups creates long-term, forms remains difficult. local champions for building climate resilience and reducing vulnerability. Second, one objective of this approach is to orga- ■■ In all five country case studies, communi- nize and mobilize previously marginalized commu- ties increased their levels of communication nities or social groups. Giving voice to populations with nonlocal actors and raised their internal that traditionally have not had it may ruffle some awareness of climate change and its dangers. feathers in certain established circles or disrupt ■■ In all five countries the building of coalitions beneficial and exclusive political arrangements. In led to some form of agreement with external other words, such an approach has the capacity to institutions and, as a result, strengthened disrupt the status quo and, depending on perspec- local-nonlocal alliances. tive, this could be for the better or for the worse. ■■ In about 75% of the communities tested, local community capitals were mobilized in order Third, as in the case of a highly conflictive area like to adapt to climate change. Tartagal in Northern Argentina, this approach re- ■■ In three out of five countries, communities quires a certain honest broker to begin to facilitate were able to gain access to financial or mate- the process. Developing partnerships requires a rial resources to adapt to climate change, certain amount of trust within and between coali- despite having only a few months for the tions. If a basic level of trust is not attainable, as coalitions to form and strengthen. It would is arguably the case in Tartagal, developing this usually be expected that financial or material framework, or any other adaptation strategy for investment into local communities would be that matter, could prove difficult or impossible. Case Study Summaries  n  33 34  n  Building Community Resilience to Climate Change: Testing the Adaptation Coalition Framework in Latin America 7.  Lessons Learned Besides the general conclusion that forming adaptation coalitions is an effective means to building community resilience to climate change, there were several other interesting findings derived from the case studies. 7.1. Social Impacts of Climate season catchment has become more difficult, and Change are Diverse, Long-term and during the dry season water is simply not as read- Uncertain ily available. In the communities of Los Menucos in Argentina, drought has always been a chal- Evidence from the field studies support the as- lenge, and this continues to be the case, however sumption that the social impacts from climate with more intense rainfall, flash flooding is also change are highly diverse and locally specific, increasingly an issue. In other words, the first ex- long-term, and difficult to predict. ample is a region that is threatened by increased precipitation yet faces serious water shortages, and the second example is an arid region forced 7.1.1. Diverse Impacts to confront an overabundance of water. The case studies verify that climate change has Additional layers of complexity compound these very diverse sub-regional and local impacts that diverse impacts. Even communities exposed to often contradict regional trends. For example, 15 similar climatic events will be affected in very dif- of 24 communities in this case study reported ferent ways as a result of having variable sources being threatened by both floods AND droughts. of vulnerability. In the Dominican Republic, both In the Bolivian altiplano, located near the tropical the urban areas of northern Santo Domingo and glaciers that supply water to large portions of the the rural areas surrounding Lake Enriquillo are country, there is actually an abundance of water threatened by increased precipitation and rising resources. As warmer weather and rains melt water levels; the latter faces a rising lake and the the glaciers, these water resources flow through former is confronted by a rising shoreline from the communities, yet there are still water short- the nearby Isabela and Ozama rivers. In the rural ages. One reason for this is that despite increased areas, the increased precipitation is having delete- rainfall during the rainy season from increasingly rious consequences on the traditional livelihoods intense downpours, the dry season has actu- of livestock management, fishing and agriculture. ally become longer. As a result, during the rainy Santo Dominicans, however, do not depend as Lessons Learned  n  35 much on the natural environment for their liveli- to revisit their challenges periodically and revise hoods, and rely more on industry. However, in the their adaptation strategies appropriately. By creat- city, several slums are located in lowlands near ing or strengthening adaptation coalitions, and the rivers putting these homes at risk of flooding. thereby forming institutions dedicated to respond- To put simply, in the rural areas, climate change ing to climate change vulnerability over the long- adaptation is a question of livelihoods; in the ur- term, communities were able to sidestep the need ban areas it is a question of housing. Furthermore, for long-term planning. the threat to natural resource based livelihoods often leads to rural to urban migration, as in the Long-term impacts can also be very different, or Dominican Republic. These migrants are typi- even contrary to short-term impacts. For ex- cally poor when they arrive in the cities and must ample, in the Bolivian communities of Chunavi find cheap housing; this cheap housing, in turn, and Condoriri, increased rainfall and the building tends to be located in lowland areas threatened of dams has increased the availability of water re- by floods or on slopes threatened by landslides. sources for these communities. The communities In the end, these migrants ended up escaping have, in turn, begun adapting to these changes by one type of impact related to flooding only to be planting potatoes at higher elevations to maintain confronted by another. harvests, and expanding irrigation systems and llama-grazing areas. However, increased temper- atures and rainfall is leading to the disappearance 7.1.2. Long-Term Impacts of the mountaintop glaciers of Tuni and Condoriri that supply water to the region. This has prompt- Another distinguishing characteristic of climate ed the construction of dams to regulate the change impacts, supported by the case stud- glacier melt for year-round use. These communi- ies, is they are often long-term. For example, it ties, situated on the front lines of threatened water has been predicted that both the frequency and availability, do not feel threatened, in fact, they feel intensity of storms in the Caribbean will increase emboldened. In several focus group discussions due to climate change. Therefore, the increased from these areas, locals voiced their contented- frequency of storms in the Caribbean is not ness with climate change. The reason was that just a temporary rough spot that countries can climate change increased the amount of attention withstand for a few years, before returning to and investment their communities have received. normalcy.26 Likewise, in the Paraguayan state of However, as these water resources continue to Ñeembucú, the drying of wetlands that communi- be diminished, these communities will inevitably ties are facing is not temporary, but is likely to be be faced with water shortfalls. Adaptation efforts a permanent fixture of the seasons. The perma- in these areas, whether autonomous or planned, nence of these changes means that communities must therefore focus on the long-term prospect that have traditionally adapted in the short-term of water scarcity, and not just short- and medium- must now adapt for the long-term as well. This term conditions. change in thinking is a major challenge. In each of the five case study countries, communities tended to focus on present needs and found it more dif- 26 This does not refer to the El Niño/La Niña (ENSO) ficult to think in terms of years or decades, rather phenomenon, which does lead to temporary in- than weeks or months. We found that the ACF, creases in the frequency and intensity of Caribbean specifically its longer-term organization and alli- storms. Because of this the Caribbean hurricane ances with external actors, allowed communities season has 15-year highs and lows. 36  n  Building Community Resilience to Climate Change: Testing the Adaptation Coalition Framework in Latin America 7.1.3. Uncertain Impacts risks associated with climate change, but that it is also limited in certain respects. As described In any venture, it is important to plan for the un- below, first, the definition of exposure is mislead- known. Unforeseen events transpire that force in- ing to community groups, second, commonly dividuals and communities to evolve with shifting used definitions of sensitivity are incomplete and circumstances. However, climate change makes should be expanded to include social sensitivities this unpredictability more of a threat, especially for like conflict, and third, the definitions of adaptive communities that have come to rely on the pre- capacity are theoretical and vague and should be dictability of the weather for their livelihoods. The developed further. Machiguenga indigenous people of the Peruvian Amazon are traditional hunters, fishers and gath- erers who have developed hundreds of years of 7.2.1. Exposure knowledge on how and where to find food. These techniques and practices are tried and true, that Exposure is defined as the character, magnitude, is, so long as the natural environment is predict- and rate of climate variation to which a system able and understood. is exposed (IPCC 2001, Glossary). A World Bank (WB 2010c) report goes on to say that, However, climate change is full of uncertainty. “Populations will be vulnerable when exposed to Scientists are unable to find consensus on the extreme weather events; increased water insecuri- impact that humans are having on global warm- ty; sea-level rise; reduced agricultural productivity; ing, climate models cannot account for all of the increased health risk; large-scale singularities and relevant factors to accurately predict weather aggregate impacts that worsen over time (e.g., changes, data collection is woefully behind and temperature rise).� However this definition groups seldom reaches vulnerable communities and together weather events, like temperature rise, climatic events are increasingly variable. To relate with the eventual impacts from these events, like this to a specific case, we see in the present day reduced agricultural productivity. In our develop- that the Machiguenga are faced with fewer fish in ment of the ACF, we found this grouping as mis- the river, fewer animals in the jungle and are find- leading and problematic. For example, the loss of ing their very way of life threatened. The combined agricultural productivity is a result of the interaction changes to the climate and the degradation of between exposures like drought with sensitivities parts of the Amazon ecosystem through resource like infertile soils caused by soil erosion and land extraction and other land use changes, have led use changes. In other words, to use this broad to an uncertainty that has reduced the value of definition of exposure is to group contributors to one of the Machiguenga’s greatest assets, their vulnerability with effects, in determining vulner- traditional knowledge. ability. Since one of the purposes of determining vulnerability is to understand how impacts are felt and how coalitions could be formed, we sepa- 7.2. Developing a Practical rated the outcomes from the causes and created Vulnerability Framework another “impact� category. See the example in Table 2 of how these terms were arranged in We found through the field research that the the Argentina case study. Another reason to do IPCC vulnerability framework of exposure, this, is that the vulnerability framework is used to sensitivity and adaptive capacity is practical as determine how a given system and population is a general guide to identifying the problems and vulnerable to climate change, and not to determine Lessons Learned  n  37 how communities are already impacted. However, have moved to substitute subsistence agriculture, since communities are already feeling climate cattle raising and hunting and fishing with major impacts, we decided to include current “impacts� extractive industries. This contributed to certain as another important indicator to measure due to livelihood losses, and as a consequence, open- its interrelation with vulnerability. conflict between big businesses operating in the area and traditional inhabitants, many of whom were forced to emigrate. With a changing climate, 7.2.2. Sensitivity these sensitivities were compounded to contribute to the further loss of livelihoods for locals, high The IPCC (2001) defines sensitivity as “the degree levels of inequality and poverty, an uptick in cases to which a system will respond to a given change of malaria and dengue and additional conflict. In in climate, including beneficial and harmful 1999 and again in 2002–2003, the city of Tartagal effects.� However, in application, community was the scene of violent conflict. Many blamed groups and researchers alike found it difficult to this conflict on dissatisfaction over high levels of distinguish between a community “sensitivity� unemployment (Bendini, et al. 2010). In 2006, in- that is beneficial and an “adaptive capacity.� For tense rainfalls led to landslides and an overflow of example, if community resources are mobilized as the Tartagal River. This led to wide spread flooding a response to climate exposure, is that a “sensitiv- and caused serious damage to livelihoods and the ity� that is beneficial or “adaptive capacity?� By city’s infrastructure. In 2009, this happened again, contrast, is poverty, which is a trait that increases but with more severe consequences, including vulnerability, a “sensitivity� or a lack of “adaptive several confirmed deaths and the disappearances capacity?� Because of this confusion, we have of locals whose bodies were not recovered. Such adapted IPCC’s original definition of sensitivity to high-levels of conflict severely limit the ability of include only harmful effects. Beneficial effects are communities to work together and build partner- included under the category of adaptive capacity. ships, hence severely limiting their capacity to adapt. As will be described in section 7.6, the ACF The importance of sensitivity in determining has been shown to reduce social conflict in certain vulnerability cannot be overstated, and should situations. include social factors, especially the existence of conflict. This was evident in the Argentine com- munities of Tartagal, as shown in Table 2, which 7.2.3. Adaptive Capacity were arguably the most at risk to climate change of the 24 communities involved in this study. The The IPCC (2001) defines adaptive capacity as reason for this was simple: Tartagal suffers from “the degree to which adjustments in practices, high climate sensitivity. In fact, sensitivities like processes, or structures can moderate or offset land-use changes were exacerbated by climate the potential for damage or take advantage of op- change to the point where it was impossible to portunities created by a given change in climate.� decipher which impacts resulted from which fac- However, measuring the capacity to adapt can be tor. Specifically, climate changes combined with challenging. The World Bank (2010c) elaborates the expansion of the soy frontier and exploration that, “The climate change literature is filled with for gas and oil have contributed to rapid deforesta- attempts to develop specific indices of adaptive tion and the displacement of numerous peasants capacity that take into account all the factors that and indigenous groups. This has led to high levels may go into adaptation and enhancement of resil- of conflict, where powerful and vested interests ience to climate hazards, but it has proven difficult 38  n  Building Community Resilience to Climate Change: Testing the Adaptation Coalition Framework in Latin America Municipality Exposure Sensitivity Adaptive Capacity Impacts Table 2 > Los Menucos • Drought • Extractive industries • Traditionalland • Challenges to livestock raising Argentina (Patagonia) • Infrequent but (mining) and natural management (loss of grazing land) Case Study • Los Menucos intense rains resource livelihoods • Sparsely populated • Health impacts Vulnerability • Sierra Colorada • Flash flooding (livestock) • History of working • Territorial movements by families Matrix • Ministro Ramos • Ag. expansion together to resolve Mejía • International livestock conflicts markets • Temporary internal migration Tartagal (North) • Increased precipi- • Land use changes • Natural resource • Loss of productive lines like • Tartagal tation and intensity • Deforestation wealth (oil and agriculture for others like gas • Salvador • River level rise • Ag Expansion (soy) gas) exploration • Mazza • Flooding • Gas exploration • Highly organized • Resettlement/expulsion of peasant • Aguaray • Landslides • High levels of conflict interests and indigenous communities and • Sporadic drought (little trust in the State) • Extra regional extra-regional migration • Soil erosion migration • Increased levels of conflict • Inequality (concen- • Financial wealth • High levels of poverty trated wealth) • Inequality (as a result) • Dengue and malaria to develop simple typologies, especially when the very activities that made people vulnerable in the data from the on-the-ground field studies remains first place. For example, in Río Negro, Argentina lacking (Kates 2000; Yohe and Tol 2002; Smit and and other arid regions of Patagonia, vulnerable Wandel 2006).� indigenous populations use state funds to replace their lost livestock with others, as the law dictates In developing the ACF on the ground, the this is the only way they can keep their ancestral Community Capitals Framework and its seven lands and not have to sell them. While replacing capitals were used to measure adaptive capacity. livestock lost in the event of a natural disaster can Using this framework was helpful in defining adap- be a helpful response to protect livelihoods, doing tive capacity and identifying resources and assets the same for a landscape undergoing long-term that are often taken for granted or not considered desertification can be problematic. If an ecosys- valuable, even by locals. In other words, it was not tem is becoming less habitable for a particular only a way to measure adaptive capacity but also crop or animal over the long-term and there is a means to build it by mobilizing these resources. little chance that it will ever be productive again, then guaranteeing this livelihood would lead to inefficiencies, lower yields, less sustainability and 7.3. The Creation of Perverse continued vulnerability. A more sound strategy Incentives through Climate under this scenario would be to ensure land rights Interventions AND provide support in developing alternative productive strategies. Generally speaking, when The case studies have shown that some inter- designing adaptation strategies it is important to ventions designed to respond to impacts exac- differentiate between one-time natural disasters erbated by climate change can actually increase and long-term climate changes. The former rep- community vulnerability. This happens when per- resents an event that will not prevent a return to verse incentives are created through public or pri- the status quo, while the latter represents perma- vate policies (or the lack of them) that promote the nent systemic change. Other examples of these Lessons Learned  n  39 perverse incentives identified in the case studies 7.4. Inequitable Adaptation include the following: Contributes to Vulnerability ■■ In the case of Paraguayan fishers, annual It is common knowledge that diversified econo- subsidies are paid to compensate for income mies, economic growth and access to resources lost during a two-month fishing ban period. build resilience to climate change. However, the However, this compensation may encourage case study examples demonstrate that if benefits the continuation of fishing when that liveli- are not distributed in an equal way, they will actu- hood has become less and less viable. ally lead to greater vulnerability to climate change. ■■ In Paraguay and Argentina, increased use of agrochemicals in response to increased Agrawal (2010) defines diversification as the distri- climate variability and declining soil fertility, as bution of risk across asset classes. This principle well as poor state regulation of agrochemical can be applied to households, social groups and use, contributes to increased water contami- communities. Certainly evidence from ACF case nation and, as a consequence, increased studies has demonstrated that diversification is sensitivity to climate exposure. an important strategy for building community ■■ In the Paraguayan Chaco, due to market resilience to climate change. In the comparative incentives, owners of large cattle ranches analysis of urban and rural areas from Paraguay build dams to retain water from seasonal and the Dominican Republic, it was clear that river floods. In the eastern Ñeembucú region, rural communities are more vulnerable than their cattlemen and agriculturalists build channels urban counterparts precisely because of the in- to drain wetlands in order to increase the creased livelihood diversity in cities. The two rural amount of available land for agriculture areas of the Dominican study, La Descubierta and pasture. These activities, while helping and Bartolome, were highly dependent on three short-term profitability in the face of water livelihood activities all of which were vulnerable abundance, increase the vulnerability of other to climate change, namely agriculture, livestock social groups such as small landholders and and fishing. However, the urban economies of fisherpersons. Guachupita and La Zurza in the north of Santo Domingo were much more diverse and as a result Of course, no adaptation strategy should be less vulnerable to climate change. deemed appropriate or inappropriate for ev- ery situation. For example, in contrast to the The primary reason that the two rural areas were Paraguayan Chaco scenario above, in the Andes, more vulnerable to climate change was that most building dams has been a highly effective strat- of their livelihood strategies were reliant on the egy for maintaining water supplies in the face of natural environment, which is much more sensi- glacial retreat. Therefore, what is important is that tive to climate change exposure than non-natural context specific realities and possible long-term resource based livelihoods. Evidence of this dy- consequences are taken into account when namic is present across the five countries partici- designing adaptation policies. To sum, while it pating in the case studies. This dynamic is further is easy to fault vulnerable communities for not supported in the literature, which has repeatedly adapting to longer-term climate change impacts, demonstrated that communities whose livelihoods it is often government, civil society and donor rely on the natural environment are the most vul- interventions or market incentives that encourage nerable to climate change (for example see World maladaptive livelihood strategies. Bank 2010a, 2010c, and 2010e). 40  n  Building Community Resilience to Climate Change: Testing the Adaptation Coalition Framework in Latin America Still, case study results show that even economi- unequal diversification leading to sensitivity was cally diverse communities can be highly vulner- also evidenced in the Dominican Republic. In this able to climate change if accompanied by high case, rural communities were highly knowledge- levels of inequality. In Salta of northern Argentina, able about the impacts, reality and need to adapt communities were highly vulnerable to climate to climate change and went about taking action. change despite the diversifying of the economy By contrast, urban communities who perceived from one of mainly livestock raising and sustain- themselves to be much less affected by climatic able forest practices to one of soy agriculture, changes were also less compelled to act despite oil and natural gas exploration and logging. This greater access to information. This left specific diversification had brought enormous wealth to climate vulnerable communities, like riverbank the region, but it was concentrated in the hands slums, with less traction when advocating for of specific groups and, as a result, came at a adaptive actions. high cost to others who use the land. More and more resources were poured into expanding the soy frontier, increasing mineral exploration and 7.5. The Many Faces of Migration harvesting forest materials. As a consequence, forests were cut down and natural ecosystems A large amount of literature27 rightly suggests were destroyed. This led to soil erosion, land deg- that migration is a climate change impact and/or radation and the pollution of water resources. This adaptive strategy. The ACF case studies sup- higher sensitivity led to greater damages from port both assertions. However, case studies also the floods that hit the region in 2006 and 2009. show that migration is a source of sensitivity that These transformations have left the traditional increases climate change vulnerability. livestock raising and forest communities without viable livelihood options, forcing many of these people to resettle. In addition, the great disparity 7.5.1. Migration is a Climate Change in incomes and wealth contributed to resentment Impact and Adaptive Strategy and violence on at least two occasions, in 1999 and 2002–2003. The issue of migration and climate change is both complex and hotly debated. In much of the Northern Argentina is an extreme case, but diver- literature, migration is described as the result of sification when coupled with inequality was also environmental threats. In the aftermath of extreme shown to contribute to reducing adaptive capacity weather events there has been a well-documented in other case study regions. In three communi- history of populations being internally or externally ties in the Bolivian altiplano —Amachuma Grande, displaced, leading to “environmental refugees.� Huancapampa and Pueblo de Palca—gold min- ing had become an important industry and took In the aftermath of non-extreme weather events, precedence over traditional potato farming and al- the causal link between climate and human paca herding. However, the fact that mining is not mobility is less clear. In such cases, there are highly exposed to climate changes has left this other contributing factors such as internal stress- part of the community uninterested in investing ors like poverty or poor schooling and external time or effort into adapting to it. This happened despite the fact that some members of the com- 27 For a good summary of the literature and the debates munity, particularly women, still relied overwhelm- surrounding migration and climate change see World ingly on agriculture and livestock. This dynamic of Bank 2010e: Chapter 4. Lessons Learned  n  41 opportunities such as economic or educational absent and efforts to make community decisions options in urban areas. The causal link between or develop adaptation strategies without them migration and long-term climate change (which proved difficult. Furthermore, their absence also is not a singular event) is weaker still, yet when a meant they were not available to engage in local totality of vulnerabilities is considered it is clear livelihood activities, leading to an increased burden that people migrate in response to them. Agrawal on the women and children who were more likely (2010), by contrast, defines human mobility as the to stay behind. This increased burden, exacerbat- distribution of risk across space, which is a form of ed by difficult climate changes, meant that those adaptation. These competing narratives suggest who stayed in the community did not have the time that climate related migration can be the result of nor resources to engage seriously in organizing, an internal push from the communities (an im- building social capital, mobilizing assets or gener- pact) or an external pull towards opportunities (an ally adapting to climate change, despite a clear adaptive strategy). In other words, migration can recognition of the threat. These factors demon- be categorized as both a largely negative or largely strate that migration is not only a climate change positive response. impact and adaptive strategy, but also a source of vulnerability. It seems that human mobility is even Evidence from the case studies suggests that mo- more complex than originally thought. bility is a consequence of both opportunities and threats. In the case of the lowland, flood-prone, urban areas in the Dominican Republic and areas 7.6. The Adaptation Coalition in Northern Argentina exposed to landslides, the Framework as a Tool of Conflict idea of climate “refugees� could certainly be ap- Prevention plied. In other areas, like the Bolivian highlands, migration is more a result of economic incentives While testing this framework in upland communi- from gold mining, where monthly incomes can ties in Bolivia, another application for the ACF reach between US$500 and US1,000. This is a was accidentally discovered. Communities of relative fortune in rural Bolivia. By looking at the the Valles Alto Andino region, like Huancapampa existing literature and the real life evidence from and Amachuma Grande, are uniquely situated the five-country case study, one can safely assert between the primary water reserve for the region that migration is both an adaptation strategy and - the glaciers of Mururata - and the main des- a climate change impact. tination for these resources - larger population centers of Palca and the gold mines that rely on this water. Upstream from these villages is a small 7.5.2. Migration Increases Vulnerability to community, Choquecota, which has first access Climate Change to these glacial resources and is responsible for allocating water to the downstream communities. Case study results suggest that migration can fall The placement of Huancapampa and Amachuma under the category of sensitivity as well, thus con- Grande in between the source and primary tributing to vulnerability. In Bolivia, a major inhibitor destination of water resources has left these to adaptation was the consistent migration of com- communities stuck between the proverbial rock munity leadership to urban areas for employment and a hard place. This is because they do not opportunities. In these cases, migration led to a have direct access to the water, nor the collective sort of local “leadership drain� where many of the power to demand greater supplies. As a result, communities’ leaders and decision makers were these communities have a history of disputes 42  n  Building Community Resilience to Climate Change: Testing the Adaptation Coalition Framework in Latin America with Choquecota. Combining this history with EPSAS had developed a strategy of engagement the increased scarcity of water resources due to to reduce the risk of conflict in the region. This climate change and the resultant tropical glacial strategy entailed three major objectives: retreat, the situation is rife with opportunity for ad- ditional conflict, even of the violent sort. 1. Establish a direct relationship with municipal governments and indigenous groups in the Studies have shown a very weak correlation be- region. tween climate change and violence, though for 2. Increase EPSAS’ knowledge of the local con- years many people have been sounding alarms text and the Andean culture. that this is a possibility (refer to World Bank 3. Implement projects in partnership with local 2010e Chapter 3 for a good summary and analy- leaders that directly benefitted local com- sis of this literature). However, in Peru, violent munities. protests have erupted under similar conditions to those of the studied communities in Bolivia (ANA By coincidence, the objectives of the ACF ran par- 2010). allel to EPSAS’ objectives, but from the perspec- tive of the community instead of the government. It In the Bolivian province of Los Andes a similar did not take long for the communities and EPSAS situation exists. In this region, the Tuni-Condoriri to realize they could help each other by enter- glaciers provide massive water supplies to the ma- ing into partnerships around common desired jor population centers of La Paz and El Alto, and futures. Over the course of implementing the ACF upstream communities in Los Andes, like Chunavi in this region, EPSAS was able to become further and Condoriri, are caught in between the main integrated with the communities and as a result, supply and demand for this water. 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