THE IMPACTS OF LABOR INFLUX FROM ROAD PROJECTS ON WOMEN AND GIRLS IN RURAL MALAWI HOPES, COSTS and UNEVEN BURDEN THE IMPACTS OF LABOR INFLUX FROM ROAD PROJECTS ON WOMEN AND GIRLS IN RURAL MALAWI HOPES, COSTS and UNEVEN BURDEN 1 © 2019 International Bank for Reconstruction and Development / The World Bank 1818 H Street NW Washington DC 20433 Telephone: 202-473-1000 Internet: www.worldbank.org This work is a product of the staff of The World Bank with external contributions. The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed in this work do not necessarily reflect the views of The World Bank, its Board of Executive Directors, or the governments they represent. The World Bank does not guarantee the accuracy of the data included in this work. 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Photo cover: 3 TABLE OF CONTENTS 1 Introduction 9 2 The effects of labor influx —good and bad 15 2.1 Positive effects on women and local communities 15 2.2 Negative effects of labor influx 19 Relationships and extra-marital affairs 20 Violence against women and girls 23 Additional negative effects on women 26 Negative effects on communities and their members 30 3 Factors that contribute to the negative effects of labor influx 36 3.1 Motivations and drivers for women and girls to enter relationships with workers 37 3.2 Motivations for men’s behavior 38 3.3 Community attitudes and norms 39 4 Existing interventions aimed at preventing harm to women and girls from labor influx 43 4.1 Existing prevention mechanisms at the community level 43 4.2 Existing prevention mechanisms in the camps 44 4.3 Mitigation mechanisms at the community level 46 4.4 Limitations to the effectiveness of existing institutions and initiatives 47 Shortcomings in prevention efforts at the community level 47 Ineffective prevention efforts in the camps 49 Governmental services that seem disconnected with the community 51 Mitigation initiatives that also fall short 52 5 Ten issues for priority attention 56 5.1 Sexual misconduct by male workers 57 4 Issue #1: employee codes of conduct are variously non-existent, poorly disseminated, or unenforced —and rarely address sexual behavior at all. 57 5.2 Institutional failures in the prevention and mitigation of gender-related harm 57 Issue #2: solving labor influx challenges gets generally low priority. 57 Issue #3: contractors lack capacity, knowledge, and staffing for enforcing social safeguards. 58 Issue #4: Inappropriate sexual behavior tends to go unreported. 59 Issue #5: many communities lack clear, trusted, and responsive channels for filing grievances. 59 5.3 Harm to women workers 59 Issue #6: women workers battle negative perceptions by community members and male co-workers. 59 Issue #7: women workers lack means to report abuse in the workplace. 60 5.4 Harm to community members 60 Issue #8: women and girls may get sexually involved with workers in hopes of short-term improvements in their economic situation such as gifts or a job. 60 Issue #9: girls in communities may become sexually involved with workers in the hopes of getting married and improving their lives in the long term. 60 Issue #10: unsupported pregnancies, parental abandonment, and stis leave women destitute. 61 6 References 63 Annex 1: Methodology 65 Annex 2: Research Instruments 74 Annex 3: Recommendations for stakeholders 82 Annex 4: Other Negative Effects of Labor Influx 87 Annex 5: Matrilineal versus Patrilineal Cultures in Malawi 89 Annex 6: Advisory Committee for this Study 91 5 ABSTRACT This study attempts to explore the impacts of simply by the influx of outsiders, but by deep labor influx related to roads construction on imbalances in gender dynamics of power and poor rural communities in Malawi with particu- influence in the local communities and worker lar attention to the impacts on girls and wom- camps. Girls, women, and workers are found to en. The study is based on 28 focus group dis- have diverse and complex reasons for engaging cussions with men and women road workers in relationships that could be harmful. These and people living in communities that hosted motivations often grow from societal norms the projects and additional key informant inter- that make women subordinate to men and views with road project staff, traditional lead- from women’s efforts, within the constraints of ers, secondary school principals, local service these norms, to improve their station in life, the providers such as police officers and medical study concludes. It also identifies limitations in workers, and survivors of gender-based vio- existing interventions and strategies and pro- lence. The study concludes that many of road poses steps by which they might become more construction’s harmful effects are caused not effective. 6 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This study funded by the Nordic Trust Fund Darlen Martha Dzimwe (Consultant), Fiskani (NTF) was conducted by a team composed by Ndhlovu Msutu (Consultant) and Hannah Swila Miriam Muller (Social Scientist), Sevara Meli- (Consultant) . We also thank the peer reviewers baeva (Senior Transport Economist), Ana Luiza Karla Dominguez (Gender Specialist) and Ste- Machado (Consultant) and edited by John Bur- phen Muzira (Senior Transport Specialist) for gess (Consultant). The team benefitted greatly their valuable comments and suggestions. De- from the valuable contributions of the Advisory siree Gonzalez (Program Assistant, GPV04), Mir- Committee composed by Government represen- iam Sangallo Kalembo (Team Assistant), Desta tatives, UN agencies and local NGOs (see An- Wolde Woldeargey (Program Assistant), and Ta- nex 6). Important inputs were contributed by tiana Daza (Senior Program Assistant) provided John Ng’ambi (Social Specialist, Roads Author- support throughout the implementation of the ity), Julia Schipper (Consultant), and Chikondi study. Our deepest gratitude to the key infor- Clara Nsusa-Chilipa (Transport Specialist) as mants and to the women and men who shared well as by Jeff Petruzzelli and Ray Maietta from their personal stories with us. The opinions, in- ResearchTalk. We thank the excellent team of terpretations, and conclusions expressed here- researchers who supported data collection and in do not necessarily reflect the views of the processing: Alister Munthali (Consultant), Tan- World Bank, its Board of Executive Directors, or dulenji Zimba (Consultant, On-site Counsellor), the Governments they represent. 7 8 1. Introduction “Business is booming. When we get our merchandise like sugar cane and vegetables, they [the construction workers] buy from us. They don’t have farming fields. They buy everything.” —Woman, 18-24 years, southern region “If we refuse a relationship, they will not employ us. But if we accept them, that’s when they give us a chance to work.” —Woman, 25-35 years, southern region All over the world, construction of modern in- skills and gain from exposure to ideas and cul- frastructure such as highways and bridges is tures that they haven’t encountered before. a key step toward development and poverty But the newcomers can also bring a host of reduction. To build these projects, large num- social problems, many of them harmful to wom- bers of male workers often come into small and en and girls in particular. These include rises isolated communities for extended stays. This in rates of teenage pregnancy, school drop-out influx can bring many benefits for local people. by girls, sexual harassment, gender-based vi- They may sell food to the workers, rent them olence, and sexually transmitted diseases. houses, and in some cases join their ranks as Long-standing community institutions and pow- paid employees at the construction site. Local er balances can come under strain from the people may learn new languages and technical sudden presence of large numbers of men who 9 are living without families, knowledge of their This study attempts to heighten under- hosts’ customs and history and constraints by standing through a deep examination of four local norms. rural communities3 in Malawi that hosted road workers, with particular attention to the im- In recent years, governments and interna- pacts of labor influx on girls and women.4 The tional development agencies have become in- study is based on 28 focus group discussions creasingly aware of these harmful side-effects with men and women road workers and people of project labor influx and have begun working living in communities that hosted the projects. to address them.1 Initiatives include creation of Researchers also conducted 19 key informant mechanisms to allow local people to file com- interviews with road project staff, traditional plaints; strengthening of law enforcement; cre- leaders, secondary school principals, police ation of gender-representative committees in officers and social workers. In the exploratory communities hosting the projects; fostering of stage of the study, researchers consulted with collaboration between local people and camp- 24 governmental and non-governmental organi- site managers and workers; and development zations. See Annex 1 for a detailed explanation of worker codes of conduct. of methodology. Though interventions are becoming more The study concludes that many of road common2, understanding of how pre-existing construction’s harmful effects are caused social issues, institutions, and cultural norms not simply by the influx of outsiders, but by shape their impacts has remained limited. Un- incoming cash from projects that feeds deep less based on a firm grasp of these complex dy- imbalances in gender dynamics of power and namics, programs may seem effective in theory influence. Girls and women in project affected but do poorly on the ground. areas can be exposed to GBV both at the hands 1 Complaints about a World Bank road project in Uganda have helped build of incoming workers and local men. Girls, wom- commitment in the Bank to assuring that its projects have strict rules, monitoring, and enforcement concerning potential negative impacts of en, and workers are found to have diverse and labor influx. complex reasons for engaging in relationships 2 A recent review commissioned by the World Bank assessed the extent to which social impacts of labor influx were identified and addressed in the that could be harmful. These motivations often planning and implementation of 20 projects across the Bank’s portfolio grow from societal norms that make women (World Bank 2017). The review found that in some cases, risk minimization actions were in place. These included the siting of work camps away from subordinate to men and from women’s efforts, communities (Turkey TANAP Natural Gas Pipeline Project); maximization within the constraints of these norms, to im- of local hiring to reduce need for outside workers (Argentina Grande Norte Chaco-PR3 Road Project, Vietnam Da Nang-Quang Ngai Expressway prove their station in life. Harmful project im- Project, Turkey TANAP Natural Gas Pipeline Project, Uganda Kampala Infra- pacts can occur regardless of project duration, structure Project, and Lebanon Greater Beirut Water Supply Project); use of self-sufficient camps (Lebanon Greater Beirut Water Supply Project and although they can worsen over time. The study Turkey TANAP Project); camp policies and codes of conduct that discour- age contact with locals (Turkey TANAP Natural Gas Pipeline Project); and HIV/AIDS awareness training (Argentina Grande Norte Chaco-PR3 Road 3 To protect the confidentiality of research participants, the report does not Project and Vietnam Da Nang-Quang Ngai Expressway Project). Other steps include location and project names. included worker health and hygiene programs, provisions to allow people 4 Annex 4 offers a discussion of harmful effects of labor influx that are not to telephone in grievances, and vocational training for local workers gender-related, such as environmental harm. 10 Box 1: Ethical Considerations Researching GBV Research that may touch upon issues related to GBV raise important ethical and methodological challenges in addition to those that arise in any research (WHO 2001). In this research, we took special steps to mitigate risks associated with interviewing survivors or perpetrators of gender-based violence (GBV) or violence against children (VAC). These included: special care when introducing the study to anyone to avoid stigmatization of participants; seeking continuous consent from participants; inform- ing participants of local mandatory reporting laws; measures to secure privacy and confidentiality in data collection and processing; recruitment of an experienced field team; intensive team training prior to fieldwork on GBV and VAC and how to act when a participant discloses a case during a FGD; care protocols to protect team members from vicarious trauma; liaising with service providers prior to fieldwork to enable refer- rals of survivors who requested care; and provision of counselling services on-site by a local GBV specialist. More information of ethical considerations and protocols used in this study can be found in Annex 1. also identifies limitations in existing interven- includes provisions to promote gender main- tions and strategies to prevent and respond to streaming in all sectors and the participation of GBV induced by projects and proposes steps women and youth in decision making. by which they might become more effective. In practice, however, women’s rights in Ma- The research was conducted in Malawi, lawi remain seriously curtailed. The country a country whose government has worked in ranks 170 out of 188 on the UN’s 2015 Gender recent years to promote gender equality. The Inequality Index. Customary laws and tradition- country ratified the Convention on the Elimina- al practices, many of them harmful to gender tion of All Forms of Discrimination Against Wom- equality, continue to shape the lives of women en (CEDAW) in 1987. The country’s constitution and girls (Malawi Human Rights Commission recognizes women’s right to full and equal pro- 2005). Gender disparities exist in income and tection under the law, and non-discrimination ownership of large assets such as land (ILO up- on the basis of gender or marital status.5 The dated Gender and Law Database). Traditional Government’s recently developed third Malawi matrilineal and patrilineal systems are found Growth and Development Strategy (MGDS III) among Malawi’s ethnic groups and both tend to perpetuate discrimination against women 5 Malawi Constitution, Articles 20 (1) and 24. Discrimination on the basis of sex is also prohibited. 11 in the family (Kamyongolo and Malunga 2011) Malawi’s Ministry of Transport and Public (see Annex 5). Works (MoTPW) recognizes the potential per- ils of labor influx and has taken concrete steps Efforts to end gender discrimination in Ma- to promote gender equality in road construc- lawi take place in a context of widespread tion and other parts of the transport sector. poverty. Almost three quarters of the country’s The national transport policy adopted in April 18 million people live on US$1.90 per day or 2015 seeks to further the gender-balanced less. The country’s society is overwhelmingly ru- and non-discriminatory provision of transport ral. Most people are subsistence farmers, grow- services and the recruitment of women in the ing a small range of crops—maize forms the sector (MoTPW 2015). Together with the Eu- basis of the national diet (FAO 2013)—under ropean Union and United Nations Population very difficult conditions. Drought is a persistent Fund, the Ministry has developed the Gender threat, limiting most fields to just one planting Mainstreaming Guidelines for the sector. These and harvest per year. identify a number of issues to address, includ- Road contractors in Malawi, like in many ing that (1) male contractors dominate the hir- countries, frequently bring in outside workers ing of workers, (2) women are under-represent- because labor or the required skills are un- ed in senior positions and technical jobs, (3) available locally. This includes workers from companies rarely retain women technical pro- other regions of the country as well as from oth- fessionals, and (4) multiple gender-insensitive er countries. Arriving workers may live in special acts and regulations govern various transport camps that are built for them or rent accommo- subsectors (MoTPW 2016). dations in nearby communities. The current study was requested by the Labor influx is different from typical mi- country’s Roads Authority6. As part of the gration—it is temporary, occurs quickly, and Southern Africa Trade and Transport Facilita- can scale up or down without warning. Over tion Program, the Bank is currently support- a matter of weeks or even days, large numbers ing the rehabilitation of 46 kilometers of the of people may arrive in a project area, unlike Karonga-Songwe highway in northern Malawi. natural demographic changes that typically oc- Contractors are expected to bring in a consid- cur gradually. The head count can fluctuate on erable number of workers from other regions of short notice, depending on the project’s require- the country or other countries. That agency has ments. Temporary does not necessarily mean committed to use the findings to adopt coun- brief—construction can go on for years (World try-wide measures to mitigate risks brought on Bank 2017). Taken together, these factors can by road construction work. Findings could also mean that local governments, residents, and find application in other countries where labor businesses may lack sufficient time, resources, and predictability to adapt to the presence of 6 The Roads Authority (RA) reports to the Ministry of Transport and Public Works (MoTPW) and is responsible for policy and strategy development, the newcomers. regulatory and legislative functions in the road sector. 12 influx for infrastructure construction can cause social harm. The report has four major sections. The first explores the effects that labor influx has on local communities and women working in the camps. The second presents social and eco- nomic factors that cause these effects. The third examines existing interventions, while the fourth identifies issues of particular concern and discusses possible approaches for their remediation. 13 14 2. The Effects of Labor Influx—Good and Bad 2.1 POSITIVE EFFECTS and education; and an improved sense of se- curity due to increased traffic flow and policing. ON WOMEN AND LOCAL Some of the positive impacts were stron- COMMUNITIES ger for women and girls than men and boys. In some regions, women ran most of the small In general, research informants in local com- businesses catering to the workers, while men munities believed that road construction has were responsible for farming. Several interview- positive impact on their wellbeing and liveli- ees emphasized that pregnant women now had hoods (Figure 1). Improvements included high- much better access health services when giving er income due to short-term employment on the birth. In some families, gains in income were work teams; acquisition of new skills; sales of used to pay school fees for girls, who often get goods and services to workers; and compensa- less priority than boys in education. Women tion paid to people displaced by construction. were also more likely to emphasize an improved At some sites, participants invested those com- sense of safety. pensation payments in scaling up their family businesses. For the longer term, informants The most important benefit that communi- praised the completed roads for giving them ty people mentioned was higher income. This easier transport, better access to health care took three main forms: sales by the local small businesses, casual service work, and income “It is safer to travel along the road than before when it was bush and women got attacked and raped” Woman from affected community, +35 years, southern region 15 Figure 1: Positive Effects of Road Construction on Women and Local Communities To Community in General To Women in the Community Economic benefits • Increased access to markets • Women provide services (eg. • Higher income due to short-term cleaning) and run most of the small employment by road contractors businesses catering to the workers • Sales of extra goods and services • In some place, women are favored by local businesses to road worker for short-term road work Jobs and firms - scale up of businesses Increase access to basic • Improved sense of security due to • Better security is particularly services increased policing welcome by women • Improved access to health and • Pregnant women gain better access education services to health services Other benefits at the • Increased mobility community level • Safer walking paths and model of transport • Exposure to new cultures and languages • Introduce to urban lifestyle • Learning throught socializing with people outside the community and forming new friendships Other benefits at the • Increased family income pays household level school fees for girls • Change in household dynamics, as increased income can make it easier for women to leave abusive relationships Other benefits at the • Acquisition of new skills and • Finding a partner and lasting indicidual level cultural Exchange relationship • For women employment by the projects, greater Independence and confidence from housing rentals. With the arrival of work- raised their incomes by renting accommoda- ers, who have an average higher income than tions to workers. the locals, the pool of customers expands. In Another positive affect that participants the sites that researchers visited, local peo- mentioned is the communities’ exposure to ple were commonly selling the workers such new cultures and skills. Through interactions things as farm produce and processed food. with the outside workers, community members Many workers sought domestic services such could learn new languages, cultures, and be- as cooking and house cleaning. In addition, be- haviors, all of which they perceived as a kind cause many contractors don’t provide housing of modernization and expansion of their world for their workers, many community members views. Communities reporting this effect were generally rural and small with limited access 16 “For those who get to be close to them at soccer, they have taught some techniques. And culturally we have benefited from some of the chatting with them or from their interactions with the community.” Man from affected community, 18-24 years, southern region “Sometimes in having a friendship with them, they may help, maybe when you have problems like sickness.” Man from affected community, 18-24 years, southern region to the urban lifestyle. Workers often came from ed with community members and sometimes cities and brought with them, for example, new used their knowledge and resources to support ways of speaking and dressing, which locals community members in their daily struggles. sometimes adopted. In addition, workers some- Some women found lasting relationships times taught local people new skills such as and marriages with incoming workers. In fo- operating machinery and driving. cus groups, female members of local commu- Finally, the formation of friendships and re- nities sometimes discussed women who mar- lationships was important in shaping positive ried workers, started families, and moved to a perceptions of labor influx. This could happen new location. These stories were shared with a as workers rented houses in local villages and sense of admiration for the women for having befriended their neighbors. They also interact- improved their life situations. There were also ed with community members in public spaces cases of women employed in the camps devel- such as markets, sports fields, and bars where oping amorous relationships with co-workers. men meet for drinks and conversation. Through These sometimes led to marriage. these interactions, the newcomers got acquaint- 17 Box 2: Basic Facts about Labor Influx in Malawi Where workers are from: The composition of labor influx varies from region to region. The vast majority of incoming workers on the four projects that researchers visited were Malawians from other parts of the country. Compared to international workers, they were more likely to blend in with the community, for example, by renting houses in surrounding villages and frequenting the same public places as locals. International workers were generally higher-skilled workers while workers from other regions of the country were in medium- to low-skilled positions. Where they stay: Most managers and foreigners lived in camps, which were usually rather small with room for only a few dozen people. Malawian workers generally rented houses in the communities or trading centers surrounding the project or—depending on the projects’ location—lived in larger nearby towns and commuted daily to work. Who comes with them: Most male workers living outside the camps in communi- ties did not bring their wives and children to live with them, because of the cost and temporary nature of the employment (often only three months). However, a small por- tion of them did bring their wives.7 7 Although this issue will not be a focus of this study, labor influx has impact not only on local communities, but on the women and children who are left behind at home. Impacts may include psychological and emotional strain, exposure to diseases, and lack of financial support. The study also found positive effects for Though most jobs that women get in road women who are hired for work in road con- work are low-skill and low-pay, the increased struction (Figure 2). A job on a road team con- income can significantly change household dy- fers greater economic autonomy on women and namics. These changes were particularly strong improves their ability to provide for their fam- among married women: they reported changes ilies. A significant share of women workers in in their husbands’ behavior including greater the road construction sites were single mothers respect now that they were independent and who supported their children and sometimes brought a financial contribution to the house. older relatives as well. In interviews, they proud- Family members often welcomed their employ- ly emphasized their ability to provide this sup- ment and the income gains that resulted. port and the resulting feeling of empowerment. While successful women workers could be the target of resentment by family and 18 “My husband started showing me a different attitude because he knows that I have my own money…’” Woman working in road project, married, southern region “We view them as different than us, as they have something to do, and we have nothing to do. The road construction has given them the opportunity to get some money and support themselves without de- pending on parents or their partners.” Woman from affected community, 18-24 years, southern region neighbors, and face accusations of sexual mis- conduct themselves in the camp, they also ex- 2.2 NEGATIVE EFFECTS perienced increased social status in the com- OF LABOR INFLUX munity. In rural areas where jobs are scarce, Though research participants listed numerous working in a construction site was often seen benefits of labor influx, they also described as a rare and precious opportunity. multiple negative impacts (Figure 2). Many of Mixing with co-workers from outside their these concerned sexual contacts between male communities enabled women to learn new workers and local girls and women. Unwanted things and acquire new perspectives—chang- pregnancies, sexually transmitted diseases, es that would last long after the road project and abandonment by the men were frequent ended. Research participants shared their ex- outcomes of these relationships. Female drop- periences learning new skills working with the out rates at local schools rose. Community men construction company, which for some was felt resentment against the workers and grew their first work experience of any kind. During suspicious of the fidelity of their own wives and the research, women often spoke of a change girlfriends–which caused them to enhance the in their personal and professional aspirations. sometimes forceful control that they exercised They were starting to consider investing more in over these women. Women who were hired into their career pursuits by acquiring new skills or the road teams often became targets of sexual by looking for jobs in other locations. harassment on the job. In general, the newcom- ers’ behavior served to undermine established 19 Figure 2: Negative Effects of Labor Influx on Different Actors To Individuals To the Community Women Local institutions and governance • VAWG induced by road projects • Charges in established structures of power • Education and representation • Health • Undermined trust in traditional leaders and institutions • Economy • Local institutions unable to sanction • Reputation - stigma outsiders’ wrongdoings • Stress • Perceptions that local leaders are receiving disproportional benefits from projects creates distance to villagers Men Social effects • Lower self-esteem • Decrease in social cohesion • Sense of helplessness • Violence and conflicts • Alcohol abuse • Arrival of sex workers customs and power relationships within the how they began, length of involvement, and mo- community. tivation on the two sides. Many are ultimately harmful to women. Relationships and These relationships can involve male work- Extra-Marital Affairs ers (both local and outsiders), women in the communities, and women employed in the Research participants were unanimous in say- projects—with both genders having varied ing that intimate relationships that road work ages and marital statuses8. Incoming workers generates are the most powerful disturbance may enter into relationships with community to social balance within the community. Given women who may or may not be in established that these ties can involve pregnancy, jealousy, relationships with local men. Local men work- violence, AIDS/HIV, and marital infidelity, they ing in the projects may engage in affairs with are talked of constantly in the community. female co-workers, or with other women in the Sexual relationships that result from labor community. influx come in many varieties (Figure 3). They differ in actors involved, type, level of formality, 8 The research did not come across any cases of relations between individu- als of the same sex. 20 Figure 3: Relationships with Workers Take Different Forms Relationships vary in terms of: • Lenght • Secrecy • Formality • Agency women • Marriage status of the two people Women meet men through: • Interactions in trading center or quarters rented to workers • Random meeting on the roadside when men drive by • Employment as housekeepers in workers’ quarters • Local men and boys who act as connectors Women and gorls are typically motivated by: • Short-term enticements such as gifts and jobs offered by workers • Hopes of escaping poverty and fulfilling basic needs for self and family • Romantic aspirations for a lasting relationship The type of relationship also varied, by these were transactional, with the worker pro- length, secrecy, and formality. Some were lon- viding the woman with gifts, cash, or the (often ger-term relationships in which a worker later false) promise of a job. These sexual encoun- married a local woman. There could also be ters could happen in rented houses, in the bush temporary marriages through deceit, in which along the road, inside cars, and in guest hous- the worker proposed to a local woman and they es at trading centers. lived together as husband and wife in the com- How the relationships began also varied munity—but only as long as the project lasted. greatly. Workers who rent houses in the com- With that, the man left her, sometimes with a munity might start relationships with neighbors child to take care of. Other relationships were or with women they hire to perform services informal, with the worker and the local woman seen as women’s work, such as cooking and having sexual intercourse periodically. Some of cleaning. Another point of interaction is trading 21 “In the village, people don’t take account that this person is just a se- curity guard or manual worker. They just think that anyone employed by the contractor can offer them work…So, based on lies, the stranger is free to do as he pleases, sleep with anyone, and when pregnancy or diseases emerge, he is gone.” Man from affected community, +35 years, southern region “They usually meet along the way as they go to school. The workers stop the girls and pick them up in their vehicles to wherever they are going. The workers also give these girls money, which acts as a bait to coerce the girls start a relationship with them. Sometimes they even do sexual intercourse in the vehicle.” Woman from affected community, 18-24 years, married or with children, northern region centers,9 where workers may approach women Local men were reported to sometimes em- and girls doing business in markets or working ulate the outside workers’ behavior and start in restaurants. Other random interactions oc- having multiple affairs. Power shifts within the cur on the roadside when women or girls are community were not exclusively the result of walking to school, collecting fire wood, or fetch- those coming in. Local men who were hired by ing water. According to participants, men often the contractors suddenly had access to greater offer various enticements for accepting these income. That could embolden them to start en- interactions, such as rides in their cars, free gaging in multiple affairs, with local women or cellphones, or work as housekeepers. While women working at the camps, eventually aban- most reports stated it was men who made the doning their families and cutting off financial initial approach, women and girls may also ap- support. proach men. Local men and boys acted sometimes as 9 Trading centers are located along major highways, usually within walking connectors, befriending workers and introduc- distance of villages, and function as the local hubs of commerce for rural ing them to local women. These connections community members. The centers usually have food and convenience stores, and in some cases hardware, clothing, and agricultural supply were sometimes described as coincidental, stores. They can also serve as a general marketplace on set days of the with the local men and boys forming friendships week, when people from neighboring villages bring their produce to sell. 22 “Some men have divorced their wives after getting involved with ladies working on the site.” Woman from affected community, 25-35 years, northern region with the outsiders with no specific intention of tionships as consensual, but the ties must also making introductions. Other times, though, the be understood in the framework of local social locals provided these “services” in exchange norms and power imbalances in the community, for small gifts, cash, or employment. which we will discuss further on in this report. In all work camps that researchers visited, sexual relationships between men and women Violence against Women working together were common. Sometimes and Girls the people were peers but in other cases, wom- en became sexually involved with men who Some relationships are physically harmful to were their superiors in the organization. Women neither party but others end up in direct vio- workers taking part in focus groups mentioned lence against women (Figure 4). All in all, labor several instances of coercive and violent sexual influx has made women and girls more exposed harassment, but they also emphasized the con- to gender-based violence (GBV).10 Direct expo- sensual nature of some of those relationships. sure included defilement, sexual exploitation, Co-workers could become partners or even mar- and abuse of minors; coerced sex or rape; phys- ry, they said. ical, emotional, and psychological abuse; finan- cial violence through unsupported pregnancies The why of relationships with camp men took many forms. In focus groups, women men- 10 For the purposes of this study, we use the terms “violence against women and girls” (VAWG) and “gender-based violence” (GBV) interchangeably to tioned the development of romantic feelings for refer to the full range of abuses recognized by the UN Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women (DEVAW) and other international the men and hopes of eventually receiving pro- agreements. The UN Declaration, adopted by the UN General Assembly posals of marriage. They also spoke of poverty in 1993, defines violence against women as “any act of gender-based violence that results in, or is likely to result in, physical, sexual or psycho- and the urge to fulfill basic needs for oneself or logical harm or suffering to women, including threats of such acts, coercion one’s family. It was significant that younger wom- or arbitrary deprivations of liberty, whether occurring in public or in private life.” The declaration encompasses all forms of gender-based violence en were likely to bring romantic hopes into these against women (physical, sexual, and psychological), no matter in what context or setting they occur: (1) in the family (such as battery; marital relationships, while older women tended to see rape; sexual abuse of female children; dowry-related violence; female and openly speak of the relationships’ trans- genital mutilation/cutting and other traditional practices harmful to women), (2) in the general community (such as rape, sexual harassment, actional nature. Community members and the and intimidation at work, in school, and elsewhere; trafficking in women; young girls themselves could view these rela- and forced prostitution), and (3) violence perpetrated or condoned by the state, wherever it occurs. 23 Figure 4: Labor influx can increase violence against women • Verbal sexual harassment Direct effects in • Sexual and physical abuse road camps • Dismissal for resistance to men’s advances • Defilement, sexual exploitation, and abuse of minors Direct • Coerced sex or rape effects in • Physical, emotional, and community psychological abuse • Denial of financial support for pregnancies • Violence from spouses or family members as a result of liaisons indirect with workers community effects • Restrictions on women’s mobility • Deprivation of income and basic rights “They are even getting involved with young girls, and even those who haven’t reached puberty.” Man from affected community, 18-24 years, southern region and parental abandonment; and sexual harass- When violence occurred, a key feature of ment and intimidation at work. Indirect expo- the relationships is power imbalances created sure triggered by labor influx included violence by differences in gender, age, access to infor- perpetrated by spouses and family members mation, and financial resources. For example, as a result of liaisons with outside workers, in- one young woman in a focus group discussed cluding physical, emotional, and psychological how an older man whom a woman had met for abuse, restrictions on women’s mobility, and an initial casual encounter might “forcefully deprivation of income and basic rights. push her into having sex despite [her] not being sure about it”—or rape her. In addition, a man 24 “When the married women in the community want to get themselves jobs, they are stopped or refused by their husbands, who usually say, ‘you want to go there and sleep around.’” Woman working in road project, married, southern region can engage in controlling behavior and physical men are common, local men can become more violence if he suspects a woman whom he sup- controlling towards women in general. Women ports is having an affair with someone else. who do not engage in affairs suffer nonetheless because spouses become increasingly suspi- Sexual abuse and exploitation of minor cious of their activities. This lowers women’s girls by adult men was a significant issue in mobility and access to economic opportunities, most sites. Workers sometimes engaged in sex particularly married women whose husbands with girls as young as 12 years old, according may prevent them for applying for jobs at the to several community members. Community project or tell them to quit their jobs. members expressed concern that these rela- tionships could harm the girls’ lives and the Women workers at road camps often endure community itself. They described their own feel- harassment and emotional, sexual, and physi- ings of helplessness in their attempts to coun- cal abuse from the men around them. Women sel girls to avoid such situations. workers, particularly single ones, often confront very negative dynamics in the camp workplac- Beyond abuse inflicted by camp workers, es. Men may touch them inappropriately, ask labor influx leads to an overall increase of vio- for sexual favors, or forcefully demand a regular lence against women in the community. Mar- sexual relationship. Women workers perceive ried women who engage in extramarital affairs that men assume they are—or should be—sex- with temporary workers may suffer intimate ually available. Several women interviewees partner violence from their husbands. Under- reported sexual harassment both from male age girls may be targets of violence by their own peers and superiors. family members. Community members often see violence in these situations as justifiable, Some women workers were able to refuse something that the woman or girl “deserves.” these advances without suffering negative Hence, the victims may receive no emotional, consequences, but others paid a price. Some social, or economic support from others. research participants shared that when women refused these advances, they could face retal- As the community becomes aware that re- iation in the form of verbal and even physical lationships between local women and outside 25 “The problems we face when we refuse a relationship include even being beaten. You may be insulted because you have refused.” Woman working in road project, married, southern region “When they [male workers] ask you and you say ‘no,’ you are in trou- ble. They may report false stories to the office.” Woman working in road project, married, southern region violence. Perpetrators would directly threaten to fections (STIs). These include HIV/AIDS and cancel their jobs or implicitly communicate that other diseases that research participants were their lives could become more difficult in the not able to identify. When probed for their knowl- workplace. edge about methods of protected sex and why people often didn’t use them, participants in Additional Negative women’s focus groups emphasized that it had little to do with lack of information or money. Effects on Women Rather, a recurrent theme was that men often Relationships with incoming men bring other coerced women and girls into unprotected sex risks to local women (Figure 5), including in- by threatening to leave them or—in the case of creased exposure to sexually transmitted in- transactional sex—to provide less money in ex- Figure 5: Many aspects of a woman’s life can come under threat. Affected dimension Specific risks Health • Exposure to STIs • Dangerous abortions Education • Increased rates of school drop-out due to relationships or pregnancies Economic status • Rise in single mothers with no means to support children, sometimes forcing entry into prostitution Stigma • Community defamation of women who take up with workers Workplace • Harassment (or the threat thereof) that causes constant stress for women; • Difficulties in socializing with co-workers casually and learning new skills 26 “We suffer harm because the men who work there are asking us out and we may end up failing school due to being made pregnant or even being infected.” Woman from affected community, 18-24 years, southern region change. During focus groups in the central and in school.11 After relationships with workers and northern regions, women quoted an explanation pregnancies, girls decided they no longer need- frequently used by men when they refused to ed to attend school or the worker fathering the wear a condom: “You don’t eat candy while it’s child prevented them from doing so. In many still wrapped” (“sweet sadyera mu pepala” or sites, girls who left school never went back due “yodyera mpepala siyikoma”). In a site where both to lack of interest and the school’s refusal the project had ended two years earlier, partic- to take them back.12 ipants spoke about an increase in the number Women who enter relationships often end of disease-related deaths after the comple- up as single mothers without the means tion. The situation was aggravated by the lack to support their children. It is common for a of local services for sexual and reproductive woman who becomes pregnant by a worker to health, preventing women from getting tested be abandoned by that worker, who leaves the and treated, and intensifying the transmission community and becomes untraceable. Affairs of diseases. and related tensions between spouses in the Another health consequence is risky abor- community may lead to separation and divorce. tions. Women who experience unintended preg- Informants say it is women and children who nancies may then get unsafe abortions. They end up suffering the most in these situations. A often resort to traditional herbs and other dan- married woman may enter a relationship with a gerous ways to terminate a pregnancy. Such interventions may do severe harm to the wom- 11 The research reached no conclusion about whether the workers’ presence might have driven up boys’ drop-out rate by causing a rise in child labor an’s health or even kill her, interviewees said. to serve them. Child labor did not come up during interviews and focus groups. Girls face an increased risk of dropping out 12 Since 1993, Malawi has had a policy that teen mothers must be allowed of school following relationships and preg- to return to school after giving birth. However, the process for benefiting from this policy is complex. The young woman must write a letter withdraw- nancies. Community members and key infor- ing from school while she is pregnant and reapply six months after birth. mants from local schools reported that com- When reapplying, she must send one request to the Ministry of Education and another to the local school. A study by USAID found that most teach- mencement of road projects meant fewer girls ers, parents, and students were not aware of the policy and procedures. In addition, the study argues that young mothers who did try to benefit from the policy often faced stigmatization by teachers, friends, and relatives. 27 “There are a lot of men [workers] who just dump the women and kids, and as a result the woman suffers with the kids and she ends up re- sorting to prostitution to cater to the kids.” Woman from affected community, 25-35 years, southern region “I remember my own experience, when we were in Form 3 [a second- ary schooling level] when the project had just started…Our teacher came and said the people who have come here are not here to play, [but] from where they are coming, girls are quitting school because they were impregnated by these men. In Form 3 there were about 70 of us, but as we went to Form 4, we were 65. The rest of the girls were impregnated and are just staying at home now and some with chil- dren. Sometimes one would wonder, what is it really that they want?” Man from affected community, 18-24 years, southern region worker with the expectation that he will provide parents and relocated to towns or cities. Some for her and any children. However, a common were said to have gone into sex work there. outcome is for the affair to be revealed, prompt- Some community members expressed at- ing both the worker to leave and the husband to titudes that blamed women and girls for bad demand divorce. As men are generally the main outcomes from involvement with workers. The providers for the household and economic op- extent of this stigmatization remained unclear. portunity in these regions is scarce, the women This may be because these interactions have and their children may end up destitute. come to a certain extent to be considered “nor- Economic need eventually forces some sin- mal” in the community. But it is worth noting gle mothers to enter prostitution. This was that there seemed to be no stigmatization in mentioned with particular frequency in the the form of discrimination against the children south of the country. Women there who became born of these relationships. single mothers through relationship with work- Community members had greater concern ers had no means to support themselves. As a for younger women entering into relationships consequence, many left their children with their with workers, as it was seen that they tend- 28 “With the mobile nature of the work, people tend to think we are being promiscuous. So they label us with a bad name and it reaches the point where all the girls working at construction are prostitutes.” Woman working in road project, single, northern region Maybe on some day the staff bus is delayed and this makes us late getting home. You may be considered [by your husband] to have re- mained with a boyfriend and you end up quarrelling about it.” Woman working in road project, married, southern region regioregiont,married, southern region ed to suffer greater harm than older ones. Be- Women who do get hired at road camps cause they are in the early stages of their lives, often become the target of defamation. This these relationships were seen to have a more comes from a common belief in communities negative impact on their futures. Research that female workers engage in sex with male participants told stories of teen-aged girls be- co-workers at the camp. The strength of this coming pregnant, dropping out of school, and belief is clear in the nickname that local peo- remaining at home. ple gave one of the camps visited–Khanyula (“open your legs”). Though sexual exploitation The married and older women of a communi- by men is rampant in the camps, this name ty generally lose out on road construction job blames the women’s action and stigmatizes opportunities but often must take on respon- them for working at the site. In focus groups, sibilities of raising their daughters’ children. some women workers expressed frustration at Women said that older married women gen- sometimes being called prostitutes or being erally cannot get road jobs. This was various- the target of gossip. ly because male managers felt they could not balance home and work responsibilities, would The high levels of sexual harassment and not provide the sexual favors of single women, stigma can put female workers in a constant and would not be up to the physical demands state of stress and self-policing. Women feel of the work. This left older women available to they have to be constantly on their toes to avoid take care of children borne by younger women misunderstandings and the triggering of a chain in relationships with road workers. of gossip. Married women in particular feel they 29 Box 3: The need for protective measures for women workers Road construction and rehabilitation projects represent an important platform for sup- porting the empowerment of local women through employment and income generation opportunities but can also expose women workers to risks—both at home and in the workplace— if prevention and response measures are not put in place. Such mea- sures can include awareness raising in affected communities on the advantages of women’s employment in projects; ensuring women are hired across skill levels; and designing confidential reporting mechanisms that can be used by women workers that reduce the risk of retaliation or of job loss. Recommendations are discussed in greater detail in annex 3. have to limit any interactions with male peers workplace, meaning there are limited chances lest gossip reaches their husbands. to learn new skills. Similarly, word that a wom- an is spending extended time with a man while While most women workers are hired local- learning to operate a machine could make its ly for a single project, a few become itiner- way back to the husband, causing jealousy. ant, traveling to where the work exists—but they may face tensions in their relationships. Itinerant female workers often can’t keep their Negative Effects on marriages or relationships together in the way Communities and Their that male co-workers can as they move from Members location to location. This is related to the resis- tance that male partners commonly feel toward Camp-related relationships may spark con- the women’s jobs. Gossip and suspicion of in- flicts and even violence within local families fidelity at distant work camps can trigger con- and between local men and outside workers trolling or violent behavior at home and eventu- (Figure 7). When affairs were revealed, conflicts ally lead to divorce. sometimes erupted between a betrayed spouse Difficulties in interacting casually with and the worker. This could take the form of def- male peers make it hard for women to take amation, verbal attacks, and physical violence. part in social networks and develop technical Local men and boys often suffer reduced skills. Men normally hold the high-skilled jobs self-esteem. The reason relates to the fact that in the camps. Women say that sexual harass- the workers have more money and worldly ex- ment and unwelcome attention make it difficult perience than local men. The newcomers may to interact professionally with these men in the seem more interesting to community women, 30 Figure 6: Negative effects can spill over into communities at large Affected group Issues Local men and boy • Inability by local men to settle differences with outside workers on an equal stance • Reduced sense of self-esteem in competition for women’s affections Traditional leaders and • Shifts in established structures of power and representation local governance struc- • Undermined trust in traditional leaders and local institutions due to feelings tures that they bow to the outsiders • Perception that local leaders and representatives get disproportionate benefit from projects, creating distance with villagers Community members en • Conflicts within local families and between locals and incoming workers, general over sexual realtionships • Increased abuse of alcohol • Influx of sex workers “It has affected our marriages and relationships as young men, be- cause of the girls’ love for the money…They have their needs, so they get into relationships with the workers, not people of our status.” Man from affected community, 18-24 years, southern region including those who are already married or in land. After this episode, nothing happened to relationships. Local men feel they have little to the worker, and the man felt unable to make offer in contrast to these competitors. Several him responsible. This power imbalance often interviewees expressed a sense of lost man- was rooted in locals overestimating the work- hood, and frustration that local women were be- ers’ power and influence. Community people ing “spoiled” by the outsiders through STIs and often took it for granted that the outsiders had unwanted pregnancy. ties to powerful people who could harm them. Local men feel unable to settle differenc- Like women and girls who adopt new behav- es with outside workers on an equal stance. iors to get jobs or benefits from relationships They were intimidated by the workers’ money with the workers, young men in the communi- and perceived power. One man recounted get- ty make friendships with workers with gains ting into a personal conflict with a worker, who in mind. Young men who want a job at a road took actions to temporarily damage his family’s construction company have to give something 31 “Where will we find girls to marry, and how many girls are we going to take to the hospital for HIV testing? If this behavior continues, all the girls will be spoiled.” Man from affected community, 18-24 years, southern region “The boys…try so hard to befriend the workers so that they get them beer… Those who didn’t drink are now drinking and smoking.” Woman from affected community, 25-35 years, southern region to get it. So some start acting as “scouts” for and representatives in particular—benefit dis- relationships between male workers and wom- proportionally from the road works. This per- en in the community, even underage girls. In ex- ception of corruption among those in power was change, the workers may pay for alcohol, give mentioned in many communities that research- gifts, or arrange for jobs. ers visited. While the facts of the situations re- main in question, it is clear that locals strong- Perceptions that traditional leaders are ly perceive a loss in their connection to their powerless or unwilling to solve problems re- representatives. In addition, local people who lated to labor influx undermine local peo- had more money were believed to be benefitting ple’s trust in institutions. Communities that more from employment opportunities, because researchers visited have complex traditional a key strategy for getting jobs in road construc- structures governing social life, including the tion was reportedly bribery. resolution of conflicts within and between fam- ilies (Box 4). Because they are outsiders, con- At a site where road work had ended two tractors and workers often have little knowledge years earlier, participants mentioned alcohol of those structures, do not respect them, and abuse as one of the major longer-term conse- do not feel accountable to the people who run quences of the construction. During the proj- them. This results in conflicts that traditional ect, several bars opened along the road, meet- leaders are not able to resolve. In some villag- ing demand from the outside workers and other es, community members also spoke of cases of people who came to the community due to the leaders being bribed by contractors. newly constructed road. Local men and women started frequenting these establishments. After Several interviewees sensed that some the road was completed, the bars remained in groups within the community—local leaders 32 Box 4: Local Bylaws in Malawi Malawi’s Local Government Act provides for District Assemblies to formulate bylaws for the good governance of the local jurisdiction. People who violate the bylaws face fines. Local chiefs also have the liberty to formulate bylaws on specific issues. This has resulted in bylaws on child marriage, gender-based violence, harmful cultural prac- tices, and the need for girls to go to school (PLAN, not dated & IKI, 2014). Some studies have found that these laws have successfully addressed certain issues at the community level (IKI 2014). For instance, the Gender Empowerment Network in Malawi worked with traditional leaders in Chiradzulu District to develop local bylaws prohibiting child marriage. Men who engaged in the practice were fined in goats and chickens. This significantly reduced child marriage in the area and improved school enrolment (GENET 2014). Village Heads have enacted other bylaws to address the management of boreholes, water taps, and wells (Kafakoma and Silungwe 2003). business and research participants reported workers. According to research participants, that many community members had become the arrival of men workers making relatively high addicted to alcohol. Alcohol abuse was evident pay drew prostitutes from other regions of the at this site; during focus groups, several drunk country. Sex workers became particularly con- individuals passed by. In addition, young men centrated around trading centers neighboring were reported to have started drinking more affected communities. This, in turn, was seen heavily and engaging in abusive behavior. to contribute to the disruption of marriages and the spread of STIs as local men began engag- People at the southern site mentioned an- ing with these sex workers unprotected. other drawback of road work, an influx of sex 33 Box 5: Local Governance in Malawi Each district is subdivided into Traditional Authorities (TAs), presided over by chiefs. These chiefs are of three ranks: chief, senior chief, and paramount chief. Below chief/ TA, there is chief/sub-TA, group village headman (GVH) and then, the lowest rank, vil- lage headman (VH) (Baldwin 2016). Roles of chiefs and headmen include mobilizing people for local development proj- ects and resolving disputes over inheritance, marriage, land, and witchcraft accusa- tions. More generally, they are responsible for ensuring the wellbeing of their peo- ple and maintaining peace and order (Cammack et al. 2009, United Nations Human Rights 2016, and NDI 1995). People whom they find guilty of offenses can be fined either in cash or kind (Baldwin 2016). People become TA chiefs and village headmen in various ways. Chieftainship is hereditary in nature. However, TA chiefs can be appointed and removed by Malawi’s president (Cammack et al. 2009). The posts of village headman and group village headman are also hereditary, but the TA chief has powers to appoint or remove them. Many new villages have been created over the years and some are not recognized by the central government (Cammack et al. 2009) but by the TA chief alone. Traditional leaders work closely with the police. The Government of Malawi has established community police drawn from and appointed by the community. These po- lice exist at VH, GVH, and TA levels and work closely with the main police in providing security and peace (African Minds 2008). Among the responsibilities of community police is to bring cases of violence, for example, against women and children, to the attention of the village headman or group village headman, who decides whether he or she will deal with it or refer it to the police station. 34 35 3. Factors that Contribute to the Negative Effects of Labor Influx The research identified multiple underlying equality in the overall society, (3) the weakness causes behind the many negative impacts of of local institutions, and (4) power imbalanc- labor influx (Table 1). Some of these factors es between incoming workers and community were offered by research participants direct- members. Table 1 summarizes these findings ly, while others were deduced by researchers and how each factor manifests itself among based on the participants’ accounts. Those fac- women and girls, boys and men, and among tors can be grouped into four categories: (1) community members in general. the poverty of host communities, (2) gender in- FIGURE 7: Overview of Factors Contributing to Negative Effects of Labor Influx on Women and Girls Power imbalances between Economic incoming workers deprivation and community and poverty members Gender Weakness inequality of local (in economic institutions opportunities; gender roles and social norms) 36 “The issue is poverty…We have no job, no business, so we depend on selling our bodies to get money.” Woman from affected community, 25-35 years, southern region “It is true that others leave their marriages to chase these men. But for three quarters of them, it is because of poverty and scarcity of jobs. The newcomers may offer such help.” Man from affected community, +35 years, southern region 3.1 MOTIVATIONS AND The greater deprivation that women face and social norms that treat their gender as DRIVERS FOR WOMEN mere objects of sexual desire help drive them AND GIRLS TO ENTER toward acceptance of sexually exploitative RELATIONSHIPS WITH paths. Older women in communities that re- searchers visited often spoke openly about WORKERS women’s need to use their bodies to get jobs. Informants related that girls who got involved Poverty and economic necessity are major with workers often used the resulting money to drivers for women and girls entering these pay for school fees, buy mattresses, or fulfill types of relationships (Figure 8). The limited other basic needs. means that women and girls have to provide for themselves and bring change to their lives are Heightening the imbalances is the reality at the center of motivations for getting involved that women who do get jobs are generally paid with workers. Whether young or old, women de- less than men and are denied benefits such as pend on men in their households for support, lunch or rides to work. This imbalance does and that support can end at any time. Partic- not necessarily stem from men earning more ularly in the northern region, research partici- than women for the same type of work but from pants said it was common for a man to stop higher-skilled positions being dominated by providing for his family after initiating a relation- men. Some research participants called this ship with another woman. This was attributed to another reason why women could be enticed the practice of polygamy. into sexual relations for extra cash or why male 37 “We leave home early and we are exposed to people with money… You may be hungry and meet someone who offers you money and because you are hungry, you may give in.” Woman working in road project, married, southern region “Vehicles are not common here and when they stopped for us we felt, ‘I am the lucky one to be asked out by a construction worker.’” Woman from affected community, 25-35 years, central region “Workers tell the girls that they will take them to town, so the girls get excited and they go to a town like Kasungu or Blantyre. They accept the ride because they want to see the place.” Woman from affected community, 18-24 years, single, northern region workers offered to help financially with a motive a girl a boost of self-esteem and open the door to exploit them sexually. to fundamental change in her life. Women and girls internalize gender stereo- types under which a major—or the only—way 3.2 MOTIVATIONS FOR to rise in social and economic status is through a “good” relationship with a man. While older MEN’S BEHAVIOR women were more likely to recognize the trans- In interviews, some road workers at different actional aspect of relationships with road work- levels of responsibility expressed a sense of ers, younger women often nurtured hopes of superiority over members of local communi- receiving a proposal of marriage. Exposure to ties. They variously saw community people as the workers’ urban lifestyles, worldviews, and backward, dishonest, or less intelligent. This behaviors could make girls feel that a relation- helped create a general lack of respect for local ship would improve their life situations. In this customs and rules, and feelings of entitlement context, to be “picked” by a worker could bring to exploit local women. 38 “African women are more sexual. The African woman is not a woman of just one man.” Man working in road project, foreigner, southern region “The guys also arrive here and get excited about being able to go out with a young girl. In their own country, they cannot even find someone their own age.” Man working in road project, foreigner, southern region “To have sex with a white man makes them proud.” Man working in road project, foreigner, northern region The study found power imbalances between but exalt having unprotected sex with multiple foreign and local workers in the camps13—the women and abandoning them and the children first ones holding almost all managerial jobs— who result from the relationships. but also that foreigners had stereotyped views that oversexualized local women. Views of the local population as inferior may be conducive to 3.3 COMMUNITY abusive behavior towards local women and girls. ATTITUDES AND NORMS Male workers often demonstrated dismis- Strong traditional beliefs that housekeeping is sive attitudes towards women in general: For the work of women and girls can motivate their example, a common saying in the road camps interactions with outside workers. When men is “mwana pa chainage iliyonse” (“a child per come single to a community without a woman kilometer”). Such sayings not only normalize to do these chores, people in the community— 13 Foreign workers interviewed for the research usually held the highest and even parents—may urge young girls to go positions in camps—as camp manager or head of departments. Workers help the newcomers. If a man is seen sweeping from other regions of Malawi were generally in semi- or higher-skilled jobs, while workers from nearby communities were concentrated in lower the yard or drawing water, elders around will typ- or unskilled positions. 39 Figure 8: Gender attitudes and roles that contribute to exploitative relationships Community/ Family members • Certain areas of the country Men and boys promoted early marriage, placed low value on girls Women and girls education • Concepts of masculinity that include harmful behavoir • Parents who sometimes favor relationships, sometimes • Belief that discrimination • Hopes for “love” or to “marry oppose but more often in favor against women at work is up” and increase their social “normal” and economic status throught • Acceptance of violance against relationships with outside men women and gris • Beliefs that sexually exploitative paths are an acceptable response to lack of opportunities • Reluctance to report sexual misbehavoir • Noms that women should attend to men, encouraging interactions with outside workers ically ask a young girl to assist. Sexual relations shaped parents’ perceptions. In focus groups, often start through these interactions. community members remarked that some par- ents saw their child’s involvement with workers Most parents had negative perceptions of as a desirable path as long as the man agreed workers’ liaisons with local girls but felt pow- to marry the girl or to support her financially erless to prevent them. The main justifications if she got pregnant. Some participants told of for parents’ opposition, as expressed in focus cases in which parents consented to such re- groups, were the inevitably temporary nature of lationships, other people in the village disap- the relationships, after which the girl would be proved, and the parents threatened to retaliate left unsupported; stigmatization of the family; if the police were called in. punishment under local bylaws; and the toll on girls’ education and futures in general. Although In a broad context, community members they opposed their girls’ behavior, parents gen- demonstrated beliefs and attitudes condoning erally felt helpless to block the relationships. violence against women and children. There was a tendency to blame women and girls for In northern regions of the country, however, men’s negative behavior. For example, there parents often welcomed the liaisons. In these was a strong notion in women’s focus groups areas, social norms accepting early marriage and placing lower value on girls’ education 40 “Women go and provoke the men at the road site.” Woman from affected community, 18-24 years, southern region “The men come here to work. If we retained our respect as women and did not create a situation to be approached, then we could be left alone.” Woman from affected community, 25-35 years, southern region that men have uncontrollable sexual urges.14 participants, physical violence seemed to be Participants repeatedly cited a common saying: an acceptable way to deal with conflicts in the “Mamuna ali ngati mwana, amakopeka.” (“A household. man is like a child—he is easily taken over.”) It Such attitudes about violence against is therefore the role of the woman to “control women shaped people’s concepts of what themselves” and not engage with men sexually was negative and reportable behavior. A gen- outside marriage. Women who did so anyways eral normalization of violence against women, were seen as “offering themselves.” Anoth- combined with a perception that relationships er saying was “Chigololo sichingachitike ngati with road workers can be beneficial to women mkazi sakufuna,” meaning, “Sex cannot take who engage in them, raises the bar for what is place if a woman doesn’t want it.” Hence, it is considered unacceptable behavior by men. Un- often perceived to be a woman’s fault if she is acceptable behavior was usually limited to ex- physically assaulted by her husband for having treme physical violence which “involved blood” an affair. Such attitudes were shared by both or the worker refusing to financially support the women and men equally. For several research woman or girl he had impregnated. 14 At several sites, research participants said that the role of a wife is to have sex with her husband whenever he wants. If she declines, some said, it is “violence against men” that could justify physical violence against the woman. 41 42 4. Existing Interventions Aimed at Preventing Harm to Women and Girls from Labor Influx Communities and contractors already have a to start, speak of potential risks it will bring, collection of interventions in place. Some of and provide recommendations on how to deal these were created specifically to address is- with these risks. In some sites, the leaders sues of labor influx, while others are long-stand- specifically warned that the incoming workers ing social programs and services that are would attempt to engage in sexual relation- dealing with these issues. One group of inter- ships with locals. They touched upon risks of ventions aims at prevention—stopping harmful disease, pregnancy, and break-up of marriages effects from arising at all. A second group aims and cautioned women that these relationships at mitigation—the addressing of harmful effects were normally temporary, and they should not that do arise. These interventions operate with be convinced otherwise. a variety of focus, funding, and success. The All of the research communities had moth- current study concludes that by and large they er groups working to prevent young girls from are insufficient for the challenges. dropping out of school. Mother groups are com- munity organizations composed of older wom- 4.1 EXISTING en working as volunteers. The groups attempt PREVENTION to keep girls in school through such means as monitoring attendance in cooperation with MECHANISMS AT THE teachers; supporting the resolution of conflicts COMMUNITY LEVEL at school; advising girls and their parents on how to face the challenges of remaining in In many of the research sites, traditional lead- school; and sensitizing young girls on the im- ers had implemented strategies aiming to portance of education and the need to avoid prevent harm from labor influx. One common pregnancy and early marriage. According to key practice is to hold community meetings prior to informants in schools, if a girl seems in dan- the project’s commencement. There, traditional ger of dropping out due to a relationship with leaders inform people that road work is about a worker, teachers will typically notify the moth- 43 “The NGO is going into schools to talk to the girls to not be taken by the road workers but to get educated. They are also encouraging mar- ried people to not be affected by the road project.” Woman from affected community, 18-24 years, southern region er group, whose members will then attempt to In some sites, teachers mentioned dedicat- build a dialogue with the girl. ed efforts to prevent girls’ drop-out. These in- volved monitoring school attendance, reaching Another traditional mechanism in some com- out to families when a young girl stopped show- munities is bylaws (Box 4) aimed at supporting ing up for school, and providing counselling to girls’ education. In some communities, if a girl the girl and family members. becomes pregnant or drops out of school, her parents must pay a fine in kind to the traditional leader. This financial resource can then be used 4.2 EXISTING to pay the fees of another girl in the village to attend secondary school. The idea is to incentiv- PREVENTION ize parents to keep their girls in school. MECHANISMS IN THE At a few sites, research participants cited CAMPS non-governmental organizations that are work- Construction companies have codes of con- ing with women. Most of these organizations duct for workers. The codes generally address existed before road construction began. The performance and safety on the job. They in- NGOs’ interventions included raising aware- clude, for example, restrictions on alcohol, man- ness of the importance of girls’ education, datory use of protective clothing, and ways to financing girls’ education and basic needs, end conflicts in the workplace. In some sites, helping girls return to school after pregnancy, rules prohibit workplace sexual harassment and setting up village saving loans.15 After the and discrimination as well. Other regulations construction projects commenced, informants govern who can come into campsites. Workers reported, some of these organizations stepped generally are not allowed to bring family to the up awareness education on the consequences camp to live or temporarily bring in partners or of sexual relations with workers and provided outside women. greater support for girls’ school needs. No work site was found to have broad and 15 Village saving loans are organized by groups of people from communities comprehensive rules concerning interactions who save together and take small loans from the collective savings. 44 “I remember they just warned us as workers that if anyone comes from outside and claims that you as a worker, you have impregnated them, we will dismiss you.” Man working in road project, national, northern region with local people off the job and covering such Only in one site, contractors were said to issues as sexually transmitted diseases or sanction workers for getting involved with gender-based violence (Box 4). For the most young girls – but only if the police were in- part, contractors viewed the workers’ behavior volved. The police’s involvement was seen to after hours as their own business. damage the reputation of the company and workers would be fired if such cases happened. Box 4: What Are Contractors in Malawi Obliged to Do and What Are They Not? In 2008, Malawi’s Roads Authority developed the Environmental and Social Manage- ment Guidelines for the Road Sector, laying out requirements and responsibilities for actors involved in road construction, maintenance, and development. These guide- lines are currently being revised to include measures to prevent and mitigate the impacts of labor influx. When this research was conducted, the guidelines and actual practices of the industry included the following: • Contractors are not required to do a social impact analysis prior to commenc- ing works, unless the project is financed by an international donor. For govern- ment-funded projects, contractors are required to do a Resettlement Assessment followed by payment of compensation to any families displaced by the project. • In preparation for projects, contractors are required to conduct HIV/AIDs and safe- ty awareness activities with employees. • At least 30 percent of a project’s staff must be women. Nevertheless, most contrac- tors do not reach the mark. 45 • Contractors usually hire a safety, health, and environmental officer who also handles social issues. Currently it is not mandatory to have a social specialist on site, but plans call for including this requirement in the revised guidelines. • For government-financed projects, contractors are not required to have a Code of Con- duct for employees. This will become a requirement in the revised Guidelines. • Contractors are not required to have a sexual harassment policy but must abide by all national laws. The laws of Malawi bar sexual harassment in the workplace or any other setting, making it punishable by law. • Contractors are not required to establish grievance redress mechanisms for affected communities or workers. However, workers are covered by labor and trade union laws that mandate procedures for filing complaints with the employer and procedures for resolving them. • If an employee does something unlawful as part of official duties, the company is liable. If the employee does something unlawful after hours, he or she is personally liable. Moreover, the employee may be subjected to disciplinary measures. The Roads Authority can issue a warning to the contractor or consultant concerning the employ- ee’s offense, and if the situation is not resolved, the contract can be terminated. • The Roads Authority, consultants, and contractors all share responsibility to enforce acceptable behavior by workers in line with expected norms of behavior. Any deviant behavior should be questioned and reprimanded. Contractors are expected to dismiss non-compliant staff. It is Roads Authority policy that all people engaging in negative be- havior must be investigated, disciplined, or arrested applying national rules and those of state agencies. 4.3 MITIGATION deal with such issues themselves (hold hear- ings, resolve family conflicts, or approach the MECHANISMS AT THE contractors) or refer the complainants to gov- COMMUNITY LEVEL ernmental service providers such as the police or a hospital. Influx-related cases that tradition- When people make formal complaints about al leaders usually handle include the exposure negative effects of labor influx, traditional of extramarital affairs and related requests for leaders at the village level are usually the first divorce; defilement; unintended pregnancies; entry point. Traditional leaders are expected to 46 school dropouts; and domestic violence in its physical forms. 4.4 LIMITATIONS TO Depending on the case, a traditional leader THE EFFECTIVENESS OF can convene a community committee to dis- EXISTING INSTITUTIONS cuss the situation. These committees general- ly consist of leaders or volunteers from villag- AND INITIATIVES es. They may also include people from mother All told, researchers found that existing inter- groups and the local child protection committee ventions were falling short of what the prob- (CPCs).16 Apart from discussing the case and lems require. supporting traditional leaders’ decisions, these committees serve as links to the community Shortcomings in and to social welfare officers or police by trig- Prevention Efforts at the gering action on specific cases. Community Level Police typically get involved only in cases of violence that “involve blood.” A physical Many existing mechanisms for countering abuse case that is formally reported to police the negative effects of road construction had typically involves serious injury. According to clear limitations (Figure 9). Existing interven- informants, this reporting may take place only tions were mostly the work of traditional struc- because most hospitals require it in order to tures or non-governmental organizations. For- treat injuries caused by another person. Com- mal governmental institutions—such as school, munity leaders may refer victims to the police police, and health units—and road contractors or, in some cases, the victims may start by go- were not mentioned by research participants ing to the police on their own to report violence. as significant actors in preventive efforts. Most However, in cases where individuals reach out organizations that work to stop school dropout to the police directly, officers will often contact do not address issues such as gender-based traditional leaders for information on the case violence, alcohol abuse, and poor reproductive and for help in calling in the alleged perpetrator health. Although school staff cited their own for questioning. In cases that “involve blood,” efforts to prevent school dropout, community an investigation should begin and the suspect members in focus groups did not, suggesting may eventually be prosecuted. they may have had very little impact. Community members generally see existing awareness-raising efforts as ineffective, be- cause they often do not address the root of the 16 Children in communities and community members will report to the CPCs cases of child abuse, including: violation of a child right by not sending problem. Women and girls engage with workers a child to school; not giving a child enough food or forcing a child into generally not because they’re unaware of po- marriage. The CPC’s will liaise with authorities to help ensure that children have their rights protected. tential risks, but because they have hopes of 47 Figure 9: Risks to effectiveness of interventions Community prevention mechanisms But, they sometimes fail because • Community meetings before the project • Community meetings: begins • Focus on displacement from land and • Mother groups working to keep young girls in compensation school • Don’t engage participants and overlook that • Bylaws that impose fines with goal of keeping women get involved with workers not due girls in school to lack of information, but out of need for • Non-governmental organizations working for economic support or hopes of marriage women’s or girl’s economic empowement • Ignore that power relations, not lack of • Schools that monitor attendance, reach out information, prevent condom use to families when a girl stops attending, and • Mother groups: Ineffective in persuading provide counselling girls to stay in school and don’t target those who’ve already dropped out • Bylaws: penalties easily paid by workers • NGOs: May not address root causes of problem nor provide economic support to build an incentive getting married and escaping economic depriva- demonstrates that the problem is not informa- tion. Yet, exhortations to avoid consorting with tional but rather rooted in men’s opposition to workers, delivered by a male traditional leader protected sex and in the economic and power in a non-interactive community meeting, may ig- inequality between men and women. nore these realities and fail to resonate with the Although mother groups can be import- audience. The leaders’ warnings may do little to ant in keeping young girls in school, there help girls reflect on their own views and make are major limitations to their effectiveness in informed choices when approached by workers. dealing with labor influx. First, they are active Education programs that do address sex- only in certain communities. In many locations, ual issues directly also fall short in appreci- research participants did not mention mother ating real-life considerations. For instance, groups when asked to list mechanisms already some community meetings discussed the risks in place. When probed about them, participants of contracting STIs from the workers and the and key informants said that these groups were need to abstain or have protected sex. Howev- not very active, particularly in the northern re- er, during focus groups, young women shared gion. Even in places where mother groups were they were well aware of the need for condoms praised as important community organizations, but were unable to negotiate their use. This they were called ineffective in preventing girls 48 Figure 10: Risks to effectiveness of measures taken at campsites Prevention and mitigation measures But research points to potential risks to the effectiveness of those Exist at campsite level: • Signing the code perceived as a formality by • Code of conduit workers • GRM • No rules on how to behave after-hours with the community • Belief that offenses in community should be handled by local institutions, not contractors • Lack of confidential reporting mechanism for women workers (fear of retaliation) • How to ensure GRM provide for anonymous and confidential reporting? from dropping out due to relationships with fine is paid but the man who defiled her and workers. Young women in that situation were made her pregnant has no case to answer. perceived to be unreceptive to advice and will- NGO interventions may miss the target by ing to drop out anyway. focusing on education, not the particular dy- In addition, mother groups do not work with namics of labor influx, destitution, and gender girls who have left the school system. The in- norms. Few organizations specifically target tervention thus overlooks girls who may already women and girls affected by road construction be involved with construction workers, have work and tailor activities to their needs. For been impregnated by them, or have been infect- example, many organizations help girls with ed with sexually transmitted diseases. These their material requirements for school, such as girls may be left alone to navigate the conse- books and uniforms, but such support may be quences of entering unequal relationships at a ineffective if girls are dropping out to try to fulfil young age. the role of wife or mother. Bylaw fines aimed at discouraging girls’ dropouts from school are easily paid by the Ineffective Prevention workers who cause the drop-outs. In cases Efforts in the Camps where a worker financially supports the girl and her family, community members and traditional Road construction typically revolves around leaders might not seriously follow up on the is- a camp that the contractor builds and oper- sue of drop-out beyond the fine. In other words, ates for the duration of the work (Figure 10). if a girl gets pregnant and leaves school, the Equipment and materials are stored at the site, 49 “Once you leave the gate, you are on your own.” Man working in road project, national, northern region which serves as a staging area for construc- company cars to pick up women along the road tion. Workers may receive basic housing in the for sex. camp as part of their employment. In other cas- Sometimes rules are applied—or not ap- es, they are left to rent accommodations in the plied—arbitrarily, making it difficult for work- local community. ers to understand and respect them. Rules While several camps that the study sur- and benefits are often seen as flexible and ne- veyed had codes of conduct for employees, gotiable, generally favoring those in senior po- few of the codes addressed after-hours behav- sitions. At some sites, management overrides ior outside the camp. Most contractors took rules that govern who lives in the camp; work- the view that offenses committed by employees ers can get permission to bring in spouses or in the community after work were not their con- girlfriends overnight. But there seems to be no cern. Such cases should be handled by police, written and clearly stated procedures concern- they said. In their view, “double punishment” ing who qualifies for such benefits or how to would be unfair. In some cases, the company request them. This makes some workers feel would take action against an employee for an they are facing discrimination. offense in the community only if it is reported In the rare cases where contractors try to to police. establish rules for after-hours behavior, they According to research participants, en- may face resistance from employees. In one forcement of codes of conduct can be strong site, the contractor had newly hired staff sign a for rules related to work performance and safe- code of conduct laying out several rules of be- ty, but generally not for work ethics. Certain havior, including forbidding sexual relations with rules—for example, consuming alcohol on the community members. In addition, a local NGO job—garner serious penalties such as immedi- was charged with training employees on the ate dismissal. Other rules that set general be- code of conduct. Many employees later admit- havioral standards for the workplace seem less ted to having signed the code without reading well enforced and, therefore, are less respect- it—for some it was due to low literacy. When dis- ed. Many employees flouted rules of ethical be- cussing the code, workers also expressed oppo- havior during work hours, participants said. For sition to parts of it. For example, prohibitions of example, during their shifts, workers often used violence against women led some men to state 50 Interviewer: “Okay, so if a girl falls pregnant, what do people in the community do? Informant: They don’t do anything. I: For example, does the traditional leader do anything about the situation? P: I don’t know about that one, honestly. I: How about mother groups? Are they present in this area? P: I am not aware if they are present or not. I: So in your opinion, the community doesn’t do anything for the girls? P: Honestly, I am not aware.” Secondary school teacher, northern region that men were suffering injustices and that “vi- Governmental Ser vices olence against men” was ignored as an issue. that Seem Disconnected Another camp reality that seems to fos- ter sexual harassment is the lack of clear re- with the Community cruitment procedures and transparent hiring Governmental service providers such as processes. Hiring can take place by personal schools, police, and health units were not discretion, with no oversight or transparency. mentioned by informants as important actors This clears the way for bribery and demands in preventive efforts. In many research sites, for sex. For example, research participants said these groups seemed quite disconnected from it was common for workers—often ones who their communities. When asked about specific had no role in recruitment—to promise local issues that local people face, officers were often women and girls employment in exchange for unable to provide a clear and detailed response, sex. Because local women had no information at times admitting they knew little because they about how hiring was conducted, they could be were not from the community themselves. In enticed into these relationships with the hope Malawi, public service officers such as police of- of getting a job. ficers and teachers are rotated regularly among communities and therefore are generally not lo- cal people. In some sites, there was also a clear separation by social class, with officials living 51 Figure 11: Risks to effectiveness of mitigation measures at community level Community mitigation mechanisms Fail because • Traditional leaders • People don’t know who to contact for roads • Local Police work-related concerns • Police Victim Support Units, which aim • Police lack the trust of many community to provide victims of abuse with policing members services in friendly setting, facilitate referral • Victim unit officials may demand bribes to act of survivors to clinical psychosocial, case on victims’ reports management and legal services • Staff of these entities often seem • One Stop Centers, which have all services disconnected from the communities they -police, medical and psychological- in one serve unit. • Itinerant nature of the workers lowers their accontability • Confidentiality of those who report is not protected. in different neighborhoods than the population such as defilement and pregnancy—partic- they were serving. Their lack of connectedness ipants often responded with silence (Figure with local structures, customs, and issues 11). Based on follow-up conversations and fur- seemed to hamper their ability to tailor services ther inquiry, the research team interpreted this to the needs of the community. In addition, their to mean that people felt there were no clear pro- social distance generated distrust. cedures or that what was in place was ineffec- tive. Participants felt generally helpless against Mitigation Initiatives that this problem. They felt they had nowhere to take their complaints. Though they could the- Also Fall Short oretically seek help from traditional leaders or When asked what the procedure was for deal- the police, those channels seemed closed for ing with negative effects from labor influx— problems concerning road construction. “We have nowhere to go [with our complaints].” Woman from affected community, 25-35 years, southern region 52 “If the offended person or a parent takes action to report the case,… even the chief wouldn’t do anything about it. As someone said earlier, because we are in a village here, we don’t know where to go or who to report to. We just sit on it.” Man from affected community, +35 years, southern region “We don’t really use the help from the police Victim Support Unit be- cause of the corrupt practices that take place there. I should say in our area here people have lost trust in the police.” Man from affected community, +35 years, southern region Concerning defilement, a redress procedure such as standing for hours outside a campsite exists only if an unintended pregnancy results to demand to be heard. and the father refuses to financially support Women working for the contractors have the mother and child. In those situations, the no effective way to report sexual harassment. mother’s parents will typically take the issue to When contractors do have policies against ha- the village head who will try to reach out to the rassment, a woman has to take the issue up contractor, identify the man, and make him ac- with her male supervisor, who may be the perpe- countable. If this fails, the issue will variously trator of her harassment. For obvious reasons, be taken to the group village headman, to the women don’t trust that this reporting channel traditional authority, or to NGOs, and, if the is- will be fair. sue remains unresolved, the police. Women workers expressed lack of trust in Most contractors have no systems in place the police and lamented that there were no to help members of the community address social services to help them in times of need. camp-related problems. According to research In focus groups, women workers described how participants, contractors do not provide any in- hard it is for them to seek justice for violence in formation on how local people can report issues the workplace. For instance, one specific case and, in some cases, do not even have lines of was mentioned, in which a female worker ex- communication with the village chiefs. This can perienced physical violence at work. The survi- lead aggrieved people to desperate measures vor was instructed by her employer to go to the 53 hospital but was promised money if she would face of pregnancy. It will be difficult to track him keep quiet about where or how the violence down. In any case, the police seem generally occurred. When the victim later on decided to reluctant to investigate such cases. report the situation to police, she was told by Finally, none of the reporting routes entirely local police that she would have to pay a “fee” ensured the confidentiality of survivors. Tradi- for her case to be investigated, an apparent tional leaders who received reports of GBV could request for a bribe. call a village meeting that exposed the identity The temporary and itinerant nature of of those involved. Reporting mechanisms with- road work employment nurtures a lack of ac- in companies, where they existed, sometimes countability for inappropriate behavior. Work involved making an identified complaint. Ex- contracts typically last only three months. The posure of survivors’ identity goes against any worker arrives in a new location not feeling form of survivor-center approach to GBV care bound by its social rules or accountable to con- provision, in which confidentiality is considered sequences. Usually living without his family, he essential throughout the process to avoid risks will lack familiar relationships that could check of retaliation and loss of security. bad behavior and may simply disappear in the 54 55 5. Ten Issues for Priority Attention The study concludes that, in all surveyed re- nancially for themselves or their families. These gions, road construction projects pose signif- motivations are informed by local cultural and icant risks to female workers and to women gender norms as well as the women’s generally and girls living in nearby communities. These dire socio-economic situations. risks include physical and psychological vio- Though the research identified interven- lence at home and in the workplace; sexual ex- tions, both formal and informal, aimed at pre- ploitation and abuse; school dropout; teenage venting and mitigating this harm, it also found marriage; pregnancy; parental abandonment; serious limitations to their effectiveness. In sexually transmitted diseases; and unsafe many cases, these limitations can be traced to abortion practices. insufficient understanding of the complex sets These risks result not only from the influx of of motivations—and their drivers—that under- the road workers, but from the money and per- lie the creation of these relationships. ceived high status that they bring with them. In this final section, we summarize 10 spe- These allow them to entrap local women, defy cific risks brought by road construction and local rules and customs, pay fines intended to rehabilitation projects identified in this study. reduce school drop-out by girls, and turn local We then explore ways by which efforts to pre- traditional structures to their own interests or vent and mitigate them might be strengthened override their power altogether. (see Annex 3 for the full set of recommenda- But workers’ involvement with local women tions for project stakeholders. and girls cannot be understood simply as a sto- Thorough GBV assessments as part of proj- ry of coercion. The motivations of the girls and ect preparation must be informed by and comply women are complex, ranging from the hopes of with institutional safeguard rules and standard finding a significant other and the excitement of GBV research practices (see also methodolog- getting together with someone perceived to be ical Annex) to ensure they reflect ethical stan- a powerful man, to seeking means to provide fi- dards that ensure research participants and re- 56 searchers are protected from any harm and that quired all workers being hired to understand and their safety and confidentiality can be guaran- sign them. teed. Such assessments need to identify cultur- A good code of conduct would detail what is al and social elements that allow the design of appropriate and inappropriate behavior, wheth- adequate prevention and response measures. er on the job or off it. It would address issues of gender-based violence and sexual exploita- 5.1 SEXUAL tion and lay out clear penalties for violation. The MISCONDUCT BY MALE code would be written in the workers’ language and be explained verbally to them. Specialized WORKERS NGOs might hold training sessions to sensitize workers on health, safety, sexual exploitation, Issue #1: Employee codes of and other relevant issues. conduct are variously non- existent, poorly disseminated, or unenforced—and rarely address 5.2 INSTITUTIONAL sexual behavior at all. FAILURES IN THE Many contractors and consultants did not have PREVENTION AND codes of conduct. Codes that did exist did not MITIGATION OF include specific rules and protocols for dealing with gender-based violence and sexual exploita- GENDER-RELATED HARM tion and abuse. Nor did the codes apply to em- Issue #2: Preventing GBV risks ployees’ behavior outside the workplace. The associated with the incoming of study also found that workers had a superficial the project gets generally low understanding at best of the codes’ contents priority. and either were not required to sign them or signed without fully reading them. Workers gen- The study found that local stakeholders—con- erally found that enforcement was limited to tractors, consultants, service providers, and behavior that impacted work performance (for community leaders—often have little grasp of example, being under the influence of alcohol their responsibilities in this regard, and no orga- or arriving late to work). Behavior involving gen- nizational platform from which to launch coordi- der-based violence and sexual exploitation gen- nated efforts. Important service providers such erally drew no sanctions. as schools and clinics are often disconnected An Approach to Consider: Codes of conduct from what goes on in the communities around would be more effective if they spelled out ac- them. ceptable sexual behavior, and contractors re- 57 An Approach to Consider: A well-funded and Issue #3: Contractors lack committed task force of local stake-holders could capacity, knowledge, and staffing bring focus and real results, targeting incoming for enforcing social safeguards. workers as well as local men and women. Researchers generally found that project man- Measures against sexual misbehavior and agers had a superficial understanding of gender gender-based violence would see greater suc- and sexual issues and were unprepared to de- cess if coordinated by a local taskforce that velop effective prevention and mitigation strat- began its work before the start of construction egies. Projects often did not have on-site social and remained in operation until the project fin- specialists—employees tasked with addressing ished. It might consist of local government offi- the issues raised in this study. The few social cials, service providers (police, health, school), specialists whom researchers did encounter ex- managers of consulting and contracting compa- pressed fear of making mistakes and not know- nies, traditional leaders, and a local NGO spe- ing the best course of action for situations that cializing in gender issues. Both incoming work- were new to them. ers and local men can perpetrate GBV induced by road construction projects and, therefore, An Approach to Consider: The Roads Authority both groups should be targeted for preventive could provide templates to help contractors and activities. consultants develop effective programs against sexual and other abuse. A kick-off workshop for taskforce members could familiarize them with risks associated These documents might offer detailed guid- with labor influx, the legal framework, and pro- ance on codes of conduct, grievance redress cedures for dealing with problems that arise. mechanisms, checklists for compliance with Periodic meetings over the course of the con- social safeguards, and training materials for struction work would allow members to monitor workers and community members. Greater ef- and evaluate project status and craft ways to fectiveness would result if contractors and con- address new challenges as they arise. As the sultants conducted local assessments prior to study documented that harmful impacts can the start of construction and adapted their doc- occur independent of project duration, even uments to local contexts, in partnership with short-term projects should design measures to local NGO members of the taskforce. Frequent prevent and mechanisms to respond to GBV in- consultation between the Roads Authority and duced by projects. contractors would speed the adoption of these protocols. So would periodic audits of the con- tractors’ compliance. 58 Issue #4: Inappropriate sexual An Approach to Consider: A robust, indepen- behavior tends to go unreported. dent grievance redress mechanism with multiple points of entry would help assure that infractions Constraints to reporting include lack of aware- are identified and dealt with. ness of what is reportable behavior; lack of Clear protocols on how to report problems information on legal rights; the non-existence to local authorities and follow up on each type of direct or anonymous reporting mechanisms; of situation would help bring just resolutions. fear of retaliation from workers or companies; Dissemination of the protocols in the local lan- and concern that reporting would cause the guage would assure that all stakeholders and project to stop. individuals involved with the construction work An Approach to Consider: Providing culturally and affected communities understand it. Trust appropriate and continuous sensitization to com- and anonymity are crucial. Complainants need munity members would empower them to step to be confident that their names won’t become forward and report infractions. known and they will face no retaliation. Having NGOs specializing in gender and masculinity an independent body run a whistleblowing ho- issues might team up with contractors to de- tline would go a long way to building that kind velop awareness-raising activities for affected of trust. communities. These could sensitize people not only about risks associated with labor influx, but give them a firm idea of their legal rights, what 5.3 HARM TO WOMEN is reportable behavior, and how to report that WORKERS behavior. Through these efforts, people might also come to appreciate that reporting will not Issue #6: Women workers cause the project to stop but rather to improve. battle negative perceptions by community members and male Issue #5: Many communities co-workers. lack clear, trusted, and responsive channels for filing Women workers can be called “prostitutes” and grievances. become targets of vilification in the community, violence by partners at home, and harassment Researchers repeatedly heard that people in in the workplace. Men workers often have atti- the community feel they have nowhere to turn. tudes that objectify women co-workers as open Existing reporting mechanisms fail to keep to sexual advances. complainants’ identities secret and are often An Approach to Consider: A national cam- run by the very people who are accused of the paign by the Roads Authority portraying women misdeed. 59 workers as equal professionally to men would help normalize women’s participation in industry. 5.4 HARM TO For example, posters might include pictures COMMUNITY MEMBERS of men and women conducting diverse types Issue #8: Women and girls of work tasks including operation of heavy ma- may get sexually involved with chinery. These campaigns could be mounted in workers in hopes of short-term camps and strategic places in affected commu- improvements in their economic nities, such as trading centers, clinics, and po- situation such as gifts or a job. lice stations. The study found this motivation to extend from Issue #7: Women workers lack women’s lack of financial resources and work means to report abuse in the opportunities; unequal power dynamics in the workplace. households; and low transparency project-hiring Companies rarely have specific rules and pro- procedures that result in male workers promis- cedures for reporting. In any case, women are ing jobs in exchange for sexual favors. reluctant to formally complain because their su- An Approach to Consider: Empowering local periors are male—and often the perpetrators women and girls economically could help them themselves. Women also suffer unequal pow- resist these pressures. er dynamics because they are fewer in number Women’s groups at the community level and hold lower-skilled jobs. could work to strengthen women’s economic An Approach to Consider: Improving women’s capacity through such steps as raising gender representation, power, and social networks in or- awareness and teaching of business planning ganizations would discourage sexual misconduct. and financial literacy. Contractors could play a The situation might look up if women work- role too: employing more community women in ers had the same pay and benefits as their skilled or clerical positions could reduce power male counterparts and equal representation at imbalances in the road construction workplace. all levels of the organization. Training on GBV, Initiatives should pay attention also to minor harassment, rights in the workplace, and how girls’ parents, because they sometimes sup- to report infractions would also help. Having port their children’s involvement with workers in an outside NGO receive reports would address hopes of economic gains. concerns that in-company channels lead no- where. Women-only social event/activities, in Issue #9: Girls in communities a format that is fun and culturally appropriate, may become sexually involved could promote bonds between women workers with workers in the hopes of and women from the community. getting married and improving their lives in the long term. 60 This is why projects tend to trigger an increase An Approach to Consider: Interventions on in teenage pregnancies and school dropout for sexual and reproductive health would be most girls. Although mother groups attempt to pre- successful if conducted by partnerships of con- vent such outcomes, they are active only in cer- tractors, hospitals, and local schools. tain locations and do not work with girls who Providing educational information regarding are already out of school. Although there are transmission and safer sex practices could ad- governmental programs that try to help girls to vance this goal. So could free condoms and return to school after giving birth, they are not free HIV/AIDS testing. It is important that the implemented effectively in most schools. many actors in a community coordinate their ef- An Approach to Consider: Greater resources forts, share resources and best practices, and and a broader mandate for mother groups could apply measures that fit the local culture. slow the drop-out rate. ***** NGOs might work with mother groups to tar- get both girls in and out of school and raise Infrastructure assets will always be important awareness on issues of sexual and reproduc- engines of development. But people who live tive health, general based-violence, and, in view near them deserve protection from the many of some worker’s willingness to approach un- social ills that can arise as side effects of the der-aged girls, violence against children. The construction process. When large numbers of groups might discuss the consequences of ear- outside men take up temporary residence in ly motherhood and promote activities that build communities, local girls and women are vulner- self-esteem. able in particular. This study documented this danger in four Issue #10: Unsupported road construction sites, and found that under- pregnancies, parental lying it is a complex set of social and economic abandonment, and STIs leave dynamics, many of them traceable to the reality women destitute. that in Malawi women lag in wealth, influence, Outside workers often disappear after impreg- and social standing. nating community women and girls. In addition, The multiple risks in play, combined with the community men who are hired by the project multiple stake-holders on the scene, require a and gain new income sometimes are embold- comprehensive response with simultaneous ac- ened by their new status to abandon spouses tions. It is our hope that this report will help and children. Increased sexual activity trans- Malawi—and other countries as well—craft this lates into more sexually-transmitted disease in- type of effort and address the problems at their fections. Unequal power dynamics render wom- source. Construction of infrastructure should en unable to negotiate safe sex. leave behind no trail of social harm. 61 62 6. References Babinard, Julie, and Peter Roberts. 2006. “Ma- ConsentPaperMalawi.pdf (accessed July ternal and Child Mortality Development 11, 2018). Goals: What Can the Transport Sector Malawi Human Rights Commission, 2005. Cul- Do?” Transport Papers No. TP-12. Wash- tural Practices and their Impact on the ington, DC: World Bank. Enjoyment of Human Rights, Particular- African Minds. 2008. “An Audit of Police Over- ly the Rights of Women and Children in sight in Africa.” Capetown: African Minds. Malawi, (http://www.malawihumanrights- commission.org/docs/cultural_practic- Baldwin, K. 2016. The Paradox of Traditional es_report.pdf Chiefs in Democratic Africa. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Ministry of Transport and Public Works (MoTPW), 2015. National Transport Policy, Lilongwe. Cammack, D., E. Kanyongolo, and T. O’Neil. 2009. “Town Chiefs in Malawi.” London: Ministry of Transport and Public Works (MoTPW), Overseas Development Institute. 2016. Gender Mainstreaming Guidelines for the Transport Sector: Towards A Gender ILO, Gender and Law Database: “Customary Balanced Sectoral Contribution to The Na- norms, religious beliefs and social prac- tional Development Agenda. Lilongwe. tices that influence gender-differentiated land rights”, http://www.fao.org/gender- Mtika, Mike, and Henry V. Doctor. 2002. “Matri- landrights-database/country-profiles/ liny, Patriliny, and Wealth Flow Variations countries-list/customary-law/en/?coun- in Rural Malawi.” African Sociological Re- try_iso3=MWI view. Vol. 6 No. 2. 2002: pp 71-97. Kamyongolo, Ngeyi Ruth and Bernadette Malun- Orr, A., Mwale, B., & Saiti-Chitsonga, D., 2009. ga, 2011 “The Treatment of Consent Exploring seasonal poverty traps: The in Sexual Assault Law in Malawi,” May “six-week window” in southern Malawi. 2011, http://theequalityeffect.org/pdfs/ Journal of Development Studies, 45, 227- 255. 63 Peters, Pauline, and Daimon Kambewa. 2007. Ravishankar, V., S.E.T. El-Kogali, D. Sankar, N. “Whose Security? Deepening Social Con- Tanaka, and N. Rakoto-Tiana. 2016. flict over ‘Customary’ Land in the Shadow “Primary Education in Malawi: Expendi- of Land Tenure Reform in Malawi.” The tures, Service Delivery, and Outcomes.” Journal of Modern African Studies. Vol. Washington, DC: World Bank. Available 45(3) 2007:447-472. at: https://openknowledge.worldbank.org /bitstream/handle/10986/23737/ Takane, T. 2007. “Customary Land Tenure, In- 9781464807947.pdf;sequence=3 heritance Rules, and Smallholder Farm- ers in Malawi.” Discussion paper No. World Bank, 2017. Labor Influx: Select Portfolio 104. Chiba, Japan: Institute of Develop- Review and Case Study Analysis, Wash- ing Economies. ington, DC. 64 Annex 1: Methodology Qualitative and quantitative research repre- This research aimed to assess the impacts sent different research paradigms. Quantitative of temporary influx of workers induced by road methods are valuable for drawing conclusions construction on poor communities in Malawi, fo- that are valid for the broader population under cusing on the rights of girls and women. It had study. They are particularly suitable for measur- four specific objectives: ing the frequency of a problem and its distri- 1. Understand the impacts of road construction bution in a population. In contrast, qualitative on different social groups through the voices methods allow for understanding nuances and of workers and affected communities; details of complex social phenomena from the 2. Identify potential sources of vulnerabilities points of view of those who experience them. and existing formal and informal institutions Although findings cannot be generalized for the in the researched communities; entire population, they reveal multiple layers of meaning for a particular group of people, which 3. Identify strategies and mechanisms of resil- is important when studying human behavior, be- ience or positive coping among community liefs, attitudes, and perceptions. Findings from members and workers; qualitative research should be understood and 4. Contribute to the development of inter- used in ways that are different from quantita- ventions to prevent and mitigate negative tive findings. The objective is not to test cau- impacts from road construction on local salities and generalize findings. It is precisely communities—specifically on women and by studying the conditions, meanings and prac- girls—to be implemented in the Southern Af- tices found in specific contexts that qualitative rica Trade and Transport Facilitation Program research can provide deep insights that serve project, at the national level, and in other re- to build and refine theories, and also help un- gions where the World Bank operates. derstanding limitations in the application of The study was conducted in four phases, general theories to specific contexts. with the first consisting of learning and en- gagement through a review of existing litera- 65 ture and interviews with government agencies ment and non-governmental organizations and NGOs. Our team consulted with 24 govern- working in gender and human rights or involved mental and non-governmental institutions in in the roads sector in Malawi were invited to Malawi through August 2017 with a goal of col- join an Advisory Committee for the study. The lecting information on the impacts of road con- role of the committee was to (1) make recom- struction works on local communities and on mendations for research design and implemen- the rights of women in particular; identifying lo- tation; (2) discuss findings from the research cal stakeholders, regulations, and interventions and their implications for policy programming; aimed at protecting women’s rights; and gaining and (3) support the meaningful use of research recommendations about the most appropriate findings17. During this second phase, a local research design. research team was hired. It consisted of two interviewers (one male and one female), one Following initial support from the Roads on-site interpreter, and one on-site counsellor Authority, District Council Offices facilitated specializing in handling gender-based violence researchers’ entry into communities. DCOs situations.18 The finalized research proposal identified villages within the projects’ area of was submitted to an Ethical Review Board.19 influence and their respective chiefs. Villages were selected randomly from the list provided, Phase three consisted of data collection after which the research team contacted local and field work. Field work started with team chiefs and explained to them the study’s objec- training that covered objectives of the study; tives and purpose. Chiefs then assisted in re- data collection methods; simulated recruitment cruiting participants based on the criteria that of research participants; methods of seeking the research team provided. consent and assent; guidelines for conducting focus groups and individual interviews with key During the second phase, we finalized the research proposal and fieldwork plan. The 17 The following organizations were represented on the advisory group: World preparation of the research proposal took into Bank, Roads Authority, Ministry of Education, Science and Technology, consideration field notes from the exploratory Ministry of Transport and Public Workers, Ministry of Local Government and Rural Development, Ministry of Labor, Ministry of Gender, Children, phase, literature consulted to date, a mapping Disability and Social Welfare, Malawi Institute of Engineers, University of of local service units handling cases of gen- Malawi, the Polytechnic, Malawi Police, National Construction Industry Council, UN Women, UN Population Fund, Youth Network and Counseling, der-based violence and violence against chil- Malawi Human Rights Commission, and Eye of the Child. dren, and notification of officials of the District 18 The counselor’s main responsibilities were to (1) provide inputs to re- search instruments and protocols based on knowledge of stakeholders and Social Welfare Office at each site. We consult- specialized services for survivors of gender-based violence and violence ed on content with World Bank experts and on against children; (2) help train research team members on how to deal with situations of gender-based violence and violence against children methodology with an external firm specializing encountered during fieldwork; and (3) support the implementation of field in qualitative research and analysis. work and provide on-site emergency psychological support to interviewees and team members, when needed. In order to improve the project’s relevance 19 This research was approved in June 2018 by the National Committee for Research in Social Sciences and Humanities of Malawi’s National Commis- from the outset, representatives of govern- sion for Science and Technology. 66 Table A1.1: Questions Posed during Focus Groups and Individual Interviews Questions Related to Communities Questions Related to Workers • How are different groups in the communities • Which factors contribute to workers’ behaviors affected directly and indirectly by the labor that may negatively impact other groups? influx? How are women and girls affected? • What could be entry points to incentivize more • Which contextual factors may exacerbate or positive behaviors? mitigate the observed impacts? • What are the observed benefits and challenges • Which mechanisms and strategies (formal and facing female workers in road construction? informal) do community members use to deal • What could be entry points to mitigate risks with these impacts? and promote opportunities for female workers • Which entry points can be created or in road construction? strengthened to promote positive and reduce negative impacts from the labor influx on communities? informants; the ethics of conducting human Phase four was dedicated to data analysis subjects research; writing transcripts and gen- and validation of findings. This consisted of in- eral data management principles; and proper depth analysis of field notes and transcripts by ways to respond to disclosures of gender-based different researchers (team, local partner, and violence, violence against children, and human research firm). A detailed report on the study’s trafficking. With training complete, field work results was prepared and revised by representa- began. Data were collected through 19 key in- tives of the Roads Authority and the World Bank. formant interviews and 28 focus groups with Validation by stakeholders at different levels in- female and male community members and cluded a meeting of the Advisory Committee to road workers at four sites: one in the south- present results and collect inputs from different ern region, one in the central region and two in entities involved in the issues covered by the the northern region of the country. Data were research. The meeting also served to develop collected over a period of four weeks between concrete suggestions and actions to improve June and July 2018. During this phase, the current practices in road construction. Finally, team regrouped frequently to re-align on key ob- a quality enhancement review was held, and jectives and gaps of information and to conduct comments received were addressed in the final quality checks. version of the report. Data collection was guided by a set of ques- tions (Table A1.1) related to the communities Field Sites and Samples and another set related to workers. Research Research sites were selected with the support instruments in full can be found in Annex 2. of the Roads Authority with criteria of one site 67 per region (north, central, south)20 and road informant interviews were conducted with tradi- projects in different phases of the project cycle tional leaders, secondary school principals, and (commencing, ongoing for 10 months, complet- local service providers. ed). The rationale behind those criteria was to In the two sites where road projects were assess the heterogeneity of impacts based on still active, data were also collected through regional differences while accounting for short- eight focus groups with male and female road and long-term impacts. To preserve confidenti- workers, with a goal of better understanding ality, the exact research sites were not revealed their attitudes and experiences working in road in the report. At the site in Karonga in the north- sites and identifying entry points for later inter- ern region, a World Bank-financed project had ventions. Focus groups were organized accord- started several months before the research ing to participants’ gender but also marital sta- field work. In contrast to other sites, in Karonga tus and nationality. In some camps, labor influx only a limited set of key informant interviews originated not only from within Malawi but from was conducted.21 neighboring countries. Given language barriers Altogether, 20 focus group discussions and differences in behaviors of those different were conducted with male and female com- groups, we organized focus groups by nation- munity members to discuss their experiences ality wherever relevant. In addition to workers, with road construction and labor influx in par- we conducted seven key informant interviews ticular. In order to consider the heterogeneity of with camp managers and contractors’ social those impacts, the team grouped participants specialists. according to different (gender, age and marital In the two sites where road construction situation) (see Tables A1.2 and A1.3). In all was ongoing, the recruitment of respondents groups, the team aimed to include at least one happened in two stages. First, the team re- participant with disabilities. In addition, 12 key cruited male and female road workers living in camps or villages near the road works. Second, 20 This was suggested by stakeholders during the initial learning phase in order to capture the different effects that matrilineal and patrilineal males and females in villages affected by the systems may have on communities’ gender norms, attitudes, and power road construction were recruited. In one of the differentials. 21 Participants in this group were initially recruited solely on the age criteria. sites with ongoing work, community members However, at the first site, the team perceived that putting married and were recruited from villages in which road work single young women together in focus groups created discomfort among participants. The apparent reason grew from the fact that married and had occurred 10 months or more before, aim- single women alike could become involved with workers. Single young ing to assess longer-term impacts of the project women seemed uncomfortable sharing their views and experiences with workers before their married peers, while married ones did not appear and labor influx. We recruited men and women happy taking part in a discussion where certain topics (e.g. extramarital affairs) could arise. From the second site on, the group was split in two: community members from separate villages to women who were single and did not have children and women who were help protect confidentiality and ease the discus- married or had children. We included children in the criteria because of the perception that either getting married or having children marked sion of sensitive topics. See tables below for women’s transition into adulthood and brought certain social expectations more detailed information about the sample. regarding their behavior. 68 Table A1.2: Data Collection Episodes in Communities Communities Interviews Focus groups Traditional leaders 3 Secondary school principals/teachers 4* Local service providers 4* Women 36+ years 3 Men 36+ years 3 Women 25-35 years 3 Men 25-35 years   3 Women 18-24 years21   5 Men 18-24 years 3 TOTAL 12 20 * Conducted in WB project site Table A1.3: Data Collection Episodes for Workers in Active Road Sites Camps Interviews Focus groups Supervisors 3* Social specialists 4* Malawian men 2 Foreign men 2 Married women 2 Single women 2 TOTAL 7 8 * Conducted in WB project site Ethical Considerations trators of gender-based violence and violence against children.22 and Protocols 22. Guidelines which informed the research protocols include the Belmont The protocols of this research were guided Report (National Commission for the Protection of Human Subjects in Biomedical and Behavioral Research 1978); guidelines for conducting by principles for the protection of human sub- research established under Malawi’s National Commission for Science and jects. We gave specific consideration to risks Technology Act (2013); Putting women first: ethical and safety recommen- dations for research on domestic violence against women (World Health associated with interviewing survivors or perpe- Organization (WHO), 2001); Researching violence against women: a practical guide for researchers and activists (Ellsberg & Heise, 2005); and Ethical and Safety Recommendations for Research on the Perpetration of 69 Consent as a process: Prior to all interviews was anonymized and stored under unique iden- and focus groups, we gave participants con- tifiers. No names were written on instruments sent forms stating the broad objective of the or observations notes filled out by fieldworkers. research and its confidential nature; the spon- We took special steps to mitigate risks as- sor of the study; the length of time that the fo- sociated with interviewing survivors or perpe- cus group or interview would last; major themes trators of gender-based violence (GBV) or vi- that would be covered; costs and benefits of olence against children (VAC). Research that participating in the study; their right to withdraw may touch upon these issues raises important their participation at any point—before, during, ethical and methodological challenges in addi- or after the research, and to choose not to tion to those that arise in any research (WHO answer any question. Participants had the op- 2001). Although research participants were portunity to ask any questions before signing asked no direct questions about gender-based the forms. In addition, researchers informed violence or violence against children, team participants verbally of potential limits to their members were prepared to deal with these is- confidentiality under Malawi law,23 after which sues if they came up. The following measures consent was sought again and recorded with an addressed these special risks: audio device. Concerning illiterate participants, • Team training: All field workers had prior ex- the informed consent form was read to them in perience with research that touched upon the presence of a witness and they thumb-print- situations of GBV or VAC. But they also re- ed on the form to signal assent. ceived specialized training and on-going sup- Privacy: All interviews and focus groups were port by a counselor during fieldwork. This conducted in spaces that ensured participants’ training included introduction to domestic privacy. Interviewers changed the subject if the violence issues and an orientation on the interview was interrupted by bystanders. concepts of gender and gender discrimina- Confidentiality and Data Handling: All in- tion and inequality; principles of conducting terviews were audio recorded and transcribed. human subjects research; how to recognize We stored transcripts in a protected database survivors of GBV and VAC; how to avoid dis- managed by the research coordinator, along closure during an interview to protect partic- with observation sheets, audio files, sociode- ipants from harm; what to do if a disclosure mographic data, and consent forms. To ensure occurs—what to say and not to say to partic- confidentiality, consent forms with participants’ ipants, and which cases should be reported; names made no direct link to the data, which procedures to refer participants to a team counsellor; and how to recognize and deal Sexual Violence (Jewkes, Dartnall, & Sikweyiya, 2012). with vicarious trauma experienced by the re- 23 Malawi has laws requiring reporting in certain situations. Individuals— including researchers—are obliged to inform the police of any criminal search team members themselves. A specif- activity that they come to learn about if either the victim or perpetrator is ic protocol was developed for responding to identified. 70 situations of human trafficking.24 to the police, and that reporting could lead to retaliation by the perpetrator. Participants • Disclosure to participants: The research were offered on-site counselling and referral was introduced as “a study that aims to in- to the District Social Welfare Officer when vestigate the impacts of road works on the necessary. lives of community members and workers.” However, during the consent procedure, par- • Responding to disclosures of victimization ticipants were fully informed of potential sen- by GBV: The research teams were trained sitive issues that might be discussed. This how to recognize signs of victimization; how gave participants the option to prepare for to self-examine and deal with their own pre- or opt out of interviews as desired. In ad- conceived ideas and attitudes on GBV that dition, only one woman was interviewed per can affect responses to interview questions; household and women and men were recruit- how to respond to disclosures in a way that ed from separate villages to protect partici- avoids re-victimization of participants; what pants’ confidentiality. is appropriate to ask, and how to stop or change the topic to protect participants from • Disclosure of mandatory reporting laws distress. and reminders during interviews and fo- cus groups: Malawi has mandatory report- • Responding to disclosures of victimization ing laws for cases of GBV and VAC. During by VAC: There is no consensus international- the consent process, the team informed ly about how to handle cases of child abuse participants that if certain information were because children are generally considered disclosed (such as the identity of perpetra- more vulnerable and less able to act on their tors or victims), this would trigger mandato- own behalf. The WHO requires teams to de- ry reporting. During interviews, researchers velop local protocols for handling cases of were trained to be continuously mindful of child abuse that interviewers come to know the need to avoid particular types of infor- about. The guiding principle of these proto- mation that might trigger mandatory report- cols is to act in “the best interests of the ing. If the interviewer felt the participant was child,” based on local conditions and advice about to disclose such information, the in- from key agencies about prevailing condi- terviewee was reminded of the mandatory tions (Ellsberg and Heise 2005). Team train- reporting regulations. The rationale was that ing included discussions of different forms of interviews and focus groups were not the child abuse, including cultural practices that proper forum for a formal accusation of this are condoned in Malawi but violate the rights kind of violence, that participants could not of children. The team was trained to refer be aware of the consequences of reporting cases of violence against children disclosed during interviews, even those that might be 24 No current cases of human trafficking were encountered during the field considered culturally acceptable, to on-site work. 71 counsellors who jointly with the local Social from interviews and focus groups. These data Welfare Community Child Protection Officer were analyzed by the research coordinator in would decide on the best way to deal with parallel to field work and guided subsequent ep- the situation. isodes of data collection. The rest of the analy- sis unfolded as follows: • Liaising with service providers: During the initial learning phase of the study, the re- • Episode profiles25 were prepared for each da- search team met with potential providers ta-collection episode highlighting quotations of support for the research to identify their and themes emerging from each question of capabilities and obtain their agreement to interviews or focus group protocols; assist in the research. In each district, the • A matrix containing quotations and themes team drew upon a list of professional coun- organized by sample group and topic was sellors drafted with the help of the District prepared and then analyzed for the write-up Social Welfare Offices (DSWOs) and District of a draft version of the report; Health Offices (DHOs). These lists were • Draft study findings were discussed with the shared with the research teams to use in Advisory Committee and additional clarifica- case respondents needed such counseling. tions and feedback were sought. • Provision of an on-site counsellor: This per- • The final write-up was completed. son had experience working with survivors of gender-based violence and violence against children and provided psychological support References and coordinated the referral of participants Ellsberg M, Heise L (2005). Researching vio- to other services when needed. lence against women: a practical guide for researchers and activists. Washington DC, Data Management and United States; and World Health Organi- Analysis zation, PATH. Available at: www.path.org/ files/GBV_rvaw_front.pdf Interviews and focus groups were conducted in Jewkes R, Dartnall E and Sikweyiya Y, 2012. local languages were transcribed directly into Ethical and Safety Recommendations for English. Different team members conducted, Research on Perpetration of Sexual Vio- transcribed and coded each interview/FGD with lence. Sexual Violence Research Initia- the objective of quality checking each research tive, Medical Research Council, Pretoria, segment and facilitating feedback processes South Africa. between team members. Each field team mem- ber was instructed to keep daily field notes 25 Episode profiles are an analytic tool of the Sort and Sift, Think and Shift containing detailed observations, informal con- analysis approach of the software package ResearchTalk. They permit versations, key quotations, and themes arising ”vertical” analysis of each transcript—a holistic story of what is learned from each data document. 72 National Commission for the Protection of Hu- World Health Organization. (2001). Putting man Subjects of Biomedical and Behavior- women first: ethical and safety recom- al Research. (1978). The Belmont report: mendations for research on domestic vi- Ethical principles and guidelines for the olence against women (No. WHO/FCH/ protection of human subjects of research. GWH/01.1). Geneva: World Health Orga- [Bethesda, Md.]: The Commission. nization. Access online at: http://www. who.int/gender-equity-rights/knowledge/ who_fch_gwh_01.1/en/ 73 Annex 2: Research Instruments In this annex we present the five research in- and girls, people from outside the com- struments used to guide key informant inter- munity)? views and focus group discussions in the study. c. What do you consider is your organiza- These instruments were developed based on in- tion’s role in dealing with changes that puts of local stakeholders and with the specific result from the roadwork project? features of the Malawian context in mind. We 2. During the road construction project, there do not recommend that they be applied to other may have been/there are many people, men contexts without proper stocktaking and prior and women, who come from outside the consultation with local stakeholders. community who work or participate in the INSTRUMENT: KEY INFORMANT INTERVIEWS project activities. WITH TRADITIONAL LEADER AND HEAD TEACH- a. Can you describe the people that have ER OF A SECONDARY SCHOOL come to the community? Thank you for agreeing to participate in this i. Where are they from? study. With this conversation, I would like to dis- cuss with you the changes brought by the road ii. Where do they stay? construction project which was/is being imple- iii. How do they interact with the commu- mented close to this community. nity? 1. How has the road construction project af- b. Let’s take some time to discuss changes fected the community? in the community as a result of the road- a. How about the effects on your village/ workers presence and the outcomes of school? these changes. What changes have you seen in the community after the road- b. Are there different impacts on different workers arrived? Feel free to discuss groups (Probe: men and women, boys issues that may be positive, negative or neutral. 74 c. We also want to understand how the in- iii. How can they be improved? flux of workers may impact the lives of c. Are there other groups/organizations in women and girls more specifically. Do in- existence that can help community mem- coming workers interact with women and bers adapt to those changes? girls of the community? i. Which ones? iv. In which ways and where? ii. How effective do you think they are? v. What positive interactions/outcomes iii. How can they be improved? are there? 4. Prior to commencement of road works, was vi. What concerns/negative interactions anything done in order to help the commu- are there? nity and its members prepare for the road- 3. You have mentioned some changes arising work and its effect on the community? [ask from the road construction project in this openly, then probe for different actors; gov- community. How does the community deal /n’govt/community initiatives] with these situations? [ask about each of a. What were the programs? the changes mentioned in Q1 and Q2]. b. Who did these programs and where? i. Probe: fathers’ groups, mothers’ groups, traditional leaders c. What are your views on each of these programs? ii. How effective are the methods used? 5. You mentioned several changes arising from a. Are you aware of any reporting mecha- the road construction. nisms made available by construction companies to deal with these issues? a. What do you think could have been done in order to better prepare the community i. How do they work? before the road works? [ask openly, then ii. How effective do you think they are? recall the changes mentioned and use iii. How can these mechanisms be im- that for probing further} proved? b. What do you think can been done now b. Are you aware of any local services that that this project has already started? could help individuals and families deal- [ask openly, then recall the changes men- ing with these issues? [probe for police, tioned and use that for probing further} one stop centres, social welfare office, c. What do you think do you think needs to others] be done after the road construction is i. How do they work? completed? [ask openly, then recall the changes mentioned and use that for prob- ii. How effective do you think they are? ing further} 75 6. We are reaching the end of our conversa- a. Let’s take some time to discuss changes tion. Is there anything else you would like to in the community as a result of the road- add or any question you would like to make workers presence and the outcomes of to wrap-up? these changes. What changes have you seen in the community after the road- We thank you immensely for your participation. workers arrived? Feel free to discuss The information you provided will be very help- issues that may be positive, negative or ful in helping us think about ways to improve neutral. the impact of road construction projects on the wellbeing of local communities and workers. b. We also want to understand how the in- flux of workers may impact the lives of INSTRUMENT: FGDS MALES AND FEMALES women and girls more specifically. Do in- AGED 18-24 YEARS/ 25-35 YEARS / +35 coming workers interact with women and YEARS girls of the community? Thank you for agreeing to participate in this i. In which ways and where? study. With this conversation, we would like to learn from you about the changes brought by ii. What positive interactions/outcomes the road construction project which was/is be- are there? ing implemented close to this community. First, iii. What concerns/negative interactions we would like to ask about the overall impacts are there? of the projects and then we will ask specifically 3. You have mentioned some changes arising about the changes that may have arisen from from the road construction project in this the incoming of road workers. community. How does the community deal 1. How has the project affected the community with these situations? [ask about each of and your lives? the changes mentioned in Q1 and Q2]. b. How similar or different do you think your i. Probe: fathers’ groups, mothers’ experience was to that of other women/ groups, traditional leaders men (same gender)? ii. How effective are the methods used? c. How similar or different do you think your b. Are you aware of any reporting mecha- experience was to that of men/women nisms made available by construction (opposite gender) in this community? companies to deal with these issues? 2. During the road construction project, there iv. How do they work? may have been/there are many people, men and women, who come from outside the v. How effective do you think they are? community who work or participate in the vi. How can these mechanisms be im- project activities. proved? 76 c. Are you aware of any local services that b. What do you think can been done now could help individuals and families deal- that this project has already started? ing with these issues? [probe for police, [ask openly, then recall the changes men- one stop centres, social welfare office, tioned and use that for probing futher} others] c. What do you think do you think needs to iv. How do they work? be done after the road construction is completed? [ask openly, then recall the v. How effective do you think they are? changes mentioned and use that for prob- vi. How can they be improved? ing futher} d. Are there other groups/organizations in 6. We are reaching the end of our conversa- existence that can help community mem- tion. Is there anything else you would like to bers adapt to those changes? add or any question you would like to make iv. Which ones? to wrap-up? v. How effective do you think they are? We thank you immensely for your participation. The information you provided will be very help- vi. How can they be improved? ful in helping us think about ways to improve 4. Prior to commencement of road works, was the impact of road construction projects on the anything done in order to help the commu- wellbeing of local communities and workers. nity and its members prepare for the road- INSTRUMENT: KEY INFORMANT INTERVIEWS work and its effect on the community? [ask WITH LOCAL SERVICE PROVIDERS openly, then probe for different actors; gov- /n’govt/community initiatives] 1. Thank you for agreeing to participate in this study. With this conversation, I would like a. What were the programs? to get to know about more about the work b. Who did these programs and where? that your organization does and discuss the c. What are your views on each of these changes the road construction project may programs? have brought to the community and to your work. I would like to start by asking you to 5. You mentioned several changes arising from introduce yourself and this organization. the road construction. a. What is your role here? a. What do you think could have been done in order to better prepare the community b. Describe a typical day of work for you. before the road works? [ask openly, then c. What is the profile of the individuals who recall the changes mentioned and use access this unit? that for probing futher} d. What do people expect when they come here/reach out to you? 77 e. What challenges do people have to ac- b. (ii) deal with situations of GBV/VAC relat- cess this unit/reach out to you? ed to the road construction project once they happen? [ask about interventions 2. Are cases of GBV/VAC are prevalent in this targeting each of those involved – work- community? ers, women, girls, families, men – and a. What types of cases of GBV/VAC are different spaces – schools, community there? governance structures, local services]. a. Who are the perpetrators of these differ- INSTRUMENT: KEY INFORMANT INTERVIEW ent forms of violence? WITH ROAD CONSTRUCTION CAMPSITE MAN- b. Who are mostly the victims of these dif- AGER / SOCIAL SPECIALIST AT THE SITE ferent forms of violence? [probe for each 1. Thank you for agreeing to participate in this type of violence] study. With this conversation, I would like to c. What do you see as the main contribut- get to know more about the work that your ing factors to these issues? organization does, how you manage this site and discuss the changes the road con- 3. Apart from this service, what other struc- struction project may have brought to the tures exist to address issues related to community. GBV/VAC in these communities? [ask open- ly, then probe for governmental, NGO, con- a. I would like to start by asking you to intro- tractors, community structures. For each duce yourself and tell me a bit about this mentioned, ask:] project. a. Who is responsible for these mecha- b. What is your role and responsibilities in nisms/organizations/services/interven- this project? tions? c. How many workers have been employed b. How effective are they? for the project, what are their roles and profiles (origin, gender, level of qualifica- c. What challenges do they face? tion, marital status)? d. How can they be strengthened? d. What sort of benefits do workers have ac- 4. Has the road construction project affected cess to (income, time off/vacation, free your work in any way? Explain. [if not men- transport)? tioned, probe for cases of GBV/VAC, sexual 2. We are interested in understanding how the exploitation related to the road construction}. campsites are organized. 5. What do you think could be done in order to: a. Who stays in this camp? Are there any a. (i) prevent GBV/VAC related to the road workers who do not stay in this camp? construction project? Where do they stay? 78 b. What rules govern people who stay in - Does the code of conduct differen- this camp? [probe: both men and wom- tiate between men and women? Ex- en? Married and single workers? Depen- plain. dents of workers?] - What happens if any worker breaks 3. I would like to discuss your impressions on this code of conduct? the impacts the project may have had on - Can you give examples of cases of workers’ lives. workers who have breached the code a. How do you think working and living in of conduct and how you have man- road sites can affect workers’ lives and aged these cases? wellbeing? - Do you have suggestions for how b. Do you think these effects are different these situations can be managed dif- for different profile of workers (origin, ferently in the future? gender, level of qualification, marital sta- c. You have told me a number of approach- tus)? How? es that are used to manage road work- c. Which strategies do you see male and ers. How effective do you consider these female workers using to cope positively approaches? Explain. [ask about each of with the challenges related to working on them] these sites? d. What procedures exist to deal with griev- 4. Considering your experience managing work- ances by your workers as well as people ers in road construction sites: from the community? Explain. a. What strategies and mechanisms do 5. Prior to commencement of road works, were managers use to monitor workers’ well- any measures taken by the community, the being? government or the construction company to prepare community members or workers for b. What strategies and mechanisms do the road work and its effect on their lives? managers use to monitor workers con- What were the programs and how effective duct both in the camp as well as wider were they? Explain. community? 6. Thinking changes in the community aris- Probe: ing from the labor influx, what do you think - Do you have any code of conduct for could be done in order to better prepare the your workers? community and workers before, during and - What does this code of conduct say after the road works? and how is it enforced? We thank you immensely for your participation. The information you provided will be very help- 79 ful in helping us think about ways to improve specific issues mentioned in the previous the impact of road construction projects on the questions]. wellbeing of local communities and workers. 2. We are interested in understanding the INSTRUMENT: FGDS WITH MALE/FEMALE MAR- views of people regarding the work that is RIED/SINGLE WORKERS being done here in the camp. Thank you for agreeing to participate in this a. What are the views of your family regarding study. So just to remind you, the objective of your work here? this study is to understand the impacts that b. What are the views of community members road construction sites may have on the lives of regarding your work here? both workers and the people that live in the ar- c. How do these opinions affect your lives? eas surrounding the project. With that, we aim [ask openly, then probe specifically for fam- to identify strategies to promote more positive ily/community] impacts and avoid any negative impacts on all those involved. 3. We are interested in understanding rules that exist for workers here. 1. So let’s start with a general question [be playful]. How has it been for you the experi- a. As workers of this road construction com- ence of working in a road construction proj- pany, are there any rules that you have to ect? We can talk about negative, positive follow? And if so, which ones? [ask gen- and new aspects – please feel free. [ask eral, then about specific ones related to openly and let them guide. Then probe for having relationships]. the positive/negative aspects, if those have i. [If so]: What are your views regarding not been mentioned]. these rules? a. How do you think your experience was ii. [If so]: How effectively are these similar or different to that of other wom- rules enforced? en/men [ask for the same sex, but other b. And for those living in the campsite, are sample group]? there any specific rules that they have to b. How do you think your experience was follow? And if so, which ones? [ask gen- similar or different to that of women/ eral, then about specific ones related to men [ask about the opposite gender]? having relationships]. c. Thinking of the challenges men/women i. [If so]: What are your views regarding can face through this work, which strate- these rules? gies do they use to male/female workers ii. [If so]: How effectively are these rules use here to deal or cope with them? [ask enforced? openly first, let them talk, then refer to 80 4. We understand that some of the people who 6. Thinking about your experience as workers are working here in the site may not be from in a road construction project, what do you the region and have come from other plac- think can be done in order to promote more es. We are interested in understanding how positive impacts on the lives of: those who have arrived interact with those a. Workers of such projects? [ask openly, who are from the villages around here. then recap on the issues mentioned earli- a. In which places do these interactions er in the interviews] take place? b. People who live in the villages surround- b. How do you think the community per- ing these projects? [ask openly, then re- ceives these interactions? cap on the issues mentioned earlier in the interviews]. c. What are positive aspects of these inter- actions? 7. We are reaching the end of our conversa- tion. Is there anything else you would like to d. What challenges are from these interac- add or any question you would like to make tions? to wrap-up? 5. Prior to commencement of road works, out- We thank you immensely for your participation. side of technical training, what other training The information you provided will be very help- programs did your company offer to prepare ful in helping us think about ways to improve you for the road work? Talk about the pros the impact of road construction projects on the and cons of these training programs. wellbeing of local communities and workers. 81 Annex 3: Recommendations for stakeholders Risk Current Ways to enhance current initiatives Additional initiatives to consider identified initiatives and actions and action in place Sexual Code of All workers could be required to sign a The study found that projects generally misconduct Conduct code of conduct as part of the employ- lack a dedicated social specialist that of workers ment contract that details appropriate has been trained on how to address behavior during work and non-work GBV cases. Both contracting and hours, including sanctions for noncom- supervising firms must have social pliance (e.g., termination), with ver- specialists trained on GBV and such sions in the languages pertinent to the provisions should be included in Terms workers’ origins. of References. In high risk contexts, it is important for the supervision consul- tant could have a GBV specialist. The code of conduct should explain the rationale for including such rules (such as forbidding sexual relationships with Workshops providing a detailed and community members). Given that many culturally appropriate training on the workers can be illiterate, the content code of conduct need to be offered to of the code of conduct should be ex- all contractors and supervising con- plained verbally to all workers. sultants. Contractors and supervisors need to be sensitized regarding the full spectrum of their responsibilities relat- Codes of conduct are often limited to ing to social and environmental safe- working hours and environment but guards, including gender-based violence must be amended to include how labor- and sexual exploitation and abuse. ers are expected to behave outside of work context, including forbidding rela- tionships with underage women. The Code of Conduct should be widely disseminated to show a zero tolerance policy. Rules related to behavioral standards should be enforced as well as those related to safety standards. For workers, half day or day-long events should be organized by the implement- ing agency, involving all stakeholders (contractor, subcontractors, resident engineer, service provider, and district authorities) to sensitize them on health, safety, sexual exploitation and abuse, and other relevant issues. The project’s environmental and social management plan should require this as a mitigation measure. 26 The WBG has recently launched a Good Practice note: :”Addressing Gender Based Violence in Investment Project Financing involving Major Civil Works” prepared to assist Task Teams in establishing an approach to identifying risks of GBV, in particular Sexual Exploitation and Abuse (SEA) and Sexual Harassment (SH), that can emerge in IPF with major civil works contracts and to advise Borrowers accordingly on how to best manage such risks. The GPN builds on World Bank experience and good international industry practices, including those of other development partners. While World Bank Task Teams are the primary audience, the GPN also aims to contribute to a growing knowledge base on the subject. The specific recommendations presented in this Annex are direct reflections of the context and challenges encountered in Malawi as part of this research. They do not serve as blue-prints for other contexts or projects but may potentially inform those. 82 Risk Current Ways to enhance current initiatives Additional initiatives to consider identified initiatives and actions and action in place These training events could occur with regular frequency given the ebb and flow of influx of workers to ensure new workers receive the same information prior to commencing work. Include provisions in the contractors’ contracts for time off for non-resident workers on pay-weekends so they can travel back to their original places to be with their families. Contact with their families could serve as protective fac- tor for not engaging in risky and harmful behavior. The study found that workers can of- ten approach local women and girls by luring them with company vehicles and sometimes even using vehicles as meeting place for these encounters. Contractors and supervision companies could put in place strict rules and mon- itor vehicle use to eliminate opportuni- ties for such behavior. GRM A clear protocol for how to report and The GRM for GBV cases should be inte- follow-up on a case of GBV must be es- grated into the standard GRM to ensure tablished. This protocol needs to guar- that systems of reporting grievances antee that the information about a po- are not duplicated. tential case can be shared confidentially and anonymously across the various entities responding to the case and that The study showed that lack of trust and the safety of the survivor is protected. confidentiality are important barriers for This protocol should be disseminated in individuals to report cases of GBV. It is the local language with all stakeholders important to conduct capacity building and individuals involved with the project and awareness raising efforts to tradi- and affected communities. tional leaders on GBV and the need for confidentiality. Local monitoring committees may be established with the responsibility to It is recommended that projects provide monitor that the GRM is functioning. survivors with multiple entry points to This institution can function as a link report cases. Projects could map and between community, social welfare coordinate with service providers in officers and other service providers. the project area. These providers could Committees should be able to accept be trained to receive reports directly reports directly, and should be com- and also serve as a place to which prised of women and youth, in addition projects could refer those who report. to the other core members, to ensure Information on these centers should be victims/survivors feel comfortable shar- constantly disseminated to community ing sensitive information, and that are members and workers. more likely to come forward. The GRM response timeline should ensure that survivors receive services as soon as the case is reported, even if the formal response timeline might be more extensive. 83 Risk Current Ways to enhance current initiatives Additional initiatives to consider identified initiatives and actions and action in place Consultation Ensure that voices of different groups Raising awareness and sensitizing the and aware- of the community are heard and not ‘si- communities and contractors about ness raising lenced’ by more powerful local actors. the risks associated with labor influx is with Com- critical. munities The study shows that attempting to raise awareness using traditional lead- ers as disseminators may not be effec- tive in changing behavior. Instead, spe- cialized NGOs working on gender and masculinities should work together with contractors to develop specific activi- ties around these issues, disseminate information about the risks associated with labor influx, and educate communi- ties on the process for handling poten- tial cases. Girls drop Mother The methods used by Mother Groups In coordination with the methods used out of Groups to work with at risk girls should be by Mother Groups, the projects should school due expanded more evenly across different work directly with teachers, school to (sexual) areas of the country. In addition, this administrators and families to educate involvement work may potentially be enhanced to on gender sensitization and generate with workers ensure effective measures are used discussions of opportunities for transi- in preventing drop-outs in light of labor tioning into adulthood that go beyond influx. motherhood/ marriage. Ensure Mother Groups are targeting girls who have already dropped out. Sexual in- Awareness raising activities on legal volvement implications as well as overall conse- of minors quences of early motherhood could with workers be done on an ongoing basis. These could target both community groups including secondary school students, and workers. Encourage workers to bring their fam- ilies to live at work sites where possi- ble. Spread of Provide educational information and STIs material regarding transmission and safer sex practices, as well as codes of conduct around sexual relationships. Provide free access to condoms. 84 Risk Current Ways to enhance current initiatives Additional initiatives to consider identified initiatives and actions and action in place Sexual ha-   Encourage workers to bring their fami- Form worker committees, and nominate rassment lies to live at work sites. female worker representatives to be at the work- the point persons for workers to for- place ward sexual harassment complaints. Establish clear and transparent rules and procedures for hiring new staff. Establish clear policy on sexual harass- ment and provide on-going training to all staff. Employ more community members— particularly women—in skilled or cleri- cal positions to reduce power imbalanc- es in the road project workplace. Provide safe and confidential ways of reporting sexual harassment by ensur- ing there are women in positions to receive and respond to reports of cas- es of sexual harassment. Women get   Link project with other initiatives that involved operate locally to enhance women’s with work- economic opportunities and other em- ers due to powerment initiatives. These initiatives economic must include a component of how gen- necessity der power dynamics are impacted by and lack of labor influx. local oppor- tunities. Provide specific incentives for contrac- tors to hire local women across all lev- els of the firm. Increase Advocate for stronger gender-based vio- in gen- lence laws and strengthen enforcement der-based of existing laws. violence against women and Raise awareness around the normal- girls, and ization of violence against women and intimate girls. Include a rights-based perspective partner and the legal implications in awareness violence raising activities with communities. Inform community members about ser- vices available for victims of violence and other forms of gender-based vio- lence including psycho-social, medical, and legal services. Unwanted Education for communities (targeting pregnancies women and girls, men and boys) and contractors regarding risks of sexual activity. Free access to condoms. 85 Risk Current Ways to enhance current initiatives Additional initiatives to consider identified initiatives and actions and action in place Reluctance GRM Existing methods of reporting potential Sensitization on the normalization of to report incidents need to be evaluated to en- violence and harassment against wom- inappropri- sure that reporting can be anonymous en and children need to be provided ate sexual and confidential. Communities need to address existing beliefs that such behavior to be informed on the proper reporting behavior is acceptable. and sexual protocol and procedures for responding harassment to a case. Low respon- The study found that service providers siveness (police, health, schools), were often and capacity not trusted or were disconnected from of service community members. Prior to the proj- providers ect, training and sensitization should be done with these providers, including the development of protocols on how to deal with cases of GBV. Support local medical facilities for “rape kits” as well as helping in pro- viding the necessary support and evi- dence facilities for survivors to report crimes that can survive the burden of proof in court. 86 Annex 4: Other Negative Effects of Labor Influx This study focuses on gender-related problems crease the rate of crime or stoke feelings of of labor influx. However, depending on place insecurity in the local community. Illicit be- and circumstances, labor influx can cause im- havior can include theft, physical assaults, portant challenges that are not necessarily re- substance abuse, prostitution, and human lated to gender. trafficking. Local law enforcement may be unprepared for the temporary increase in • Environmental harm: This can include slip- population. shod disposal of solid waste generated by workers; wastewater and latrine discharges • Influx of additional population, or “followers:” that pollute nearby waters; pressure on local Especially in projects with large footprints natural resources, such as fresh water and and a long-time frame, people other than timber; illicit farming, hunting, and fishing; the workers may migrate to the project area. trade in endangered species; the take-over These can be people who hope to get a job of land for camp use and access roads; and with the project, family members of workers, noise and lighting that affects local wildlife. traders, suppliers, and sex workers. • Social conflict: Conflicts may arise between • Increased burden on public services: Con- the local community and the construction struction workers can create unsustainable workers over religious, cultural, or ethnic heightened demand for public services such differences, or over competition for local re- as water, electricity, medical care, transport, sources. Tensions may also arise between and education. different groups within the labor force. Ethnic • Child labor and school dropout: Increased and regional conflicts may increase if work- opportunities to sell goods and services to ers from one group are perceived as moving the incoming workers can lead to child labor into the territory of another. to produce and deliver these goods and ser- • Increased crime: The influx of workers and vices, which in turn can raise school dropout service providers into communities may in- rates. 87 • Inflation: A significant increase in demand for transportation of workers can increase traf- goods, services, and accommodations due fic and accidents, as well as put additional to labor influx may drive up local prices and burden on the local transportation infrastruc- crowd out community consumers. ture. • Increase in traffic and related accidents: Delivery of supplies for the project and the 88 Annex 5: Matrilineal versus Patrilineal Cultures in Malawi Two customary systems of inheritance—the death of the wife or divorce, the husband loses matrilineal and the patrilineal—are found in the right to his wife’s land and returns to his na- Malawi society. Under the matrilineal system, tal village while his children remain in his wife’s the position of chief is handed down through village (Takane 2007). Chitengwa, meanwhile, the female line, as is land and other property. tends more to be practised in the central region Women tend to have primary rights to land. A among the Chewa people. man’s rightful heirs to his land are his sister’s Under the patrilineal system, a woman who children (Pachai 1978). This system governs marries leaves her village and relatives and land transfers in the central and southern re- joins the husband in his natal village, and chil- gions (Ng’ong’ola 1982, Pachai 1978, and Pe- dren from this marriage belong to the husband ters 2010), with the exception of Chikwawa and and his lineage. In such societies, bride-wealth Nsanje districts in the south. in the form of cattle or cash equivalent is paid There are two types of marriage in matri- by the man and his family. If it is not paid, the lineal societies. One is chikamwini, in which a woman and her children belong to her family. If man moves to his wife’s village of birth at mar- the woman dies before the husband pays bride- riage and lives with her relatives, and lineage wealth, she may not be buried until bride-wealth is traced through women. The other is chiteng- is paid or her family decides to bury her in her wa, where a woman leaves her natal village and natal village. The patrilineal system is found in lives in the man’s but the children belong to the the northern region, for example, among the woman’s lineage (Ngwira 2002 and Place and Ngoni of Mzimba and the Tumbuka of Rumphi Otsuka 1997). Chikamwini is practised among (Naomi 2002 and Place and Otsuka 1997) and the Yao, Nyanja, and Lomwe peoples of southern the Nsanje and Chikwawa in southern Malawi. Malawi (Peters 1997, Mtika and Doctor 2002, In patrilineal systems children, especially sons, Peters and Kambewa 2007, and Takane 2007). have access to their father’s wealth including A husband does not have any decision-mak- land (Mtika and Doctor 2002). ing powers on the wife’s land rights. Upon the 89 Research conducted in nine districts in Ma- women’s inheritance claims at the local level lawi regarding women and property inheritance (Ngwira et al. 2002 and Chiweza 2005). This rights revealed that in both matrilineal and is also reflected in the fact that most land is patrilineal systems of marriage women have still inherited, owned, and worked by men. Ac- few or no independent rights to land property. cording to the 1993 Agricultural Census, the This is due to the mixture of traditional customs percentage of female landholders in 1993 was and women’s unequal access to legal services, just 32 percent (FAO Gender and Land Rights flaws in administration, and adjudication of Database). 90 Annex 6: Advisory Committee for this Study Stakeholder Roads Authority Ministry of Transport and Public Works Ministry of Gender, Children and Social Welfare Ministry of Education, Science and Technology Ministry of Local Government and Rural Development Ministry of Labour, Youth, Sports and Manpower Development Ministry of Finance, Economic Planning Department Malawi Police Service Female Contractor National Construction Industrial Council of Malawi University of Malawi, The Polytechnic Malawi Institute of Engineers (MIE) - Women's Chapter UNICEF UNFPA UN Women CONGOMA NGO Gender Coordination Network - MEGEN Malawi Human Rights Commission YONECO Malawi Human Rights Consultative Committee Eye of the Child National Human Rights Council of Malawi Center for Human Rights and Rehabilitation (CHRR) 91