Unlocking the Potential of Women Entrepreneurs in Uganda A B R I E F O F PO L I C Y I N T E RV E N T I O N S Authors: Amy Copley, Birce Gokalp, and Daniel Kirkwood 1. Key messages • Evidence from across Sub-Saharan Africa demon- strates that the following interventions can help em- • Private sector development is an integral channel power women entrepreneurs: through which countries can better leverage the pro- ductive potential of the youth bulge, support job cre- • Psychology-based trainings focused on developing a ation, and maintain social stability. Entrepreneurship growth-oriented mindset, which can boost innovation already plays an important role in Sub-Saharan Africa, where and the profits of enterprises, and which have proven to be approximately 42  percent of the nonagricultural labor force more effective than standard business trainings. is self-employed or is an employer—the highest rate in the • Larger volumes of financing, which has a more transforma- world. tional impact on enterprise growth than the microfinanc- • Strengthening the performance of enterprises to ing that women typically access. serve as engines of job creation, inclusive growth, • Loan products less reliant on collateral, enabling women with and poverty reduction is a critical policy priority in few assets to borrow more to invest in their businesses. Uganda, especially given the limited number of wage jobs in the economy and recent evidence highlighting the need to • Secure savings mechanisms, including mobile banking, which help growth-oriented enterprises increase their productivity give women greater control and allow them to separate and job-creating potential. business from household finances. • A particular focus on supporting women-owned en- • Support for women to cross over into more profitable male-dom- terprises is crucial as women entrepreneurs earn 30 inated sectors because women-owned Ugandan enterprises percent lower profits than their male counterparts. that do so earn on average twice the profits of those that do Women business owners in Uganda face several gender-spe- not. Moreover, within male-dominated sectors, such cross- cific barriers to their enterprise performance, including lower over businesses owned by women are just as profitable as levels of innovation, lower use of capital and labor, and segre- those owned by men. Measures to support women transi- gation into lower-value sectors. Targeting support to women tioning to these higher-paying sectors include interventions entrepreneurs can help accelerate progress toward poverty that increase their exposure to these sectors through their reduction by building resilient livelihoods for the most vul- social support networks and training opportunities and that nerable women entrepreneurs and increasing the capacity of provide access to the higher volumes of capital often needed women-owned enterprises to produce more and better-qual- as an initial investment to enter male-dominated sectors. ity jobs to drive inclusive economic growth. • Bundled social protection programs—such as cash grants, discrimination; restrictive gender norms; risks of gender-based life skills and entrepreneurial training, and savings groups violence; endowments such as education and skills; confidence address a range of constraints faced particularly by poor and risk preferences; access to finance, assets, networks, and infor- women operating small-scale enterprises. Advanced digital mation; and household constraints around the allocation of pro- systems can ensure women receive cash transfers quickly ductive resources and time (World Bank 2019). Moreover, these and securely, safeguarding the benefits of these interven- factors influence the strategic decisions of women entrepreneurs, tions for women. including their sector of operation, use of capital and labor, adop- tion of good business practices, innovation, formalization, and decisions to compete, which ultimately influences their business 2. Context outcomes. Notably, women-owned enterprises tend to operate Across the globe, many countries are seeking to accel- in less lucrative, female-concentrated industries and use system- erate economic growth by leveraging their dynamic atically less capital and lower levels of productive labor than men- and large youth populations to achieve a demographic owned enterprises, which explains much of the differences in dividend. Yet one challenge these countries often face is that enterprise outcomes. wage employment opportunities are not expanding fast enough On average, women-owned microenterprises in to provide sufficient high-quality jobs for these youths. In such Uganda generate 30 percent lower profits than their contexts, entrepreneurship can help countries better leverage male counterparts (World Bank 2019). Lower levels of the productive potential of the youth bulge, support job creation, innovation, lower use of capital and labor, and sector-based sex and maintain social stability. This has already happened to some segregation are all factors associated with women entrepreneurs’ degree in Sub-Saharan Africa, with approximately 42 percent of poorer business outcomes relative to men in Uganda. Moreover, the nonagricultural labor force estimated to be self-employed or women enterprise owners in Uganda also use 41 percent fewer employers—the highest rate in the world (World Bank 2019). hours of labor, have 50 percent less capital, and are 37 percent Yet, this trend toward self-employment has mostly been the result less likely to have introduced a new product over the previous 12 of a lagging private sector, which has not created enough jobs to months compared with men. Underpinning these gender gaps is absorb prospective workers. Thus, necessity forces many of the a range of factors, including the fact that women enterprise own- region’s entrepreneurs into self-employment, who face numerous ers may be less able than their male counterparts to allocate their barriers to growing their businesses. Moreover, some of the most working hours to their enterprises due to greater domestic and vulnerable face barriers to even starting a business, and therefore care responsibilities. Meanwhile, women microentrepreneurs’ remain engaged in low-productivity agriculture. This restrains the lower use of capital may stem in part from their relatively lower ac- potential for such businesses to serve as engines of growth and cess to collateral (e.g., land or larger assets), which may lock them poverty reduction. Women entrepreneurs often confront even out of growth-oriented loans. They may also lack control and deci- greater gender-specific obstacles than men do. sion-making power over capital, which could prevent them from In Sub-Saharan Africa, women are more likely to be using it to invest in their businesses; or they may face discrimina- entrepreneurs than men, and yet their businesses tion from financial institutions in accessing credit as there are no earn only two-thirds the profits of their male-owned applicable laws prohibiting gender-based discrimination. Finally, counterparts (World Bank 2019). This stark gender gap while most business training programs tend to focus on standard in earnings is caused not by differences in the innate abilities of business skills, women need noncognitive skills training focused men and women entrepreneurs but rather by the gender-specific on developing qualities such as personal initiative and determina- constraints that women face in starting, sustaining, and grow- tion, which are especially crucial to helping women overcome the ing their enterprises, including contextual factors such as legal significant barriers they face. 2 Operating predominantly in less lucrative, tradition- potential of a particular business sector by, for example, operating ally female-concentrated sectors also restricts the earn- a microenterprise from home. ings of women entrepreneurs in Uganda. For example, The government of Uganda has launched an ambitious only 6 percent of women operate in male-dominated sectors, even development agenda in its third National Development though women could increase their average monthly profits by Plan (NDP III) aimed at increasing household in- 141 percent by transitioning from a female-concentrated sector to comes by more than 50 percent (over baseline levels a male-dominated one (Campos et al. 2015).1 In addition, wom- in 2017/2018) and improving the quality of life of en-owned enterprises that cross over into male-dominated sec- Ugandans through sustainable industrialization for tors tend to be just as profitable as those owned by men. Women inclusive growth, employment, and sustainable wealth entrepreneurs in Uganda may select into traditionally female-con- creation by 2024/25. Already most Ugandans rely on self-em- centrated sectors due to lack of information on relative earnings ployment for their livelihoods: 52 percent of working Ugandans by sector, limited exposure to apprenticeship opportunities in are self-employed, and fewer than 4 percent of self-employed in- male-dominated sectors, smaller business networks with fewer dividuals are employers (job creators) (Merotto 2019). However, contacts in male-dominated sectors, and gender norms within the given the need to address the currently low-average-level produc- household and society that cause women to prioritize the ability tivity of enterprises and improve their capacity for creating more to combine work with domestic responsibilities over the earning and higher quality jobs, closing the gap in earnings between men 1. Campos et al. (2015) draws on quantitative data from 2011 that samples 735 en- and women entrepreneurs is critical, both from an inclusiveness trepreneurs operating within and near Kampala, most of whom were members of the Katwe Small Scale Industry Association (KASSIDA), as well as a quantitative and qual- and a growth and jobs perspective (Merotto 2019). Moreover, it itative survey from 2012 of 183 women entrepreneurs. In this study, male-dominated is not only women entrepreneurs who would benefit—so would sectors include carpentry, electric, fitting and machinery, foundry and forgery, metal fab- rication, and shoemaking and repair. Female-concentrated sectors include barbershop/ the women they would employ and bring into the labor force as hair salon, catering, clay molding, and tailoring/knitting. their enterprises grow. An analysis from Sub-Saharan Africa shows 3 that 75 percent of employees in women-owned enterprises are version of a pilot “personal initiative” training boosted women’s women, while only 20 percent of employees of enterprises owned profits by 40 percent compared with a statistically insignificant 5 by men are women, even when controlling for the operational percent increase in profits for women who received standard busi- sector (World Bank 2019). ness training. Women who received the personal initiative training also invested more in their businesses, were more likely to intro- duce new innovative products, and proactively pursued financing 3. Promising policy interventions sources. This type of training has been implemented, tested, and Accelerating Uganda’s progress toward its development adapted across multiple contexts globally, which has helped to de- objectives will require efforts to strategically target and velop lessons on delivery modalities, cost-effectiveness, and op- lift the constraints facing women entrepreneurs to en- tions for tailoring the training to distinct groups of beneficiaries. hance their productivity and earnings and to close the For instance, in Mozambique, the personal initiative training has gaps in business performance relative to men. In this even been proven effective in getting women farmers to move into regard, to address the drivers of the gender gaps, the government more profitable crops and to start off-farm businesses. could consider implementing policies and programs focused on enhancing women’s entrepreneurial skills to spur innovation; im- 3.2. Capital: Providing larger loans for women proving women’s use of and control over capital; addressing sec- entrepreneurs, easing collateral requirements, and toral sex segregation; and supporting the livelihoods of the smallest promoting secure savings mechanisms scale, the most poor, and the most vulnerable entrepreneurs.2 The Larger volumes of finance can help growth-oriented following sections review the state of the regional evidence base women entrepreneurs overcome capital constraints from Sub-Saharan Africa on policies and programs to support and have been shown to have a more transformative im- women entrepreneurs and close gender gaps in business perfor- pact on business performance than microcredit does. mance. They highlight interventions that foster entrepreneurial Capital constraints hold back the performance of women-owned skills, improve the use of credit, and support shifts into more pro- enterprises in Uganda and more broadly in Sub-Saharan Africa, ductive sectors for women enterprise owners, as well as those that in part due to lower access to finance and collateral (World Bank seek to improve business outcomes to support the livelihoods of 2019). Traditionally, microfinance has been a popular tool to in- vulnerable women operating enterprises of the smallest scale. crease women’s access to credit. However, providing small loans through group lending schemes might be insufficient to boost 3.1. Skills: Fostering the right entrepreneurial skills investment and enterprise growth. For example, in Ethiopia, a One policy priority for closing the gender gaps in busi- “missing middle” phenomenon has been documented. This is ness performance is to provide women entrepreneurs a group of growth-oriented women-owned enterprises whose with the training they need to develop the right skills credit needs are too large for microfinance but not large enough and a growth-oriented mindset. Evidence from Uganda for commercial banks (Alibhai, Bell, and Conner 2017). Under and Togo suggest that psychology-based trainings that enhance the Women Entrepreneurship Development Project in Ethiopia, women’s noncognitive skills and that foster a proactive, resilient, women who applied for larger individual liability loans for invest- and entrepreneurial mindset can help women introduce new in- ment and/or entrepreneurship training boosted their profits by an novative products in their businesses and increase their earnings average of 40 percent three years after taking the loan compared (Glaub et al. 2014; Campos et al. 2017). In Togo, a scaled-up with a control group, and they grew their employment levels by 55 percent (Alibhai, Buehren and Papineni 2018). Similarly, provid- 2. A companion brief, focusing on gender norms around childcare and domestic respon- sibilities will focus more explicitly women’s time and own-labor constraints. Evidence ing large cash grants for growth-oriented entrepreneurs through on constraints to leveraging hired labor, and effective interventions to overcome these a business plan competition has proven effective to address constraints will be touched on in the sections that follow. 4 capital constraints. In Nigeria, a business plan competition pro- their businesses. Providing women with business bank accounts viding cash grants averaging $50,000 increased the likelihood that helps them separate their business and household finances. In women would operate an enterprise, boosted employment, and Malawi, for example, combining business registration with an in- led to an increase in sales and profits (McKenzie 2017). Typical formation session at a bank, including the offer of a business bank microfinance volumes, on the other hand, have a relatively poor account, led to the increased use of formal financial services, a 28 record when it comes to supporting transformational business percent increase in enterprise sales, and a 20 percent increase in growth (J-PAL and IPA 2015). profits. Registration on its own was not as effective in improving access to financial services and did not result in increased sales As women hold fewer fixed assets than men, loan prod- or profits, highlighting the importance of having access to a busi- ucts less reliant on collateral could make it possible for ness bank account. Some formal financial services may be better women entrepreneurs to borrow more, leverage more suited to women in urban than in those in rural areas (Dupas et growth opportunities, and improve enterprise perfor- al. 2018); innovative mobile money products, which have been mance. With lower levels of asset ownership to serve as collateral, found to allow women more privacy and control over their earn- women are less likely to receive loans of the same size as men. The ings (Aker et al. 2016), may be a more suitable alternative for rural 2013–14 Uganda National Panel Survey reveals that 84 percent women (see subsection 3.4). of rural parcels in Uganda are held under unregistered customary tenure (Ali and Duponchel 2018). In such settings, a woman’s ac- cess to and control over land is typically conditioned on her rela- 3.3. Sectoral choice: Getting women into more tionship to a male spouse or relative; she has secondary use rights productive sectors rather than ownership rights (Rugadya 2010). The evidence on Enhancing support networks among women entre- alternative loan products is still emerging, but one promising ap- preneurs, improving women entrepreneurs’ skills proach involves the use of psychometric testing to replace or com- through adequate training in male-dominated sectors, plement traditional collateral requirements. Psychometrics, which and providing access to capital could support women means “measurement of the mind,” assesses the borrower’s char- entrepreneurs in crossing over into more profitable acter based on measurable traits used to predict the likelihood that male-dominated sectors.4 Sectoral choice is a major contrib- the loan will be repaid.3 One study in Ethiopia shows that custom- utor to the gender gap in enterprise performance (World Bank ers who scored very well on the test were seven times more likely 2019). In Uganda, women who cross over to male-dominated sec- to repay their loans than lower-scoring customers (Alibhai et al. tors earn as much profits as the men operating in the same sectors. 2018), providing risk-averse lenders with valuable information The women crossover entrepreneurs earn on average twice the that can be used to invest in women with greater confidence. profits of women who do not cross over.5 In Uganda, male-domi- nated sectors for microentrepreneurs include wood manufactur- Interventions that help women entrepreneurs keep ing and repair, electric and gas supply, leather manufacturing and their business income separate from household de- repair, fitting and machinery, metal works and engineering, and mands through secure saving mechanisms could help foundry. Across the region, the most common female-concen- women save funds to invest in their enterprises. Unequal trated sectors are trade and manufacturing of textiles, food service, household bargaining power and domestic expenditures prevent many women from reinvesting more of their revenues back into 4. These recommendations are based on the forthcoming report “Breaking Barriers: Female Entrepreneurs Who Cross Over to Male Dominated Sectors”, which cites litera- 3. This credit-scoring tool, which could be available on a smartphone, tablet, or PC at ture from Nigeria (Aderemi et al. 2008) and South Africa (Aneke et al. 2017; Haupt and a low cost, consists of a series of psychometric questions such as “Imagine one day you Madikizela 2009) as well as policy recommendations suggested for female entrepreneurs find 10 gold coins; how would you spend them?” and other similar questions to predict operating in a male dominated sector in South Africa (Haupt and Ndimande 2019). a loan applicant’s future repayment behavior. The application extracts information on 5. See the forthcoming “Breaking Barriers: Female Entrepreneurs Who Cross Over to what and how the applicant answers. The tool also records the time it takes a client to Male Dominated Sectors” (World Bank 2021). Within male-dominated sectors, busi- answer each question, if a client hesitated to answer, or if she changed answers. nesses owned by women who cross over are just as profitable as businesses owned by men. 5 networks and helping them build their skills, but even in challenging the deep- rooted social norms about the sectors in which women should operate. A barrier to getting more women into such train- ings is that those without prior expe- rience in a male-dominated sector are less likely to apply for training in it, as happened in a recent vocational train- ing program in the Republic of Congo. A simple and powerful tool to address this issue could be to simply provide information on returns by sector. A forthcoming study about the program in the Republic of Congo shows that providing information on returns by sector through a video at the time of ap- plication to the program increased the likelihood that a woman would choose training in a male-dominated trade by 28.6 percent. The Uganda study on women crossover entrepreneurs shows accommodations, hair dressing, and personal services. The ex- about 75 percent of those interviewed isting literature sheds some light on promising programs that who had not crossed over believed—incorrectly—that they can help women cross over. One promising option is to provide made the same or more than those who had (Campos et al. 2015). women with greater exposure to male-dominated sectors early in Finally, providing access to capital and loans can help women life by encouraging spousal support, role models, and mentors. cross over into male-dominated sectors with higher start-up cap- In Uganda, for example, women who had male role models in ital requirements. their youth were 20–28 percent more likely to cross over into a male-dominated sector than women who had not (Campos et 3.4. Supporting the livelihoods of small-scale al. 2015). Vocational training and apprenticeship programs can entrepreneurs also provide women with exposure to male-dominated sectors. In Bundled economic inclusion programs can address Nigeria, for example, an information and communication technol- a range of constraints faced by the most vulnerable ogy (ICT) training resulted in university graduates being 26 per- women entrepreneurs. For extremely poor female beneficia- cent more likely to work in the ICT sector (Croke, Goldstein, and ries, bundled economic inclusion interventions, which pair cash Holla 2017). Critically, the impacts were larger among women grants with complementary interventions, have proven effective who initially had been biased against women’s participation in at developing sustainable livelihoods. An important feature of the ICT sector. This suggests that such training programs can be these programs is that they can tackle the multiple constraints important not only in terms of widening women’s professional often faced by the most vulnerable women. In Niger, providing 6 women with a full package of support, including savings groups, products, such as mobile money, may offer an alternative, enabling coaching, and entrepreneurship training; a lump sum cash grant; quick and secure cash transfers, improving women’s control over and psychosocial interventions6 led to strong increases in earn- their incomes, and helping them weather income shocks. All of ings from women-led income-generating activities, particularly this can help make rural women’s microenterprises more sustain- off-farm self-employment and livestock enterprises. Savings and able. The popularity of such services over traditional products has asset accumulation also increased. Moreover, the participating already been demonstrated. For example, the Girls’ Education women reported experiencing higher levels of psychological and and Women’s Empowerment and Livelihood Project in Zambia social well-being, and that the interventions had a positive and sig- offers women safer access and increased control over funds. The nificant impact on their control over their earnings and produc- project includes digital payments for women with a choice among tive agency. The women also experienced improved social and payment service providers, including commercial banks, mobile financial support, higher trust, and greater capacity for collective operators, and the post office. Over 90 percent of beneficiaries action. The program improved gender attitudes and perceptions choose a mobile money provider. A study on mobile money from of women engaged in economic activities. The intervention was Kenya shows that the Kenyan mobile money system M-PESA in- most impactful with those who received the full package, includ- creased per capita consumption levels and lifted 194,000 house- ing a lump sum cash grant and psychosocial interventions such holds out of poverty. The impacts were more pronounced among as community sensitization and life-skills training (Bossuroy et al. female-headed households: it increased financial resilience, sav- 2021). Similarly, a program targeted at women in Ghana, which ings, and labor market outcomes, such as occupational choice as provided a combination of capital grants in the form of a busi- women moved out of agriculture and into business. Digital finan- ness asset (livestock), business training, short-term consumption cial products can also be combined with other services to maxi- support, and help through savings collection services, resulted mize their impact. In Tanzania, research analyzing the registration in a 91 percent increase in nonfarm income as well as significant of a mobile savings account among women microentrepreneurs gains in livestock revenue. Households saw significant increases found that women save substantially more through the mobile ac- in asset holdings and borrowed 58 percent more than those from count and that combining this with a business training bolstered the comparison group. They also saved three times more than this effect (Bastian et al. 2018). Mobile money could offer many households in the comparison group. Importantly, the program benefits, such as lowering the transaction costs involved in send- increased basic entrepreneurial activities. Psychosocial well-being ing and receiving money, improving transparency by creating a improved, but the noneconomic impacts faded somewhat over recorded financial history and by safely securing cash (Aron and time. (Banerjee et al. 2015). Muellbauer 2019). Further, it is its capacity for privacy that makes mobile money especially desirable among women. In Niger, Traditional banking and financial products may not recipients of a mobile money cash transfer experiment—all be well suited to the most vulnerable women. They lack women—reported that the mobile money was less observable to a physical presence in rural areas, and the services are not tai- other household members, allowing them to temporarily conceal lored to the needs of the smallest microentrepreneurs. Yet digital the arrival of the transfer, and thereby shifting women’s bargaining 6. Psychosocial interventions comprised community sensitization and life-skills train- power within the household (Aker et al. 2016). ing. In community sensitization, the full community, including elders, economic and traditional leaders, as well as program beneficiaries and their husbands, are invited to attend a video screening and a community discussion. 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