J. - . A.- . . . . Human Resources Development and Operaions Policy The Wotd Bank FebruarV 1994 HROWP 22 lmu idENOuSu PIEVO"PLEIAN u rUVER T "LA 1Nm L"AR"hIN AmMmE RiK M George Psacharopoulos Harry Anthony Patrinos Paemins sen eofomlpicticoftte WoBad a Theypinpuduyn hd mdrafas that is circulated toiage dimis4 mnd cammt cit and he ue of sch a pwer sod take acon of its provisml chacr. lbe findings. hnepteseians. and uon expsd im di ppe an enrey those dthe author(s) sand shd not be attbted any mamer to the Wodd Bank to is affiliad owraniz s,r to mems of Is Bomrd of Exeeaie Diros or the eo they rqesa. Indigenous People and Poverty in Latin America: An Empirical Analysis by George Psacharopoulos Harry Anthony Patrinos Abstract The indigenous people of Latin America live in conditions of extreme poverty. While this may be common knowledge, this paper rpresents an initial attempt at documenting the socioeconomic conditions of indigenous peoples using empirical data from national survey sources. The nature of the analysis is microeconomic, using household survey data that include information on indigenous people defined in terms of ethnic lf-perception, language use and geogrphical concentrtion. The countries on which the analysis is based include Bolivia, Guatemala, Mexico and Peru. The aim is to empirically investigate the socioeconomic conditions of thie indigenous people of Latin America and to identify the correates of poverty. This documentation provides the vital information needed in designing strategies to target opatons and to assist these groups in a po*aty reduction strategy. This report documents that eualization of income-genating cha would boost the productivity of the indigenous ppulat in their marlet and non-market activities and lead to a considerable reduction in inequality and poverty. This suggests tha& *le socioeconomic condition of indigenous people can be improved since policy-influenced variables such as education are largely responsible for observed earnings differences. This mrlized potential provides considerable hope for the future. The chalenge that remains, however, is to devise the means by which to enhance the human capital endowments of the indigenous pulation and create the circumstances by which the indigenous population can derive the maximum benefit from their productivity-enhancing attributes according to their individual and collecdve predisposition. Contents Introduction ................. . . 1 Dea tand IBethodology ................ ................ 2 EmnpiricalResults ................ 5 Poverty ................. 5 I.vingConditions ....... .......... 7 Education .. . ...... ... ............... . 9 Discussion ............... .. 13 Future Research ... . ............ 16 References ........ ........... 20 Introducton The indigenous people of Latin America live in conditions of extreme poverty. While this may be common knowledge, this paper represents an initial attempt at documenting the socioeconomic conditions of indigenous people using empinical data from national survey sources. The nature of the analysis is microecono'nic, using household survey data that include information on indigenous people defined in terms of ethnic self-perception, language use and geographical concentration. The countres on which the analysis is based include Bolivia, Guatemala, Mexico and Peru. The aim is to empirically investigate the socioeconomic conditions of the indigenous people of latin America and to identify the correlates of poverty. This documentation provides the vital information needed in designing strateges to target opetations and to assist these groups in a poverty reduction stategy. Given that ethnicity is intimately associated with poverty and disadvantage in many developing countries, and that ethnic inequalities are affected by public policies toward education, employment, infucture, markets and affirmative action, then an important chlnge is to understand how and how much, and under what circumstances. This is the main purpose of the present study, the goals of which are: 1) to determine the extent of poverty among IAn America's indigenous population; and 2) to compare the socioeconomic conditions of the indigenous populadion with the non-indigenous populaton. By far the greatest attention paid to the socioeconomic disadvantages of indigenous people has been by sociologists and economists exploring the situation of Amenndians in the United 2 States (see, for example, Sandefur and Scott 1983; Sandefur 1986; Sandefur and Sakamoto 1988; Snipp and Sandefur 1988; Sandefur et al 1989; Sandefur and Pahari 1989). Much less is known about indigenous people in other countries, especially in Latin America. What is known about the socioeconomic conditions of Latin America's indigenous people is ta they make up a significant portion of the rural poor. These groups live on the periphery in marginal areas, and are often landless. In Latin America, indigenous people make up about 27 percent of the rural population (IFAD 1992). A rurl poverty mapping docunients that in 11 of 18 cases (counties), the indigenous population is listed among the main groups of the rural poor (]FAD 1992). The interna ional liteature suggests some pnority areas of research which this study wil attempt to undertab. This wiU include estimation of the extent of poverty among Latin America's indigenous population. In addition, the living conditions of the indigenous population wil be compared with those of the non-indigenous population. The basic human capital differences between the indigenous and non-indigenous population will also be eammined. Dat and Methodology When conductng research on eftnicity and socioeconomic development, the problems 'hat must be addressed at the outset include: defining the target population; deciding which research methodologies to apply; and the scarcity of data The apprach taken here is empirical 3 economic analysis using micro-data from household surveys conducted in four Latin American countries. While many co mtiies in the region have sizeable indigenous populations, few ivclude questions to identify the ethnolingstic characteristics of individuals in their household or labor force surveys. Definitions of indigenous people differ from country to country due to the use of different survey instruments. Given available data, three different variables identify indigenous respondents: language spoken, self-percepfion and geographic concentration. In this analysis, language defines the indigenous population in Bolivia and Peru. In Bolivia, it i possible to distinguish between monolingual and bilingual (Spanish and indigenous language) individuals, while in Peru only monolinguai indigenous or Spanish speakers can be isolated. The Guaternalan study uses the self-identification or self-perception method of defining the reference population. The geographic location or concentration of the indigenous population is generally used when the indigenous population is concentrated in specific territories, and in combination with questions dealing with self-perception or language identity. This method is used in order to include lMlexico, a country with a large absolute number of indigenous people. The poverty analysis includes profiles of the poor, with overall esdmates of poverty rates for the indigenous and non-indigenous populations. Poverty rates by selected characteristics are presented in an attempt to better isolate the correlates of poverty. The headcount index of poverty, the proportion of the population for which income is less than the povety line, is estimated. 4 Definitions of poverty and resulting poverty indicators are numerous, and substantial disagreement exists on which are more relevant This study, however, in its focus on the indigenous dimension, settles on a sandard methodology and attemnpts to avoid the methodological and theoretical issues ociated with designing a poverty line. In an attempt to analyze the existence and coelates of absolute poverty, a poverty line, a measure that separates the poor from the non-poor, is used. Those whose income alls below the line are poor; those above are non-poor. Following conventon, two povet lines are used, an hupper and a "lower" poverty line. These indicate the boundary between the poor and the very poor, respectively. The lower poverty line will be referred to as the exeme povety line. The country analyses in tlis study utilize an income-based definitn of poverty, whereby individuals lvig on a per capita household income which is less than a given standard are classified as poor. A uniform poverty line of US$60 per person per month in 1985 purchadng power paity (PPP) dollars is used. An exteme poverty line of US$30 per person per month in 1985 PPP dollars is also udlized. While a prolile of the poor is useful and informative, it is based on only a few categoies of the independent variables entering into the explanation of the poverty measure. for a more thorough investigation of the determinants of poverty, a multiate model is used to standardize for the many factors that simultaneously affect the probability of an individual being poor. A model is used in an attempt to capture the major de inants of poverty at the individual leve. 5 The model exprss the probability of being poor as a fmction of varous charcteristcs such as education, employment, and being indigenous. Empiric Result Poverty among Latin Anerica's indigenous population is pervasive and severe (see Table 1). In Bolivia, while more than half of the total population is poor, over two-thirds of the tbiingual indigenous population and almost threeqarters of the monolingual indigenous population is poor. The majority, 66 percent, of the population of Guatemala is poor, with 38 percent of all households below the exreme poverty line. The indigenous population, however, is dis onay oo, 87 percent of all indigenous households are below the poverty line and 61 pernt are below the extreme poverty line. In Mexico, individuals in "more indigenous* mwdczpios are in poorer socioeconomic condition than are individuals in less indigenous mwunkos. A positive correation exists between munwdpio iigenous wncentation and the incidence of poverty. Mwndpios of increasing indigenous concenation epaience highe percentages of poverty and extreme poverty. In mwncios with a tan 10 peoent indigenous population, the poverty headcount index is 18 percent; in mwnucpios 10 to 40 percent indigenous, 46 percent of the populaon is poo; and in mwdciplos over 70 percent indigenous, over 80 percent of the population is poor. 6 Table 1: Poverty In Latin America (percemnt of popWulation below poverty line) Indigenous Non-Indigenous Boliva 64.3 48.1 Guatemala 86.6 53.9 Mexico 80.6 17.9 Peru 79.0 49.7 Sorc: Pbaropoulos and Patinos 1993. Most of the indigenous population of Peru is poor, at 79 percent, and more than half is extremely poor. In fact, indigenous people are one and a half times as likely to be poor than are non-ndigenous people, and almost three times as likey to be extremely poor. Consequently, indigenous people account for 11 percent of the sample population, yet they comprise 19 percent of the poor and 27 percent of extremely poor Peruvians. The rsults of a statistical analysis of the determinants of poverty in Mexico reveals that a one percent increase in the mWpio's irigenous popWulation leads to an increase in the individual's probability of being poor by approximately one-balf of a percentage point. This varable has considerable impact given the potential range of indigenous population concentration, 0 to 100 percent. Living in a 50 percent indigenous mwdcpio increases one's probability of being poor by a substantal 25 percent, marking the greatest possible increase in the margnal probability of being poor than possible with any other observed factor. 7 In a similar exercise for Bo;ivia, it is found that being indigenous increases the probability of being poor by 16 percent. The probability of poverty increases by almost 45 percent for household members whose head of household is unemployed. This suggests that employment is more important than being indigenous in reducing poverty. Among indigenous heads of household, participation in the labor force leads to a 40 percent reduction in the incidence of poverty. LiWnLConditions The living conditions of the indigenous population are generally abysmal, especially when compared to the non-indigenous population. In Guatemala, the majority of the population does not have a-cess to such public services as water, sanitation and electicity. Less than one-third of all indigenous households have water piped to their homes for their exclusive use, compared to almost half of non-indigenous households. Approxmately one-half of all indigenous households have no sanitary services, and thre-fourths have no electicity. In Bolivia, households headed by a non-indigenous person have more rooms per capita than do households headed by an indigenous person. And although the indigenous group has a much higher level of home ownership, this says little about the quality of housing, which is lower for the indigenous group. This is reflected in the lower rate of sewage facility connections to indigenous households and the lower prevalence of latdnes. An important finding is the substantially higher prevalence of land ownership among indigenous people. This could indicate 8 that indigetious people maintn ties to rural areas, allowing them to maintain already established support networks. In uit less indigenous areas of Mexico, materal possessions such as televisions, refrigerators and automobiles are more pntiful than in fte more indigeous areas. Sevices such as piped water, electicity and telephone service are also more common in less indigenous areas. In contrast, home ownership is more prevalent in more indigenous areas, but a closer examination reveals a clear disparity in the physical composition of homes between more and less indigenous mnmdpios. Homes in less indigenous ars are built from higher quality masteals: 71 percent are constucted with concrete and brick, while in more indigenous areas only 29 percent are concrete and brick. A larger prcentage of homes in indigenous areas are built with wood than in less indigenous areas: 21 and 6 pcent. While indigenous people are mote likely to own te homes in Peru, here, too, the physical composition of these homes is consstently deficient in comparison to t9at of Spanish- speaks. Of particular importance is they availability of public water and sanitation facilities. Only 46 percent of indigenous homes have public water facilities, while 31 percent use wells and 15 percent use the river as a source of water; only 21 percent of indigenous homes have public waste disposal. An eamination of rural/urban differences further highlights the indigenous population's deprivation. As indigenous households are less likly to have a public source of water in both rural and urban areas, indigenous people are much more liklly to obtain water from wells; 16 percent of urban indigenous households and 39 percent of rura indigenous 9 households have wells, whereas the correspondhig proportions of Spanish households are only 2 and 10 percent. While the proportion of rual Spanish households that use rivers as their water source is larger than in rural indigenous households, the rural prevalence of indigenous people results in a greater proportion of the indigenous population being exposed to the diseases associated with poor water quality. Almost half of all indigenous households rely on kerosene as a source of light; 88 percent of the homes of Spanish-speakers use electricity. Within urban areas the use of kerosene is seven times greater in indigenous homes than in the homes of Spanish-speakers. The relatively large proportion of urban indigenous households without public water, public sewage disposal and electricty is evidence of a group of indigenous squatter settements in the urban areas. -Education There is a very strong corelation between schooling attainment and being indigenous, and between schooling attainment and poverty category. In Bolivia, the schooling levels of indigenous people are approximately three years less, on average, than for non-indigenous individuals. The difference is even greater for indigenous females, suggesting that they are the most disadvantaged in Bolivian socety. In Guatemala, the majority of indigenous people have no formal education and of those who do, the majority have only primary education. On average, indigenous people have only 1.3 years of schooling and only 40 percent are literate. Access to formal education in Menco has expanded in recent years, and improvements have occurred in indigenous areas. Nevertheless, educational levels remain higher in non- 10 indigenous areas. Illiteracy continues to be an important problem for some states, especially those which are predominantly indigenous. The rate of illiteracy increases for both males and females as municipio indigenous percentages rise. The disparity is greatest in the female subsample, where the illiteracy rate is more than four times greater in the 'high' indigenous muwcipio category than in the "low" indigenous municipio category. In addition, it is interesting to note that the gender disparity in the illiteracy rate increases as the municipio indigenous percentage increases. For the least indigenous municipios, the male/female difference is only 2 percent; but for the "high" indigenous municipios, the difference is 16 percent, showing a pattern of increasing malelfemale educational inequities as mnwdcipio indigenous concentration increases. The higher the proportion of indigenous people in a municipio, the lower the average level of schooling of its population. Males have almost 7 years of schooling in those mnic44os with less than 10 percent indigenous population, whereas males in those mnwidpios with 40 percent or more indigenous population have only 3.5 years of schooling. For the adult popWulation of Peru, the difference between indigenous and non-indigenous people's educational atainment has narrowed in recent years. Still, non-indigenous people have 20 percent more education than do indigenous people. Not only is the indigenous population less educated and less literate than the Spanish-speaking population, but it also lags behind the rnn- indigenous population in terms of training. Differences in educational levels of indigenous and non-indigenous individuals are substantial. Only 40 percent of indigenous heads of household have education in excess of primary school. In contrast, 41 percent of Spanish-spealing heads of household have some secondary school education, and 22 percent have some post secondary 11 education. Only six percent of indigenous heads of household have some post-secondary education. Educational gaps between the indigenous and non-indigenous populations, as well as between genders, have been decreasing over time. The parents' skills and educational attainment are reflected in the schooling and other human capital characteristics of their children. In Guatemala, 9 percent of non-indigenous children and 21 percent of indigenous children are reported as being employed. The children of indigenous origins are born with many socioeconomic disadvantages and are unable to keep up with their non-indigenous peers. Indigenous children are more likely to repeat grades at the primary level and are more likely to drop out of school altogether. In Bolivia, non-indigenous children aged six to eighteen years are still much more likely to be enrolled in school than indigenous children. Interestingly, the poorer children are actally mmre ikely to be enrolled than the non-poor children. In terms of years of schooling atainment among the in-school population, non-indigenous children receive more schooling than do indigenous children regardless of gender. Multivariate analysis shows that being indigenous has a strong effect on schooling attainment. In terms of school enrollment, the participation rate is slightly higher among males, with a greater percentage of non-indigenous youths attending school than indigenous youths. in Peru, 40 percent of non-indigenous children are enrolled in school, as compared to 36 percent of indigenous children. The effects of language and rural location are reflected in 12 school at'Adance. Among the indigenous population, school attendance is greater among Aymara speakers than it is among Quechua speakers, and greater still among urban children. School attendance is also affected by child labor, both in the home and in the labor market; as hours worked by the child mcrease, school attendance decreases. Being indigenous is a major deteminant of child work force paricpation. Among the indigenous populaion, Quechua speakr are much more likey to work than are Aymara speakers. In addition, both parental employment and education affect the work decmon of indigenous children. Children of less educated pare, children of fathers who are employed as farmers, and children of mothers who are not in the labor force are more likely to work. In Meico, enrollment rates are higher in non-indigenous areas. The gap in enrollment rates beween indigenous and non-indgenous areas widens with age, reaching a peak at 17 years, when the non-ingenous enrollment rate is twice the indigenous rate. Child labor forbe partaton is greater in indigenous areas than in non-indigenous areas. This can be parialy eained by the rural concentration of the indigenous populaon. Parental education plays an important role in average educatonal levels among chilren. Tbe average increase in school atainment for a child with a mother with secondary or greater education, as opposed to a mother with no education, is 3.5 years in non-indigenous areas. Similar differences exist in indigenous areas. Where comparisons are available, the impact of parental education is greatest in less indigenous mwdpdos. The employment conditions of the head of the household also has a cl inmact on a child's average educadonal tainment Heads of household who work in nonw-agiculturl pursuin in eiter indigenous or non-indigenous areas have children with higher 13 levels of educational attainment tban otherwis employed heads of household. The contribution of the income of worlkng children to total flmily income is substantal. As expc, the contribution of child labor to family income mcreases with age, while increasing educational attainment reduces the contribution. Child income plays a slightly greater role in totl amily income in indigenous areas than in non-indigenous areas. Disson There is, fortunately, an unrealized potendaL This is evident throughout Latin America and is highlighted here for the case of Mexco (Figure 1). The educational level of he population has been incsng rapidly over the last few decades. The average schoolig level of indigenous males has increased continuously over time. For indigenous women, the post- 1950s increase is particularly sharp. The statistical results show that by equaizing human capitol characterisics, much of the income differential between indigenous and non-indigenous people would disappear. These findings suggest that the socioeconomic condtion of indigenous people in Latin America can be impwved since policy-influenced variables such as education and occupation are largely responible for income differences. This provides conideable hope for the fuure. The question that remains, however, is how to improve the productive capabilities of the indigenous popWulation. One obvious solutio. is to raise their educadonal level. 14 Flgure 1: Educational Attainment by Ethnicity and Birth Cohort In Mexico Years of School 9 8_ 6 / *d_vwommanntem 7 6- g Z,-. , _ . .a ,o ,w mm. . E 4- 3- II sBefrefI30 1930-39 1940-49 1950-59 1980-69 Birth Cohort Source: Psacharopoulos and Patrinos 1993: 154. For education projects, knowledge about the indigenous population can aid in determining the location of new schools, targeting those with poor performance, and - when and if appropriate and in demand - providing bilingual education. The apparent strong influence of education to ameliorate poverty and increase income, especially in indigenous areas, conveys a need to focus on improving access as an important development issue with significant and beneficial long term socioeconomic repercussions. 15 The involvement of indigenous people can aid in the improvement of the design and implementation of development projects. First, agreement on what must be done should be reached between the interested parties. It is necessry to decide on the goals of the intervention from the outset. Is it reform? And if so, what is meant by reform? In the case of indigenous people, is the goal assimilation, integration, and the erasure of indigenous culure? Or the preservation of indigenous culture through policies designed with the participation of indigenous people? In the case of education, the lack of meaningful participation by indigenous people could result in the loss of their culture and language. Institutional issues associated with the functioning of labor markets are also important considerations. To some extent, indigenous people receive lower eanings and have a higher incidence of poverty because they are locked into the secondary sector of the economy. Tbis information can aid in the creation of appropriate employment generation schemes. While many poor and non-poor workers are located in the informal sector of the economy, it is especially important for the indigenous poor. This information points to an appropriate sector to target in any poverty reduction strategy. The western model of development views traditional cultures as poor, so that efforts are directed at improving their standard of living. This is based on the ideology that all cultures must achieve a certain level of material acquisition in order to be developed. There is the belief that trbal cultures are unable to satisfy the matrial needs of their people. Some argue that all people share a desire for what is defined as matial wealth, prosperity and progress. Others, 16 it is beieved, have different culures only because they have not yet been exposed to the superior technological altenatives offered by indusrial civilization. The problem with this reasoning is that the materialistic values of the industialized countres of the world are not cultural uniwsal. Indigenous popuatons am different, and taldng this into account means not imposing non-indigenous values. Any attempt to improve the conditions of indigenous popations would benefit from the considirtion of "traditional" customs and expertise. Futur R=W here is a lack of empirical studis regarding the socioeconomic conditions of Latin Amerca's indigenous p ation. Important isues to be tacded include: defining the target population; solving the problem of scarce data; and designing appropriate research To identify the reerence popuation in this study, it was necessry to make do with urveys that prove single indicators. HDwever, what is needed are multiple indicators - as used in the United Stat and Canada census. The whole range of indicators are necessary, nluding language, self-identification or self-pereption, geographic location or concentrafion, ancestry and, posbly, dress (as in the Guatemala 1993 census). Threre, what is needed is better dat, so that in the future researchers can undertakl more in-depth analyses and include a larger number of countries. In addition, longitudinal research could be conducted; that is, an atempt Should be made to answer questons such as 17 'What was the level of disciminaton 10, 20, and 30 years ago?" "What will it be 5, 10, 15 years from now?' 'What were the effects of past policies and progwns?w "Wat will be the effects of present policies and progrsms?" It may also be useful to study the expereces of developed counties with indignous populations. Their treatment of the "indigenous question' could prove usefl,, espeally in terms of analyzing what these countries did successfully and what efforts were n The information at their diosal, as well as how they use it and colect it, could also be examined. A futr research prct on ingenous peple could combine the quantitative apprach taken here with qualitative analysis, such as the parci yobse nppoach. The idea is to combine compensive empiical work with fieldwork and micro-survey techniques. For example, if it is found that indigenous people in the cies of Bolivia are working as self-employed individuals who earn less than non-indigenous individuals with the same level of schooling, then in-depth interviews with these groups of individuals should be conducted in order to ascrtain the reasons for the income discrepanq. Without this qualiive data, probable reasons for the disepancy, including ethnicity, accss to training and cultual values, are merely speculative. Such sphistcatd diffeences are difficult to assess usig only empirical analysis, generally based upon less than perfect data sets. 18 Many indigenous people living in urban areas maintin ties with the rural commuities to their mutual advantage. Resources are constantly being exchanged between town and country. This transfer of resources is important and not always adequately captured in household survey data. The complex social networks can only be examined with a qualitative research approach. An examination of informal safety nets can be accommodated through a participatory research exercise. The unpaid but productive activities of indigenous people living and working in rral communities are often misrepresented as unemployment or underemployment. Many peasants, however, are often involved in a variety of activities that provide income, although these are not easily observed, especially with aggregate household data. Apparently idle peasants are in most cases heavily involved in many activities, but these are not easily categorized. This type of information can only be obtained through direct observation. The information collected, however, can be quantified and analyzed. This can aid in the design of rural development efforts with indigenous components. There is much useful information regarding the manifestations of poverty that individuals are usually not open to disclosing. This may include information about their health, sanitation practices, attitudes and behavior regarding birth control, income or discimination. A new approach, therefore, is necessary to supplement conventional sources. Conversational interviews can be used to ascertain not only the people's income and ability to pay, but also their values with regard to language, history, and culture. It may be most effective to involve the target 19 poplons in the design of surveys and projects, and to discuss with target groups the purpose of these initiatives. 20 References International Fund for Agricultr Development (IFAD). 1992. The State of World Rural Poverty: An Inquliy into Its Causes and Consequences. New York: New York University Press. Psacdaropoulos, 0. and H. A. Patrinos, eds. 1993. Indigenous People and Poverty in Ladn Anerica: An Emirical Anaysis. Latin Ametica and the Caribbean Technical Department, Regionl Studies Program, Report No. 30. Washington, D.C.: The World Bank Sandefur, G. D. 1986. "American Indian Migration and Economic Opportnites." In*enrnaonal Migradon Review 20: 55-68. Sandefur, G. D. and A. Pahari 1989. "Racial and Ethnic Inequality in Earnings and Educational Attainment." Social Servce Review 63: 199-221. Sandefur, G. D. and A. Sakamoto. 1988. "Amencan Indian Household Structure and Income." Demography 25: 71-80. Sandefur, G. D. and W. J. Scott. 1983. "Minority Group Stats and the Wages of Indian and Black Males." Social Sience Research 12:44-68. Snipp, M. and G. D. Sandefur. 1988. "Earnings of Ametican Indians and Alaskan Natives: The Effects of Redence and Migration." Sodial Forces 66: 994-1008. Human Resources Devlopment and Operations Policy Working Paper Series Contact for TWo Author Date paper HROWP1 Social Development is Nancy Birdsall Mdrch 1993 L Malca Economic Development 37720 HROWP2 Factors Affecting Eduardo Velez April 1993 B. Achievement in Primary Ernesto Schiefeibein Washington- Education: A Review of the Jorge Valenzuela Ciallo Literature for Latin America 30997 and the Caribbean HROWP3 Social Policy and Fertility Thomas W. Merrick May 1993 0. Nadora Transitions 35558 HROWP4 Poverty, Social Sector Norman L Hicks May 1993 J. Abner Development and the Role of 38875 the World Bank HROWP5 Incorporating Nutrtion into F. James Levinson June 1993 0. Nadora Bank-Assisted Social Punds 35558 HROWP6 Global Indicators of Rae Galloway June 1993 0. Nadora Nutritional Risk (II) 35558 HROWP7 Making Nutrition Donald AP. Bundy July 1993 0. Nadora Improvements at Low Cost Joy Miller Del Rosso 35558 Through Parasite Control HROWP8 Municipal and Private Sector Donald R. Winkler August 1993 E. De Castro Response to Decentralization Taryn Rounds 89121 and School Choice: The Case of Chile, 1981-1990 HROWP9 Poverty and Structural lshrat Husain September 1993 M. Youssef Adjustment: The African Case 34614 HROWP10 Protecting Poor Jamaicans Margaret E. Grosh September 1993 M.E. Ouintero from Currency Devaluation Judy L Baker 37792 M. Rodriguez 30407 HROWP1 1 Operational Education George Psacharopoulos September 1993 L Malca Indicators 37720 HROWP12 The Relationship Between the John Clark October 1993 P Phillip State and the Voluntary 31779 Sector HROWP1 3 Obstacles to Women's Joseph Kutzin October 1993 0. Shoffner Access: Issues and Options 37023 for More Effective Interventions to Improve Women's Health HROWP14 Labor Markets and Market- Arvil V. Adams October 1993 S. Khan Oriented Reforms in Socialist 33651 Economies Human Resourc. Development and Operations Policy Working Paper Series Contact tor Title Author Date paper HROWP1 5 Reproductive Tract Infections, May T.H. Post October 1993 0. Shoffner HIV/AIDS and Women's 37023 Health HROWP16 Job Security and Labor Ricardo D. Paredes November 1993 S. Khan Market Adjustment in 33651 Developing Countries HROWP1 7 The Effects of Wage Luis A. Riveros November 1993 S. Khan Indexation on Adjustment, 33651 Inflation and Equity HROWP18 Popular Panticipation in Philip R. Gerson December 1993 L Malca Economic Theory and Practice 37720 HROWP19 Economic Returns from Edwin Mansfield January 1994 I. Dione Investments in Research and 31447 Training HROWP20 Participation, Markets and Deepak Lal January 1994 L. Malca Democracy 37720 HROWP21 Safe Motherhood in Patricia Daly January 1994 0. Shoffner Francophone Africa Michael Azefor 37023 Boniface Naeah HROWP22 Indigenous People and George Psacharopoulos February 1994 I. Conachy Poverty in Latin America Harry Anthony Patrinos 33669