EASTASI A, & PACIFIC i REGION Ibt SEREI I 22 9 EP World Bank Discussion Papers China and Mongolia Department An Assessment of Vulnerable Groups in M\4ongolila Strategies for Social Policy Planning Caroline Harper The Save the Children Fund Recent World Bank Discussion Papers No. 171 Issuesfor Infrastruicture A1anagement in the 1 990s. Arturo Israel No. 172 Japanese National Railways Privatization Stuidy: The Experience ofJapan and Lessons ftr Developingq Countries. Koichiro Fukui No. 173 The Livestock Sector in Eastern Europe: Constraints and Opportunities. Cornelis dc Haan, Tjaart Schillhorn Van Vcen, and Karen Brooks No. 174 Assessing Development Finance Institutions: A Public Interest Analysis. Jacob Yaron No. 175 Resource Mtanagement and Pastoral Institution Building in the [Vest African Sahel. Nadarajah Shanmugaratnam, Trond Vedeld, Anne Mossige, and Mette Bovin No. 176 Puiblic and Private Sector Roles in Agricultiural Researcli: Thieory arid Experience. Dina L. 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Copyright C 1994 The Intemational Bank for Reconstruction and Development/THE WORLD BANK 1818 H Street, N.W. Washington, D.C. 20433, U.S.A. All rights reserved Manufactured in the United States of America First printing March 1994 Discussion Papers present results of country analysis or research that are circulated to encourage discussion and comment within the development community. To present these results with the least possible delay, the typescript of this paper has not been prepared in accordance with the procedures appropriate to formal printed texts, and the World Bank accepts no responsibility for errors. Some sources cited in this paper may be informal documents that are not readily available. The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed in this paper are entirely those of the author(s) and should not be attributed in any manner to the World Bank, to its affiliated organizations, or to members of its Board of Executive Directors or the countries they represent. 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The complete backlist of publications from the World Bank is shown in the annual Index of Publications, which contains an alphabetical title list (with full ordering information) and indexes of subjects, authors, and countries and regions. The latest edition is available free of charge from the Distribution Unit, Office of the Publisher, The World Bank, 1818 H Street, N.W., Washington, D.C. 20433, U.S.A., or from Publications, The World Bank, 66, avenue d'lena, 75116 Paris, France. ISSN: 0259-210X Caroline Harper is a regional social development adviser for The Save the Children Fund (U.K.). Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Harper, Caroline, 1959- An assessment of vulnerable groups in Mongolia: strategies for social policy planning / Caroline Harper. p. cm. - (World Bank discussion papers; 229. EAP region series) Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 0-8213-2748-8 1. Poverty-Government policy-Mongolia. 2. Poor-Government policy-Mongolia. 3. Social planning-Mongolia. 4. Mongolia- Social policy. 5. Mongolia-Social conditions. I. Title. II. Series: World Bank discussion papers ; 229. III. Series: World Bank discussion papers. East Asia & Pacific region series. HC430.25.Z9P634 1994 362.5.'8'09517-dc2O 93-44826 CIP v CONTENTS Foreword ..................................... ix Abstract ..................................... x Introduction ..................................... xi I Welfare Issues .................................... 1 A. A Definition of Household Welfare .................... 1 B. Gender Issues ................................. 1 C. Costs to the Household ........................... 2 D. Identifying Vulnerable Groups ....................... 4 2 Mongolian Social and Administrative Organizations ........... 5 A. Historical Structures ............................. 5 B. Family System ................................ 5 C. Contemporary Social and Administrative Structures .... ...... 6 D. Privatization Problems ........................... 7 3 Vulnerable Groups in the Mongolian Context ................ 9 A. Definition of Vulnerability ......................... 9 The Poverty Line .......................... 9 Assessing Poverty .......................... 10 Geographical Distribution of Poverty .............. 11 Food Availability and Nutritional Deficiencies ........ 11 B. Segmenting the Vulnerable Population .13 Rural Centers and Remote Areas .13 Low-Income Groups ........................ 15 Unemployed ............................. 17 Pensioners .............................. 18 Single Parents ............................ 18 Disabled ................................ 20 Orphans and Urban Youth ..................... 21 C. Current Coverage for Vulnerable Groups ................ 21 Social Welfare Services ...................... 21 Pensions, Benefits and Rationing ................. 23 Fund for the Disadvantaged .................... 24 Red Cross Assistance ........................ 24 Informal Support Systems.25 - vi - 4 Services and Policy Implications ........................ 26 A. Services and Policy .26 B. Education ................................... 27 C. Health ..................................... 28 D. Community-Based Work .29 S Conclusions ..30 A. Transition and Social Problems ...................... 30 B. Key Interventions ............................... 32 ANNEXES A. Prices .................................... 35 A-1. A Comparative List of Prices at the Market ...... ....... 35 A-2. October 1, 1992 Price Increases for Rationed Consumer Goods and Public Services ............ ............ 36 B. Food Availability and Nutrition ..37 B-1. Food Consumption per Person, 1985 and 1990 .... ....... 37 B-2. Food Consumption per Person, 1991 ................. 41 B-3. Malnutrition by Selected Aimak (Province) and City, 1992 .... 43 B-4. Anemic Signs by Selected Aimak (Province) and City, 1992 ... 44 B-5. Vitamin "D" Deficiency by Selected Aimak (Province) and City, 1992 .45 C. Poverty Line/Income and Expenditure ..46 C-1. Households and Individuals Below the Minimum Income Level/ Poverty Line .46 C-2. Rules to Calculate Household Income (for the Income and Expenditure Survey) .47 C-3.1 Income and Expenditure Survey I (Rural) .48 C-3.2 Income and Expenditure Survey II (Urban) .53 D. Unemployment ..58 D-1. Number of Unemployed, March & September 1992 .58 D-2. Statement on Unemployment Benefit .60 E. Poverty Alleviation ................................. 61 E-1. Recommendations by the Participants in the Workshop on Elementary Health Assistance and the Vulnerable Group of Society .61 E-2. Regulations on Setting Up and Spending of Assistance Fund for Poor and Low-Income Households and Citizens .63 - vii - F. Case Studies of Vulnerable Groups ...................... 66 F-1. Examples of Living Standards of Vulnerable Groups, May 1992 66 F-2. Examples of Living Standards of Vulnerable Groups, October 1992 69 G. Donor Agencies Working in the Social Sector ...... .. ........ 71 References ....... 73 BOXES IN TEXT 1.1 A Household with Many Children Affected by Unemployment and Reduced Wages ................................... 3 3.1 Female-Headed Household ............................. 19 3.2 Letter in Response to a Televised Charity Appeal ............... 20 3.3 Those Who Get Pensions from the Social Security System: A Disabled Person .. 21 TABES IN TEXT 3.1 Food Consumption, 1991 ............................. 12 - lx - FOREWORD The identification of vulnerable groups in Mongolia and the search for appropriate solutions to emerging or growing social problems is a priority for the country and for the World Bank. This report is an initial step in that direction. I am very pleased to note that it is the product of a joint effort by Save the Children (UK) and the World Bank. Authorship and responsibility of this report belongs to Ms. Caroline Harper, Regional Social Development Advisor of Save the Children, who joined a World Bank mission to Mongolia in October 1992, led by Carlos Elbirt. Shahid Javed Burld Director China and Mongolia Department ABSTRACT This report is a product of a joint effort by the Save the Children Fund (UK) and The World Bank. It begins to identify some of the emerging or growing social problems in Mongolia, attempts a definition of vulnerable groups and analyzes some of the current policy planning strategies. The report also details the emerging social organization of Mongolian society in this phase of transition and illustrates the necessity for a much broader perception of social welfare provision to take account of Mongolian social realities and needs. Changes from a command to a market economy often focuses around modifying existing policy to take account of budgetary constraints. As a result, reductions in social services are introduced. This paper assesses the vulnerable groups and argues for a focus also on the social mechanisms through which social welfare will be delivered or engendered. These social structures, which define how people organize themselves both in the formal and informal sectors, will play a major role in determining the nature of welfare. Only after their identification can social policy be appropriately designed. T his report was written by Caroline Harper, Save the Children, who is responsible for its contents. - xi - INTRODUCTION The primary purpose of this study is to define vulnerable groups in the context of Mongolia's current transition situation; analyze access to services, both formal and informal; and assess current public policy effectiveness in meeting the needs of vulnerable groups. A second purpose is to identify changing social realities (as the move toward a market economy proceeds) to be taken into account in designing appropriate policy changes. The text is organized into four chapters. Chapter One describes recent economic events and vulnerable groups,l/ with emphasis on what is happening at the household level. Chapter Two defines Mongolian social organization in advance of policy planning, which can then be appropriately designed to fit social realities. The changing character of Mongolian society is described, providing the context for the analysis of vulnerable groups. Chapter Three discusses poverty in the Mongolian context and defines vulnerability, vulnerable groups and current provisions for those groups. Chapter Four highlights service provision, with a focus on health and education, as experienced in nomadic societies. Policy issues relating to social welfare are defined with reference to communities, households and a broader definition of planning for social development. The conclusion includes some key interventions for further action, with a focus on vulnerable groups and planning for social and community-based development. Demographic Situation Mongolia has a total population of approximately 2.2 million living in 451,600 households, with an average family size of 4.7 people (MOPL, 1991). Ninety percent of the population are ethnically Mongol. There are 15 Mongol ethnic groups, of which 70 percent are Halh. The Turkic minority accounts for 6 percent of the population (of which Kazaks with a population of 100,000 are the largest minority) and the remainder is made up of Russian and Chinese nationals residing permanently in Mongolia. 4. The population is relatively young, with 77 percent under 35 years of age and 41 percent are children below 14 years of age. The crude birth rate is 32.8 per thousand and the population is growing at an annual rate of 2.5 percent. The population may double in 28 years if the present rate of growth continues. The average number of live births per woman has declined from 7.5 in 1970 to 3.8 in 1991, despite the lack of contraception and the pronatalist policy perspective of some sectors of the government. The decline in births has mainly been achieved through abortion and traditional 1/ The information on which this report is based was collected in October 1992. - Xii - contraceptive methods. The maternal mortality rate averaged 15.1 per 10,000 live births between 1985 and 1989 but has risen sharply to 21 per 10,000 live births in May 1992, according to Ministry of Health information. Infant mortality in 1991 was 71.6 per thousand. Life expectancy between 1985 and 1990 was estimated at 61.3 years.2/ Abortion was legalized in 1990. Maternal mortality, which fell initially, has started to rise again. This has been attributed to the closure of maternity homes, a shortage of fuel and food, and poor access to medical care in remote areas. In relation to Mongolia's level of development, infant and maternal mortality rates are higher than the majority of countries in the Southeast Asia region. These indicators are highest in rural areas where services are limited and more difficult to access. Efforts to urbanize Mongolia have resulted in a comparatively large urban population with facilities that appear to be deteriorating in the transition period. According to the Ministry of Population and Labor, 28.5 percent (620,000) of the population live in Ulaanbaatar, 56 percent of the population (1.2 million) are classified as urban residents and 44 percent (948,800) as rural residents. However, the definition of urban and rural in the Mongolian context is ambiguous as urban residents own large numbers of animals and keep them in or close to the city. Ulaanbaatar is thought to have over 140,000 livestock kept within the city itself and many more are kept in the outskirts. It is estimated that between 44 and 56 percent of the population of Ulaanbaatar live in ger towns where the housing comprises gers (Mongolian felt tents) and small, usually one room, wooden houses within the same compound. The rest of the population live in apartment blocks.J/ Outside of Ulaanbaatar and the two other main cities of Erdenet and Darkhan, comparatively few of the population in rural centers live in apartments or government housing. The majority of people live in gers.A/ In rural areas, practically all people live in gers. 2/ Population statistics were collected from the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF), the United Nations Fund for Population Activities (UNFPA) and the State Statistical Office (SSO). 3/ In the formal housing units of Ulaanbaatar, 14 percent are without central heating, 17 percent without hot water, 8 percent without sewered waste disposal, 19 percent without an individual bathroom and 9 percent without an individual kitchen (UNCHS, 1991). 4/ Urban srvices in the ger towns comprise electricity, centrally located water wells and refuse collection. Ger dwellers build their own pit latrines and empty them in the winter. - 1 - 1. WELFARE ISSUES The purpose of this chapter is to examine some critical welfare issues, some of them linked to the current transition. A. A DEFINuTION OF HouSEmoLD WELFARE There are two commonly applied concepts of poverty: (a) absolute poverty -measured by income or purchasing power relative to a minimum standard (the poverty line), such as the cost of a basic basket of essential goods and services; and (b) relative poverty-measured by income or purchasing power relative to some measure of other incomes within the economy, such as a specified percentage of the average income, or the ranking of a household within the overall distribution of income (Woodward, 1992). It is important to note, however, that vulnerability as an externality is not reflected only in income statistics. Many other factors affect the welfare of an individual or household, some arguably of greater long-term significance than short-term income shortfall. These include access to services, the impact on a household's nonincome earning time, the effect of transition on indigenous social support structures and deterioration in the environment, including increased crime. In Mongolia, services such as health, education, housing and communications and transport systems are being adversely affected and while this is significant in urban areas, it is especially critical for rural populations. Statistics record the use of an individual's income earning time; other time is often recorded as "free.' However, this nonincome earning time is often spent on essential tasks such as collecting water and fuel, preparing food, child care and health or educational-related activities. In economies in transition, individuals cut into this time often to earn more money, queue for food, look for work, etc. A result is lack of time spent on maintaining health, disadvantaged child care and increased child labor. Social support systems provide essential informal services that are being called upon during times of crisis. They, however, may give way under strain and adversely affect dependent individuals. B. GENDER ISSUES Women's unpaid labor is regarded as flexible and able to make up any shortfall in other resources. The costs of extra labor and longer days, especially for women, are not recorded. Similarly, costs in welfare are transferred to women and not recorded. For example, cutting time spent in Mongolia's maternity homes, which used to admit mothers two weeks before the birth and which have now closed down, has resulted in increased mortality and the concomitant transfer of costs to the home. - 2 - Mongolia has a tradition from the previous socialist system of a formal equitable labor policy. As the crisis deepens, this may be changing. A recent law allowed women with five children and a 20-year work record to retire early.l/ However, this type of policy could encourage discrimination against women. Since the number of working single mothers is high, potential unemployment is of major concern. Also, some women may not have fully participated in the allocation of assets.2/ Women currently comprise a large segment of the labor force. While they most often participate in the informal sector, they have traditionally been encouraged to have large numbers of children and still have difficulty accessing appropriate family planning methods. Under these conditions, abortion is being misused as a major form of contraception, despite the lack of adequate hospital facilities and drugs. In 1991, according to the State Statistical Bureau, 31,500 women had abortions. This amounts to 28 percent of known pregnancies. In the last two years, 10,000 women have had abortions before their first birth. The effects are further intensified by a lack of adequate nutrition, which weakens their general state of health. Compounding these problems, many preschool facilities are being closed due to lack of finances. Possible interventions include improved access to education about family planning,2/ and support in the preschool sector. C. CosTs TO THE HousFHoLD Many costs associated with transition are not recorded in national accounts. This includes crime, child neglect, ill health due to a deterioration in nutrition (a result of lower incomes and higher food prices), alcohol abuse (due to depression and unemployment), and the costs this brings upon a family and especially on women. All these issues mean that welfare may rise slower than national income, both during and after the transition period. A household's welfare is just as important as its income because individuals may make considerable sacrifices to maintain essential income, but even if their income remains the same, their welfare may be reduced (Box 1. 1). 1/ This pronatalist policy is intended to be changed by the authorities in order to reduce the large deficit of the social security system. 2/ The development of a private sector is one of the major thrusts of the govermment's reform program. A free voucher system has been used to transfer ownership to individual shareholders. To date, the ownership of almost all livestock has been transferred to private hands, along with small businesses. The final phase is the privatization of medium- and large-scale state-owned enterprises, also under way. 3/ This is currently being undertaken by UNFPA. According to UNFPA, contraception, especially intrauterine devices (IUDs), are currently being sold to provinces who then sell them on to somons. The IUDs are allocated rather than distributed according to demand. However, few areas have budgeted for this item and so they fail to be distributed. The selling of IUDs has in part emerged in the confusion of privatization and the drive to conduct everything as a business and also in the initial confusion of health financing and budgeting from provinces and somons. Box 1.1: A HOUSE:OLD WITH MANY CmL E AETED BY UNEMPLOYMENT AN) REDUCED WAGES Mr. Bvambaa Aged 59, worker. Lives in Ulaanbaatar, Sukbaatar district. There are nine family members, of which seven are children. Income: Tug 700. He works at the sweets and cakes factory. Since November 1991, his workshop's production has stagnated. He did not get any compensation for this production. He was not fired because of the number of children. Once a year, he receives Tug 2,400 as a child allowance, but has not yet received this year's amount. His wife is unemployed. That is why she does not get any allowance for her child of 10 months. The house conditions are bad; they all live in one room and have a common toilet that is very dirty all the time. Food. nutrition: They cannot afford to buy all of the rationed food. They buy only meat, flour and vodka. First, they get vodka and sell it at the market rate and then buy other foodstuffs. They have a hot dish just once a day. For the rest of the day they eat tea and bread. Days with no meals are quite common. As foodstuffs they buy only meat, flour and bread. As the two youngest children are snall, they get milk from time to time. To buy milk and yoghurt custard daily is Tug 30. One of their children died; the other is weak. Children are often ill. Three times they had hepatitis and eight times they got strong colds. Light colds and sore throats are caught often. The mother's health is weak. Byambaa has rheumatism and high blood pressure. He caught a cold, was treated at home for a month, then transferred to the hospital because of his blood pressure, but the hospital has no medicines and they have no money to buy from the black market. They do not even have money for the medical test that costs Tug 120. Clothing: There are not enough clothes for all. The two smallest went to boarding kindergarten when the fee was Tug 56 per month but now they do not send them anymore because the monthly charge increased to over Tug 100. In addition to that, the daughter was criticized by her tutor because of poor clothes and she felt ashamed and did not want to go to kindergarten. Now, the parents do not know how to clothe and feed the children. Also, they were asked to leave the apartment because the house belongs to the iron factory and now it should be privatized; they have been to court three times. From the police they were notified to obey the court's award. Byambaa said he hopes they will not take them out of the apartment by force. In considering how people are affected during transition (identifying the causes and effects and assessing how they may be corrected or reduced), certain social factors should be analyzed. These include the social organization and the nonproductive aspects of a household. Another approach would be one that focuses on classifying broad groups, such as the rural disadvantaged, the urban disadvantaged, smallholders, etc.; but also takes into account household realities and differences. While taking account of differences at the household level reveals a number of complex factors, it is a reality that can give direction and explain why some strategies to alleviate poverty do not work. In particular, those strategies that concentrate solely on raising income may neglect the fact that it may not be a lack of income alone that is causing poverty and that some households cannot respond to incentives. Some of the variant factors in Mongolia that affect the ability of a household to respond include the available labor power of a household; the - 4 - number of children, and the special difficulties of female-headed households; the health status of individuals within a household and their ability to work; the geographical location of a household and its access to markets and alternative income sources; and the initial financial situation of a household and dependence on a broader social support system. These household factors are also influenced by their own access to support services such as health, education, credit, agricultural and veterinary services and transport and communication networks. D. IDENTIFYNG VuLNERABLE GROUPS While differences in household capacity and access to services may be identified, a fundamental question that cuts across all households is where the line is drawn between the disadvantaged and nondisadvantaged and which criteria should be followed to provide adequate estimates of vulnerable groups. Both questions are currently being tackled by the Government of Mongolia (GOM) but with some difficulty for the following reasons. Initial fuel and food shortages led to considerable speculation about the impact on and vulnerability of residents in urban areas. Rural areas are represented by many government officials as self-sufficient and therefore not vulnerable in this regard. However, clearly rural areas have considerable needs and, while able to provide some of their own food and fuel, suffer from a decline in the provision of services (in particular education, health, communications and transport) and a supply of foodstuffs inadequate for a broad-based diet. There is apparently little previous experience in openly acknowledging and determining the numbers and nature of vulnerable groups. The Mongolian government is currently seeking assistance in the process of defining vulnerable groups.4/ Significant factors in relation to this definition include the complicated system of Mongolian wealth ranking (Mearns et al., 1991), an inherited political reluctance to admit the existence of disadvantaged groups and a characteristic cultural reserve in describing needs. Assessment of the scale of need is further hindered by insufficient statistical information and methodology, lack of communication between departments and inconsistency between ministries in their understanding and knowledge. This is compounded by the limited budget of the statistical department. On the plus side, the vertical structuring of Mongolian administration and the previous tight control on the individual provides some reporting mechanisms that still operate and are able to generate quantitative and some qualitative data on vulnerable groups. 4/ Agencies worling in this area include the Save the Children Fund (UK), the World Bank, the International Labor Organization (ILO), and the Asian Development Bank (ADB). The Ministry of Population and Labor (MOPL), the Ministry of Health (MOH) and SSO are the ministries most involved. - 5 - 2. MONGOLIAN SOCIAL AND ADMINISTRATIVE ORGANIZATIONS Defining accurately the units of social and political organization and their evolution is fundamental in designing appropriate policy to protect for vulnerable groups. It is through these structures that social policy will be implemented, relief will be channeled and development achieved. It is also through identification of these structures that vulnerable groups and potentially vulnerable groups can be identified and described. Changes in the political and administrative structures of Mongolia are evolving and there is no uniform picture throughout the country. A. HISTORICAL STRUCTURES The structures of the previous collectivized system were imposed on a preexisting social and political form, which was not suppressed but incorporated into the Mongolian collectivized system. During the feudal period, from the 1680s to 1911, nomadic herders were serfs bound to geographical fiefs (somon or soms) in which they were born and from which they could not leave (Mearns, 1991). Somon came under banners that were within four provinces (aimak) and the whole structure was ruled by the Manchu Emperor of China. The somon were controlled by aristocrats or Buddhist monasteries under high lamas. Society was strictly hierarchical, with large numbers of unproductive lamas (44 percent of the male population), aristocrats and high-raniing officials (6 percent of males). The aristocratic "herdlords" assigned families to duties. Families spontaneously worked together according to the grazing needs of their herds. Movement was restricted to soms. There was little change in this organization through the period of Mongol autonomy (1911-21) until the disastrous attempt at forced collectivization between 1928 and 1932. Voluntary collectivization gathered momentum by the late 1940s and 1950s and coercion was avoided. Labor shortages were chronic and people found it difficult to employ laborers for private herds and thus had to join collectives. In 1955, measures were taken to strengthen collectives by introducing a ceiling on private livestock holdings. B. FAMILY SYSrEm The Mongolian tribal system used to be known to most individuals. Tribal names were made illegal as part of the attempt to break down tribal allegiance. New tribal names may be reintroduced. Rural people still know their genealogy going back several generations, but young urban people do not know their tribal names. The important unit - 6 - of organization is the clan, which is formed from a male ancestor and the descendants of brothers ranked by age. The Mongolian family system has some characteristics that are significant in relation to the situation of vulnerable groups. The flexibility of marriage and parenthood responsibilities is suited to the physical movement necessary in a herding economy. Partnerships are easily formed and disbanded and children are cared for by either parent and grandparents. In the urban situation, this family system combined with the policy and benefits of the socialist state have exposed individuals to a high degree of vulnerability in this phase of transition. Large families were encouraged and women rewarded for having four or more children. While this policy was supported by child benefits under the previous system, the Government is currently debating whether it can continue to do so. With a high divorce rate and a traditional flexibility in parental responsibility, a large number of women have been exposed to a situation they cannot support. It is estimated that 9.3 percent of households are female headed. 1/ Evidence from pastoral communities in other countries, on intrahousehold costs and benefits of the commercialization of livestock production have shown that the consequences for women's income, rights and labor have usually been regressive. Women have been obliged to work harder, have earned less income, and have lost well-defined rights to livestock as animals are increasingly defined as commodities rather than bearers of social relations (Swift et al., 1992). Wealth differentials within Mongolian herding households may be magnified during transition. Women's spread of labor between production, domestic and reproduction activities could move in emphasis either toward the domestic as state services and cooperative supports are withdrawn (which could result in the reduction of their influence in the productive household), or it may mean increased productive labor demands leading to the neglect of domestic activities. C. CoNTEMPORARY SOCuAL AND ADMeasTRiXVE STRucTuRES Under collectivization, 18 aimak (provinces) were each divided into somon (districts). The somon is an important administrative unit. It is unclear exactly how many somons there now are. Figures range from 256 to 328, depending on the different sources. The collectives (negdel) share the same territorial boundaries as the somon and are divided into brigades and teams (bag), and encampments (suur). Before collectivization, the khot ail was the most basic unit of social organization outside the family. It comprised between 2 and 20 families settled in the same nutag area. Several khot ail would come together to form a community and may be 1/ Mongol Messenger newspaper, September 1992, quoting government sources. - 7 - loosely compared with the brigade or subbrigade "team" or seasonally functional tsaag. Prior to collectivization, this was known as a bag and under collectivization it was these bag that were divided into "teams." In some areas, this grouping of khot ail is now reemerging (Mearns, 1992, draft). Now, somon leaders are reestablishing the bag as an administrative unit. The three main urban centers of Ulaanbaatar, Erdenet and Darkhan are answerable directly to central government rather than through provincial administrations. They have extended areas of administration that incorporate outlying communities, state farms and satellite towns. Ulaanbaatar is replacing 6 districts with 12 new districts. Each district is made up of subdistricts, but as yet, the details are not clear to most officials. The population of Ulaanbaatar fluctuates, although the erection of new gers requires permission. The population is still relatively controlled and at least one of the ger districts is to be moved next year to a new site outside of the city proper. It is still difficult for people to move independently. Both citizens and government are so accustomed to population controls that free movement in relation to residence in both rural and urban areas may take some time to evolve. Before the most recent political and administrative changes, there were three parallel structures of the state: the party that decided policies, the government administration (e.g., aimak or somon) that implemented policies, and the institutions of economic production (state farms, state enterprises, negdels) that translated policies into concrete actions in the productive sphere (Mearns, 1991). Often, the same individuals held positions in more than one structure. In many ways, this has not changed and in the restructuring of the administration, previous holders of positions still hold their power under a changed title. D. PRIVATIZATION PROBLEMS The long experience of collectivization has left Mongolia with a confused understanding of govemment obligations and those of the private sector. Thus, new "private" organizations retain many aspects of their former cooperative nature. Similarly, in relation to govemment service obligations, expectations of what government should do as opposed to what it can do is informed by previous experience. Villagers now left to their own resources complain that "no one is looking after us any more." New government plans may not be perceived by some officials who have to implement them as fair or sustainable since their previous experience would suggest more commitment to welfare issues. As referred before, the somon in the rural context is an important administrative unit. It is small enough for the local officials to exert control and large enough to have some economic and political significance. The recent changes in political and administrative authority have made the head of the somon a powerful figure with increased autonomy. Prior to changes, numerous committees and officials demanded accountability. Now, in the midst of change, the somon head has increased responsibility. Many somons are also striving towards greater economic independence, mostly out of - 8 - necessity. In some cases, such as in Sergelen Somon, Zuunmod Aimak, the somon self- finances teachers, hospital staff, a kindergarten, a veterinary station and more. It has also turned to growing its own wheat and trading for its own food. This somon is said to be unusual in that it has already entered into an agreement with a local gold mining company to receive a local tax. While selected somon can self-finance, many have no specific assets and would have greater difficulty. However, in general, it does appear that the somon is experiencing greater autonomy and this, for somons in strategically favorable positions, probably extends to a range of trading and other activities across national borders. - 9 - 3. VULNERABLE GROUPS IN THE MONGOLIAN CONTEXT A. DEFiNMION OF VULNERABILrry The Poverty Line The minimum living standard is determined on the basis of monthly per- capita income. In urban and rural areas the minimum income, as set in March 1992 according to a price index calculated by SSO, is respectively Tug 345 and Tug 216 (MOPL). 1/ However, defining a living standard on the basis of a price index is unworkable with Mongolia's current high inflation rate (an average of 14 percent per month for the first seven months of 1992). Reflecting this reality, the government is about to introduce a new urban and rural poverty line, which will be set at Tug 1,130 and Tug 907 (MOPL), respectively. Mongolian estimates of the numbers falling below the poverty line fluctuate. The more conservative government figures suggest 347,000 people in 69,000 households, or 16 percent of the population, are living below the official minimum level of income.2/ The MOPL estimates are for 18 percent of the population. At one time, Mongolian officials claimed that 50 percent of the population was living below the poverty line. These estimates are probably based on the latest poverty line that, as of October 1992, had not yet been given official recognition. Most officials estimated 30 percent of the population to be living below the minimum income level. For example, at Sergelen Somon, Zuunmod Aimak, the head of the somon claimed almost 30 percent were at the "hunger level," while 50 percent were in need of new clothes. At Partizan Somon, Zuunmod Aimak, 33 percent were estimated to be living below the poverty line. While the absolute scale of poverty may be difficult to determine, the estimate of 350,000 people is indeed a significant number and it is growing monthly. Other criteria for defining a poverty line are being developed. This includes one based on calorie intake (MOH) and another that takes different criteria into account including distance from a major center, 1/ A variety of figures are used by different officials. For example, for rural areas, some MOPL officials use Tug 247, the Mongolian Red Cross quoted Tug 170 and a district official used Tug 265. According to ILO (1992), the minimum wage multiplied by two is taken to be the poverty line for households. A household is five members with two full-time earners. The report states the minimum wage was last revised in September 1991 when it was set at Tug 700 per month. Since then, the consumer price index has risen by at least 150 percent; this implies that the current minimum wage should be Tug 1,750 per month if real purchasing power is to be maintained. 2/ The United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) and Red Cross quoting GOM sources. According to GOM in New Orientations for National Development, October 1992, the figure was 350,000. - 10 - water supply, nutritional status and other factors associated with poverty; these new criteria, however, are in the early stages of definition.3/ Assessing Poverty A second problem faced by the government is in actually using criteria to determine the numbers of those who fall below the poverty line. Currently, assessing these numbers is done in two ways. In the first, sample household income surveys are conducted by SS0.4/ Between 1965 and 1989, income and expenditure statistics were collected from 1,250 households on a quarterly basis. This was discontinued in 1989 with the changes in the political system. A new quarterly survey was introduced in March 1992 for 1,250 households, but the budget of SSO has been cut, provincial and county staff are no longer employed and the logistics of conducting the survey depend on other government workers taking on the job in addition to their own work for a nominal fee. Alternatively, the poverty line is also used by local governments in their own assessments of living standards. They then pass the information on to higher authorities and it is from this information that absolute figures are obtained. Some government workers at the somon level or below use their own personal knowledge of their communities to identify vulnerable groups and then assume that those identified have incomes below the official level. The following picture of one "typical" subdistrict of Ulaanbaatar can be enlarged to give a broader picture of the situation. In the ninth subdistrict of Songino district, 345 of 1,600 households (22 percent) have an income below their current minimum standard of Tug 347. Of a population of 8,000, approximately 500 (6 percent) are officially unemployed (reportedly "usually" one per household, which is 31 percent of all households), but these figures represent only those who are registered at the labor market. Substantially more people do not register. One hundred and twenty households (7.5 percent) are female-headed and 30 households (2 percent) are absolutely impoverished, relying totally on "charity" (this includes Red Cross donations, support from neighbors and government "handouts"). Some of these 30 families have children who have now been removed from school due to lack of funds. 3/ In response to the many questions regarding the situation of vulnerable groups, MOH and MOPL cosponsored a seminar at the end of October 1992, to discuss the issue. Attendance included rural doctors from the somon level. 4/ Total income means cash income plus assessed products used for personal needs from private business (mostly animal products). Also included are basic and additional salary of employed household members; permanent pensions, benefits and allowances; income from private business. The latter consists of cash income from selling livestock or agricultural products to the central supply or any market, net income from privately run businesses or services, and the estimated income derived from satisfying personal needs from private holdings. Yearly incomes are divided by 12 to derive monthly income. Total income is then divided by family members. Family members residing elsewhere for more than six months are not included. - 11 - The above estimates are deduced using government criteria. However, a community worker with five years experience in subdistricts 9 and 10 (the latter has a population of 1,500 households) has used her own criteria and identified over 360 "very disadvantaged" families with approximately 700 children. The same community worker said that approximately 40 percent of these children do not attend school. Of these 360 households, over 200 are female-headed. This suggests that between 35 and 55 percent of households that are identified as "disadvantaged" are also female-headed. Geographical Distribution of Poverty The different types of need are scattered throughout Mongolia, maldng it difficult to isolate particular areas as especially in need. Even within the ger towns, especially disadvantaged families do not congregate in specific areas. This is probably partially a result of some controls on population movements. In absolute numbers, Ulaanbaatar has most people below the poverty line (63,253), followed by Bayan Olgiy Province (39,823), Arhangai Province (33,321), Hovd (24,571) and Uvs (20,701). People with no apparent income are, in absolute terms, also mostly in Ulaanbaatar (5,020), followed by Bayan Olgiy (3,697) Hovd (2,067) and Bulgan (1,630). For details, see Annex C. 1. While the data do not reflect poverty in the Gobi region in absolute terms, it is widely acknowledged that the region faces more constraints than other areas. Thus, certain provinces and somon in strategically unfavorable positions and with especially poor natural resources such as the Gobi, can be identified and targeted. Food supply and fuel is seen as a problem for urban areas and lack of services for rural areas. In the above figures, many disadvantaged households are clustered in urban and semi-urban centers at the aimak and somon level. Food Availability and Nutritional Deficiencies In remote areas such as the Gobi, aid workers report shortages of clothing, water and staple food (especially wheat).5/ Figures by province from the Ministry of Food and Agriculture for 1990 indicate that wheat supplies certainly fell since 1985, especially in the Gobi provinces, Dzavkhan, Dornod and Tov (Central Aimak). However, with regard to cities, it is Erdenet and Ulaanbaatar that have seen major decreases in the availability of basic goods. According to government figures, overall supply in 1990 as a percentage of 1985 was 76.3 percent in urban areas and 89.4 percent in rural areas. This has probably worsened in the past two years and urban areas are suffering shortages of food. Table 3.1 shows the shortfall in most foodstuffs in Ulaanbaatar by 1991. It should be noted that this table may exaggerate the real shortage to the extent that information pertaining to the newly born private sector is either underestimated or simply ignored. However, it should also be noted that private market prices are beyond the means of the most disadvantaged. 5/ The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) consultant Dorothy Bond, who spent four months in South Gobi in the summer of 1992. - 12 - Table 3.1: FOOD CONSUMPTON, 1991 (Ulaanbaatar) Average Average actual Percentage of Product need consumption need consumed Meat 80.0 kg 60.0 kg 75.0 Milk 247.6 kg 56.4 kg 22.8 Butter 6.4 kg 3.3 kg 51.6 Flour 104.5 kg 94.0 kg 89.9 Cereals 18.4 kg 5.4 kg 29.5 Sugars 22.9 kg 10.8 kg 47.2 Fruits 32.0 kg 0.6 kg 1.9 Potatoes 60.0 kg 35.0 kg 59.7 Vegetables 61.0 kg 16.6 kg 27.2 Oil/Fat 6.7 kg 1.4 kg 20.9 Eggs 46.0 eggs 21.0 eggs 45.6 Fish/Canned fish 1.2 kg 0.4 kg 33.3 Source: Ministry of Food and Agriculture. Mongolia's internal agricultural production fell by 7.4 percent in 1991, with a 35 percent decrease in grain production. The population has obviously felt the decline in food supply. Distribution is unbalanced, with remote areas being deprived of grain staples and urban areas of meat supply. In the first nine months of 1992, overall agricultural output fell by 17.5 percent (in constant prices) from the corresponding period in 1991.&/ Procurement of milk and butter under state orders were 33 and 60 percent less, respectively, than in 1991. Purchase of cereals was down 57 percent, potatoes 39 percent and vegetables 74 percent.7/ In 1992, wheat flour production was about 200,000 tons. There was a shortage of 40,000-45,000 tons of grain. In 1993, an estimated 240,000 tons of flour will be needed but, because of a breakdown in production, it is estimated that only 150,000 tons will be produced. In addition to production shortfalls, food distribution is a problem. As of October 1992, the ration law stated that a family of three can buy one loaf of bread every alternate day. However, bread is unevenly distributed, bakeries are not receiving flour, bread-making equipment is broken and delivery services unreliable due to lack of fuel. From October 1, 1992 the price of a loaf of bread rose from Tug 2.4 to Tug 13 but, according to some consumers, this has not improved supply. Another impediment to the flow of food is the lack of basic consumer goods and inflation, which triggers a delayed supply response. 6/ Ministry of Agriculture as reported in donor consultation report. 7/ Again, this information excludes the private sector and represents, therefore, some exaggeration of the real difficulties. - 13 - The most recent nutritional information is based on surveys conducted in July 1992 by the Nutrition Research Center with UNICEF. They found 12.3 percent of children aged 0-4 years below -2sd (standard deviation) for the definition of the World Health Organization (WHO) standard weight for age. This is comparable to Thailand. The incidence of low birth weight was 6 percent. According to UNICEF, the high proportion of birth weights above 3.5 kg (37.2 percent) suggests a well-nourished maternal population over the past four years. However, adequate baseline data are lacking, so trends cannot be determined. It is important to note that among disadvantaged and marginal families, malnutrition is more extensive. There is widespread presence of micronutrient malnutrition, especially iron-deficient anemia (IDD) and rickets, deficiencies that go back decades. A 1992 study by the Ulaanbaatar Mother and Child Health (MCH) hospital and the Second Children's Hospital 8/ focused on disadvantaged areas (October district, Ulaanbaatar; Middle Gobi and Hovd Province) and revealed that 86 percent of newborn babies in these areas were underweight and weak due to malnourishment. According to the main MCH hospital in Ulaanbaatar, children fall ill with respiratory diseases on average eight times a year. Of 2,972 deliveries in 1991, only 19 percent were considered normal. Thirty-two percent were difficult births and 17 percent were premature. This would suggest that many problems were associated with malnourishment. Further nutritional information from the Institute of Nutrition in MOH is in Annex B. B. SEGMENTNG THE VULNERABLE POPULATION The traditional definition of "vulnerability" in the present context has been related to food supply, heating and clothing. While these are clearly significant basic needs, the actual extent of need has, so far, been poorly defined and verified. While vulnerability in terms of access to government services including health and education are perceived as a problem, they are naturally placed second to basic needs. These perceived needs correlate also to geographical areas (basic needs being related to the urban context and services to the rural context). The emphasis for immediate concern is focused by GOM on urban areas. In reality, however, it is not at all clear from empirical information that basic needs are adequately covered in all rural areas. In establishing who is vulnerable, the situation of different social groups needs to be analyzed and the relative significance of their vulnerability placed on a scale of need. Rural Centers and Remote Areas Poverty among rural ger households has emerged for several reasons. The government had encouraged considerable controlled movement of the population, with many moving to rural centers, and others to work on state farms. This has resulted in the breakdown of traditional support systems that were replaced by government support. However, with reduced government financial resources, many households have been exposed. Thus, for example, one community that had been moved by the Ministry of Agriculture to a chicken farm were just abandoned when the Ministry closed the farm 8/ Data collated by a Mongolian researcher. - 14 - down in 1990. At first, the community had its lifeline totally cut since it had been supplied primarily by the Ministry. Later, it was placed under the responsibility of the nearest district authority. However, the majority of inhabitants had lost their jobs. Some had secured livestock assets, but the uneven distribution of assets meant others received nothing. Some had pensions or benefits, and others with no altemative had abandoned their homes and "gone to Ulaanbaatar." For some individuals who had worked for the food industry for 30 years or more, the abandonment had been disastrous since they received few assets from the bankrupt farm and felt cheated out of their due entitlement. Many ger households struggled on with a few livestock and a small pension income. The decline of services to rural areas is of concern. Primary health care previously delivered by brigade feldshers (qualification between nurse and doctor) is now intermittent, with feldshers either out of work due to brigades being disbanded or unsure of their working status. Transport is badly affected, with inadequate rural transport services cited as a significant factor in maternal and child mortality. An upswing in maternal mortality from 13.1 per 10,000 live births between January and May 1991 to 21 per 10,000 live births for the same period in 1992 is largely attributed by MOH to the closure of maternal rest homes (MOH, 1992). Formerly funded by the now-disbanded cooperatives, the homes have been "sold off" in the redistribution of assets. Ten percent of all maternal deaths are from abortion, which is commonly resorted to instead of contraception. Also of significant impact are shortages of drugs (and unfamiliarity with new brands), power cuts and lack of equipment. According to MOH, in October 1992, 100 somons (out of 310) were without electricity and up to 250 were vulnerable to losing their power over the winter of 1992/93. Two hundred somons no longer have medical transport. According to accounts by aid workers, hospitals in East Gobi have to subsidize their patients by using animals received in the asset allocation to fund the hospital. The distribution of doctors, with 60 percent in Ulaanbaatar alone (when Ulaanbaatar has only 28.5 percent of the population) also indicates a preference for urban areas to the detriment of rural areas. Education services have suffered especially, with many underpaid teachers leaving their jobs and students being retained at home to contribute labor (see Chapter 4). An incentive scheme to retain doctors and teachers in rural areas is probably necessary. Water supply in many rural areas is critical. Twenty percent of the water sources in the Gobi cannot be used due to a deterioration in quality. There are 350,000 people using water containing salt and minerals that are dangerous to health, and MOH suggests that 39 percent of the population have liver and stomach diseases as a result. Rural areas have significant crisis periods related to the cycle of the livestock economy. "Unpredictable environmental fluctuations (drought, snow, frost, fire, predators) demand institutional mechanisms for spreading and managing the risk to individual herders of heavy livestock mortality. Under the previous centrally planned system, this was achieved through collective forms of "resource allocation" (Mearns, 1992). There are still informal, customary institutional mechanisms that play a role in resource allocation and risk management. However, the conventional perception of urban- - 15 - based officials (that rural populations with livestock do not need support) fails to take account of the significant risks carried by rural populations, especially in the confusion of the transition period and particularly in regard to adequate services. The rural population has been used to a relatively high level of service, even to the extent of remote somons receiving newspapers. Now, basic goods such as adequate clothing, double felts for gers and foodstuffs for a broad-based diet are not always available. Low-Income Groups It is not clear what level of importance a salary has in determining the living standards of a family. One survey carried out by SSO suggested that, in urban households 70 percent of income and in rural areas 37 percent of income, came from salaries. Private business activities produced 1.4 percent of income in urban areas and 39 percent of income in rural areas. According to a government income and expenditure survey (See Annexes C.3. 1 and 11), income from private business is considerably higher in rural than in urban populations in all income brackets. In urban populations, the higher-income households receive higher incomes from private business. Incomes range from virtually nothing to large incomes for some individual business people. However, the vast majority of salaried or pensioned people fall within a household monthly income range of between Tug 1,000 and Tug 10,000. Within this range, the differences in standards of living are significant and depend on the number of dependents.9/ According to MOPL, the average household income in urban areas in 1992 was Tug 3,700 (Tug 705 per capita) and in rural areas Tug 2,300 (Tug 400 per capita). According to ILO, the real earnings of workers in the public and private sectors declined substantially during 1991 and 1992 (ILO, 1992). This decline among civil servants and employees in state budget organizations was 55 percent between January 1991 and September 1992. In 1990 and 1991, the average earnings of all workers was roughly double the minimum wage, a differential that has now disappeared. The numbers of children and pensioners working has apparently increased, although no figures are available (MOPL). The income and expenditure survey conducted by SSO shows that in disadvantaged households in both urban and rural areas, women contribute a substantial part of the income and in urban areas earn half the total household income (see Annexes C.3.1 and 2). 9/ Senior government officials have monthly salaries of between Tug 8,000 and Tug 10,000. One businessman, for example, has a monthly salary of Tug 10,000 and supports his wife, three children and two parents (who also have small pensions), although now his wife is thinking of taking a job to supplement income. At the bottom end, for example, two pensioners receive a joint monthly pension of Tug 1,760. After spending Tug 500 on rent, they cannot afford to buy all of their ration food. An average civil servant receives a salary of Tug 2,200. She lives with her parents whose joint pension is Tug 1,200 and two siblings. Their monthly rent and services amount to Tug 900. The rest barely buys ration food for five and basic expenses. The average monthly salary for teachers is Tug 1,900. The recent compensation promised after price increases is Tug 450, bringing their salary to Tug 2,350. Two destitute elderly people lived each on their own in derelict conditions and survived from charity handouts and pensions of Tug 705 and Tug 400 each. - 16 - Many households rely on support from rural relatives for supplementary food and alternative incomes are increasingly supplementing salaries. Rural relatives cannot, however, be relied upon to continue to supplement urban households (see accounts from disadvantaged families in Annex F). Rationing does not provide an adequate buffer against poverty with many of the rationed goods actually unavailable. In addition, ration entitlements amount to less than half of per-capita consumption levels of most rationed items. Many people receive their ration food and then sell some of it at the free market, especially the vodka, to enable them to buy more basic foods. The October 1, 1992 price increases for rationed consumer goods and public services saw increases of 536 percent in some grades of flour, 380 percent in Ulaanbaatar bread and 72 percent in mutton. Electricity went up by 186 percent and bus transport by 200 percent. Salary and benefit increases were minimal: Tug 225 for pensioners, Tug 200 for mothers of four or more children, Tug 400 for government workers. Inflation increased tremendously in 1991 and 1992. For 1992, the official consumer price index has risen by about 12 percent every month (ILO, 1992). However, this index is based on controlled prices and may underestimate the true rate of inflation. This is because consumer goods are not available on ration and have to be bought on the open market.IQ/ The State and Social Study Academy conducted a poll in June/July 1992 on rationing and free prices. Eighty-five percent supported free prices, but almost 70 percent of these people thought it necessary to increase the number of rationed items and somehow stabilize prices. Of the respondents, 46 percent called themselves "middle level," 53 percent poor or extremely poor and less than 1 percent rich. Seventy percent said they could hardly make ends meet, 25 percent said that their income was not enough and 3 percent had an income that was more than enough. It is important to note that these responses may be distorted or skewed relative to Mongolian perceptions of wealth and, even the real meaning of "free" prices. According to the income and expenditure survey cited earlier, benefits comprise a small but not totally insignificant income for all households in all income brackets. Those in the lower income brackets do not appear to receive substantially more benefits in real terms than those in the higher income brackets. This is despite the fact that poor households also have more members. According to the ILO, the average pension in 1991 was only 48 percent of the average salary. The average salary is widely believed to be increasingly insufficient to meet basic needs, as inflation was 130 percent in 1991 and 300 percent in 1992 and increases in salaries did not compensate for such inflation. It is therefore concluded that pensions and other benefits are clearly low. However, some of the unregistered unemployed are thought to be self-employed in the growing informal sector. ll/ 10/ The government is eliminating the ration system as the reform program, agreed with IMF and the World Bank, is implemented (see PFP, 1993). 11/ Actual unemployment is probably lower than 16 percent. - 17 - The income and expenditure survey predictably reveals that the diets of disadvantaged households are considerably restricted. The relatively high expenditure on vodka is misleading since poor households buy what is available on ration and resell it in the free market in order to buy extra basic food. It is not clear how this is represented in the survey. The lack of commodities in rural areas is represented to some extent in the food expenditure charts. Expenditure on goods other than food is restricted in poor rural households to cloth, adult and children's shoes, health, domestic goods, fuel, tobacco and transport. Poor urban households show some similar expenditures but with extra spent on cultural activities, decorative items, service and repair fees. Marginal amounts are listed as savings, and these mostly in urban areas. Unemployed Pretransition Mongolia had virtually no open unemployment. The situation changed sharply with the transition process. However, attempting to measure unemployment according to Western norms is clearly difficult. Government figures are not consistent and different agencies have received differing figures. The numbers of registered unemployed according to SSO as of September 1992 are officially 54,400, approximately 8 percent of the labor force. 12/ Unregistered unemployed are thought to be between 30,000-50,000, which would put unemployment at around 16 percent. In Ulaanbaatar, 10,902 (20 percent of registered unemployed and 2 percent of all laborers) were registered at the labor market and it is estimated an additional 10,000 in Ulaanbaatar are unemployed. The section of society hit hardest by unemployment are the marginal workers in state enterprises. Doormen, cleaners, maintenance workers, etc. have suffered particularly in the retrenchment. They tend to have low educational levels and employment prospects. At the same time, although they may have come from a pastoral background, they cannot return easily. The majority (71 percent) of those who have become unemployed through redundancy have low educational qualifications, that is, below basic vocational training. At the time of redistribution of assets, they would not have been in a position to receive livestock and many have insufficient skills and nowhere to go. Clusters of this category of person are to be found in every somon, aimak, and major city. Fifty-four percent of registered unemployed are women. The other major category affected by unemployment is youth. According to MOPL, over 70 percent of the unemployed are under 35 years of age. In 1992, 64,000 youth graduated. Over 40,000 of them are not employed (although some may be self-employed) and many of the others went on to higher education. However, the increasing cost of higher education and falling standards may cause them to drop out and swell the unemployment figures. 12/ Different agencies have slightly different figures. ILO data (1992, Mongolia, Policies for Equitable Transition) draws on two sources. One figure is those registered as unemployed at the exchange, the second is the SSO figure from the annual census. The latter data show 108,000 people in the 'able- bodied not employed' category. Over 20,000 are believed to actually be unavailable for work and 37,000 possibly self-employed. This figure is thus reduced to 43,000 within conventional criteria for unemployment, which corresponds more closely to the figures given by the employment exchange. - 18 - When workers lose their jobs, they are entitled to five months of pay. The first three months is a redundancy payment at their normal earnings rate, the next two months is a benefit set at the minimum income level. During this time, they are expected to find work.13/ There is no general unemployment benefit. MOPL has marked all unemployed as potential vulnerable groups. However, the distinction between those who are genuinely unemployed and those who claim to be unemployed but are also self-employed is causing some concern. Since self- employment is a new category of employment, there are few established mechanisms to identify such individuals. An adequate testing mechanism is required. Pensioners According to MOPL, there are 216,920 old-age pensioners in Mongolia. Approximately 7,000 live alone or in state care (500). It is estimated that 30,600 are living below the poverty line. A new pensions law was implemented in 1990 as part of a government plan to encourage workers to retire early. As a result, there was a considerable increase in the number of persons receiving pensions but, because of the low level of payments, few actually retired. In particular, women who had worked for 20 years and had given birth to four children were able to claim a pension. Women who had worked for 25 years and had reached the age of 50 and men who had worked for 32 years and reached the age of 55 years could retire. Both urban and rural aged have been exposed to difficulty. Aged rural inhabitants without large families were unable to take advantage of the redistribution of livestock assets and are thus dependent on their pensions. While they may have some livestock, they do not have the labor power to invest in livestock production. There are clusters of aged destitute people who are moving to the cities. These people are dependent on the "soup kitchens" being run by local government. Many pensioners have not received their benefits for months at a time (in May, June and July 1992, funds for pensions were not available), although government now claims to have sorted out this problem. The aged are potentially vulnerable groups in both the urban and rural context, especially those without an extended family. Single Parents Absolute numbers of single parents are not available. However, statistics suggest that between 5 and 9 percent (22,600-40,600 households) of all households are headed by women. MOPL estimates that 50,000 children are living in single-parent 13/ According to government criteria, unemployment benefit is given to those who lost their jobs because of the dismantling of their organization, staffing cutback, ill health or inadequate performance. These people go to the labor organization through which they receive wages for three months from the date of their redundancy. They are then paid unemployment benefits equal to the level of the minimum income for a further two months. - 19 - households and of these, 16,000 live in Ulaanbaatar. The National Children's Center reports 19,789 female-headed households from a 1989 census. Most vulnerable are those households who have been exposed by the sudden withdrawal of the support offered under the previous system. Many of these live in urban areas or rural centers. In the old system, some women were able to take advantage of facilities offered by the state, or of child support payments. Now, such support has little value in the inflationary economy, is on the point of being withdrawn for certain categories, or has been closed down due to lack of financing. What this means is that some parents leave underschool-age children unattended at home and are struggling to feed them and heat the home on one salary. Box 3.1: FEMALE-HEADED HOuSEHoLD Ms. Mendbavar Aged 31, her profession is telecommunication worker and cook. She has three children, lives in Ulaanbaatar in Bayan-hoshun subdistrict. She has no permanent shelter and no job. She finished secondary school and the railway vocational school with excellent marks, but she could not find a job according to her acquired profession. She spent one year without a job, then attended a course for cooking. She worked at the 'Moscow' restaurant as a waitress for seven years. In February 1992, she was fired and she had to leave her apartment for which she paid Tug 100 per month, so she has neither a job nor a shelter. She has been to the subdistrict, district administration, municipality, women's federation, companies, party chairman, etc., but she did not get any support. In winter, she spent three days in someone else's hut. Now she has borrowed, temporarily, a ger and has been living in the ger town but she has now been asked to leave. She was given Tug 500 by the subdistrict administration, but survives mostly from help of friends. She borrows money, buys vodka, sells at the marketplace and then gets meat and flour. If there is no vodka in the shop, she borrows money to buy meat and so then she has no money to buy vodka. Now she hardly dares to borrow. She has almost no furniture. Her monthly income is Tug 560; a pension of Tug 100 is given for the rent. The rest of that money is hardly enough for food, so there is no talk of buying clothes. The oldest son finished first in his class; he has excellent marks. His clothing is very bad. They have no iron. The teacher in sports gave him a bad mark because he did not have proper clothes and shoes and he came back home and cried. When Mendbayar complained, she was told 'as mother you must provide your child with necessary school facilities.' She talked to the tutor of the class and got the mark corrected. Her son won the first prize in a Mongolian language competition; he is smart and his mother does not doubt that he would be useful for the country. But she is worried that he might be distorted by life. They have no other furniture except two beds. But her son needs books to read, TV to watch, etc. She is divorced and money was fixed from her ex-husband's salary, but he became unemployed so she has not receive any money for last three years from him. Her parents are pensioners and they live together with two brothers and a sister of hers who is also unemployed. Her brother lives relatively better; he received a high education and has an apartment. But he has refused to keep and feed four unemployed people just by himself. As a mother of three children of 3, 6, 8 years of age, she wrote a letter to the president as a last means. Several children had been received by the street children's center in Ulaanbaatar from parents now destitute on the streets. One entire family of five children - 20 - had been left there while the mother slept in cellars. Single-parent families are especially susceptible to the problem of increasing unemployment (Box 3.1). Of particular concern is the decline in the value of child benefits, which are being allowed to lose value rather than being deliberately removed. It seems that many single parents are relying, albeit unrealistically, on the potential benefits allocated via children (Box 3.2). Box 3.2: LErTER IN RESPONSE TO A TELEVISED CHARrrY APPEAL I am introducing herewith my workinate. His name is Jargal, aged 45. His wife died six years ago. He now lives with four children between 7 and 19. When his wife died, the smallest was 1 year 6 months old. He works at the power station of Mandal Soman. His monthly income for the household is Tug 980. As a worker, I am worried about his family because his situation is getting worse and he has almost no subsistence guarantee. The children go to 5th, 4th and 3rd school classes. They live in very difficult conditions. I wrote this letter hoping that you would render support to this family, emotionally as well as materially. My address: Selenge Aimang Mandal Soman Worker D. Chinbold May your activity prosper. 1992.5.29 (Translated from Mongolian) Disabled Actual figures on the numbers and types of disability in Mongolia are not available. The figures given below were not all collected at the same time or with the same criteria in mind. Mongolia's figures on the disabled include people with minor physical injuries. There are 47,600 registered disabled; 24,300 aged 17-55 (women) and 17-60 (men). Of these, 1,400 are seriously disabled, 14,800 are semidisabled and 8,000 have a small disability and can work. There are an additional 5,000 mentally disabled adults. There are 10,100 children with disabilities, of whom 3,030 (30 percent) are seriously disabled (including mental illness). There are 13,200 adults of pensionable age who have disabilities. These figures were collated by the social security department. MOH classifies the disabled in one of seven categories: mentally retarded; limited movement; blind; deaf; schizophrenic; epileptic; abnormal behavior. In the last three years, MOH has been working on community-based rehabilitation projects with the help of an Italian nongovernmental organization (NGO) and WHO. - 21 - Box 3.3: THOSE WHO GET PENSIONS FROM THE SOCIAL SECURI SYSTEM: A DISABLE PERSON P. Jar2alsaihan Aged 29, female. Lives in the center of Nourhangai aimak and has never worked. She receives an invalid pension of only Tug 194. She used to live with two brothers of 16 and 20 years old, but because of her inability to work, she has sent her two brothers to another aimak. Now she lives by herself. She has no private animals. For the last 10 years she has been ill. During this time, she has not received any kind of help from the Red Cross, Mercy Fund or whatever. When her health condition was better, she used to earn a bit of money through sewing. But now her health is getting worse and she can hardly take care of herself. She was good at school so tried for many years to get higher education but did not succeed. To flatter herself she writes some poems. Diagnosis of her illness is paralysis of the legs-it is not treatable. For the last four years she could not find medicines, so she could not be treated and that is why her health has gone down. Now she survives through the help of her two brothers. Orphans and Urban Youth According to the National Children's Center (NCC), there are approximately 10,000 orphans in Mongolia. 14/ The majority live with extended family relations or are adults. There are two homes for orphaned and abandoned children, with approximately 267 children in total. Most are in the homes because the parent or parents are unable to care for the child. There is a center for older children and one center for street children. Since April 1991, 238 children have been received by the street children's center. The capacity of the center at any one time is 80 children. Twenty-eight of the children currently in the center come from other provinces and have traveled to Ulaanbaatar. Eighty percent of the children come from homes with divorced parents. As of April 1992, the estimates made by the center and the police are 480 destitute children in Ulaanbaatar and possibly 630 in Mongolia. C. CURRENT COVERAGE FOR VULNERABLE GROUPS Social Welfare Services Social welfare issues are covered by MOPL. Social services come under the department of social security in MOPL. Up to 1987, this department was part of the Ministry of Labor and Social Security. Between 1987 and 1989, social security was attached to the Ministries of Finance and Health. In 1990, it went into MOPL. There is now a Department for Vulnerable Groups within this Ministry; however, it is relatively new and frequent ministry changes have prevented it developing. Outside of economic data on social security payments, the staff of MOPL collect information on social issues 14/ This figure seems rather large and presumably includes adult orphans. - 22 - connected with social welfare and social policy and planning such as abortion trends, divorce rates, alcoholism and street children. The National Children's Center was established in July 1991 and was given responsibility for monitoring implementation of the Convention of the Rights of the Child. It comes under MOPL and its chairperson is equivalent in rank to Vice-Minister (a post now abolished). The organization is actually a combination of two previous communist youth organizations: the Young Pioneers and the Mongolian Children's Fund, renamed as NCC. The workers of this organization at the district level are well motivated and many have adopted the unofficial role of social worker. They are well aware of the situation of children in their districts and record all details. There are 650 staff at national, city, aimak and somon levels. However, while the center monitors the situation, it has few skills and resources to actively change the situation. As mentioned before, MOPL and MOH initiated a workshop on vulnerable groups, which was held in Ulaanbaatar on October 22-23, 1992. It focused on elementary health assistance and the definition of poverty. The recommendations concentrated on adequately defining the situation as regards health and poverty, disseminating information and initiating "voluntary" or community-based health and development groups. In relation specifically to poverty-stricken groups, the emphasis was to provide shelter and food through "social care centers," provide small loans for income generation and influence policy to highlight social issues to the benefit of the disadvantaged. A fund for the disadvantaged has been set up and it is intended that local government shall partially sustain it from local resources. However, this appears unlikely due to shortages of funds. Thus, some of the recommendations of the workshop such as providing food and shelter are being attempted in some aimaks but with limited financial resources. There is a lack of government resources to tackle many of the social problems that have become more apparent during the transition and, in addition, indigenous social support structures are in a state of flux. The perception of the pre-1989 government in relation to social welfare is still followed, that is: "social problems are a result of political systems and can only be tackled by changes in the political system." Officials are thus political in their criticism of many social problems but, due to the long official denial of the existence of social problems, there are few resources to deal with what are now emerging as significant issues. This includes alcoholism; poor housing; poverty-related crime; marital breakdown and increased destitution of women and children. While none of these issues can be said to be solely caused by the present transition, the incidence appears to have increased during the transition period. Alcoholism. According to MOH, 1 percent of the population drink excessively. This amounts to 20,000 people (20 percent are women), most of whom are adults whose alcoholism impacts other family members. Of children living in Ulaanbaatar's only street children center, 11 percent had left home specifically because of the drunken behavior and abuse of a parent or stepparent. Large numbers of young men, especially unemployed men, are drinking heavily and the crime rate has increased. The streets of urban cities are especially unsafe for women at night, a situation that has - 23 - emerged almost entirely in the last three years. There is only marginal support for families suffering the effects of alcoholism. Divorce. Financial problems, unemployment, flexible family systems and new freedom from population controls have added to an increased divorce rate. Of the 16,000 children living in single-parent households in Ulaanbaatar, 60 percent have divorced parents. While separation has not been uncommon in the past, the state attempted to support single parents. The system of state support for single parents has suffered as benefits are not keeping up with inflation. Child Abuse and Neglect. Increases in the number of children on the street are partially related to abuse. Eighty percent of the children at the street children center in Ulaanbaatar have a stepfather and 50 percent of those with stepparents are abused. Eighty percent of the children arriving at the center have diseases including kidney disease, deafness and sexually transmitted diseases (STDs) among the girls. Due to increased pressure on parents, many children are neglected, leading to a rise in accidents, increased illness and poor nutrition. Pensions, Benefits and Rationing A range of social security payments provides basic support for large numbers of people. The commitment to a basic level of social equity is one that the government wishes to continue to honor. But the cost of the social security system in 1991 was almost one quarter of the government's budget (ILO, 1992). Payments are made for pensions or benefits to the elderly, the disabled, dependents (such as widows), for social assistance, maternity payments, child benefits, family allowances, sickness, multiple births, honors (for having large numbers of children), war veterans, burials and "others." Until 1992, a household with over four children was given a benefit of Tug 400-1,200 a year. However, claimants said this was not paid in 1992. Supplements of Tug 150-300 to low- income households to buy bedding for babies have also been discontinued. After the price rises, some increase in benefits followed. Thus, in August 1992, pensioners received an increase of Tug 225; new mothers Tug 200; student stipends Tug 200; government workers Tug 400. While pensions and benefits now have a low real value, many households hold benefits as their most reliable income. Many employers view pensions as supplementary salaries. The most crucial benefits to maintain include child benefits. Many women have exposed themselves to potential insecurity by following government policy and having large numbers of children, a policy that is now discontinued. Some of the payments do not seem to be reaching the intended beneficiaries. While pensions are received or, at least, known to be owed, other benefits are less rigorously applied. One problem is the lack of understanding from claimants about the new systems. It is therefore not helpful to simply allow the value of benefits to decrease rather than actually ending them. Policy changes as regards pensions and benefits are being made with the advisory assistance of ILO. - 24 - The system of ration tickets allowed for the purchase of lamb, beef, flour, rice, sugar, butter, nut oil and vodka. During the first six months of 1992 sugar, rice and oil were available only three times. Other rationed items were also received intermittently. The price for some rationed products was freed in October 1992 and rose sharply. Many households could not afford to buy even the goods on their ration cards. Some local governments use the ration cards of the destitute to purchase goods for the soup kitchens and thus provide meals to people who have no means to provide for themselves. Salary supplements were given at the time of price increases but, with spiralling inflation, they were not considered by local governments or employees to be sufficient Fund for the Disadvantaged A one-off payment of assistance money has been distributed to each province. This money, as observed, is used in some provinces to run soup kitchens and purchase clothes. In one provincial soup kitchen (Zuunmod aimak), 30 people were fed daily. Ulaanbaatar has two kitchens from which approximately 60 people are fed daily. Provincial and somon staff do not know how to maintain this service if further funds are not forthcoming. A total of Tug 38 million ($1 million) have been provided by ADB for use as a fund for the disadvantaged. According to government plans, Tug 3 million will be spent on existing homes for the aged for 600 people; Tug 14 million will be spent to equip a training center for disabled; Tug 12 million will go to a fund to give credit and monetary assistance for orphans, large families, disabled and elderly; Tug 29.5 million will be placed in reserve and Tug 29.5 million will be allocated for the "creation of a fund for necessary materials and foodstuff in collaboration with foreign trade companies." A children's clothes fund was created by GOM with the intention of giving clothes to orphans, single parents and disabled children. However, they had no resources to fulfil their target. A second fund was also established at the govemment level to give financial supplements to disadvantaged households with many children. They intended payments of Tug 150 to every child from 7 to 10 years old; Tug 250 to 11 to 13 years old and Tug 400 to 14 to 18 years old. It is unlikely these targets were fulfilled. Red Cross Assistance In 1991, the Mongolian Red Cross distributed 612 tons of both vegetable oil and sugar, 180 tons of children's clothes, 100 tons of medicine and medical supplies and 100 tons of rice. This was distributed through clinics, creches, old people's homes and their representatives in each province. In 1992, they distributed 10,000 tons of rice, additional rice from Japan, medical supplies, 30 tons of children's clothes and vitamins. The German Red Cross has a permanent staff member working with the Mongolian Red Cross on management issues. Currently, they are focused on institutional - 25 - support and the German Red Cross does not see relief as a main function of its operation. One problem of distributing relief through institutions is accessing some of the most needy who are destitute and cannot be reached through existing institutions. They are therefore planning to begin working more in residential areas. Informal Support Systems The limited range of formal support systems is compensated by a range of informal community and family support systems. The following chapter describes aspects of service provision to nomadic communities and emphasizes the importance of a community development approach to social welfare issues. Supporting structures that are already in place and are dealing with welfare issues is an important and pragmatic approach to the development of social policy. - 26 - 4. SERVICES AND POLICY IMPLICATIONS A. SERvIcEs AND POLICY A new social system is emerging in Mongolia. In relation to policy planning and service delivery, this system should be understood, firstly, so that policy is appropriate and, secondly, so that policy and service delivery can take advantage of what already exists in the form of community support systems and gain the support of the community in the effective delivery of services. The social welfare sector is often confined to urban-based service delivery, institutional care and social support. However, in urban and especially in rural areas, this definition is too restrictive, as is the framework of service delivery. Welfare in the context of developing countries is generally provided by a family and a community and state services should complement what already exists. Welfare should refer also to basic needs and community support, which can include drinking water supply, sanitation, land reform, credit, community activity, etc. There is little experience in providing services for nomads and conventional approaches to service delivery based on settled communities can be inappropriate. However, policy objectives such as universal literacy, immunization, primary health care (PHC), and welfare payments clearly are intended also to cover nomadic populations. In many countries, the importance of providing services to what are seen as politically unimportant groups is debated (although not always openly). However, in countries where livestock is of considerable potential importance, it makes both political and economic sense to service nomadic communities. Failure to do so can undermine the nomadic economy and the contribution it makes to the national economy and create political instability. In addition, it is argued that failure to design appropriate services for nomadic communities undermines the success of mainstream service provision in settled areas. Thus, it is necessary to balance the need to provide services and, at the same time, take advantage of what already exists in terms of local services and support. This means that policy planners should be aware of the social support systems in existence and the structure and organization of society. The following description refers to (a) experiences in health and education service delivery in relation to Mongolian nomadic communities and (b) a more broad-based perception of service delivery combined with community-based development. The main issue is whether the policy planning takes account of changing social organization and nomadic needs. - 27 - B. EDUCATION There is a strong correlation between an individual's level of education and productivity or income. Whether this is because education actively increases capacity for productivity or because it acts as a screening process to identify those who will succeed is still to be empirically proven. However, studies suggest that both interpretations of the value of education carry some weight and that the absolute level of educational attainment by an individual and his or her education relative to others will affect his or her income significantly. Disadvantaged households tend to be affected both in absolute terms and relative to those who gain from transition. According to some policy analysts, this will lead to a long-term loss of income, perpetuating the negative effects of transition on the disadvantaged (Woodward, 1992). According to experts on nomadic communities, it is generally accepted that without proper schooling nomadic communities may lag behind sedentary communities, creating greater poverty and discrimination (Swift et al., 1990). There is no standard gender preference of education among nomadic populations. In some nomadic communities, girls are educated in preference to boys; however, reportedly in most communities, boys are educated in preference to girls (Swift et al., 1990). Children in nomadic society traditionally receive an education from their community, oriented toward making a living, social matters and cultural and spiritual values. It is argued that such an education is no longer able to equip children to cope with the modem economy and state with which they are interacting. However, where nomad children do get schooling it is at immense personal cost to the child and its parents and often means complete and almost permanent separation of the child from the nomad community. Few benefits are seen to be returned to the nomad community. While Mongolian boarding schools are held up as an example of a comprehensive development package involving parental control, the sudden large withdrawal of students indicates the boarding school has limitations in the new social and economic climate. Families are no longer obliged to belong to one permanent base from where their children can attend school. In some countries (notably the previous Soviet Central Asia and Iran), mobile schools have been relatively successful. But if households are scattered and the catchment is small, they are difficult to sustain and the children constantly change in composition. In other nomadic communities, mobile schools have not been so successful. In the Mongolian context, transition has led to a high dropout rate. The use of children for labor by their families, after privatization, may be a determinant factor of the high dropout rates. I/ According to the Ministry of Education (MOE), 40,000 children "dropped out" in 1992. The Ministry reported 412,000 students to be enrolled in primary or secondary education. Thus, 10-12 percent of the school-going population have left formal schooling. 1/ Other sources (Kin Bin Wu, 1993) suggest the average dropout rate is 5 percent. It is possible the current higher rate is the result of a sudden dropout after the removal of compulsory schooling. According to Wu (1993), certain nomadic areas do suffer from high dropout rates. The withdrawal of food and cloth subsidies in nomadic schools is also a determinant of the increase in dropout rates. - 28 - Poor school attendance is characteristic of nomadic populations in comparison with settled rural areas (Swift et al., 1990). In Mongolia, dropping out is often said to be for "economic reasons." These could pertain to the families' lack of finance, need for extra labor as mentioned before, and lack of finance within the educational department, resulting in lower standards. Other factors, not solely linked to economic reasons, may include distance to schools and a wish to keep children within the family. Mongolian nomadic communities have retained many traditional attitudes, which may be antipathetic to modem education or removing children from the home. The fluidity of the current situation is also related to changes in livestock and grazing rights. Now that the rural population has to move regularly and there are some uncertainties about the future, families may feel more comfortable keeping children at home. In addition, the curriculum may seem inappropriate, especially now that children play an active role in livestock management. Identifying the educational needs of communities requires a sound understanding of how communities have organized themselves since the breakdown of the commune system, as well as their perception of the relevance of education in their lives. Without this understanding, educational policy may well reflect in its design the structures of the old system without consideration for the new needs. C. HEALTH The MOH sector report prepared with the assistance of WHO provides detailed accounts of health care, expenditure and problems.2/ Issues of local control and budgetary cuts that have implications for adequate services in rural areas are of concern. Some legally required national health provisions may be ignored by local governments as local autonomy is likely to increase. For example, in one somon, the area had been divided into four bag. Each bag had four government-paid staff: a head, an accountant, a doctor and a veterinarian. The head received a monthly salary of Tug 2,000, the others Tug 1,300, all self-funded by the som. They all were also herdsmen and thus the time devoted to their profession is likely to be minimal. Indicators also suggest increasing health problems in rural areas. The infant mortality rate was at a low in 1987 at 60.6 per thousand live births. In 1991, it reached 71.6 per thousand live births. Some aimaks are worse than others as regards health care. Three rural aimaks (Domot, Huvsgul and Hentiy) have a higher infant mortality rate of 85.5 per thousand live births. The rise in maternal mortality is directly attributed by MOH to the disruption in the health services during transition. The urban bias in health is also reflected in the figures for urban-based doctors as opposed to rural-based doctors. Sixty percent of doctors are in Ulaanbaatar, 2/ Mongolia Health Seaor Review, July 1992, MOH, Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia. - 29 - which has only 28.5 percent of the population. There are plans to introduce a health insurance program, which will draw its resources from a compulsory payment from employers and which will be focused on urban areas because that is where formal employment is found. Implementing many of the MOH plans may be difficult because some of their provisions do not take full account of changes in social and administrative realities. For example, MOH would like to reestablish predelivery waiting rooms for women in remote locations. However, waiting rooms in remote areas have already been sold off and pregnant women may not be released from their multiple household duties to take off two weeks before a birth, particularly if they have to provide their own food while resident in the home. MOH would like to stop health workers from doing both public and private work. However, health workers are probably already supplementing their wages by doing private work and indigenous health care is probably being used by remotely located communities. The outcome of many of these policy recommendations may depend on the distribution of local power and finance and the new realities in the social lives of people who are no longer tightly organized in cooperative groups. Further study of local health practices in rural areas related to the social organization of the communities could reveal whether upholding parts of the old system would be relevant to the social dynamics of the new system. D. ComMrFY-BAsED WORK The difficulty in providing services to nomadic communities is in identifying how government services can link with communities. Since Mongolian society is not village-based, there is not a physical nucleus that can be the focus for service delivery. In nomadic communities, the principles of collective life may be strong but the decentralized aspects of nomadic organization make conventional service delivery difficult. Services can only be successfully delivered according to well-defined nomadic needs. This requires innovative design by government, enabling participation by Mongolian communities in the development process. Mongolian society, like many pastoral societies, was profoundly economically and socially stratified. Traditional leaders carried considerable personal economic and political power and this tendency may be reemerging. It is essential that Mongolian social organization is well defined and that local community welfare structures be given the capacity and support to continue to provide for themselves. For example, PHC workers may be trained and fielded by the government but cannot link into the communities and are rejected; local communities may be provided with services but may refuse to use them (such as with the educational service in some cases), because they cannot see the benefit for themselves. Thus, the key to appropriate service provision lies in fully understanding the emerging structure of Mongolian society, effectively accessing nomadic communities and involving the communities in designing appropriate service delivery strategies. - 30 - 5. CONCLUSIONS A. TRANSMON AND SOCIAL PROBLEMS Having reviewed the Mongolian experience, several observations can be made. First, the vulnerable groups identified in this report have emerged in larger numbers, or as new groups (such as the unemployed), within the transition context. Thus, while continued quantification and qualification of the problem is needed, efforts should be made so appropriate responses to needs are developed according to Mongolian social norms. Defining these norms requires analysis of differences and realities at the community level. Since the social realities are now changing and the needs may be different, the advantage could be seized to change the focus and encourage a community- based approach to development. Second, the case should be made to revisit present perceptions of priority needs. For example, the current listing of priority needs as urban food and fuel is in part a result of a "pro-urban" bias. While undoubtedly urban food supply is of major concern, there are disadvantaged rural areas of Mongolia (such as the Gobi) and population pockets in provinces whose needs are thought to be equal to, or more critical than, the cities. However, this has yet to be verified. If it is the case, there is the danger in current priorities of promoting urban bias to the neglect and irretrievable deterioration of essential rural services, which could have a long-term impact on the health of the rural or remote populations. While the urban population is facing significant shortfalls in food and energy, their service provision is relatively better than rural areas. Third, it is not clear whether the design of services (especially in rural areas) fits the new realities of needs. Before appropriate policy can be designed, the realities of rural areas and especially their new administrative organization, distribution of power and decision-making authorities needs to be clear. Therefore, community analysis in relation to each sector would be beneficial. Fourth, the problems associated with vulnerable groups can be tackled through policy action, social security provision, community-based ways of working and new initiatives. The latter two are especially needed since prior to 1989 social problems "could not" exist and if they did, they had to be solved through political change. The perception that welfare is a political issue is not necessarily inaccurate, but clearly political changes cannot solve the problems in the short term. There is, therefore, no existing infrastructure to cope with emerging social issues and this includes indigenous NGOs. Fifth, the long-term impact of transition on social welfare should be addressed through policies that take account of: - 31 - (a) differences at the household level; (b) gender issues; (c) urban bias in services; (d) lack of food and fuel for urban areas; (e) the emergence of a new administrative system and power base and new social organization, (based on characteristics of previous systems); (f) the emergence on a larger scale of so-called new problems such as alcoholism, child abuse, street children, destitution, etc. Sixth, since the population has long been accustomed to a system of benefits and many have come to rely on benefits, they may be used as a short-term measure to target especially vulnerable groups. Benefits should not be reduced or allowed to lose value, particularly in the area of child benefits. Seventh, a great deal of information conceming the population is readily available through existing reporting structures. What is needed is analysis of the problems revealed and the development of statistical data collection to assess the relative reliance on salary and benefits as opposed to other income sources. However, to determine a broader need for support and appropriate targeting, a better system of needs identification is required to take account of factors beyond income. Eighth, an emphasis on community support rather than purely institutional or legal-based responses would be appropriate. This is less costly, utilizes more human resources, allows communities to respond as they feel appropriate, is more sustainable and can have immediate effect. It would also have the advantage of limiting differentials in wealth and power. The provision of community support groups is an issue for local government and may not be a priority in funding. It may therefore require separate allocation of funds. The Government has, at the national level, a commitment to community involvement in development and recognizes the resource potential of this strategy. Finally, preventive measures as regards emerging social problems would be of benefit in reducing the scale of problems and relative inequalities. It is recognized that inequalities are inevitable and to be expected. However, taking measures to limit the range of wealth and poverty will have long-term welfare benefits. These measures would include equitable distribution of resources and a healthy environment (including water supply, housing, etc). An initially poorly managed allocation of public resources may have set a precedent for the bias in the distribution of resources. Strategies to reduce wealth differentials, including gender disparities, are important. Afair distribution of resources should be pursued even if some aspects of the transition policies, for example housing privatization, need to be slowed down. The emergence of homeless people may be seen - 32 - by Mongolians to be unacceptable and could create social difficulties. The identifi cation of social organization and crucial power structures, especially the power base of the somon, should be recognized and capacity for controlling resource allocation through democratic administrative mechanisms supported. B. KEY INTERVENrIONS Based on these observations, the following general interventions by key policy actors are recommended: (a) A focus on the district (somon)-level utilization of indigenous and government-supplied health and education resources is essential to feed into effective policy planning. This could include the development of models at the district level for health and education services, which take account of economic constraints, human resources, new social systems and nomadic realities. Assessment of the district-level health service provision in winter months would be especially informative. Incentives for rural health care workers (both in human resource development and financial reward) would be beneficial to long-term welfare provision. (b) Increasing awareness among donors and senior government officials of the importance of analyzing social realities and the district-level distribution of power, authority and resources is important in relation to project implementation. The utilization of experts on nomadic society and Mongolian social systems, in combination with technical sectoral specialists, would be beneficial. (c) Advisory support to MOPL and other government agencies dealing with poverty issues. This support would include work on the definition of a poverty line, the collection and analysis of data, and the design of appropriate mechanisms to meet social welfare needs at the state and community level. Assistance is especially needed to define specific criteria of poverty applicable to Mongolia and then to implement the criteria in poverty analysis. Within the Ministry, the Department for Vulnerable Groups would be of special interest. (d) Technical assistance for food security and relief could prove very effective, for example, in relation to management, planning and preparedness at central and provincial/district levels and nutritional and surveillance advice, possibly in relation to determining the need for relief operations. (e) There is need for the development of household surveys and other social surveys and the development of statistics to measure poverty and living standards, in particular qualitative and quantitative assessment of factors that determine living standards, including salaries. Verification of the realities - 33 - of rural status and needs during this period of change is of priority. SSO will receive assistance from the World Bank and ADB in this regard. (f) Methodologies for targeting the poor should be developed. The previous system attempted to provide for all and thus limited the resources available to each. However, while the government has defined vulnerable groups by category, not all of those in each group could be called vulnerable. An equitable means-testing mechanism needs to be implemented, but can only be done when the local social and administrative system is adequately understood. (g) Single-parent households are an especially vulnerable group and policy action that alleviates the costs and helps with the provision of child care is essential. Support in the preschool sector in both urban and rural areas would have enormous potential benefit for women. This can be achieved through policy and budgetary allocation. Advice to government on the management of preschool education and its positioning within different ministries (Health or Education or Social Welfare) is a long-term need. Single-parent households could also be targeted through benefits. (h) Additional measures will need to be identified to eliminate gender discrimination. Specific studies that assess the role of women in labor and welfare provision in both urban and rural contexts could be conducted. These should result in specific recommendations for policy action and services or be linked to funding that can be utilized in the alleviation of women's labor and welfare roles. (i) Provisions and policy planning for adequate family planning methods and advice are important and should be linked to advice on STDs and HIV/ AIDS. (The former is relatively high and the latter as yet unreported). Again, the provision of such services depends on local administrative mechanisms and control over resources. (j) Public health studies of the ger towns and of children within the ger towns in cooperation with MOH and Institute of Nutrition could lead to specific project-related recommendations for the improvement of child health. (k) Support for small business initiatives, including small loans, is critical and could be linked to schemes that make them accessible and understandable to people, and especially the disadvantaged and rural populations. I - 35 - ANNEX A: PRICES Annex A-i: A COMPARATvE LIST OF PRICES AT THE MARKET Items 1990 1992 increase Children's underwear 15 200-220 1,233-1,367 Children's denim - - - jeans & jacket 200 2,000-2,800 900-1,300 Laundry soap 7 40 471 Jeans for adults 300 1,700-2,000 467-567 Gent's suit 1,000 5,000-7,000 400-600 Furniture 7,000 80,000-100,000 1,043-1,329 A pack of cigarettes 25-30 60-80 150 Source: The Mongol Messenger, No. 33 (59), August 18, 1992. - 36 - Annex A-2: OCToBER 1, 1992 PRCE INCREASES FOR RATIoNED CONSUmER GOODS AND PUBUC SERVICES Price (Tugrik) Before After X Commodity Unit 01/10/92 01/10/92 increase Flour Premium kg 4.2 23.0 448 Grade 1 kg 3.2 18.0 463 Grade 2 kg 2.2 14.0 536 Bread "Ulaanbaatar" variety 3.0 14.4 380 Average quality 5.0 11.6 132 Atar 2.5 13.0 420 Meat (Grade II, sold by the carcass) Mutton kg 29.0 50.0 72 Beef kg 26.0 50.0 92 Goat kg 23.0 44.0 91 Service Electricity kWh 0.7 2.0 186 Urban bus transport ride 1.0 3.0 200 Source: Government of Mongolia. - 37 - ANNEX B: FOOD AVAILABILITY AND NUTRITION Annex B-1: FOOD CONSUMPnION PER PERSON, 1985 AND 1990 (kg) Name of the city Flour and flour product Sugar and sugar Droduct or province 1985 1990 1990 Z 1985 1985 1990 1990 x 1985 1. Arhangai 106.2 113.3 106.7 22.6 21.2 93.8 2. Bayan-Olgiy 90.2 110.2 122.2 13.3 14.5 109.0 3. Bayan-Hongor 92.7 128.9 139.0 22.0 25.0 113.6 4. Bulgan 106.0 105.7 99.7 22.7 22.3 98.2 5. Gobi-Altai 90.2 99.7 110.5 20.5 24.3 118.5 6. DornoGobi 104.8 107.0 102.1 24.8 17.0 68.5 7. Dornod 84.8 96.8 114.1 22.0 14.8 67.3 8. DundGObi 83.8 83.7 99.9 24.9 20.7 83.1 9. Dzavkhan 84.5 94.6 111.9 21.7 23.5 108.3 10. Uverhangai 97.7 112.0 114.6 18.5 20.1 108.6 11. Southgobi 97.9 98.2 100.3 24.4 29.1 119.3 12. Sukhbaatar 83.4 101.8 122.1 19.1 21.5 112.6 13. Selenge 94.2 111.0 117.8 21.7 21.0 96.8 14. Tov/Central 109.6 85.5 78.0 22.1 25.4 114.9 Province 15. Uve 114.4 127.0 111.0 12.7 19.8 155.9 16. Hovd 98.6 125.5 127.3 17.7 22.5 127.1 17. Huvsgal 97.3 98.6 101.3 22.2 19.8 89.2 18. Henti 90.3 112.6 124.7 26.0 24.6 94.6 19. Ulaanbaatar 114.3 85.1 74.4 29.7 18.4 62.0 20. Dakhan 98.8 100.6 101.8 23.4 25.9 110.7 21. Erdenet 112.5 80.0 71.1 18.4 27.0 146.7 - 38 - Annex B-1: (coNT'D) (kg) Name of the city Milk and dairy Droduct Butter or province 1985 1990 1990 X 1985 1985 1990 1990 2 1985 1. Arhangai 151.3 188.2 124.4 2.4 7.1 295.8 2. Bayan-Olgiy 136.9 127.6 93.2 2.7 3.8 140.7 3. Bayan-Hongor 127.5 139.0 109.0 1.8 1.6 88.9 4. Bulgan 151.7 182.0 120.0 1.9 1.3 68.4 5. Gobi-Altai 108.8 105.8 97.2 1.9 1.5 78.9 6. DornoGobi 105.5 71.0 67.3 0.9 1.6 177.8 7. Dornod 119.8 165.9 138.5 1.0 1.0 100.0 8. DundGobi 119.5 107.6 90.0 0.9 1.3 144.4 9. Dzavkhan 115.9 181.3 156.4 1.2 1.5 125.0 10. Uverhangai 136.5 156.4 114.6 1.9 1.7 111.8 11. Southgobi 101.7 72.2 71.0 0.4 0.7 175.0 12. Sukhbaatar 154.8 110.0 71.1 1.2 1.4 116.7 13. Selenge 100.0 115.0 115.0 1.2 1.9 158.3 14. Tov/Central 135.3 156.2 115.4 1.1 1.1 100.0 Province 15. Uvs 129.5 189.2 146.1 0.9 2.3 255.5 16. Hovd 129.7 125.8 97.0 1.1 3.0 272.7 17. Huvagal 148.9 137.7 92.5 1.5 3.1 206.7 18. Henti 110.9 153.0 138.0 1.9 2.2 115.8 19. Ulaanbaatar 85.0 78.9 92.8 7.6 5.4 71.1 20. Dakhan 103.1 114.3 110.9 3.8 3.1 81.6 21. Erdenet 106.3 129.5 121.8 3.2 3.7 115.6 - 39 - Annex B-1: (coNTrD) (kg) Name of the city Potatoce Veastables or province 1985 1990 1990 Z 1985 1985 1990 1990 X 1985 1. Arhangai 23.9 28.5 119.2 9.1 13.4 147.2 2. Bayan-Olgiy 18.2 24.2 133.0 9.7 9.2 94.8 3. Bayan-Hongor 16.1 25.0 155.3 9.5 18.1 190.5 4. Bulgan 20.7 23.1 111.6 13.7 11.9 86.9 5. Gobi-Altai 17.4 21.4 123.0 13.3 12.5 94.0 6. DornoGobi 19.3 18.0 93.3 9.0 13.0 144.4 7. Dornod 14.3 16.7 116.8 19.6 12.8 65.3 8. Dundtobi 11.9 16.9 142.0 8.8 11.6 131.8 9. Dzavkhan 19.8 26.6 134.3 7.1 11.6 163.4 10. Uverhangai 18.5 14.0 75.7 7.9 15.3 193.7 11. Southgobi 17.7 29.5 166.7 12.4 19.8 159.7 12. Sukhbaatar 18.9 11.1 58.7 13.8 8.5 61.6 13. Selenge 31.3 35.4 113.1 21.9 23.3 106.4 14. Tov/Central 27.8 22.8 82.0 15.2 11.2 73.7 Province 15. Uvs 20.0 34.4 172.0 10.4 21.1 202.9 16. Hovd 20.6 33.0 160.2 11.3 28.0 247.8 17. Huvagal 11.3 9.4 83.2 10.5 11.1 105.7 18. Henti 22.8 12.0 52.6 7.6 11.2 147.4 19. Ulaanbaatar 34.6 25.1 72.5 28.1 18.4 65.5 20. Dakhan 41.0 28.2 68.8 29.7 20.6 69.4 21. Erdenet 29.5 35.0 118.6 22.2 37.0 166.7 - 40 - Annex B-1: (CONT'D) (kg) Name of the city Cereals Fruits or province 1985 1990 1990 Z 1985 1985 1990 1990 Z 1985 1. Arhangai 8.7 9.0 103.4 6.9 7.2 104.3 2. Bayan-Olgiy 6.2 11.5 185.5 4.2 5.4 128.6 3. Bayan-Hongor 13.7 18.7 136.5 4.5 2.0 44.4 4. Bulgan 9.7 18.3 188.6 8.4 7.0 83.3 5. Gobi-Altai 15.2 13.2 86.8 4.8 5.2 108.0 6. DornoGobi 18.9 18.0 95.2 10.6 12.0 113.2 7. Dornod 12.6 11.8 93.6 7.0 8.8 125.7 8. DundGobi 14.0 16.7 119.3 5.8 7.3 125.9 9. Dzavkhan 6.9 9.3 134.8 9.3 7.5 80.6 10. Uverhangai 17.6 18.3 104.0 4.0 4.8 120.0 11. Southgobi 26.3 24.4 92.8 8.9 14.5 162.9 12. Sukhbaatar 12.7 21.7 170.9 3.8 3.5 92.1 13. Selenge 10.5 12.4 118.1 9.7 8.5 87.6 14. Tov/Central 11.8 16.3 138.1 6.4 8.9 139.1 Province 15. Uve 5.0 8.6 172.0 2.6 1.8 69.2 16. Hovd 8.2 9.2 112.2 7.5 9.1 121.3 17. Huvegal 6.8 5.4 79.4 6.1 2.2 36.1 18. Henti 11.2 13.1 117.0 10.4 10.9 104.8 19. Ulaanbaatar 14.8 14.2 95.9 19.4 12.2 62.9 20. Dakhan 11.8 11.2 94.9 8.9 9.5 106.7 21. Erdenet 10.1 10.5 104.0 11.2 19.0 169.6 Source: Ministry of Food and Agriculture. - 41 - Annex B-2: FOOD CoNsuw[oN P PERSON, 1991 (kg, except eggs) meat & Milk & lish F Flour S 8ugar L Name of city mat pro- milk pro- fish pro- flour pro- sugar pro- province duction duction butter duction Kge duction duction 1. Arhangai 73.5 167.0 5.1 0.2 5.0 91.5 12.4 2. Bayan-Olgiy 106.5 79.1 1.6 0.5 2.2 76.6 8.2 3. Bayan-Hongor 91.5 200.3 3.0 0.1 0.6 106.6 11.7 4. Bulgan 95.0 28.0 1.0 0.2 0.2 62.0 12.0 5. Gobi-Altai 105.9 142.2 0.6 0.6 15.1 79.4 18.3 6. DornoGobi 136.3 37.5 0.6 0.3 73.0 13.0 7. Dornod 8. DundGobi 115.3 131.7 0.8 0.2 5.4 82.8 12.4 9. Dzavkhan 101.2 132.6 0.4 0.4 0.3 95.7 17.7 10. Uverhangai 83.8 231.3 1.2 0.1 8.2 105.1 15.3 11. Southgobi 90.9 41.3 0.5 1.0 10.3 89.4 15.3 12. Sukhbaatar 119.9 141.9 1.0 0.1 0.3 92.4 13.8 13. Selenge 65.2 123.1 0.6 0.6 96.4 10.3 14. Tov/Central 88.2 173.8 0.6 0.3 6.9 86.4 11.3 Province 15. Uva 99.9 167.7 1.7 0.2 3.2 99.5 6.2 16. Hovd 129.0 100.2 2.7 0.3 6.0 75.2 9.2 17. Huvagal 96.8 141.9 2.4 0.1 1.1 95.7 12.0 18. Henti 89.5 136.0 1.6 0.2 91.2 10.3 19. Darkhan 58.8 84.2 3.8 0.2 2.2 96.3 12.8 20. Ulaanbaatar 61.7 57.7 3.4 0.4 20.7 92.9 10.5 21. Erdenet 59.0 78.0 1.0 83.0 13.0 - 42 - Annex B-2: (CONT'D) Name of City Cereal Fruit Potato Vegetable Vegetable Plant or Province Oil Oil 1. Arhangai 11.6 0.6 15.1 1.0 1.7 0.2 2. Bayan-Olgiy 7.9 1.3 19.1 5.4 2.0 0.5 3. Bayan-Hongor 10.4 0.5 8.3 9.4 2.2 0.2 4. Bulgan 9.0 0.4 23.0 11.0 1.7 0.4 5. Gobi-Altai 12.3 6.3 11.0 10.1 3.1 1.4 6. DornoGobi 14.0 2.0 12.0 8.0 3.3 0.3 7. Dornod 8. DundGobi 9.6 1.2 15.2 1.1 3.2 0.4 9. Dzavkhan 10.2 2.3 6.2 1.0 1.8 0.4 10. Uverhangai 13.6 1.1 10.5 6.2 3.5 0.3 11. Southgobi 17.1 9.9 9.6 9.6 3.2 1.2 12. Sukhbaatar 10.7 1.2 11.5 3.5 2.7 0.3 13. Selenge 5.5 1.6 10.3 10.9 0.2 0.3 14. Tov/Central 8.9 0.7 22.0 8.1 1.1 0.5 Province 15. Uvs 5.5 1.5 7.2 9.3 4.1 0.2 16. Hovd 5.7 0.6 16.0 10.0 4.0 17. Huvagal 5.7 2.0 5.5 5.1 2.7 1.3 18. Henti 7.0 0.4 6.8 4.0 0.1 19. Darkhan 10.9 2.2 32.2 15.7 1.1 1.2 20. Ulaanbaatar 5.4 0.9 35.4 16.4 0.1 1.3 21. Erdenet 9.0 2.0 36.0 23.0 1.0 1.0 Source: Ministry of Food and Agriculture. - 43 - Annex B-3: MALNJTRITION BY SELECTED AMUAK (PROVINCE) AND Crrm, 1992 w/a h/a w/h Aimak and City >-2a.d Normal >-2s.d Normal >-2s.d Normal Total Ulaanbaatar City 43.0 299.0 90.0 252.0 8.0 334.0 342 (Percentage) 12.6 87.4 26.3 73.7 2.3 97.7 Darkhan City 18.0 204.0 37.0 186.0 0.0 222.0 222 (Percentage) 8.1 91.9 16.2 83.8 100.0 Erdenet City 5.0 95.0 18.0 82.0 3.0 97.0 100 (Percentage) 5.0 95.0 18.0 82.0 3.0 97.0 Selenge Province 24.0 231.0 50.0 205.0 8.0 247.0 255 (Percentage) 9.4 90.6 19.6 80.4 3.1 96.9 Hentiy Province 33.0 192.0 59.0 226.0 2.0 286.0 285 (Percentage) 11.6 88.4 20.7 79.3 0.7 99.3 Umnugobi Province 25.0 230.0 46.0 209.0 4.0 251.0 255 (Percentage) 9.8 90.2 18.0 82.0 1.6 98.4 Dzavkhan Province 17.0 228.0 57.0 188.0 2.0 243.0 245 (Percentage) 6.9 93.1 23.3 76.7 0.7 92.3 Note: No other details were provided with these figures. Source: Institute of Nutrition, Ministry of Health. - 44 - Annex B-4: ANEMIC SIGNS BY SELECTED AIMAK (PRovNCE) AND CQTY 1992 Probability level of anemia Total Aimak and City Low Medium High deficiency Normal Total Ulaanbaatar City 29.0 49.0 17.0 95.0 247.0 342 (Percentage) 8.5 14.3 5.0 27.8 72.2 Darkhan City 33.0 5.0 11.0 49.0 173.0 222 (Percentage) 14.8 2.3 5.0 22.1 77.9 Erdenet City 0.0 1.0 16.0 17.0 83.0 100 (Percentage) 0.0 1.0 16.0 17.0 83.0 Selengs Province 75.0 82.0 23.0 180.0 75.0 255 (Percentage) 29.4 32.2 9.0 70.6 29.4 Hentiy Province 36.0 15.0 6.0 57.0 228.0 285 (Percentage) 12.6 5.3 2.1 20.0 80.0 Umnugobi Province 53.0 27.0 37.0 117.0 138.0 255 (Percentage) 20.8 10.6 14.5 45.9 54.1 Dzavkhan Province 2.0 5.0 15.0 22.0 223.0 245 (Percentage) 0.8 2.0 6.1 9.0 91.0 Note: No other details were provided with these figures. Source: Institute of Nutrition, Ministry of Health. - 45 - Annex B-5: ViTAmiN "D" DEm CIENCY BY SELECD ARiAK (PROVINCE) AND CITY, 1992 Vitamin "D" deficiency signs Total Aimak and city c.t b.r. k.k. c.t+b.r. deficiency Normal Total Ulaanbaatar City 49.0 70.0 3.0 23.0 145.0 197.0 342 (Percentage) 14.3 20.5 0.9 6.7 42.4 57.6 Darkhan City 30.0 61.0 10.0 7.0 108.0 114.0 222 (Percentage) 11.3 14.5 4.5 3.8 48.6 51.4 Erdenet City 8.0 29.0 1.0 50.0 88.0 12.0 100 (Percentage) 8.0 29.0 1.0 50.0 88.0 12.0 Selenge Province 33.0 56.0 3.0 28.0 120.0 135.0 255 (Percentage) 12.9 22.0 1.2 11.0 47.1 52.9 Hentiy Province 26.0 61.0 2.0 42.0 131.0 154.0 285 (Percentage) 9.8 14.5 9.6 23.1 46.0 54.0 Umnugobi Province 31.0 52.0 1.0 11.0 95.0 160.0 255 (Percentage) 11.7 12.3 4.8 6.0 14.7 85.3 Dzavkhan Province 28.0 36.0 1.0 32.0 97.0 148.0 245 (Percentage) 11.4 14.7 0.4 13.1 39.6 60.4 Note: No other details were provided with these figures. Source: Institute of Nutriton, Ministry of Health. - 46 - ANNEX C: POVERTY LINE/INCOME AND EXPENDITURE Annex C-1: HousEmoLDs AND INDIVIDUALS BELow THE MNIMum INCOME LEVEL/POVERTY LIE Minim income, urban Tut 347, rural Tuz 216 Households witbout income Name of the City No. of No. of or Province house- Ages Ages Ages hou- Ages Ages Ages holds Persons 0-16 17-60 Over 60 holds Persons 0-16 17-60 Over 60 1. Arhangai 8,009 33,321 16,072 16,193 1,056 479 1,124 444 551 15 2. Bayan-Olgiy 7,236 39,823 19,850 17,115 2,858 837 3,697 2,107 1,538 52 3. Bayan-Bongor 3,304 18,790 9,767 7,883 1,140 184 450 217 229 4 4. Bulgan 1,091 5,370 2,598 2,525 247 379 1,630 730 847 62 S. Gobi-AIltai 2,903 15,791 7,834 7,492 465 289 1,266 668 568 34 6. DornoGobi 647 3,215 1,778 1,219 218 66 264 152 111 1 7. Dornod 1,254 5,492 2,226 2,833 433 34 171 66 87 18 8. DundGobi 915 5,463 3,095 2,180 141 56 222 138 93 9. Dzavkhan 2,425 12,913 6,883 5,572 458 201 748 344 402 2 10. Uverhangai 3,023 15,883 9,795 5,726 362 290 150 710 791 25 11. Southgobi 908 4,756 2,731 1,849 176 178 636 334 301 1 12. Sukhbaatar 1,829 10,224 5,560 4,178 486 108 489 234 238 17 13. Selenge 792 4,297 2,265 1,705 227 126 657 341 173 136 14. Tov/C*utral 1,391 7,748 4,797 2,462 489 156 616 350 248 17 Province 15. Uvs 5,012 20,701 10,042 9,446 1,213 208 1,028 529 438 61 16. Hovd 5,097 24,571 12,282 11,358 917 394 2,067 352 992 74 17. Huvegal 3,514 15,250 9,784 4,465 928 761 3,172 2,219 806 147 18. Henti 1,621 8,429 5,167 2,684 578 339 1,305 805 459 41 19. Darkhan 376 2,122 886 1,159 77 46 199 82 115 2 20. Ulsanbeatar 12,013 63,253 33,301 27,606 2,366 1,138 5,020 2,360 2,590 90 21. Erdenet 358 1,840 1,002 766 96 66 252 137 78 13 22. A city (unknown) 224 1,217 689 478 50 24 109 57 50 2 Total 63,942 320,469 159,404 136,894 2,353 6,359 26,660 13,976 11,705 814 (Corrected total) 63,942 320,469 168,404 136,894 14,981 6,359 25,272 13,376 11,705 814 by Consultant Source: State Statistical Office and the Ministry of Population and Labor. - 47 - Annex C-2: RULS To CALCuLATE HousHoLD INCOMz (FoR Ti INcOME AND ExE rrIuRE SuiRvEY) To determine household income, the total household income is taken as a base. The total income means income in cash plus assessed products used for personal needs from private business (e.g., animals). The full-income sources are considered as a household's total income: 1. Basic plus additional salary of employed household members. 2. Permanent pensions, benefits or allowances like old people, invalid, loss of breadwinner, unemployment, many children, child care, etc. 3. Income from private business activities. This consists of all kinds of income plus products used for personal needs from private property (estimated at that time's local market rate). (a) Cash income of private business: cash income from selling livestock or agricultural products to the central supply or any market; net income from privately implemented production or service (i.e., total income minus expenditure for carrying out that production or service). (b) Estimated income used for personal needs like meat, wool, leather, potatoes, vegetables from private business (estimated at market or retail trade price). Outside of the above income sources, the following shall also be included: monthly permanent incomes and temporary incomes (e.g., shoe-cleaning, selling papers/books). Lump-sum income of a year shall be divided by 12 to fix monthly average income. Monthly total income of a household is divided by permanent residing family members' number and fixed per-capita income. Family members residing elsewhere more than six months (army duty, study, etc.) are not included here. Source: Ministry of Population and Labor. - 48 - Annex C-3.1: INCOME AND ExPENDmJ SuRvEY I (RURAL), AUGUST 1992 A. Classification by Total Income per Household Under Tug Tug Tug Tug Tug Over Tug 217 217-367 368-518 519-669 670-820 821-971 Tug 972 Members of household 8.1 7.9 6.9 6.3 5.8 5.7 5.0 Under 0-2 years old 0.8 0.6 0.6 0.6 0.3 0.5 0.4 3-6 years old 2.4 1.6 1.1 1.1 1.2 0.9 0.7 7-15 years old 2.2 2.7 2.1 1.4 1.7 1.4 1.3 Male 16-54 (55-59) 1.9 2.6 2.8 2.8 2.4 2.6 2.3 Female over 60 (55-59) 0.8 0.4 0.3 0.4 0.2 0.3 0.3 Number of working 2.1 2.1 2.2 2.0 1.9 2.1 1.9 Government org. 0 0.2 0.2 0.3 0.4 0.4 0.3 Agricultural co. 1.6 1.3 1.5 1.6 1.0 0.9 0.7 Product & service co. 0 0 0 0 0 0.1 0.1 Private co. 0 0.2 0.2 0.1 0.2 0.3 0.2 Engaged in private work 0.5 0.4 0.3 0 0.3 0.5 0.6 Others 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Unemployed 0.4 0.8 0.6 0.5 0.3 0.1 0.4 Persons vho study 0.4 0.4 0.4 0.2 0.2 0.1 0.2 Disabled group 0 0 0 0.1 0 0 0 No. of taking care of 0 0.2 0.1 0 0 0 0.1 children and aged Others 0 0.2 0.1 0.2 0.1 0.1 0.1 No. of households 8.0 34.0 47.0 49.0 40.0 35.0 170.0 Per Household Cash Income Husband's 89.8 320.6 277.1 435.4 423.5 483.5 553.5 Wife's 126.3 133.0 288.0 221.7 474.0 409.2 345.2 Others' 14.1 63.2 79.9 176.1 32.0 170.3 109.0 Benefits 76.0 121.4 192.3 150.0 179.5 96.1 274.9 Private properties 384.4 489.2 467.6 696.3 474.9 897.4 1,314.7 Others 51.3 105.9 129.1 120.6 275.3 201.8 582.5 Total Cash Income 741.9 1.233.3 1.434.0 1.800.1 1.859.2 2.258.3 3.179.8 Total noncash income 753.2 1,039.8 1,558.8 1,893.9 2,505.2 2,841.3 6,183.1 Total Household Income 1.495.1 2.273.1 2.992.8 3.694.0 4.364.4 5.099.6 9.362.9 Source: St"te Ststistical Office. - 49 - Annex C-3.1: (coNT'D) B. Expenditure on Food Purchases Under Tug Tug Tug Tug Tug Over Tug 217 217-367 368-518 519-669 670-820 821-971 Tug 972 Per household Meat 56.3 142.1 107.0 128.9 108.8 188.6 81.0 Sausages 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Canned meat 0 0 0 0 2 3.1 0 Milk 0 4.3 3.2 14.7 4 25.7 1.1 Dried miLk 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Thick milk 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Butter 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Otbers 0 0 1.6 0 0 0 0.1 Flour 39.8 61.0 69.0 167.7 135.7 212.2 214.1 Macaroni 0 0 4.3 1.2 10.0 5.0 8.5 Bread 4.0 14.1 17.2 4.2 10.3 16.6 8.8 Sweets 0 16.3 7.9 14.7 11.4 38.2 16.4 Cereals 34.1 27.7 23.7 14.4 12.5 13.0 12.0 Sugar 0 5.3 24.7 16.8 23.4 35.7 42.2 Hard sugar 0 0 2.7 1.5 0 9 8 Candies 0 0 0 0.4 0 0 0 Fish 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Canned fish 0 0 0 0 0 0 0.9 Eggs 0 0 0 0 0 0 0.9 Dried eggs 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Potatoes 0 8.7 14.5 11.0 29.0 6.3 17.4 Vegetable 0 3.3 1.3 0 15.6 0 11.6 Canned vegetable 0 0 0 0 0 0 0.4 Fruits 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Dried fruits 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Canned fruits 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Tea 0 60.3 50.3 63.5 92.1 125.6 109.8 Salt 0 8.0 11.0 9.5 15.6 12.2 24.2 Plant oil 5 2.4 14.9 1.2 2.6 2.1 5.1 Vodka,vine 24.5 37.1 109.9 62.4 97.7 88.8 138.1 Other 0 35.5 8.6 36.6 50.9 39.1 65.9 Coat of food of kindergarten 0 2.0 7.4 0 17.8 2.9 9.4 & public feeding Total 163.7 428.1 479.2 548.7 639.4 827.0 775.9 Source: Stte Statistical Office. - 50 - Annex C-3.1: (coNrID) C. Value of Food Used Under Tug Tug Tug Tug Tug Over Tug 217 217-367 368-518 519-669 670-820 821-971 Tug 972 Per household Neat 2.3 2.4 2.6 3.4 3.8 4.3 8.0 Sausages 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Canned meat 0 0 0 0 2.0 3.1 0 Milk 3.9 9.0 17.2 19.9 32.3 47.8 86.7 Dried milk 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Thick milk 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Butter 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Others 0 0 1.8 0 0 0.8 5.3 Flour 1.9 2.2 2.5 2.9 3.0 6.7 3.6 Macaroni 0 0 0.1 0 0.1 0 0.1 Broad 0.1 0.4 0.2 0.1 0.2 0.5 0.3 Swats 0 0.1 0 0.1 0.1 0.1 0.1 Cereals 0.2 0.2 0.2 0.1 0.1 0.2 0.4 Sugar 0 0 0 0 0 0 0.3 Hard sugar 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Candies 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Fish 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Canned fih 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Igga 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Dried eggs 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Potatoes 0 0.1 0.2 0.1 0.2 0.9 0.5 Vegetable 0 0 0 0 0.1 0.2 0.4 Canned vegetable 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Fruits 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Dried fruits 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Canned fruits 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Tea 0 0 0.1 0.1 0.2 0.1 0.2 Salt 0 0.1 0.1 0.1 0.2 0.2 0.5 Plant oil 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Vodka,wins 0 0 0.1 0.2 0.1 0 0.1 Other 0 0.1 0 0 0 0 0 Total 8.4 14.6 25.1 27.0 40.4 61.9 106.5 Source: Ste Stisdcal Office. - 51 - Annex C-3.1: (coNT'D) D. Expenditure on Products Other than Food Under Tug Tug Tug Tug Tug Over Tug 217 217-367 368-518 519-669 670-820 821-971 Tug 972 Per household Cotton materials 172.8 57.2 200.0 229.7 184.9 173.4 406.5 Man's cloth 0 105.9 54.7 47.3 35.0 0 95.7 Woman's cloth 0 100.0 17.9 86.0 131.5 161.7 103.9 Children's cloth 17.5 40.9 149.9 98.0 101.3 96.2 196.2 Underwear of adults 0 5.9 87.3 45.3 25.3 53.1 97.2 Underwear of children 0 52.0 106.2 109.0 43.3 67.2 88.2 Adults' shoes boots 35.0 47.5 68.5 201.4 99.5 279.4 231.7 Children's shoes 281.3 170.7 180.5 173.7 208.0 107.8 242.8 Decorative wears 31.0 44.7 101.8 32.2 62.8 46.8 91.2 Sport's goods 0 0 0 0 5.7 0 46.3 Hunting equipment 0 0 23.6 0 20.0 0 11.8 Goods for domestic use 109.3 133.8 74.1 149.7 155.9 25.4 82.4 Health & salon goods 40.3 23.0 44.0 73.8 37.6 45.3 37.3 Fuel 70.0 45.9 10.7 6.0 0.6 15.9 23.8 Tobacco 150.0 36.3 42.6 89.8 119.4 168.1 145.3 Others 150.5 80.0 184.0 127.0 242.8 42.7 229.0 Total 1,138.7 943.8 1,354.8 1,468.9 1,473.6 1,283.0 2.129.3 Source: State Statistical Office. - 52 - Annex C-3.1: (CONT'D) E. Nonmaterial Expenditure Under Tug Tug Tug Tug Tug Over Tug 217 217-367 368-518 519-669 670-820 821-971 Tug 972 Per household Cultural activities 0 1.2 1.3 3.9 4.7 4.3 6.9 Co.munication & tran. 17.3 128.8 54.5 82.4 78.8 60.1 93.4 Dwelling place 0 0 3.5 0 1.8 0 3.1 Health resort 0 0 8.3 37.3 7.3 0 8.2 Daily service 0 4 10.4 9.9 2 3.4 9.8 Repairing service 0 0 0 2.8 3 1.7 3.5 Tasx & fees 0 10.5 6.9 7.1 21.1 4.6 24.8 Others 43.8 99.8 40.0 59.0 107.5 48.5 145.2 Given to saving bank 0 0 0 0 0 0 5.9 Total 61.1 244.3 124.9 202.4 226.2 122.6 300.8 Source: Stae Statistical Office. - 53 - Annex C-3.2: INcoME AND EXPEND1TURE SURVEY II (URBAN), AUGUSr 1992 A. Classification by Total Income per Household Under Tug Tug Tug Tug Tug Over Tug 147 147-347 348-548 549-749 750-950 951-1,151 Tug 1,151 Members of household 8.0 6.1 5.6 5.3 5.0 4.4 4.1 Under 0-2 years old 0.9 0.6 0.4 0.2 0.2 0.3 0.2 3-6 years old 1.9 0.9 0.7 0.5 0.5 0.4 0.4 7-15 years old 2.3 1.7 1.6 1.4 1.3 1.0 0.9 Hale 16-54 (55-59) 2.3 2.7 2.6 2.8 2.7 2.4 2.3 Female over 60(55-59) 0.6 0.2 0.3 0.4 0.3 0.3 0.3 Working members 1.0 1.2 1.4 1.8 1.8 1.8 1.8 Government org. 1.0 1.0 1.1 1.4 1.3 1.5 1.3 Company 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Service co. 0 0.1 0.1 0 0.1 0.1 0.1 Private co. 0 0.1 0.1 0.2 0.3 0.2 0.3 Engaged in private work 0 0 0.1 0.1 0.1 0.1 0.1 Others 0 0 0 0.1 0 0 0 Unemployed 1.0 1.2 1.0 0.9 0.7 0.7 0.5 Persons who study 0.1 0.4 0.4 0.4 0.3 0.4 0.2 Disabled group 0 0.1 0 0 0 0 0 No. of taking care of 0 0.2 0.2 0.1 0 0.1 0.1 children and aged Others 0.9 0.5 0.4 0.4 0.4 0.2 0.2 No. of households 7.0 109.0 125.0 122.0 92.0 53.0 127.0 Per household cash income Husband's 225.7 611.5 914.9 1,267.5 1,390.6 1,573.5 1,825.0 Wife's 400.1 458.5 604.8 930.4 1,122.1 1,307.2 1,316.7 Others' 0 73.2 164.3 351.1 390.1 111.5 434.2 Benefits 0 272.8 427.6 277.2 372.8 370.3 325.9 Private properties 8.9 4.6 0 25.7 32.7 28.3 194.9 Others' 150.0 149.3 254.6 380.9 497.5 1,009.9 2,763.8 Total Cash Income 784.7 1,569.9 2,366.2 3,232.8 3,805.8 4,400.7 6,860.5 Total noncash income 53.0 45.2 110.8 159.4 459.8 208.1 821.5 Total Household Income837.7 1,615.1 2,477.0 3,392.2 4,265.6 4,608.8 7,682.0 Source: State Statistical Office. - 54 - Annex C-3.2: (coNT'D) B. Expenditure on Food Purchases Under Tug Tug Tug Tug Tug Over Tug 147 147-347 348-548 549-749 750-950 951-1,151 Tug 1,151 Per household Meat 281.4 413.3 479.9 609.7 515.2 648.0 651.6 Sausages 0 2.8 10.3 13.7 51.4 28.8 58.6 Canned meat 0 0 2.5 3.6 1.2 21.4 14.0 Milk 80.0 62.9 109.5 109.3 116.1 132.2 163.6 Dried milk 0 8.7 4.8 12.4 9.7 1.1 7.4 Thick milk 0 0 0.2 1.5 2.8 10.4 7.5 Butter 0 10.4 15.2 32.3 74.5 63.9 104.5 Others 0 4.2 2.4 13.6 5.9 15.4 24.0 Flour 110.0 68.9 81.1 105.3 74.6 51.8 116.7 Macaroni 0 9.2 4.5 20.5 10.0 14.3 20.8 Bread 28.6 59.7 71.2 62.2 67.2 64.9 58.1 Sweets 7.7 49.9 47.8 56.6 97.3 77.9 150.1 Cereals 2.6 24.0 23.2 25.7 22.3 19.8 34.1 Sugar 0 25.9 37.0 47.4 114.4 73.4 127.1 Hard sugar 0 6.3 15.8 21.4 25.0 49.4 51.7 Candies 0 1.4 3.1 2.0 11.0 3.3 32.1 Fish 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Canned fish 0 0 0 0 0 0 0.4 Eggs 0 3.5 6.6 14.5 28.9 36.0 30.5 Dried eggs 0 0 0.6 0.9 3.3 0 0.2 Potatoes 58.9 55.4 99.9 112.1 124.6 132.4 170.2 Vegetable 5.1 18.6 29.8 53.8 65.5 71.0 120.8 Canned vegetable 0 0 0 0.8 0 0 4.0 Fruits 0 4.0 6.4 4.5 11.0 7.9 25.2 Dried fruits 0 0 0 0 3.3 4.3 5.0 Canned fruits 0 0 0 0 0 3.9 4.2 Tea 97.1 41.5 45.8 8.3 20.9 18.0 56.8 Salt 0 8.5 11.9 10.9 13.3 12.3 13.5 Plant oil 11.4 2.9 5.5 5.9 3.8 14.1 19.0 Vodka, vine 64 93.2 105.5 118.3 166.5 181.9 403.1 Other 0 4.7 13.2 71.2 40.7 10.2 113.4 Cost of food of kindergarten 0 5.5 20.8 54.2 130.5 49.3 99.9 & public feeding Total 746.8 985.4 1,254.5 1,592.6 1,810.9 1,817.3 2,688.1 Source: State Statistical Office. - 55 - Annex C-3.2: (coNTI'D) C. Value of Food Used Under Tug Tug Tug Tug Tug Over Tug 147 147-347 348-548 549-749 750-950 951-1,151 Tug 1,151 Per household Meat 1.4 2.4 3.7 4.1 4.6 4.2 6.1 Sausages 0 0 0 0 0.1 0.1 0.1 Canned meat 0 0 0 0 0 0.1 0 Milk 2.0 1.7 3.3 7.4 9.0 5.1 12.9 Dried milk 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Thick milk 0 0 0 0 0 0 1.0 Butter 0 0 0 0 0.1 0.1 0.1 Others 0 0 0 0 0 0.2 0.1 Flour 2.2 2.6 2.9 3.4 3.1 2.9 3.9 Macaroni 0 0.1 0 0.1 0.1 0.1 0.1 Bread 0.8 2.9 3.8 3.5 3.9 4.8 4.1 Sweets 0.1 0.3 0.3 0.3 0.4 0.5 0.8 Cereals 0 0.2 0.2 0.2 0.2 0.2 0.3 Sugar 0 0.1 0.1 0.1 0.2 0.2 0.3 Hard sugar 0 0 0 0 0 0.1 0.2 Candies 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Fish 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Canned fish 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Eggs 0 0.1 0.2 0.4 0.8 1.3 1.1 Dried eggs 0 0 0 0 0.1 0 0 Potatoes 0.3 0.5 1.3 1.6 2 2.2 4.4 Vegetable 0 0.1 0.2 0.3 0.6 0.4 1.1 Canned vegetable 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Fruits 0 0 0 0 0.1 0 0.1 Dried fruits 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Canned fruits 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Tea 0 0 0 0 0 0 0.1 Salt 0 0.1 0.1 0.1 0.2 0.2 0.2 Plant oil 0 0 0 0 0 0.1 0.1 Vodka, vine 0 0.1 0.1 0.1 0.1 0.1 0.2 Other 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Total 6.8 11.2 16.2 21.6 25.6 22.9 37.3 Source: State Statistical Office. - 56 - Annex C-3.2: (CONT'D) D. Expenditure on Products Other than Food Under Tug Tug Tug Tug Tug Over Tug 147 147-347 348-548 549-749 750-950 951-1,151 Tug 1,151 Per household Cotton materials 0 17.7 27.4 98.8 156.0 74.4 226.7 Man's cloth 0 22.9 12.8 34.1 47.8 251.9 26.0 Woman's cloth 0 46.8 57.3 106.1 38.8 235.8 322.4 Children's cloth 30 48.4 59.3 97.0 135.8 64.3 145.8 Underwear of adults 0 30.7 48.6 132.1 48.1 92.1 148.8 Underwear of children 42.9 48.6 61.0 63.4 96.2 89.4 114.1 Adults' shoes boots 0 16.0 99.4 139.3 80.0 245.4 432.7 Children's shoes 71.4 80.6 83.7 141.9 139.4 176.9 148.8 Decorative wears 14.3 78.2 58.1 73.7 116.5 76.4 214.8 Sport's goods 0 0 2.3 30.9 44.7 0 28.0 Hunting equipment 0 6.4 36.0 0 0 0 35.4 Goods for domestic us 11.4 36.5 50.0 54.8 212.5 143.6 190.6 Health & salon goods 0 28.3 62.1 61.0 93.6 53.0 95.0 Fuel 17.9 5.7 15.5 44.1 16.8 46.5 40.3 Tobacco 15.7 47.1 55.3 73.9 139.3 129.1 194.5 Others 0 48.0 69.8 119.4 64.2 215.8 343.5 Total 203.6 561.9 798.6 1,270.5 1,429.7 1,894.6 2,707.4 Source: State Statistical Office. - 57 - Annex C-3.2: (CONT'D) E. Nonmaterial Expenditure Under Tug Tug Tug Tug Tug Over Tug 147 147-347 348-548 549-749 750-950 951-1,151 Tug 1,151 Per household Cultural activities 145.1 3.1 20.7 18.7 26.0 33.1 21.8 Coummunication & tran. 19.3 44.4 76.9 106.8 146.3 234.6 275.1 Dwelling place 0 59.8 108.1 129.6 144.8 176.1 163.3 Health resort 0 0 7.5 18.1 47.8 31.1 61.8 Daily service 15.4 7.5 23.6 14.2 27.9 34.5 37.8 Repairing service 3.0 4.5 18.6 21.8 17.0 5.7 23.1 Tax & fees 2.9 25.8 42.3 42.5 28.0 46.3 57.1 Others 17.1 12.7 54.9 68.1 140.9 130.5 454.1 Given to saving bank 0 1.4 7.4 16.4 62.9 0 49.9 Total 202.8 159.2 360.0 436.2 641.6 691.9 1,144.0 Source: State Statistical Office. - 58 - ANNEX D: UNEMPLOYMENT Annex D-1: NUMBER OF UNEMPLOYED March 1992 Education Name of the city Higher Special Special or province Total Education Education Vocational Others Females 1. Arhangai 2,125 54 202 514 1,355 969 2. Bayan-Olgiy 7,915 74 369 1,602 5,870 4,056 3. Bayan-Uongor 1,594 7 71 184 1,332 862 4. Bulgan 799 13 58 155 573 441 5. Gobi-Altai 1,652 19 182 503 948 947 6. DornoGobi 613 1 29 89 494 219 7. Dornod 953 10 237 222 484 488 8. DundGobi 984 5 60 170 749 432 9. Dzavkhan 3,595 54 271 1,164 2,106 2,025 10. Uverhangai 2,664 14 136 680 1,834 1,694 11. Southgobi 492 8 30 101 353 245 12. Sukhbaatar 2,309 1 112 389 1,807 1,595 13. Selenge 1,872 12 139 387 1,334 927 14. Tov/Central 2,136 14 126 604 1,392 1,203 Province 15. Uvs 3,367 20 81 297 2,969 2,052 16. Hovd 2,106 24 111 297 1,674 1,363 17. Huvagal 2,776 9 79 951 1,737 1,625 18. Henti 1,318 8 56 268 986 766 19. Darkhan 3,094 191 402 898 1,603 1,717 20. Ulaanbaatar 11,154 526 880 3,059 6,689 6,337 21. Erdenet 1,076 16 28 317 715 523 Total 54.594 1.080 3.659 12.851 37.004 30.486 Source: State Statistical Office. - 59 - Annex D-1: (coNT'D) September 1992 Education Name of the city Higher Special Special or province Total Education Education Vocational Others Females 1. Arhangai 1,326 21 125 451 729 730 2. Bayan-Olgiy 4,693 22 155 580 3,936 2,580 3. Bayan-Hongor 2,280 4 53 175 2,048 1,245 4. Bulgan 938 7 63 168 700 512 5. Gobi-Altai 1,884 17 273 832 762 1,208 6. DornoGobi 647 3 40 97 507 279 7. Dornod 1,833 34 504 563 732 822 8. DundGobi 1,598 5 192 264 1,137 12 9. Dzavkhan 2,955 51 185 978 1,741 1,920 10. Uverhangai 3,319 15 153 685 2,466 1,895 11. Southgobi 429 7 37 129 256 215 12. Sukhbaatar 2,292 3 100 377 1,812 1,570 13. Selenge 1,917 14 157 367 1,379 899 14. Tov/Central 2,351 18 136 764 1,433 1,353 Province 15. Uva 5,057 21 75 326 4,635 2,511 16. Hovd 1,082 4 27 86 965 608 17. Huvagal 3,520 16 74 840 2,590 1,900 18. Henti 2,300 7 50 305 1,938 1,120 19. Darkhan 1,216 39 92 94 991 654 20. Ulaanbaatar 10,902 364 415 3,447 6,676 6,550 21. Erdenet 1,510 11 38 435 1,026 650 22. Choir 359 2 21 81 255 217 Total 54,408 685 2.965 12.044 38.714 29,450 Source: State Statistical Office. - 60 - Annex D-2: STATEMENT ON UNEMPLOYMENT BENEFIT Unemployment benefit is given to those who lost their jobs because of the dismantling of their organizations, cutbacks of the numbers of staff and to those who cannot continue to work because of their health condition or insufficiency in knowledge. Sick people are sent to labor organizations through which they receive wages for three months from the date of his or her suspension. The labor organization pays unemployment benefit to the unemployed equal to the level of the poverty line. The term of benefit is five months from the date of his or her suspension. There will be new provisions that permits the unemployed to receive benefits equal to the major part of the wage that he or she received earlier. At present, Mongolia does not have the financial possibility to change its unemployment benefit and make it similar to the unemployment benefit of the countries of the free-market system. Source: Ministry of Population and Labor, Department of Social Security (Translation). - 61 - ANNEX E: POVERTY ALLEVIATION Annex E-1: RECOMMENDATIONS BY THE PARTICIPANTS IN THE WORKSHOP ON ELEMEATARY HEALTH ASSISTANCE AND THE VuLNERABLE GROUP OF SOCIETY (Ministry of Population and Labor and Ministry of Health) (October 23, 1992, Translated from Mongolian) Those people who do not enjoy their rights in social, economic, cultural, educational and health fields are included in the Vulnerable Group of the Society. Because of the shortage of food, consumer goods and the growth of their costs, the number of persons in vulnerable situations is increasing rapidly in Mongolia. This situation complicates the implementation of the tasks put forward by the World Health Organization to achieve "Health for All' by the year 2000. Therefore, we recommend the Government, NGOs, Donor Organizations, economic units and individuals help the underprivileged people of society and take measures as below. 1. Elementary Health Assistance 1.1 Elementary Health Assistance should be directed to health training, health check, preventative measures, including inoculation, protection of the health of mothers and infants, and to providing people with basic drugs, food, fresh and clean water. All this assistance should be rendered first and foremost to the underprivileged of society (UPS). 1.2 To organize different training in order to give them knowledge to struggle for their life and better living conditions. 1.3 To prepare highly educated experts in the field of UPS through the possibilities of Government and NGOs. 1.4 To conduct research on the condition of food supply, its quality and the health situation of the people and to prevent them from getting ill with serious diseases because of the insufficiency of micro-elements in food and to study the insufficiency of micro-elements including iodine, vitamin A, etc.; the reason of slow growth of infants and of infants born underweight; the processing of food; land quality; micro-elements of rivers and water and other pestilence, etc. 1.5 To organize a Voluntary Health Group that will work among UPS in order to have them injected according to the preventive measures. - 62 - 1.6 To take measures on the implementation of programs that were worked out in line of the World Declaration on "Providing and Developing Pleasant Conditions for Healthy Growth of Infants and Children" and on the improvement of health conditions and living standards of the population. 1.7 To define the 10 basic diseases that seriously affect the population and to pay constant attention to them, and to study the illness, mortality and basic drugs supply among UPS. 1.8 To organize an information system suitable to UPS and to introduce new methods to research and studies. 2. Improvement of Poverty Line 2.1 To give to the poor a good understanding of the socioeconomic situation of the country, to organize among them "groups" to enable them to overcome their difficulties themselves and to start this work by giving them an opportunity to provide themselves with primary needs. 2.2 To establish an "Information Fund or Center" that will collect information on the poor, lower-income households and individuals, and to determine the size of assistance that would be rendered to every person and household. 2.3 To help the organizations in charge of assisting, contributing to the poor and act as mediator to ensure effective implementation of activities. 2.4 To set up an "Assistance Fund" that will give loans without interest or low interest to the poor for purchasing livestock, pigs, chicken and for cultivating land and managing small industries. 2.5 Ensure that when the strategy for Food Supply to the poor is drafted, the provisions concerning the fair distribution of food, development of personal economics (including the cultivation of vegetables and fruits), conservation of environment, eradication of illiteracy and family planning is included in it. 2.6 To create a place for the poor to eat and sleep without payment and to organize working places for them. Thus, they will receive service and at the same time they will work. To solve the questions conceming the establishment of the "Social Care Centers" and for that purpose, coordinate services and labor, and provide them with cloth and medical care. 2.7 To set up labor and treatment centers for aged, disabled and mentally retarded in rural areas. 2.8 To study the useful experiences of other country in the spheres of work with the poor and introduce them to the specific conditions of Mongolia. - 63 - Annex E-2: REGULATIONS ON SErTrNG UP AND SPENDING OF ASSISTANCE FUND FOR POOR AND Low-NCOME HousEHoLDs AND CrIZENs: Annex to Decree 267/273 of 1992 by the Mongolian Ministry of Population and Labor and Ministry of Finance (Translated from Mongolian) 1. General Principles 1. Creation, spending, controlling and reporting of the assistance fund for poor and low-income households and citizens (hereinafter referred to as assistance fund) are regulated by this decree. 2. All possible sources shall be used for setting up and spending of the assistance fund. 3. Assistance fund shall have a separate account. Decisions on fund utilization shall be by som/district Governor on the basis of board proposals as referred to under 5. 4. Aimak, capital, district and som Governors are responsible for fund accumulation (collecting); efficient spending; control on fund utilization and expenditure; scheduled reports and statements. 5. District or som Governor will set up and operate a board composed of 5 to 7 state, public organization and citizens' representatives. The board's objective is to investigate the issue of rendering assistance for poor people and make a proposal. The board shall function according to the regulation stipulated by the Governor. The board shall consider the proposals made by bag and subdistrict Governors and forward a joint proposal to the district/som Governor. 2. Creation, Spending and Control of Spending Fund 6. Assistance fund consist of following sources: (a) Business unit, institution and citizens' donations; (b) International organization and foreign individual's relief fund; (c) Interest return of some free sum of assistance fund; (d) One-time, once-donated fund by state and local budget; (e) Repaid government funds as indicated here under 8b. and interest return. 7. Assistance fund shall be utilized for the following purposes: (a) To give money, distribute free meals or cheap meals, provide overnight accommodation and distribute clothes and food to those who cannot provide for themselves the minimum subsistence needs. - 64 - (b) To households indicated in (a), when they have labor-active unemployed family members, shall be given interest-free loans or low-rate loans to help them buy cows, animals, pigs or vegetable seeds in order to increase their living standard. For this purpose not less than 30 percent of the assistance fund shall be used. 8. The bag/subdistrict Governor shall identify the assistance needed by people based on the following reasons and requirements and send to the board indicated under 5. (a) Full and half orphans, invalids, old people, female-headed households and many-children households who cannot afford their basic foodstuffs, and those who have no income sources. (b) Households with active labor age but unemployed members who cannot provide their basic minimum needs. 9. Poor people shall make claims to bag/subdistrict governors confirming the reasoning and requirements as indicated under 8. 10. In order to take decisions on assistance the governor shall have collected the following documents: (a) The citizen's claim or request. (b) Information about the household's income (salary or private business; pension; benefit; allowance; dividend on shares, private animals, income from other small business, commercial dealing income, etc). (c) The number of family members (including only those who live together at one place). (d) Household's subsistence level (property, support business, land, animals) and statement made by local authorities on employment of family members. (e) Other related civil documents. 11. Assistance fund shall be reported quarterly. The som/subdistrict reports shall be made between the first 15 days of next months and sent to the capital and district administration. Aimak and Capital municipalities should summarize the report every half and one year until the 25th of the first month of the next quarter and send to state social security board. This board shall report to the Finance Ministry before the 25th of the second month of next quarter. - 65 - 12. The official financial auditing authority, together with the above board, is responsible for controlling and auditing documentation on assistance, surveys statements and assistance fund expenditure. 13. Tax and social security officials will be punished according to the criminal law or 0.5-1.0 month salary if they confuse the accounting, make mistakes on distributing resources or spend inefficiently or wrongly. - 66 - ANNEX F: CASE STUDIES OF VULNERABLE GROUPS Annex F-1: EXAMPLES OF THE IING STANDARDS OF VULNERABLE GROUPS (collected in May 1992 by a Mongolian Researcher; translated from Mongolian) 1. Rural Family/Single Parent V. Nergui Aged 27, female, student. Hursgul aimak. In the family there are seven, of which six are children. She is the oldest. Since 1990, she has been studying joumalism at the Political Institute. Her mother is at home with four children. Her father died many years ago. Household's income: Consists of Tug 900. Mother Dolgor's pension and Tug 400 from a brother's salary who is employed as a guard. They get in all Tug 2,280. In regard to income size, they belong to households above the average. At their rural place, the family is considered almost as "rich." In order to bring up and feed the children, the mother was involved in the group of herdsmen who were in charge of taking animals from rural areas to the meat factory in the capital. When Nergui was 10, the mother just left the children and went off for 4-5 months to breed the animals on the way and bring them to the capital. The mother remembers now "she has no other way except to close her eyes and say may the God take care of my little children and to leave them on their own." In such kind of arrangements, men are usually involved because of the hardship and that is why the salary for this kind of job is high and therefore the pension is 2.5 times more than for an ordinary herdsman. Property: They have private animals: 6 cows, 1 calf, 2 two-year old cows, 5 sheep, 21 goats, 2 horses. But they do not manage to fulfil the state meat quota. So they ask another family to add meat and pay them. The other family has another source of income by doing so. Such practice is quite common in rural areas. They do not sell milk and milk products but use them for their own needs. Mainly they reserve milk products. For winter food, they use 1 big and 2 small animals and buy 4-5 whole carcasses from the state cooperative. Ration food is not sufficient, especially the lack of flour. A sack of flour is Tug 1,200 (now Tug 1,700-2,000). Although flour is distributed on ration cards, it gets into black market salesmen's hands because of the gap in control. Actually, the price for 1 kg of flour is Tug 4 Mongo 40. Clothes: Adults have felt and leather boots. The children of 10 and 12 have hand-made bootlets each costing Tug 350-400. They have no summer shoes. A brother who goes to - 67 - 9th class has shoes and a coat. Others have fur and cotton "deel" (national suit). During the last three years, they did not buy any new clothes. They only buy underclothes. She gets them from town. In the countryside, there are no commodities. The only way to buy things is from black-market salesmen at a higher price than on the town's black market. Others: Candles are very rare so they mix dung and oil to get light. The covering material and felt of the ger is worn thin and they could not replace it during the last five years. Cloth, felt and other material can hardly be found in rural areas. They tried to get them on the black market and Asian exchange but only white cloth was available at Tug 11,000, which they cannot afford. About myself: "I get as a stipend Tug 1,100. This is almost two times more than in other institutes and universities. Conditions are better because it is a school under the "small hural" (parliament). Tug 400 is spent on food, shared with my roommate. Because I bring meat from home, I spend little on food. With the rest of the money, I buy study materials and clothes. At breakfast and lunch, I have tea and bread; at dinner we cook. I do not buy cakes or biscuits because they are expensive. The travel fee back home is high. One-way trip is Tug 864 by plane. To get to Somon costs Tug 78, in total Tug 942. I graduated from finance college. I worked in Rashaan Soman as an accountant for four years. The salary was Tug 500 (now Tug 1,000), which is less than my stipendium". Rural families live only from their animals. Herdsmen of Rindrinlhumbe somon have something to eat, but they have no tea (use herbs, leaves, etc. for tea). Households with flour are very rare. Candles and matches are very rare. Things to wear can hardly be found. In fact we live like the first society of human beings. 2. Orphans Avirmed Oyun Aged 28 years old, female worker (now unemployed) with one son and five brothers and sisters to support. Her salary is Tug 750. Since 1991 the factory has had almost no production. "This year it was at a standstill between January and April. In April it operated for half a month. She received as salary Tug 300. In May she got a relief payment of Tug 600. From June onward there will be probably no production again. Her health is in bad condition; she has headaches and loses consciousness. Doctor said that she has a blood circulation problem and weak health. Since her parents died. she was left with her son and five brothers and sisters. Now, she brings up her eight-year-old son and 11, 12, 16, 17 and 20-year-old brothers and sisters. Her oldest brother does not have got a job. Last year he did a seasonal job for few months. It is not sure if he will be able to find a job this year. With her salary, she usually buys vodka and sells for more and then buys other food. Now she has no salary. It will be very difficult. - 69 - Annex F-2: EXAMPLES OF THE LIVING STANDARDS OF VULNERABLE GROUPS, OCTOBER 1992 The living conditions of a sample of households visited, all of whom fit into one or more of the vulnerable group categories are described below. Single Parent, Partizan somon, Ulaanbaatar Municipality One mother of five children under the age of 7 years worked in a milk factory. Her husband had recently been killed in an accident. Her living conditions appeared reasonable: a two-bedroom wooden house with kitchen and bathroom. However, she was unable to heat it and the food supply was inadequate. The creche from the factory had been closed due to lack of finances. Her children were left alone all day without care or food, while she worked. Her problems had been compounded by the closure of the child care facilities. The rise in the cost of creche care would anyway have prevented her now being able to send her children there (generally a rise from Tug 2 to Tug 6 a day). Thus, while she had been promised support and encouraged to have children by the state, all her support had now gone. Disability/Large Family, Partizan somon, Ulaanbaatar Municipality. A second mother had had 11 children. Her youngest was under one year and she was not working outside the home since she lost her job as a cleaner. Her eldest unmarried daughter had three young children. However, the daughter had lost her job in the retrenchment and was now in a remand center for some misbehavior. The mother thus cared for 13 children living at home and her disabled husband. All the children wore rags and some did not have shoes. The only official income was Tug 1,000 pension from her husband. They survived with the help of relatives and by eating the seven sheep they received as a share allocation. The mother had brucellosis but no money to get it treated. Disability/Unemployed ger town, Ulaanbaatar. In one impoverished household, there was no official income earner, an invalid husband and four children under 5 years. The father had pulmonary tuberculosis (probably infectious due to lack of proper drugs); there was no heating or prospect of heating, and they could not buy all the food on their ration card. The only official income was one child benefit of Tug 200 for the youngest child. When this child attains one year of age, they expect an extra allowance for having four children. However, this allowance is now likely to be discontinued. Old Age, Zuummod Aimak Center. Several elderly women were met; they all lived alone in slum conditions. Two lived in wooden sheds on the outskirts of the aimak center. They survived from the aimak soup kitchen and from begging. One women salvaged a stove and collected dung so she had some heating. They had families but had been abandoned. - 70 - Unemployed, Zuunmod Aimak Center. Several families had been made destitute after being made unemployed or as a result of worsening economic conditions. Approximately 10 families lived in a derelict government building on the outskirts of the aimak center. Each family inhabited one room. All inhabitants had moved there when their wooden houses had fallen into disrepair. Some lived on pensions or child benefits and all lived from the soup kitchen. Some had been unemployed for many years, others more recently. Some family members had disabilities, making employment difficult. The residents claimed the heating system had been "privatized" and thus there was no heating. The conditions were unsanitary and dangerous. - 71 - ANNEX G: DONOR AGENCIES WORKING IN THE SOCIAL SECTOR Social welfare provisions emerge from a number of directions: some are indigenous support mechanisms; some emerge as local, nongovernmental but nevertheless semiofficial, support; some provisions are delivered as benefits; some provisions are service delivery as a result of policy choices and planning. Social welfare provisions, as with any other sector, must be based on indigenous Mongolian realities. These realities will determine the nature of local and community-based support systems and should be used to determine policy planning. Agencies working specifically in the social sector are limited. ILO is working with MOPL on employment policy, social security provision and with short-term advisors and seminars. UNFPA is working with MOPL on family planning and population statistics. A statistician has been seconded to the State Statistical Office and is working on population projections. Also working with the statistical department are ESCAP, UNFPA, IMF and IDA. However, there is need for more statistical development in the social sector and household surveys. ILO has conducted one short-term household survey (currently in preparation). ADB has completed a short consultancy to draw up terms of reference for work on vulnerable groups. The World Health Organization, UNFPA and UNICEF are working with MOH on health promotion, maternal and child health and health surveys. UNDP is working with MOH in the water and sanitation sector. Danida (Danish Government) is working with the Ministry of Science and Education on education planning at primary and secondary level, women in development and rural development. In particular, they are working with the Institute of Development Studies, Sussex University, UK and a Mongolian rural studies institute to develop the livestock sector. Their analysis includes social data. Also working with the Ministry of Science and Education are UNIFEM and UNESCO involved in Women in Development projects. UNESCO has commissioned a four-month study on the situation of women in South Gobi with a view to implementing a women's education program. ADB, Denmark and Japan are involved in teacher training. ADB is involved in human resource development and education reform and UNDP is involved in educational research and development. Clearly other technical sectors have profound influence on social welfare, but only food supply will be detailed here. Food supply including livestock, fodder and agricultural production and irrigation is being supported by ADB. The mechanisms of food distribution, policy and management are being developed by the Ministry of Food and Agriculture with UNDP, FAO, New Zealand and France. Environmental assessments are - 72 - being supported by ADB and UNDP and Danida within the context of their pastoral research. A joint FAO/WFP crop and food supply assessment mission was completed in February 1993 with recommendations to supply basic food items and distribute them between March and May 1993. Main Source: UNDP. - 73 - REFERENCES Publications Mearns, R., 1991, Pastoralist, Patch Ecology and Perestroika: Understanding Potentials for Change in Mongolia. Institute of Development Studies Bulletin, Vol. 22, No. 4, University of Sussex. Meams, R., D. Shombodon, G. Narangerel, U. Turul, A. Enkhamgalan, B. Myagmarzhav, A. Bayanjargal, B. Bekhsuren, 1991, Direct and Indirect Uses of Wealth Ranking in Mongolia, Institute of Development Studies, University of Sussex, Mongolian Research Institute of Animal Husbandry and Mongolian Institute of Agricultural Economics, Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia. Mearns, R., 1992, Environment and Land Tenure in a Transitional Pastoral Economy: The Case of Mongolia (draft in publication), to be published by Institute of Development Studies, University of Sussex. Swift, J., C. Toulmin, S. Chatting, July 1990, Providing Services for Nomadic People: A Review of the Literature and Annotated Bibliography, UNICEF, New York. Swift, J., R. Mearns, B. Minzhigdorj and team, Dorligsuren and team, 1992, Policy Alternatives for Livestock Development in Mongolia, Institute of Development Studies, University of Sussex and Mongolian Institute of Agricultural Economics, Ulaanbaatar. Woodward, D., 1992, Debt, Adjustment and Poverty in Developing Countries, Volumes I and II, Save the Children Fund, UK, London. Reports Danida, 1992, Mongolia Livestock Sector Study Phase I (Draft Main Report, Executive Summary), Ulaanbaatar. FAO, 1990, Proceedings of the International Workshop on Pastoralism and Socioeconomic Development, Mongolia. Government of Mongolia and UNDP, October 14-15, 1992, Preliminary Discussions, Sectoral Meetings (draft). 1992 Donor Consultation. Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia. ILO, 1991, Background Paper on the Employment, Manpower and Labor Sector in Mongolia, Regional Office for Asia and the Pacific. - 74 - ILO, 1992, Mongolia: Policies for Equitable Transition, a report of a UNDP/ILO TSS1 Mission that visited Mongolia November 12-26, 1992. Ministry of Health, July 1992, Mongolia, Health Sector Review. Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia. Mongolian Red Cross Society, 1992, Development Plan of the Mongolian Red Cross Society for the Years 1993-1998, approved by the third plenum of the Mongolian Red Cross Society on October 24, 1992 in Ulaanbaatar. UN Center for Human Settlements (Habitat), 1991, Human Settlements Sector Review. UNDP, 1992, New Orientations for National Development, 1992. Donor Consultation, Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia. UNICEF, ROSCA and Ministry of Health and Social Services, 1990, An Analysis of the Situation of Children and Women in Mongolia-1990, Ulaanbaatar and New Delhi. UNICEF, EAPRO, July 1992, Mongolian National Nutrition Survey: A Preliminary Report. A report prepared by Kachondham Yongyout and Dhanamitta Sakom, Institute of Nutrition, Mahidol University, Bangkok, Thailand. UNICEF, 1992, Annual Report on Country Situation 1992, UNICEF, Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia. USAID, 1992, Private Sector Housing Development in Mongolia, RHUDO/Thailand, Padco Inc. Washington, DC. Newspaper The Mongol Messenger, published by Montsame, P.O. Box 1514, Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia. Distributors of World Bank Publications ARGENTNA The Middle East Observer ITALY PORTUGAL Carlos Hirsch. SRL 41, Shenf Street Licos Commnsionaria Sanwoni SPA Uvanra Portugal Caleria Gueme Cairo Via Duca Di Calabria, 1/1 Rua Do Carmo 70-74 Florida 165, 4th Floor-Oftc 453/465 Casella Postale 552 1200 Lisbon 1333 Buenos Aires FINLAND 50125 Firenze Akateeminen Kirakauppa SAUDI ARABIA QATAR AUSTRALIA, PAPUA NEW GUINEA P.O. Box 128 JAPAN Janr Book Store FIJI, SOLOMON ISLANDS, SF-00101 Helsinki 10 Eastern Book Service PO. Box 3196 VANUATUr AND WESTERN SAMOA Hongo 3-Chome. 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SamfundsUtteratur IRELAND Makati, Metro Manila KITTS & NEVIS, ST. LUCA, Rosenoerns Aile 11 Govemment Supplies Agency ST VINCENT & GRENADINES DK-1970 FredenxksbergC 4-S Hacourt Rda POLAND Systeunatcs Studies Unit Dublin 2 International Pubblshing Service 09 Watts Street DOMINICAN REPUBUC Ul. Piekna31/37 Curepe Editora Taller. C. por A ISRAEL 00-677 Warzawa Truudad, West Indies Restauraci6n e Isbel la Catoic 309 Yozanot Literature Ltd. Apartado de Correos 2190 Z-1 P.O Box 56055 For sucvrtwtn ordrsm: UNWED KINGDOM Santo Domingo Tel Aviv 61560 IPS Joumals Mimcainfo Ltd. Ul Okrezna 3 PO. Box 3 EGYPT, ARAB REPUBLIC OF 02-916 Warszawa Alton. HampshlureU342PG Al Ahram England Al Galaa Street Cairo Recent World Bank Discussion Papers (continued) No. 198 Exporting High- Value Food Comtnodities: Success Storiesfrom Developing Countries. Stcven M. Jaffce with the assistance of Peter Gordon No. 199 Borrower OGmuership ofAdjustment Programs and the Political Economy of Reforn.John H.Johnson and Sulailman S. Wasty No. 200 Social Infrastructure Constnrctiotn in the Sahel: Optionsfor Improvinq Curretit Practices. Bemard Abeilk' and Jcan-Marie Lantran No. 201 Urbanizatiotn, Agricilturat Development, and Land Allocatiotn. Dipasis Bhadra and Ant6nio Salazar P. Brandao No. 202 Making Alotherhood Safe. Anne Tinkcr and Marjoric A. Koblinsky No. 203 Poverty Reductiotn in East Asia: The Siletnt Revolution. Fridajohanseni No. 204 Alana0ming the Civil Service: The Lessons of Reforn in Industrial Coutitries. Barbara Nunberg No. 205 Designinig a System of Labor Market Statistics and Itformnatiotn. Robert S. Goldfarb and Arvil V. Adams No. 206 Information Technology in World Bank Lendirig: Increasinq' tihe Developmental Impact. Nagy Hanna and Sandor Boyson No. 207 Proceedings of a Conferetice on Currency Substitution and Curreticy Boards. Edited by Nissan Liviatan No. 208 Developing Effective Employtnenit Services. David Frctwell and Susan Goldberg No. 209 Evolvitg Legal Frameworksfor Pnivate Sector Development in Central and Eastem Europe. Cheryl W. Gray and Associates No. 210 Marine Biotechnology and Developintg Countries. Raymond A. Zilinskas and Carl Gustaf Lundin No. 211 Revitalizing Agricultural Researcih in the Sahel: A Proposed Frameivorkfor Action . Jan Weijenberg, Josuc Dion6, Michael Fuchs-Carsch, Adolphe Kerc, andJacqucs Lcfort No. 212 Institutional Optionsfor the Provision of Ithfrastrctrire. Christine Kessides No. 213 The Contributionis of Infrastructure to Econotmic Developmetit: A Review of Experience and Political Implications. Christine Kessides No. 214 From Alacroecononic Correctioni to Public Sector Refonr: The Critical Role of Evaluation. Eduardo Wiesner D. No. 215 Chinta: Reforn and Development in 1992-93. Peter Harrold and Rajiv Lall No. 216 The Reform of Pu4blic ExpenidituresforAgri culture. Bonni van Blarcom, Odin Knudsen, andJohn Nash No. 217 Managitig Fishery Resources: Proceedings of a Symposiutn Co-Sponsored by the WVorld Bank and Peruvia,n Ministry of Fisheries held in Lima, Peri,June 1992. Eduardo A. Loayza No. 218 Cooperatives and the Breakup of Large Meciatnized Farns: Theoretical Perspectives and Etnpirical Evidence. Klaus W. Deininger No. 219 Development of Rural Finaticial Markets in Suib-Saharani Africa. Sabapathy Thillairajah No. 220 The Afaritime Transport Crisis. Hans J. Peters No. 221 Policy-Based Finance: The Experience of PostwarJapan. The Japanese Developmcnt Bank and The Japan Economilic Research Insticute No. 222 Macroeconomnic Mfanagemnent in China: Proceedings of a Co,nferetice in Dalian,June 1993. Editcd by Pctcr Harrold, E. C. Hwa, and Lou Jiwei No. 223 The Developmerit of the Private Sector in a Smnall Economy in Transitiont: The Case of Mongolia. Hongjoo Hahnm No. 224 Towiard an Environmnctital Strateyyfor Asia. Carter Brandon and Ramesh Ramankutty No. 225 "Fortress Europe" and Other Myths about Trade: Policies toward Merciandise Imports in the EC and Other Major Industrial Econornies (and Mhat They Mean for Developing Coutitries). Jcan Bancth No. 226 Motigolia: Financing Education durinig Econiotnic Transition. Kin Bing Wu No. 227 Cities without Land Alarkets: Lessons of the Failed Socialist Experiment. Alain Bertaud and Bcrtrand Rcilaud No. 228 Portfolio Itnvestmnent in Developing Countries. 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