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Graphic Designer: Ardhi Yudho Photography: AKATIGA Beneficiary Assessment of PNPM/RESPEK Rencana Strategis Pembangunan Kampung (Village Development Strategic Plan) Beneficiary Assessment of PNPM/RESPEK - i Contents EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 1 INTRODUCTION13 1.1 Background 13 1.2 Research Questions 13 1.3 Community-Driven Development and PNPM 13 1.3.1 Discourse Regarding the CDD Approach 13 1.3.2 PNPM/RESPEK as a CDD Program 14 1.3.3 PNPM/RESPEK Implementers 15 1.3.4 Challenges of PNPM/RESPEK Implementation 16 1.4 Socio-Economic and Topographic Contexts of Papua and West Papua 17 1.4.1 Socio-Economic Strata of Communities 17 1.4.2 Topography and Accessibility Contexts 18 1.5 Methodology 18 1.5.1 Data Collection 18 1.5.2 Study Locations 19 1.5.3 Research Challenges 21 1.6 Report Structure 21 VOICES AND EXPERIENCES OF COMMUNITIES REGARDING PNPM/RESPEK IN PAPUA PROVINCE23 2.1 Kabupaten Yahukimo 23 2.1.1 Knowledge and Experience of Communities regarding PNPM/RESPEK in Kabupaten Yahukimo 24 2.1.2 Community Participation in PNPM/RESPEK in Kabupaten Yahukimo 27 2.1.3 Impact of PNPM/RESPEK on the Lives of Communities in Kabupaten Yahukimo 28 2.1.4 Factors that Influence the Experience and Participation of Communities in Kabupaten Yahukimo 30 2.1.5 People’s Expectations for PNPM/RESPEK in Kabupaten Yahukimo 31 2.2 Kabupaten Dogiyai 32 2.2.1 Community Knowledge and Experience regarding PNPM/RESPEK in Kabupaten Dogiyai 35 2.2.2 Community Participation in PNPM/RESPEK in Kabupaten Dogiyai 36 2.2.3 Impact of PNPM/RESPEK on Communities in Kabupaten Dogiyai 38 2.2.4 Factors that Affect the Experience and Participation of Communities 39 2.2.5 Hopes of Communities for PNPM/RESPEK in Kabupaten Dogiyai 40 2.3 Kabupaten Merauke 41 2.3.1 Community Knowledge and Experience of PNPM/RESPEK in Kabupaten Merauke 42 2.3.2 Community Participation in PNPM/RESPEK in Kabupaten Merauke 44 2.3.3 Impact of PNPM/RESPEK to Communities in Kabupaten Merauke 46 2.3.4 Factors that Influence Community Experience and Participation in Kabupaten Merauke 48 2.3.5 Community Hopes for PNPM/RESPEK in Kabupaten Merauke 49 ii - Beneficiary Assessment of PNPM/RESPEK Contents VOICES AND EXPERIENCES OF COMMUNITIES REGARDING PNPM/RESPEK IN WEST PAPUA PROVINCE 51 3.1 Kabupaten Kaimana 52 3.1.1 Knowledge and Experience of Communities regarding PNPM Mandiri and RESPEK in Kabupaten Kaimana 54 3.1.2 Community Participation in PNPM Mandiri and RESPEK in Kabupaten Kaimana 55 3.1.3 Impact of PNPM Mandiri and RESPEK to the Lives of Communities in Kabupaten Kaimana 58 3.1.4 Factors that Influence the Experience and Participation of Communities in Kabupaten Kaimana 59 3.1.5 Community Hopes for PNPM Mandiri and RESPEK in Kabupaten Kaimana 61 3.2 Kabupaten Teluk Bintuni 62 3.2.1 Knowledge and Experiences of Communities in PNPM Mandiri and RESPEK 64 3.2.2 Community Participation in PNPM Mandiri and RESPEK in Kabupaten Teluk Bintuni 66 3.2.3 Impact of PNPM Mandiri and RESPEK to the Lives of Communities in Kabupaten Teluk Bintuni 68 3.2.4 Factors that Influence Community Experiences and Participation in Kabupaten Teluk Bintuni 70 3.2.5 The Hopes of Communities towards PNPM Mandiri and RESPEK in Kabupaten Teluk Bintuni 70 VOICES AND EXPERIENCES OF COMMUNITIES IN PNPM/RESPEK IN PAPUA AND WEST PAPUA 73 4.1 Knowledge of Communities of PNPM/RESPEK 73 4.2 Community Participation in PNPM/RESPEK 77 4.2.1 Community Participation in General 77 4.2.2 Women’s Participation 78 4.3 Impact of PNPM/RESPEK on the Lives of Communities 79 4.3.1 Impact of Physical Infrastructure Building 79 4.3.2 Non-infrastucture Impacts  80 4.4 Communities’ Hopes for PNPM/RESPEK 82 CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS 85 5.1 Introduction  85 5.2 Issues/Challenges With PNPM/RESPEK Implementation 86 5.3 Recommendations 88 5.3.1 Increasing Quality Of Facilitators Through Training and Incentive 88 5.3.2 Ensuring Participation of Marginalized Groups Through Targeted Consultations 89 5.3.3 Using Existing Groups in Communities to Support Facilitation  89 5.3.4 Expanding Space to Communicate with the Community at Large 89 5.3.5 Addressing Language Barrier More Effectively 90 5.3.6 Creating Space for Women and Their Needs 90 Glossary91 Beneficiary Assessment of PNPM/RESPEK - iii Executive Summary EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Background This beneficiary assessment study, based on a study conducted in 2013 by an independent Program Nasional Pemberdayaan Masyarakat research institute in Indonesia called AKATIGA, is (PNPM) Mandiri Rural is the Government a unique attempt to capture and understand the of Indonesia’s flagship poverty reduction perspectives of beneficiaries of the PNPM/RESPEK and community empowerment program program in the challenging environment of Papua implemented by the Ministry of Home Affairs and West Papua. Previous studies into PNPM/ together with Bappenas, Ministry of Finance, RESPEK have looked at program implementation Oversight Committee of PNPM Mandiri and primarily in terms of the program’s operational other government agencies. The program’s achievements. This study, however, aims to development objectives are for villagers in PNPM understand the beneficiaries’ perspectives on Rural locations to benefit from improved local how the program was run in their villages. Only governance and socio-economic conditions. Using by understanding the perspective of beneficiaries a community-driven development (CDD) approach, can we start to understand the challenges faced by it empowers villages and communities to identify the program within the social, political and local and implement village infrastructure sub-projects cultural contexts. As such, this study attempts to that are cost-effective, pro-poor and productivity- capture the diversity of opinions, experiences, and enhancing. The activities include construction the varying degrees of knowledge of the program of infrastructure, a micro credit and livelihoods across different layers of the community, as well as scheme, and the delivery of training activities—all the factors that influence these differences. of which are supported by an extensive facilitation network. Implemented since 2007, PNPM Rural has The findings of this study highlight some of the reached over 66,000 villages in more than 4,500 key implementation challenges of CDD in remote rural sub-districts in Indonesia in 2012. areas and proposes how these might be addressed for future implementation of CDD programs in In Papua and West Papua, PNPM Rural is Papua/West Papua, as well as in the context of implemented together with RESPEK (Rencana the new Law on Villages (Law No. 6/2014), known Strategis Pembangunan Kampung, or the Village as ‘the Village Law’. The Village Law will see Development Strategic Plan), a CDD program a significant increase in development funding at the provincial level. The two programs were allocated to villages, while mandating the inclusion implemented together in the two provinces in of participatory, transparency and accountability 2008 under one name, PNPM RESPEK. In 2010, the principles in its implementation mechanism. then Governor of West Papua decided to separate the implementation of RESPEK from PNPM Rural, following which funding for RESPEK was directly channelled to village heads who were also responsible for the implementation of the program. Beneficiary Assessment of PNPM/RESPEK - 1 Objectives In West Papua, the study was conducted in two kabupaten, both of which happened to contain The over arching objective of this beneficiary several large-scale mining and oil and gas assessment was to capture and understand the investments. perceptions of program beneficiaries of PNPM/ • Kabupaten Kaimana is located on the RESPEK in Papua and West Papua provinces, and southern coast of West Papua and its to establish to what degree the program had met population is distributed along the coast and beneficiaries’ expectations and improved their islands, marked by hills in several areas; and daily lives. Another objective was to understand • Kabupaten Teluk Bintuni is located on the why some participants had been more involved bird’s head and neck of Papua island, with in the program than others, and why community diverse characteristics including marshes, participation had been more inclusive and coastal areas, cliffs, and jungle. empowering in some villages than in others. Ultimately, the aim was to better understand the In each kabupaten in both provinces, the research influence of local political dynamics on participants’ team selected two sub-districts (kecamatan) as involvement in the program and the degree to study locations. The first sub-district was chosen which this affected whether villagers benefited (or for its relatively easy accessibility, while the second not) from the program—in the views of villagers had challenging links to the kabupaten capital. In themselves. each sub-district, the researchers then selected two villages. The selection of sub-districts and villages In line with these objectives, the study aimed to was decided by the researchers in consultation with answer the following questions: kabupaten-level facilitators after considering the • What do the beneficiaries know/understand social and geographic conditions, as well as the about PNPM/RESPEK? Do they feel that the political and cultural diversity. program has been conducted in line with their expectations? • What are the direct and indirect impacts Data collection of PNPM/RESPEK on the lives of the beneficiaries? The study is essentially a mini-ethnographic • Who participated in PNPM/RESPEK and who study conducted in 20 villages across these has not? five kabupaten in Papua and West Papua. The • What are the specific dynamics that influence study used an ethnographic approach to allow the community’s participation in PNPM/RESPEK researchers to capture considerable richness activities? of information, especially in understanding the • How have local political dynamics influenced social, political and cultural complexities of the people’s perceptions of PNPM/RESPEK? implementation of the PNPM/RESPEK program at the local level. The village locations were also deliberated selected to capture a diversity of Locations and Methodology community voices. Study Locations In each kabupaten, the research team comprised In Papua, the study was conducted in three a coordinator and three assistants who conducted regencies or kabupaten. data collection in every village over a two-week • Kabupaten Yahukimo is located in the period. Data were collected through observations, highlands and characterized by mountains and in-depth interviews, and group discussions. Each valleys; team contained one junior researcher from Papua • Kabupaten Dogiyai is a mountainous region or West Papua who helped to conduct field data strategically located as it connects the Nabire collection and produce case studies from every coast with the Paniai-Enarotali mountains via village. the Trans-Papua highway that crosses this kabupaten; and Data collection used the following techniques: • Kabupaten Merauke represents a coastal (i) observations and transects;1 (ii) interviews with lowland area. actors and beneficiaries; (iii) group discussions; (iv) observation and analysis of built infrastructure; (v) case studies; and (vi) secondary data. 1 A technique used by social researchers, usually anthropologists, whereby they walk through a village and map out major infrastructure/public places, as well as other geographical markers (rivers, hills, etc.). 2 - Beneficiary Assessment of PNPM/RESPEK Main Findings Other factors influencing implementation included a rigid hierarchical social structure with entrenched After five years of implementation, PNPM/RESPEK elite domination, language barriers, and difficulty was still largely popular among local communities. in getting women involved in program’s activities. Overall, local communities perceived PNPM/ RESPEK favourably, seeing it as a development Despite these weaknesses, PNPM/RESPEK was still program that actually delivered what had been seen as a useful program by the communities, who promised. The majority of communities from wanted the program to continue in their villages various study villages agreed that they had with the above mentioned improvement. In many benefited from the program’s sub-projects, study areas, PNPM/RESPEK often was the only especially from the infrastructure projects. development program present in these villages, Communities however were not entirely satisfied particularly the more remote ones. Even when with how the program was implemented: they other development programs/initiatives took place wanted the program to be more participatory and such as corporate social responsibility/CSR projects inclusive by involving the general community at in Teluk Bintuni, PNPM/RESPEK was instrumental in every step of the program, especially during the bringing small scale/basic infrastructure of decent planning stage. Communities also wanted to be quality to villages in Papua and West Papua2. invited to planning meetings and to have greater And compared with the implementation of the say on what priority sub-projects should be chosen RESPEK only program in West Papua (which was for their villages. Moreover, they wished to have managed directly by village heads), it is clear that better information about the program, not only on PNPM/RESPEK performed much better in terms of general information such as program’s name and community knowledge and participation as well as names of the village implementing team members, benefits to the community. This parallels the case but also more detailed information such as the of CSR projects that were similarly conducted using amount of funds their village received and the a community participatory approach, indicating program investments. that involving the community in local development is indeed a better option towards ensuring that As reflected in the communities’ perception above, development projects truly meet their needs. the study found that PNPM/RESPEK indeed had implementation weaknesses that influenced the Specific findings from the study are described community’s knowledge and level of participation below. in the program. For example, due to the wide geographic spread and remoteness of many Knowledge sub-districts and villages in Papua and West Most people in the research villages knew of Papua, the program facilitators have not been the existence of the PNPM/RESPEK program. In able to provide intensive facilitation and support Papua, most people recognized the program as the to local communities, resulting in communities’ “PNPM program” or “RESPEK”, and saw the two lack of knowledge and limited participation in as identical. Only the village elite (village heads the program. On top of that, facilitators, who and heads of the TPKK) could clearly distinguish were evaluated mainly on the administrative between PNPM and RESPEK: namely, that PNPM performance of the program (e.g. timeliness of was a program provided by central government, funds disbursement, timeliness of reporting, and while RESPEK was a program provided by the repayment rate of revolving loan funds), had Papua provincial government. Meanwhile, in West no incentive to take the extra time needed to Papua the community saw the two programs as socialize program’s objectives and procedures separate following the separation in 2010, with to wider community (beyond elites and program PNPM Mandiri as a program provided by central implementers) and to reach out to non-elites to government and RESPEK as a program funded by encourage them to attend program meetings. The the West Papua provincial government. Because facilitators even sometimes bypassed/shortcut of this, for the remaining of this report, when the some program procedures to ensure that they met report mentions “program”, it refers to PNPM/ program deadlines for disbursement and reporting. RESPEK in Papua (as one program) and PNPM Rural in West Papua. RESPEK in West Papua will be discussed separately as relevant. 2 AKATIGA (2010) and AKATIGA (2015) both found that quality of infrastructure built by PNPM/RESPEK was relatively good, with around 50% - 55% infrastructure rated as of good to very good quality and 20 – 50% rated as moderate quality. Beneficiary Assessment of PNPM/RESPEK - 3 The program’s popularity with communities was deliberations, the role of the TPKK, and the influenced by the duration of the program in amount of funds earmarked for women’s activities. their villages and the degree to which people Some of these women also knew that they had were involved in the construction of the facilities the right to propose activities and obtain funding and infrastructure. Most villages in Papua specifically targeted for women’s activities. In the experienced four to five implementation program research villages in Papua, for example, members cycles of PNPM/RESPEK, while villages in West of women’s groups were aware that 15 percent of Papua experienced three to four program cycles total village funds should have been allocated for (particularly for PNPM Mandiri) since 2009. The women’s revolving loan funds (RLF), despite the development of physical facilities/infrastructure in fact that these funds were never actually released Papua and West Papua, particularly in 2008 and to the women by the TPKK managers. 2009, involved the communities in general; some villagers became temporary paid workers, while Women who were not involved in activities in the others supplied building materials. As a result, village tended to have far less knowledge of the communities’ knowledge of the program was program than women who were involved. These relatively evenly spread and villagers generally women were generally aware of the activities recognized the program from the facilities built in that made use of program funds to develop their village. This situation changed post 2009 when infrastructure in their village and that these community’s direct involvement in infrastructure funds were managed by the TPKK, but they were construction decreased as the increasing complexity unaware of the program stages and the source of of projects under constructions required more the funds. outside technical expertise. Factors Influencing Level of Knowledge Both in Papua and West Papua detailed The differing level of knowledge of PNPM/RESPEK knowledge of the program stages tended to processes and program stages between the elite, be limited to the elite (village heads, village women and communities in general was primarily secretaries and public figures) and the TPKK due to weak facilitation, both from sub-district managers, with far less knowledge held by the facilitators and TPKK members. In turn, the ability community in general and women in particular. of sub-district facilitators to conduct effective Village elites were generally involved in the facilitation was limited by several factors, including decision-making process and in all the other weak incentives and low capacity. Facilitators were stages of the activities. In almost all villages, mainly tasked with attending to administrative the elite knew when and where meetings would procedures and requirements of the program, take place, the detailed plans for infrastructure and their performance was largely judged by development, the negative list (activities that were their competence in this administrative area. not allowed by PNPM), the stages of infrastructure Consequently, they often “bypassed” deliberation development implementation, and the stages of and/or community meetings in order to simplify fund disbursement. The elite was also aware of processes and ensure that reports were completed the facilities/infrastructure built during each stage satisfactorily and on time. This could be seen in the of PNPM/RESPEK implementation, as well as the kabupaten studied, where the frequency and level time needed for construction implementation. The of community participation in program meetings elite further knew that in PNPM/RESPEK there were declined over time as facilitators strove to keep two distinct sources of funds, namely the Special the program moving within the given time limit for Autonomy Fund (Dana Otsus) from the provincial each cycle. budget (APBD) and funds from the national budget (APBN). In addition, the emphasis on administrative procedures also influenced facilitators’ training, Among women in both Papua and West Papua, which was largely focused on building this knowledge of the program was highly dependent capacity. Facilitators were rarely provided with on their position within the community and the training in facilitation skills, such as encouraging level of their engagement in other village activities. participation from the community (and especially Women who were active in their village Family from marginalized groups), moderating discussions/ Welfare Association (Pembinaan Kesejahteraan meetings to avoid domination by elites, and Keluarga, or PKK), the local community health post handling complaints/problems. (Posyandu), or the local church or mosque, were generally more aware of the program proposal 4 - Beneficiary Assessment of PNPM/RESPEK Other factors influencing facilitation were logistical in use by the community to refer to all physical challenges and the language barrier. Many villages infrastructure development programs that came in Papua and West Papua are difficult to reach from the Government. As a result, this influenced due to their remoteness and the difficulties of the communities to think of the PNPM/RESPEK terrain, inflating the transport costs especially if it program more as an infrastructure project (that is necessary to charter flights or boats. As a result, usually meant job opportunity) than a community facilitators preferred to simplify procedures and empowerment program. types of sub-project to enable them to visit villages only once a year. In addition to the logistical issues, Another factor that affected communities’ most sub-district facilitators could not speak local knowledge of the program was the heterogeneity dialects, reducing their ability to interact effectively and clan power balance in the village. In the with members of the community outside the village majority of villages where the community was elites. heterogeneous and dominated by one clan, information generally flowed to the dominant clan Language difficulties also influenced the and not evenly distributed across the community. communities’ capacity to understand the program. However, in the few relatively heterogeneous Explanations of the PNPM/RESPEK program were villages where relationships between clans were given in Bahasa Indonesia, even though most balanced, program managers generally came from villagers had trouble understanding it. Bahasa groups other than the village head’s own group Indonesia was mainly understood by the village and information was more evenly spread. elites and TPKK members. Those who were selected to be managers invariably came from the Similarly, information distribution was more elite, as they were often the only people able to equitable in villages with relatively homogeneous meet the qualifications, such as the ability to write communities where power was distributed among and read in Bahasa Indonesia. It was apparent several groups. This was particularly so cases that in several villages the ability to speak Bahasa where all the clans lived in honai-based3 hamlets Indonesia was a source of power for the elite and located on their respective traditional lands. As other program actors. each honai-based hamlet had authority over its area, there was a balance of power vis-à-vis other Difficulties in understanding Bahasa Indonesia hamlets. In addition, information could be spread thus obliged most members of the community, quickly among the honai-based hamlets because even those present during meetings, to rely on of the strong familial ties between occupants of the information from the TPKK. As a result, information different hamlets. about the program, the activities to be undertaken in the village, and the process of activity Comparison between PNPM/RESPEK in Papua implementation, generally came from the head of and RESPEK in West Papua the TPKK. However, because TPKK members also The different levels of knowledge of PNPM/ had a limited understanding of the program, they RESPEK between villages in Papua and West too were unable to entirely explain the processes, Papua were also a consequence of the separation the stages and the objectives of the program to of PNPM from RESPEK in West Papua, as well as the community. Thus, the process of generating the existence of other programs in some villages. proposals, eliciting ideas from the community, As previously explained, the separation of PNPM and encouraging community participation in the and RESPEK implementation in West Papua meant decision-making process,received less than full that communities at all levels were better able to support from the TPKK. distinguish between the types of investment and the program stages of each program. Villagers Additionally, understanding of the program could name the PNPM investments in their village, was obscured due to language confusion when as well as the meetings conducted during activity sub-district facilitators and the TPKK referred implementation to determine the activity types to the program as ‘kerja’ (work) during program and the construction of facilities. Conversely, socialization, instead of using other terms or while villagers knew of RESPEK’s existence and words already in existence to describe and the amount of funding it involved, few could capture the principles of CDD such as ‘kumpul- point to any tangible investments in their village, kumpul’ (gathering) for the discussion process or explain how RESPEK funds had been used. or ‘kerja sama’ for communal work (gotong Most villagers said that RESPEK was the concern royong). Meanwhile, the word ‘kerja’ was already of the village head. In addition, some villagers in 3 A honai is a traditional housing complex where several households from the same family (marga) live together and form a strong social tie. Beneficiary Assessment of PNPM/RESPEK - 5 West Papua had experience of corporate social in village discussions. Most villagers in Papua and responsibility (CSR) programs and this meant that West Papua assumed that attending meetings in they not only had a higher level of understanding the village (including to discuss PNPM/RESPEK of the program, but also allowed them to make activities) required an invitation. People who comparisons between PNPM, RESPEK and these received an invitation directly from the program other private sector-funded programs. In Papua, actors generally attended the meeting and however, people were generally unaware of any followed the discussion, while those who did not other programs besides PNPM/RESPEK and so had receive invitations did not attend. However, those little comparative knowledge. villagers normally invited were generally those already active in village organizations or involved Participation in village activities. A direct invitation mechanism In most study areas, participation of general was observed in most research villages, but those community has been varied with meetings villagers receiving invitations were invariably mostly attended by elites while community often members of the elite. participated as paid labor in construction of simple infrastructure projects. At program’s deliberation One alternative but effective invitation mechanism stage, there were examples where communities to encourage the attendance of the community could attend meetings and propose ideas, was by open invitation. Open invitations spread and some communities could also participate the information more equitably because the entire in decision-making. However, the presence of community had the same opportunity to receive community members in discussions and activity invitations and therefore access information meetings was often outweighed by members of the about the program. The TPKK in Bukapa and elite. Meetings to discuss PNPM/RESPEK activities Ekemanida villages in Kabupaten Dogiyai invited were generally attended by members of the village the community by going around the villages using elites, such as members of the Village Consultative loudspeakers to announce the event. The venue Body (Badan Permusyawaratan Desa, or BPD), for deliberations/meetings was the village road or village officials, TPKK members, and women an intersection where people commonly gathered. from the elite (usually PKK and Posyandu cadres). With such an open invitation mechanism, the level Meanwhile, villagers from the wider community of attendance achieved was higher than in villages found it far harder to attend PNPM/RESPEK using direct invitations. deliberations and activity meetings. Although some villagers were present in these meetings, decision- The existence of CSR programs in Kabupaten Teluk making was controlled by the village elite and Bintuni and Kabupaten Kaimana also influenced community participation in the planning process communities’ participation in PNPM. These was largely symbolic. alternative programs also required communities to participate, often by providing labor and collecting Elite domination also influenced community materials for infrastructure projects. Given the participation during the activity proposal stage. limited time and human resources available in each The elite, especially village heads from the village, those involved in these CSR programs often dominant clan who exerted control in the village could not, or chose to not to, participate in PNPM. based on the clan’s customary land rights, tended to decide the activities in the village. In order Women’s Empowerment to cultivate land, for example, other community Generally, women’s participation was relatively low members had to ask for permission from the elite in PNPM/RESPEK activities and usually amounted to first clear the land. Regarding PNPM/RESPEK, to little more than their passive presence at many physical investments from the program were community meetings, or as providers of snacks at built on such customary land and elite domination the meetings. Although present, women tended was further entrenched as a result. to remain silent and simply agree with whatever proposals were made by the men. Of the 20 The difficulties villagers experienced in attending research villages, in only seven villages did women deliberation and activity meetings was partly a suggest activities at village-level consultations, consequence of people’s livelihood activities and and in every subsequent decision-making vote partly the meeting invitation mechanism. Physical the women’s suggestions lost out to the men’s presence at meetings was often impossible for suggestions. Those women who were able to members of communities whose livelihoods suggest activities were invariably those who had came from hunting and fishing. The invitation long been active in the village, for instance in PKK mechanism also influenced the level of attendance or church activities. 6 - Beneficiary Assessment of PNPM/RESPEK Similar to PNPM implementation in regions Examples of the strengthening of women’s outside Papua and West Papua, women received participation were found in Kweel and Urumb special attention through revolving loan funds villages, where women’s participation was higher (RLF) and women-specific proposals. However, than in other villages following facilitation. TPKK meetings specifically aimed at eliciting women’s managers in these two villages allocated the 15 ideas were almost entirely absent. Some women, percent from PNPM/RESPEK funds specifically especially those close to the elite and program for women. This was the consequence of the actor circles, were invited to community meetings, facilitation made available to the women by Oxfam, both individually and to represent their husbands if which encouraged them to negotiate with the the latter were unable to attend. However, as with sub-district facilitators and the TPKK for access to the community in general, the presence of these the funds allocated to women. The high level of women was largely symbolic. participation of women in Kweel and Urumb was evident in their strong presence at village meetings Limitations on women’s participation in PNPM/ and their courage in actively conveying their RESPEK activities were also determined by the opinions and activity proposals. relationship between men and women, the lack of any dedicated space for women, the program Facilitation implementation bias, and the lack of facilitation Research findings in all locations reveal that specifically for women. Where gender roles one major factor underlying various weaknesses were more fluid, as apparent from the division of in program implementation was the issue of labor, women appear to have had a higher level facilitation. Various challenges in facilitation, of participation. Thus the level of participation in terms of capacity, ability and logistics, for women was somewhat higher in West Papua, strongly influenced the levels of knowledge and where both genders work to pound sago and participation of members of village communities. women as well as men participate in hunting and In the context of Papua and West Papua, gathering activities albeit closer to home such as geographic challenges, language barriers and gathering shellfish and small fish near shore. By strong cultural (adat) structures exacerbated contrast, the level of participation was lower in facilitation issues even further. Remoteness of Papua where customary gender roles were more many areas in the two provinces made it very rigidly observed, as reflected by the clear division difficult for facilitators to be present in villages for of labor whereby physically demanding activities significant periods to provide proper facilitation. such as hunting and clearing land for cultivation The language barrier also prevented adequate was strictly the province of men, while women were levels of communication and gave excessive assigned to tend the house, provide food, till the political power to elites that were already familiar land and gardens, harvest, sell produce, and care with, and used to using, Bahasa Indonesia. for children. Furthermore, the village adat structure dictated control of the resources coming into villages. Regardless of gender roles, however, opportunities With these issues in mind, the degree to which for women to make suggestions and take decisions facilitators could understand, engage with, and were rarely made available by activity implementers mediate between, the various power groups and at the sub-district and kabupaten levels in either the community at large, was crucial to the success province.4 In Papua and West Papua, almost all of the program. However, this was an area in research villages failed to provide opportunities for which no support was provided by the program women to develop their own plans, or to provide a and which the facilitators had little training in or dedicated space for women. capacity for. Exceptions were found in villages that had special The research findings across the 20 villages facilitations for women. Women-specific facilitation indicate that there were four main factors was provided by NGOs to build the confidence underlying the poor quality of facilitation in of women to enable them to participate in the PNPM/RESPEK, namely: (i) poor capacity/quality public space. This facilitation encouraged women of facilitators, especially sub-district facilitators; to actively participate in the program, supporting (ii) an incentive system that does not encourage the argument that providing special facilitation strong facilitation; (iii) severe challenges due to to marginalized groups during the development geographic difficulties; and (iv) cultural challenges process, including women, can be successful (including language barriers) that tend to reinforce without creating an additional exclusive group in elite domination. The poor capacity of facilitators the village (AKATIGA, 2010). 4 This lack of opportunity, according to sub-district and kabupaten facilitators, was because during the early stage of PNPM/RESPEK program the women had failed to manage the 15 percent of funds allocated to the village’s revolving loan fund (RLF). Beneficiary Assessment of PNPM/RESPEK - 7 is reflected by the limited knowledge of the These challenges faced by sub-district facilitators program’s main objective among communities, as had a knock-on effect on the performance of well as the facilitators’ limited ability to engage the TPKK at the village level. The TPKK played with communities and serve as interlocutor ”power- the most prominent role in the implementation brokers” between communities and their elites. of physical development activities in villages. Sub-district facilitators, who are the main focal However, members of the TPKK were heavily points in the program to engage with villagers, reliant on the assistance they received from the were largely ill-equipped to explain the program’s sub-district facilitators, having little if any access main objective in community empowerment and to information on the program from elsewhere. instead only explained the program’s procedures As a result of the infrequent facilitators’ visits and and funding. They were often incapable of helping the lack of in-depth information provided to the communities to put forward their priority needs. TKPP members, the TPKK’s capacity to effectively Frequently, sub-district facilitators were found facilitate the implementation process was severely siding with elites in prioritizing proposals or impaired and its ability to ensure that the program’s predetermining activities that were supposed to intended purpose was achieved was limited. come from the community. Compounding these weaknesses, little additional information was made available to facilitators This situation was largely the result of the and TPKK members. Such information could have facilitators’ incentive structure: their performance helped to explain facilitation methods, how to deal was judged and evaluated based on their capacity with frequently occurring problems, and provided to fulfil the program’s administrative requirements, information about cultural conditions in the namely, ensuring that the program stages, fund research villages. disbursements and reporting requirements were delivered in a timely manner. This imposed Additionally, since sub-district facilitators often significant pressure on the facilitators to try to came from different sub-districts/regions than complete all the administrative requirements by the their duty stations, they did not speak the local end of the project cycle. In addition, facilitators’ dialects and had to rely on Bahasa Indonesia to training was mainly focused on understanding communicate with villagers. This often limited of the program’s procedures and requirements, their ability to engage with communities and gave instead of on facilitating and encouraging excessive power to the elites, who tended to be communities’ involvement in the program. Lastly, confident in using Bahasa Indonesia. given the geographic challenges in Papua and West Papua which are further discussed in the The existence of often very strong and hierarchical next paragraph, the requirement for sub-district cultural (adat) structures in villages in Papua and facilitators to attend monthly coordination West Papua, compounded with the language meetings at the district level to report on project barriers, made facilitation more challenging. progress, away from their duty stations, significantly As seen from the study’s findings, the strong reducing the time that was available to visit villages hierarchical culture and socio-cultural/political mix and engage with the community. of each village had a major bearing on the ways in which the elite interacted with other segments The geographical challenges made it difficult for of the village community. In some cases, the sub-district facilitators to cover all the villages mix led to elite capture and suspicions of the under their responsibility due to a combination of misappropriation of funds among marginalized lack of transport, difficult terrain, large distances groups. This created tensions that could undermine involved, and the small number of facilitators cooperation and trust in the village or, worse, compared with the number of villages under their even lead to outbreaks of violence between responsibility. Some villages did not have direct opposing groups. Even where this did not take access to sub-district towns and had to travel via place, the hierarchical structure of society meant district cities or from other sub-districts/districts. that facilitators had to work harder to bring in In some cases, due to the remoteness of the sub- marginalized and non-elite groups who were not district or to security concerns (such as in Dogiyai customarily part of the elite discussion process. and Yahukimo), instead of staying near/at their duty stations, sub-district facilitators were pooled in several easy-to-access sub-districts or the district capital. 8 - Beneficiary Assessment of PNPM/RESPEK Despite being poorly equipped for the role, to be developed towards achieving the effective facilitators did have the potential to play a crucial empowerment of the entire community. Ideally, the role as power-brokers between competing groups training should beyond the classroom to test and in the villages, balancing the political forces at practice skills in the field, supported by continuous play and helping to ensure that less powerful mentoring to ensure improvement over time. groups were not squeezed out by elite capture of program activities. For example, in villages Moreover, the training should also equip with a single dominant clan, facilitators had little facilitators with an understanding of the socio- option but to try to work with that clan, which often political situation and socio-cultural structure occupied the primary position of power in the in various areas of Papua and West Papua prior village, namely the village head. A good facilitator to deployment. In most cases, facilitators were would ideally be able to “broker” the relationship provided no background information on customary between the village head (and his circle) and the adat power structures, and had to develop their community in order to help community members to own understanding of these structures in the field, voice their needs. Alternatively, a good facilitator if they were so able. This meant that facilitators would utilize the village elites’ desire to show were uninformed and lacked understanding that their village was better than others as an about the particular power structures in their opening to introduce development projects that villages, including factors such as the structure could benefit the community at large. However, and dominance of the various tribes and clans, the facilitators with limited knowledge and skills on composition and size of marginalized groups, and interfacing with local power holders would often the degree of heterogeneity or homogeneity of bow to the will of the elites and failed to ensure the dominant clan or clans in each village. This lack that communities’ voices were heard, even in of understanding hampered the effectiveness of villages with more than one dominant clan where facilitators’ work. more opportunities to the dominant power structure existed. In addition, the issue of incentives needs to be tackled if facilitators are to be expected to Given the lack of training and infrequent visits that focus their work on facilitating and empowering facilitators were able to make to the villages, the communities. Current pressure to fulfil the development of such an in-depth understanding of administrative requirements of the program have the power structures and potential entry points to created incentives for facilitators to favour finishing influence existing power structures was extremely project activities and reporting on time, often at challenging, if not impossible. Opportunities the price of ignoring community involvement. for facilitators to play a more important role in This administrative focus ultimately undermined balancing the various power groups in the adat community trust and expectations in the program. village structures were therefore lost, to the Thus, facilitators’ tasks and performance must be detriment of the weakest and more marginalized linked to the facilitation skills mentioned above, segments of the village community. with the ultimate goal of empowering communities to achieve their priority development needs. Recommendations Ensure participation of marginalized groups through targeted consultations Improve the quality of facilitators through Given the social structure in Papua and West training and incentives Papua tends to perpetuate elite domination, CDD In general, better training is needed to improve programs as well as Village Law implementation facilitators’ skills and understanding. Facilitators will need to carve out more targeted consultation must be equipped with a clear understanding of space with marginalized groups to ensure that the primary objective of CDD programs in terms their aspiration and needs are captured in village of empowerment, as well as the principles of planning. Such kind of consultations should ideally participation, transparency and accountability that be facilitated by independent facilitators who can are stipulated under Village Law implementation. encourage marginalized groups to participate and The training must also cover facilitators’ role in speak up in meetings and can intercede on their supporting communities to voice and formulate behalf if needed. In the context of Papua and West their development needs, and to act as a bridge Papua, this role will likely need to be supported by and balancing power-broker in the interaction and existing community/civil society groups as detailed communication between elites and non-elites. in the following section. This capability is a critical component that needs Beneficiary Assessment of PNPM/RESPEK - 9 Collaborate with existing groups in communities such as the local market and honai were used to support facilitation to spread information and to gather community A critical issue affecting facilitation in Papua ideas for working on infrastructure projects, better and West Papua is the inadequate number of information distribution was apparent. facilitators, especially in remote sub-districts. According to PNPM project data, 30 to 40 In Bukapa Village, Dogiyai Kabupaten, people percent of sub-district facilitator positions are from various backgrounds in the village naturally left vacant annually in Papua and West Papua. gathered in the market to gather and exchange Although program implementers have taken some information. The TPKK and sub-district facilitator initiatives to overcome this—including lowering therefore utilized this venue to spread information qualification requirements from a bachelor’s about what had been built in other villages/sub- degree to a diploma and special recruitment of districts, to come up with initial ideas for village technical facilitators through the Barefoot Engineer proposals, and to negotiate the proposals with the program—given the difficult working situation community prior to formal project meetings. As a in the two provinces, the chronic shortage of result, community knowledge of the program was independently hired facilitators is likely to continue. relatively better than that found in other research villages in the same sub-district. In Anjelma Village Given such challenges, it might be more realistic (Kabupaten Yahukimo), information about the for the program to collaborate with existing groups program was spread through the honai so that that are already working with communities in knowledge of the program was relatively well the villages, such as NGOs or religious groups, dispersed throughout the clan, although this especially in remote/hard-to-reach areas. Findings knowledge was still limited to male members of the in this study support this option, as seen for clan. example in Urumb Village in Kabupaten Merauke, where church-sponsored NGO and Oxfam’s work In conclusion, future program socialization will on women empowerment programs helped benefit from utilizing such informal/public spaces improve women’s capacity to develop group or channels to reach out to as many community proposals in PNPM/RESPEK and to manage RLFs. members as possible. There is also an indication from previous studies on PNPM/RESPEK that church activists, including Address the language barrier more effectively women and young people, can be empowered Understanding of the program in the target to play a role as power brokers to counterbalance communities could be improved through effective the dominance of village elites (AKATIGA, 2010). visual communication aids, participation of local Government from central, provincial and district civil society or community organizations to help levels will need to develop an arrangement that translate and explain in local dialects, and more enables this effort, particularly in the context of the precise terminology. Visual communications such implementation of the Village Law. as videos, pictures, and simple diagram scan help facilitators to explain program objectives, activities, Use public spaces and channels to communicate and procedures more clearly communication, with the community at large while involving local civil society or community Providing information through formal meetings organizations to help translate and explain the was not an effective way to transfer program procedures can also be very helpful in ensuring information and knowledge to the community at smooth communication. Facilitators also need to large. Often, only elites or those close to the TPKK/ pay attention to local context when using Bahasa village heads were invited to the meetings, leaving Indonesia, to avoid using words that could lead behind non-elites, women and other marginalized to confusion or misunderstandings about the segments of the community. This limited program. For example, using the words “kumpul- community participation in the program and kumpul” instead of “kerja” to explain PNPM consolidated elite capture. Where informal venues project. 10 - Beneficiar y A ssessment of PNPM/RESPEK Create space for women and their needs to improve their capacity for collective action, It is clear from the study’s findings across almost all creating solid and complete proposals and of the research villages that women’s participation becoming empowered to participate in the PNPM/ in the PNPM/RESPEK program remained weak RESPEK program. As a result, members of the despite the efforts made to encourage their groups were invited to village meetings where they involvement. In light of the context of gender were able to voice their opinions and take part in relations in Papua/West Papua, in which women the decision-making process. Their participation are widely dominated and marginalized by men, led to one of the women’s groups receiving the special attention is needed to create space for full allocation of IDR 15,000,000 to start small women’s participation in CDD programs and also enterprises through a revolving loan fund. to ensure that allocated funds specifically for women’s activities do indeed reach their targets. Building on this experience, it seems reasonable The findings show that despite these allocations of to conclude that if efforts to promote women’s 15 percent in PNPM, it was rare for these funds to participation are to be successful, it will be be fully controlled by women’s groups, or even to necessary to strengthen the capacity of women be used to address the specific needs of women to organize themselves and develop solid and in the community, although this was partly due to complete proposals for economic and health/ an erroneous assumption that the 15 percent of education-based activities. In addition, program funds earmarked for women could only be used implementers need to provide dedicated space for for women’s revolving loan funds—usage for which women, such as special meetings for women and was often vetoed by sub-district facilitators, on the specific fund allocations for women’s groups. grounds that the risk of default/non-repayment was too high and could lead to disqualification of the Whenever possible, women facilitators should be village for the following year’s block grant. deployed to work with women’s groups, given the unbalanced relationship between men and One outstanding exception to the general rule was women in most villages in Papua/West Papua. found in Urumb village in Kabupaten Merauke. As When this is not realistic (for example, due to elsewhere, in Urumb most of those attending and security concerns or the remoteness of working dominating PNPM meetings were men. However, locations), the program should be encouraged to thanks to the facilitation of women’s groups in the work with existing NGOs/church organizations, or village by NGOs, in particular Oxfam GB operating with women cadres (PKK, Posyandu, etc.) to help through the Papuan Women’s Empowerment create and enforce space for women to participate Project (PAWE), some women’s groups were able in community development. B e n e f i c i a r y A s s e s s m e n t o f P N P M / R E S P E K - 11 INTRODUCTION 1 12 - B ene f ic iar y A s s e s smen t o f PNPM / R E SPEK CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION 1.1 Background 1.3 Community-Driven Development and PNPM PNPM/RESPEK is a community-driven development (CDD) program that is a collaboration between The World Bank has adopted a community-driven two programs, namely RESPEK (Rencana development (CDD) approach since the 1980s. Strategis Pembangunan Kampung, or the Village This approach represents a shift from the prior Development Strategic Plan) at the provincial level, emphasis on large-scale investment projects for and PNPM Mandiri Rural at the national level. The agricultural and industrial infrastructure in the two programs were implemented in collaboration 1970s. The shift in approach was informed by in the provinces of Papua and West Papua in 2008. the realization that large-scale investments were “top-down” by nature and, as a result, undermined The two previous studies that have been and prejudiced the interests of the poor (Mansuri conducted into PNPM/RESPEK tend to see and Rao, 2013). Through the CDD approach, program implementation from the program’s the World Bank emphasizes the importance of operational achievement. This study, on the communities having control over decision-making other hand, aims to capture the beneficiaries’ and investment (management of funds) processes. perspectives on how the program was run in In a CDD project, communities are encouraged their villages. This perspective is important to come up with project ideas, partake in a in understanding the challenges faced by the competition to obtain block grant assistance to program within the social, political and local fund their proposed projects, and be responsible cultural contexts. This study attempts to capture for the implementation and maintenance of the the diversity of opinions, experiences, and degrees investments (Dongier et al., 2003). Communities of knowledge of the program across different are expected to work together in partnership with layers of the community, as well as the factors that other organizations that are responsive to the influence these differences. demand for, and the supply of, services, including local governments, the private sector, NGOs, and the central government. Using this model, CDD has 1.2 Research Questions evolved into a means of (i) meeting infrastructure needs, (ii) providing social services, (iii) providing a This research aims to answer the following form of social security for the poorest members of questions: the community, and (iv) contributing to community • What do the beneficiaries know/understand empowerment and the strengthening of their social about PNPM/RESPEK? Do they feel that the capital (Mansuri and Rao, 2013). program has been conducted in line with their expectations? 1.3.1 Discourse Regarding the CDD Approach • What are the direct and indirect impacts A number of studies have shown that CDD of PNPM/RESPEK on the lives of the implementation is determined by relationships beneficiaries? between people at the community level, • Who has participated in PNPM/RESPEK and particularly relations between the elite and other who has not? groups, as well as the level of trust between groups • What are the specific dynamics that influence in the community (Mansuri and Rao, 2004 and Rao the community’s participation in PNPM/RESPEK and Ibanez, 2003). In fragmented communities activities? with clearly defined social hierarchies, participation • How have local political dynamics influenced can be difficult to achieve. This is due to the high people’s perceptions of PNPM/RESPEK? B ene f ic iar y A s ses sment of PNPM/RE SPEK - 13 levels of mistrust between groups, the potential be measured by, among others, the number of for conflict between individuals and communities, proposed infrastructure facilities that are built, and the rigid hierarchies that regulate relationships the number of people who participate in PNPM between groups (Rao and Ibanez, 2003 and meetings, the economic benefits of the program Abraham and Platteu, 2001). In fragmented to the community, and a survey of community’s communities with elite domination, CDD programs perceptions of the extent to which the built often further entrench the disparity in relationships facilities reflect their needs, as well as analysis of between the elite and other groups. Investment- the number of people who enjoy the benefits, decision mechanisms are often dominated or co- including women. opted by the elite, widening the gap between the elite and the non-elite (Conning and Kevane, 2002 RESPEK was a flagship policy of the former and Mansuri and Rao, 2004). Nevertheless, there governor, Barnabas Suebu (2006-2011), which was are also indications that in communities where launched in 2007 under a Gubernatorial Regulation the elite is well-disposed towards assisting other (Pergub). Suebu tried to elevate the legal status of groups (including the non-elite) in the community, RESPEK with a Regional Bylaw (Perda). However, program targets can be achieved (Dasgupta and this was never approved by the Papua People’s Beard, 2007) and greater trust among the various Representative Council (DPRP). Hence, although groups can develop (Rao and Ibanez, 2003). RESPEK was still running at the time of this study, its legal status is still only based on a Gubernatorial Another supporting factor that is necessary for Regulation, which means that it could be effective participation is accountability to both terminated at any time by a subsequent governor. the government and the communities themselves. Accountability to the government and communities RESPEK aims to encourage local development in should be concurrent. Another crucial success villages through community participation. Although factor is that program facilitators provide adequate not the first program to use special autonomy support to members of the community such funds (Otsus), RESPEK is the first program at that program activities can proceed within the the provincial level to be implemented by the commonly agreed framework (Mansuri and Rao, provincial government across the entire region. 2013). Jayapura, for example, already had a village and kabupaten development program in 2003. 1.3.2 PNPM/RESPEK as a CDD Program RESPEK channeled IDR 100 million to each village The PNPM Project Appraisal Document (PAD) government to be disbursed directly through the specifies three goals for the PNPM/RESPEK village heads and to be managed together with program. First, PNPM/RESPEK is expected communities in the village development process. to create affordable access to infrastructure These funds can be used for projects related to and public services in rural areas according to nutrition, education, health, physical infrastructure community needs. Second, through this program, and livelihoods; and can be used for projects that communities are expected to participate and use a benefit individuals (through private goods such as democratic forum to plan, implement and oversee buildings/renovating private houses). Meanwhile, the development of their village area according to the central government also conducted local their priorities. Third, this development, directly or development through PNPM Mandiri Rural. In indirectly, is expected to create economic benefits Papua, PNPM Mandiri was a further development for members of the community in line with their of the PPK/PPD (Kecamatan Development wishes. Program, or Program Pembangunan Kecamatan/ Distrik)5 that was introduced to Papua in 1998 and These three goals are achieved through a ran until 2006 (Phases I, II, and III). In 2007, PPD provision of grants of a set amount and with changed its name to become PNPM-PPD. Unlike certain mechanisms for village development and RESPEK, PNPM funds cannot be used for activities group revolving loan funds (RLF). In accordance that benefit only individuals such as housing. with the CDD concept, facilitation support should be provided in the participation process and the In 2008, one year after its launch, RESPEK democratic forum in the form of training, and officially started its collaboration with PNPM the appointment of, and supporting facilities for, Mandiri, to become the PNPM/RESPEK program, local facilitators. The program’s success should implementing village development (using an 5 In Papua and West Papua, sub-district is called “distrik” while in everywhere else in Indonesia it is called “kecamatan”. 14 - Beneficiar y A s ses sment of PNPM/RE SPEK approach similar to RESPEK) using a community- In conducting its duties, the TPKK is supported and driven approach (similar to the PNPM Mandiri guided by a sub-district facilitator (Pendamping approach). By 2010, the PNPM/RESPEK program Distrik, or PD) and an activity operational manager was running in 3,145 villages, 358 sub-districts, (Penanggung Jawab Operasional Kegiatan, and 28 kabupaten across Papua and West Papua. or PJOK), and assisted by a village facilitator The merger of PNPM Mandiri with RESPEK (Pendamping Kampung, PK). The TPKK receives was supported by the Directorate General of its operational funds from funds allocated outside Community and Village Empowerment (DG PMD) the village block grants that are provided at of the Ministry of Home Affairs (MoHA), with a the sub-district level. The village facilitator is an participation model based on the one used in elected community member. He/she is tasked with PNPM Mandiri Rural. After the merging of PNPM facilitating or guiding the community to participate and RESPEK, both public and private goods could in, or implement, the program phases at the be funded by the program. village and community-group levels during the socialization, planning, and implementation stages, 1.3.3 PNPM/RESPEK Implementers as well as the maintenance stage. Every village The following section explains the PNPM elects two village facilitators, a man and a woman. program actors. The main actors of PNPM are the communities themselves, who should be the At the sub-district (kecamatan) level, the program decision-makers in the village. Actors at sub- actors include the PJOK, the Sub-District Activity district, kabupaten and other levels should function Implementation Team (Tim Pelaksana Kegiatan more as facilitators, guides and mentors to achieve Distrik, or TPKD), and the sub-district facilitator. the goals, principles, policies, procedures and The PJOK is responsible for organizing activity mechanisms of the program according to the operations and administration, as well as program Technical Operational Guidelines (Petunjuk Teknis reporting. The TKPD is similar to the TPKK in that Operasional, or PTO). it functions as the program’s financial management and implementation unit, but at the sub-district As already mentioned, the central element of level instead of the village level. The sub-district PNPM/RESPEK is the community-driven approach. facilitator guides the community in participating in, This approach places most emphasis on community and implementing, the program and is tasked in participation as a means to achieve development particular with providing facilitation to the village goals effectively, according to people’s needs facilitator and the TPKK. There are two sub-district and using the local knowledge of the community. facilitator categories with different skill sets: one Community participation is also considered crucial has a civil engineering background or education, in building social capital, because CDD emphasizes and the other has a non-civil engineering that efforts to build social capacity and networks of background to facilitate communities in activities individuals can, at any time, be utilized to promote other than infrastructure and building facilities. welfare. Thus, the facilitation aspect, social analysis (community mapping), and building community At the kabupaten/kota level, PNPM actors groups’/communities’ capacities for association, comprise the kabupaten/kota PNPM/RESPEK are all important aspects of the CDD approach. coordination team and kabupaten/kota facilitators. Community investment proposals are determined The kabupaten/kota PNPM/RESPEK coordination in a village-level deliberation process, and the team is established by the kabupaten/kota head/ program management is provided by a team called mayor (bupati/walikota) to provide program the Village Program Implementation Team (Tim coordination support between agencies, services Pelaksana Kegiatan Kampung, or the TPKK). and administration processes at the kabupaten/ kota level. Kabupaten/kota facilitators are At the village level, control over the PNPM/ professionals who provide facilitation and intensive RESPEK process is formally exercised by the TPKK guidance, as well as technical and management together with appointed representatives of the support, to program actors in sub-districts and village government, traditional and religious figures villages. Kabupaten/kota facilitators usually act comprising three or more people known as the as resource persons to discuss institutional issues Tim Tiga Tungku (3T). The TPKK is the backbone of and challenges faced by PNPM/RESPEK. They program implementation in the field, comprising are usually capable of seeing problems in greater a head, together with a secretary and a treasurer. depth, as well as identifying the roots of the RESPEK funds, previously managed by the village problem from a macro perspective. head, are now managed by the TPKK with a participatory planning mechanism that should involve the village community. B ene f ic iar y A s s e s smen t o f PNPM / R E SPEK - 15 At the provincial level, PNPM/RESPEK actors Geographic conditions also affect accessibility. comprise the provincial management coordinator There are still many remote villages accessible (Provincial MC) and the provincial facilitator. only by foot over several days. This clearly limits Provincial MC are professionals who provide access to education and health institutions and technical and managerial support to all program increases the cost of materials. For example, a actors, while the provincial facilitator provides sack of cement that can be purchased for IDR facilitation and intensive guidance to program 56,000 to IDR 60,000 in Jayapura can be IDR actors at the kabupaten/kota level. 1,200,000 in Puncak Jaya (ICG, 2011). It is little wonder that Papua and West Papua remain the 1.3.4 Challenges of PNPM/RESPEK poorest provinces in Indonesia, with 37 percent of Implementation their populations living below the poverty line— PNPM procedures provide a model that is although this is also ironic considering that the normatively clear and already showing signs of two provinces are rich in natural resources. The success in achieving program goals. In terms demographic and cultural characteristics of Tanah of efficiency, for instance, by using only about Papua are further complicated by the migrant 60 percent of the funds used by the provincial population from outside Papua that is estimated to or the kabupaten government, PNPM/RESPEK have grown from 41 percent in 2005 to 53 percent can build infrastructure projects of equivalent from the current total population of Tanah Papua or better quality. In terms of quality, around 60 (GRM International, 2009). In most cities the non- percent of the built infrastructure is adequate (Sari, Papuan population is now in the majority. Rahman, and Manaf, 2011). However, challenges that undermine the program and community The participation of women’s groups is also participation still persist. Since the onset of the a special concern. Despite some positive program, NGOs and journalists have highlighted examples, women’s participation is generally issues such as the lack of sound financial undermined by poor facilitation such that women management, corruption, and the marginalization remain marginalized. This situation is also as a of women, as well as concerns over potential consequence of a culture that places women in a conflict between villagers (Suara Perempuan very weak position in relation to men. For instance, Papua, 2008). More acutely, PNPM/RESPEK has in many Papuan communities a married woman been viewed as having failed to achieve its goal moves to her husband’s village or house. As an of empowering communities, and instead been approval of the marriage, the man’s family gives a criticized for causing social disintegration in Papua dowry to the woman’s family. However, this dowry and West Papua, as well as contributing to a is not returned if the woman later wishes to divorce culture of welfare dependency (GRM International, and, as a result, women cannot easily escape from 2009). a marriage despite mistreatment by the husband. A husband is also not required to provide for his In terms of community participation, AKATIGA wife, such as in the Marind community where a (2010) underlined the weaknesses of PNPM man’s main responsibility is to his siblings and their implementation due to poor facilitation and the families, and not to his wife (GRM International, domination of elite groups. Although this occurs 2009). not only in Papua/West Papua, the uniqueness of the Papuan situation and conditions prevents Social development is also a challenge because the application of uniform measures to address women generally have more limited access to the challenges. Papua/West Papua has 250 education and health than men. There are also ethnic groups who live in a variety of geographic indications of gender-based violence, including conditions, i.e., lowlands, coastal areas, sexual harassment, rape, and social isolation, as mountainous and hilly areas, and valleys (GRM well as barriers in accessing medical services (GRM International, 2009). This geography determines International, 2009). Although various initiatives, the characteristics of Papuan ethnic groups, such as the Papua Women Empowerment population distribution, contact with non-Papuans, Program managed by Oxfam since 2009, have the nature of relationships, the mutual help system contributed to strengthening the role of women, (gotong royong), and the degree of agricultural these obstacles persist and continue to undermine access both to markets and to inputs such as seed women’s participation in the development of their and fertilizer (Mansoben and Walker, 1990). villages. 16 - B ene f ic iar y A s s e s sment of PNPM / RE SPEK 1.4 Socio-Economic and Topographic or institutions cannot benefit, or only benefit to a Contexts of Papua and West Papua very small degree, from resources despite having the right to receive such resources. However, these 1.4.1 Socio-Economic Strata of Communities relationships dictating access to resources are Many studies have indicated how widening dynamic and dependent on the position of the political, social, and economic gaps between individual or the group, and social relations with the elite and the rest of the community have had other groups. an important effect on participation. One of the classic examples of papers on rural development6 Society in Papua comprises tribes that control provides an illustration of the political and a certain territory. Tribes in Papua are social socio-economic power of certain groups and units that consist of numerous clans. Every clan communities at large, as well as the impacts on consists of one or several families and is led by the economic accumulation during the New Order a clan chief. The clan has communal rights over period of development. Large landowners in Java, certain land that are recognized/approved by local for instance, aside from controlling agricultural customs. A clan chief has the power to regulate activities, also monopolized highly profitable non- the natural resources and members of his clan. At agricultural activities, such as the transportation the lowest level, namely at the village inhabited business and the supply of agricultural production by several clans (either from the same or different equipment. Meanwhile, small farmers, despite tribe), the leader of the clan who owns land and having access to non-agricultural activities, could members close to him comprise the village elite. not be the main actors in such activities, limiting It is this village elite that controls the resources in them to options such as opening food stalls, their village. Previous studies of PNPM/RESPEK producing palm sugar, or working in odd jobs show that most village governments in the study in other sectors such as domestic helpers. This areas in Papua have a village chief who also has widened the economic disparity between certain the strongest clan, in combination with several groups and the public at large.7 members of this strongest clan (Sari, Rahman and Manaf, 2011). This clan power is possible because In the context of Papuan society, social stratification the elite of the clan controls the resources available is strongly informed by access to, and control to the village. of, local environmental resources. The control or access to resources in Papua is dissimilar to the The village elite, the owners of communal rights modern notion of individual control over land, such from the strongest clan, also controls other as property rights. Resources in Papuan society resources, such as the development programs include land, members of the community and, in that enter the village. This is possible because the context of this research, can be in terms of this elite also often has a strong network with the money, programs, and benefits from the programs government outside the village. This allows the that enter villages. Access, in this regard, is defined elite to access program information and play a role as the ability to obtain benefits from something, as a decision-maker over program implementation. such as materials, people, institutions, and symbols This situation gives the elite the leverage to (Ribbot and Peluso, 2003). By focusing access on divert public resources for its own, or its group’s, the aspect of “capacity to obtain something”, a interests. wider study regarding society stratification and social relations is able to capture how a certain The strengthening or weakening of the power of social strata controls and regulates resources. This the elite clan over land in Papua is determined by control is seen from the ability to limit or activate various aspects that further determine the map of the benefits from the said resource. potential participation in Papua. Previous literature indicates8 that there are several patterns of societal Access to resources is reflected in the power over structure and relations: the various mechanisms, processes, and social a. In communities that are not yet stratified and relations in communities that determine how receive small-scale development, no clan is too a person or a community can benefit from the dominant. This is because the community is resources. Power, in this regard, can be in the form subsistent and mutually dependent. of social identity, political position, or economic b. In communities that are clearly stratified capacity. This explains why some people or (where there is control of communal rights) and institutions can benefit from resources, irrespective receiving significant development, programs of whether or not they have the right to do so. tend to entrench the position of the elite from Conversely, it also explains why certain individuals the dominant clan. 6 White and Wiradi, 1989. 7 White and Wiradi, 1989. 8 AKATIGA 2010; Sari, Rahman and Manaf, 2011. B en e f i c iar y A s s e s sm en t o f P N P M / R E SP EK - 17 c. In localities where government bureaucracy 1.5 Methodology is influential, the educated community is strengthened. Members of the educated 1.5.1 Data Collection community may be from powerful clans, but This study is essentially a mini-ethnographic study they may equally be from competing clans. conducted in several selected locations, namely in 20 villages across five kabupaten in Papua and West Outside the village elite, the community usually Papua. Employing an ethnographic approach allowed comprises other less-powerful clans in the village, the study to capture the richness of information, as well as marginal groups. Access to resources especially in understanding the social, political and (mainly land) of these other groups is determined cultural complexities of the implementation of PNPM/ by the dominant clan leader. Marginal groups are RESPEK at the local level. The selection of different generally migrants to the village who do not have locations was made to capture the diversity of access to resources (land) in the village. Migrants community voices from different village contexts. may also be people with marriage bonds. Similar to other community groups, marginal groups can In each kabupaten, the research team consisted of one access resources with the approval of the dominant coordinator and three team members who conducted clan leader. data collection in every village over a two-week period. Data were collected through observations, 1.4.2 Topography and Accessibility Contexts in-depth interviews, and group discussion techniques. Tanah Papua has a diverse topography. Sari, Data were also collected at the kabupaten level. Rahman, and Manaf (2011), for example, distinguish the provinces of Papua and West In each research team, one member was a junior Papua into three topographical categories, researcher from Papua or West Papua. The five junior namely the north, central, and the south: the researchers were recruited in the effort to develop north is characterized by a flat to hilly topography, the capacity of local researchers. As part of the team, with water sources from rain and surface water; the junior researchers helped to conducted field data the central region is mountainous where road collection and were expected to produce case studies infrastructure is difficult to build and water sources from every village. are from rivers and mountains; and the south is flat, marshy, and with scarce water sources. The data collection for this study was conducted using the following techniques: This topography determines the type of • Observations and transects. Data collected using infrastructure that can be built. For example, road this technique were the village maps complete infrastructure (the most common PNPM Mandiri with the types of infrastructure built (including Rural project proposed) is not a priority in most PNPM/RESPEK and others), social divisions, of Papua and West Papua due to the challenging including traditional, religious, and women’s topography. Water infrastructure projects tend groups, as well as these groups’ access to public to rely on making use of surface water. Health facilities, types of infrastructure, and village assets. and education facilities are also limited due to • Interviews with actors and beneficiaries. This difficulties of bringing in building materials for the technique was used to capture stories and construction of permanent buildings. explanations from the actors and beneficiaries about how well the program was going and Accessibility is another determinant factor for the benefits felt. Interviews were conducted program implementation, and it is measured by particularly with village heads, traditional leaders, the cost and time to reach a village or a region, church groups, women, and program actors, as besides the physical distance. Some sub-districts well as community representatives from villages. may be close in terms of distance from the Interviews were also conducted at the kabupaten kabupaten town. However, access can be difficult level involving the TPKD. due to treacherous conditions and a lack of • Group discussions. These discussions were group adequate infrastructure, making it expensive and interviews with villagers. The goal was to capture time-consuming to reach. Some villages can only general opinions regarding participation levels be accessed by small aircraft, by boat via rivers, and the impacts of the program. The discussions or with an all-terrain vehicle that can take several were held with several groups, including days. women’s groups, marginal groups, activists, traditional figures, church leaders, and the Village Consultative Body (Badan Musyawarah Kampung, or Bamuskam). 18 - Beneficiar y A ssessment of PNPM/RE SPEK • Observation and analysis of built infrastructure. Figure 1.1 This analysis was conducted to capture how Map of Study Area in Papua Province the infrastructure was built, and who made the most use of it, as well as the maintenance aspects (to indicate a sense of ownership) and whether there was a capacity to maintain the infrastructure. This analysis was then compared with interview results. • Case studies to capture particularly interesting phenomena from the villages were prepared by the junior researchers. • Secondary data, including a study of the literature regarding Papua/West Papua, and reports related to development programs in Papua/West Papua. Data sources also included previous PNPM/RESPEK studies. 1.5.2 Study Locations In Papua, the study was conducted in three kabupaten, namely Kabupaten Yahukimo, Kabupaten Merauke, and Kabupaten Dogiyai. As shown in Figure 1.1, Kabupaten Yahukimo is located in the highlands and characterized by mountains and valleys; Kabupaten Dogiyai is a mountainous region strategically located as it connects the Nabire coast with the Paniai-Enarotali mountains via the Trans- Papua highway that crosses the kabupaten; and Kabupaten Merauke represents a coastal lowland Figure 1.2 area. Map of Study Area in West Papua Province In West Papua, the study was conducted in two kabupaten, namely Kabupaten Kaimana and Kabupaten Teluk Bintuni. As Figure 1.2 illustrates, Kabupaten Kaimana is located on the southern coast of West Papua and its population is distributed along the coast and islands, marked by hills in several areas; and Kabupaten Teluk Bintuni is located on the bird’s head and neck of Papua island, with diverse characteristics, including marshes, coastal areas, cliffs, and jungle. In both kabupaten there are several large-scale mining and oil and gas investments. In each kabupaten the research team selected two sub-districts (kecamatan) as study locations. The first sub-district represented those with good accessibility, while the second represented those with more difficult accessibility. In each sub- district, the researchers then selected two villages. The selection of sub-districts and villages was determined by the researchers in consultation with kabupaten-level facilitators by considering the social and geographic conditions, as well as the political and cultural diversity. Table 1.1 provides an illustration of the conditions of the villages and sub- districts selected as research locations. B ene f ic iar y A s s e s sment o f PNPM / R E SPEK - 19 Table 1.1 Overview of Research Locations Kabupaten Sub-district Village Brief characteristics Yahukimo Dekai Tomon 1 Good accessibility. A newly formed village with residents from neighbouring villages. (Papua) Heterogeneous. Participated in PNPM/RESPEK since 2009. Massi Difficult accessibility, homogeneous, livelihood relying on hunting. Participated in PNPM/RESPEK since 2008 Kurima Anjelma Accessibility to nearest town good, population relatively homogeneous, main livelihood land cultivation. Participated in PNPM/RESPEK since 2008. Pusuaga Good accessibility, heterogeneous clan-wise, hosts a TNI camp, main livelihood land cultivation. Participated in PNPM since 2010. Merauke Elikobel Bupul Difficult accessibility. Homogeneous, hosts a transmigrant community. Livelihood, hunting (Papua) and gathering, some farming. Participated in PNPM since 2007 Kweel Limited accessibility. Homogeneous population. Experience with PNPM since 2007 Semangga Matara Easy accessibility. Heterogeneous, with a mixed transmigrant community and other ethnicities. Participated in PNPM since 2007. Urumb Accessibility quite good. Heterogeneous population, comprising indigenous Papuan and transmigrant community. Main livelihood, fishing and farming. Participated in PNPM since 2007. Received funds for women’s groups, negotiation was helped by international NGO Oxfam. Dogiyai Kamu Ekemanida Easy accessibility. Heterogeneous population, with indigenous Papuan and non-Papuan. (Papua) Main livelihoods include cultivation, cattle farming, and forest products. Participated in PNPM since 2008. Bukapa Difficult accessibility. Ethnically homogeneous with three clans in the village. Main livelihood is land cultivation. Participated in PNPM/RESPEK since 2008 Kamu Utara Idakebo Easy accessibility to nearest town. Heterogeneous population, mix between indigenous Papuan and other ethnicities (Toraja, Java). Main livelihood gardening, selling sand, making noken. Participated in PNPM/RESPEK since 2009. There is also women’s RLF group (SPP), although has not gone well. Mogou Difficult accessibility, homogenous population. Main livelihood from mixed subsistence farming. Participated in PNPM/RESPEK since 2007. Teluk Bintuni Manimeri Atibo Easy accessibility. Heterogeneous population, diverse ethnicities present. Main livelihood, (West Papua) hunting and gardening. Some trade activity by non-Papuans. Participated in PNPM since the Kecamatan Development Program (PPK) in 2003. Participated in RESPEK since 2007. Pasamai Easy accessibility, heterogeneous population. Main livelihood hunting, fishing, and gardening. Participated in PNPM and RESPEK since 2007. Tomu Ekam Difficult accessibility (hanya through the bay and river), relatively heterogeneous population (because close to oil and gas industry). Livelihood varies, from sago gathering to civil servant and oil and gas industry worker. Participated in PNPM since 2007. Taroi Difficult accessibility (can only be reached through the bay and river). Population relatively heterogeneous (some comers from Buton). Livelihood ranges from gardening to civil servant. Non-Papuans are engaged in trade. PNPM arrived in 2010, while RESPEK three years before that. 20 - Beneficiary Assessment of PNPM/RESPEK Kabupaten Sub-district Village Brief characteristics Kaimana Arguni Bawah Tanusan Difficult accessibility, population heterogeneous with comers from Makassar or Buton. (West Papua) Main livelihood, fishermen and farmers (nutmeg). Access to education and health relatively cheap (in the same village). Participated in PNPM since 2008. There is investment for women’s group in the form of productino training. Egerwara Difficult accessibility. Homogeneous population. Livelihood, farming (short-term crops) and gardening. Participated in PNPM since 2008, RESPEK since 2007. In 2009-2011 was subject to sanctions and did not receive funds from PNPM. Kaimana Lumira Difficult accessibility. Homogeneous population, but several clans present. Main livelihood is farming. Participated in PNPM since 2008. Coa Easy accessibility. Population is ethnically heterogeneous. Access to health and education facilities easy. Livelihoods vary. Participated in PNPM since 2008. 1.5.3 Research Challenges 1.6 Report Structure Similar to other ethnographic studies conducted in multiple locations, the potential weakness of This report aims to reveal the voices and the this study lies in the depth of the data that could experiences of the villagers involved in the be produced. An ethnographic study requires the implementation of the PNPM/RESPEK program. researcher to be able to build relationships and As such, this report is inductive in nature, whereby a good rapport with the villagers. This challenge conclusions and generalizations, if any, are explained was further complicated by the language barrier, after the experiences of communities had been as not all villagers could communicate in Bahasa explored and presented. Chapter 1 explains the Indonesia. This challenge was addressed by background of the study along with the overarching involving the junior researchers from Papua/West context of PNPM/RESPEK implementation in Papua Papua and hiring local facilitators. and West Papua, including literature regarding the CDD concept in various locations. The voices The challenge of field data collection was also and experiences of the villagers are elaborated related to health and security factors. Despite in Chapter 2 and 3. Specifically, the voices and the medical precautions taken, some team experiences of the communities in Kabupaten members nonetheless contracted malaria during Yahukimo, Kabupaten Dogiyai, and Kabupaten data collection. In addition, some security issues Merauke (Papua) are presented in Chapter 2, while were experienced in Kabupaten Dogiyai, which the voices and experiences of the communities in was affected by OPM (Free Papua Organization) Kabupaten Teluk Bintuni and Kabupaten Kaimana activity. Research in the fourth village could not be (West Papua) are presented in Chapter 3. The continued after the local facilitator involved in the synthesis of findings from the five kabupaten across study passed away at the research base camp. Data the two provinces and the picture regarding the collection was terminated on the advice of the sub- differences and similarities are elaborated in Chapter district facilitator. 4. Finally, Chapter 5 provides some conclusions and proposes several recommendations. Beneficiar y Assessment of PNPM/RESPEK - 21 VOICES AND EXPERIENCES OF COMMUNITIES REGARDING PNPM/RESPEK IN PAPUA PROVINCE 2 22 - Beneficiary Assessment of PNPM/RESPEK CHAPTER 2 VOICES AND EXPERIENCES OF COMMUNITIES REGARDING PNPM/RESPEK IN PAPUA PROVINCE This chapter presents the voices and experiences of communities in the province of Papua regarding the PNPM/RESPEK program. As explained in Chapter 1, the RESPEK program joined PNPM Mandiri in 2008 and the two programs have remained combined until today. 2.1 Kabupaten Yahukimo The study was conducted in two mountain villages, Anjelma and Pusuaga (both in Kurima sub-district), Kabupaten Yahukimo was administratively split and in two valley villages, Tomon 1 and Massi (both from Kabupaten Jayawijaya with the passage of in Dekai sub-district), as shown in Figure 2.1. The Law No. 26/2002. The territory of Kabupaten more inaccessible Anjelma and Pusuaga villages Yahukimo comprises 51 sub-districts, 516 villages cannot be reached by road from Yahukimo, the and two kelurahan with a total area of about 17,152 kabupaten town, but are more accessible from km². According to the 2010 census, the population Wamena, the kabupaten town of Kabupaten of Kabupaten Yahukimo was at that time 164,512. Jayawijaya, and hence this was where the Yahukimo sub-district facilitators were based. However, travel The topography of Kabupaten Yahukimo is typical from the kabupaten town of Yahukimo to Wamena of the Papuan highlands, comprising mountains can only be made by air. Meanwhile, Tomon 1 and valleys that are difficult to traverse. As a result, and Massi villages are situated in the valley region some areas in Kabupaten Yahukimo can only be closer to the kabupaten town and can be reached accessed by air or on foot. Most of the villages by road. are situated on hills or in the more mountainous areas that cannot be accessed by road from the Figure 2.1 kabupaten town.9 Many programs have been Map of Kabupaten Yahukimo10 conducted in Kabupaten Yahukimo, including PNPM/RESPEK since 2008, and all the villages in Kabupaten Yahukimo have experienced between three and five program cycles of PNPM/RESPEK implementation. The topography of Kabupaten Yahukimo complicates project implementation, particularly because the kabupaten and sub-district facilitators were based in Wamena, the capital town of Kabupaten Jayawijaya, and the sub-district town of Dekai. As a result, facilitators made modifications to the program, for instance by coordinating the timing of the activities so that community meetings could take place in close succession. In addition, facilitators arranged for funds to be disbursed at the same time as community meetings. However, one of the consequences of this was that possibilities for community proposals and participation were more limited. 9 Due to the isolated and remote location, many areas in Kabupaten Yahukimo have problems with availability of basic infrastructure and access to education, clean water, health, and electricity. According to National Team for Acceleration of Poverty Alleviation (Tim Nasional Percepatan Penanggulangan Kemiskinan, or TNP2K), Kabupaten Yahukimo is considered a high priority area for poverty reduction due to low levels of school participation (primary and secondary), high infant mortality, high malnutrition, and low access to clean water, sanitation, and electricity. 10 Due to difficulties in obtaining a recent/updated map of Kabupaten Yahukimo this report makes use of a map from 2006 that only shows 45 sub-districts in Kabupaten Yahukimo. Beneficiary Assessment of PNPM/RESPEK - 23 The livelihoods of the communities in the four sub-district—a close associate and of the same villages are mainly based on dry land cultivation. tribe as the bupati—as the head of Tomon 1 Some of the population in Massi, Anjelma and village. As a result, the Yali tribe held an important Pusuaga villages rely on hunting, gathering position in the village administration and became and gardening, with the main produce of the the dominant clan. This created a conflict between communities being tubers and vegetables. Unless the Yali and the Hupla tribes, because the Hupla consumed by the villagers themselves, this produce owned the traditional lands (tanah ulayat) and were is either sold in the village or in neighbouring therefore denied the status of the dominant tribe markets. In Tomon 1, people work mainly as and were subsequently denied the right to use the employees and tuber farmers, although some run traditional land. They were also viewed as inferior vegetable kiosks or sell their produce to markets. to the other tribes. Most people in Anjelma and Pusuaga villages are The types of activities funded using PNPM/RESPEK from one ethnic group, the Hubla. Residential block grants have shifted over the course of the groupings around a honai tie the relationships five years of implementation, as follows: between the people in the two villages. A honai is • Period 1 (2008-09): Much of PNPM/RESPEK not just a house where the nuclear family lives, but implementation was in the form of physical a unique residence that reflects the relationships labor-intensive activities, such as road building of its occupants. A honai does not stand alone, and road/drainage improvements. During this but is usually linked to other honai from the same period, community members were encouraged family group. There are at least three types of by sub-district facilitators and the TPKK to honai, namely the men’s honai, the women’s honai, attend meetings, make proposals, and become and the kitchen honai. The men’s honai is the involved in the construction of physical sleeping quarters of the head of the family and facilities. the adult sons, and is larger than the women’s • Period 2 (2009): The type of activity at honai. The men discuss many issues in their honai. the village level tended to vary. Aside from The number of women’s honai usually reflects the activities similar to those in period 1, there number of wives of the tribal chief. The resultant were additional training activities for women’s family and familial hierarchy in a honai settlement groups in Tomon 1 village, such as in making forms the core of the relational structure between table clothes and drapery, and making cookies family groups and the relationship between men and fish dishes. This training was funded by the and women in the village. 15 percent of PNPM/RESPEK funds allocated for women’s activities. The dominant clans in the four research locations • Period 3 (post-2010): The sub-district form a chiefdom, which claims the traditional rights facilitator issued a policy regarding the over the village area where the communities live processing of village activity proposals to and cultivate. The dominant clan is the regulator of the TPKK. Infrastructure built in this period land use in the village. Thus, development projects, required specific construction skills, resulting the government, or any external party wishing to in less involvement of villagers as workers. utilize land have to agree on access through the While previously there had been significant dominant clan. The right to determine land use and road construction and people were able to network with outside parties is the basis for clan participate in the work, in this period the domination in the village. activities included, among others, building a community hall, a Pustu (auxiliary community The dominant clans in Anjelma village are the health center), and a village office, all of which Lantipo and Watipo clans, while in Pusuaga village required specific construction skills. it is the Hasepo clan. In Massi village the residents come from one tribe, the Momuna, comprising 2.1.1 Knowledge and Experience of Communities nine clans, with the Omu clan, as owner of the regarding PNPM/RESPEK in Kabupaten traditional lands, being the dominant one. Yahukimo The level of knowledge of communities regarding Tomon 1 village was created as an administrative the PNPM/RESPEK program in the four research village in 2006 by the Kabupaten Yahukimo village locations was measured by determining government in order to resettle the Yali, the Hupla the villagers’ knowledge of the program name, and the Kimyal tribes, all of which previously the amount and the source of the funds, the lived in the hills. Here, the bupati of Kabupaten project actors, the stages and processes of Yahukimo selected a Yali tribesman from the Ninia implementation, the program investments, and 24 - B ene f ic iar y A s s e s sment of PNPM / RE SPEK the program objectives. Of these six items, the they had only heard of the PNPM/RESPEK name program name was the most frequently known, from the village head. They did not understand followed by the amount of the funds, the project how the program was implemented and were actors and the types of investment. The knowledge unaware of the PNPM/RESPEK actors, such as the of the processes, the stages of implementation, TPKK, because they assumed that all the projects and the program objectives, were not so well were managed by the village head. They knew known among communities, but were usually well which facilities had been built using PNPM/RESPEK understood by the elites such as village chiefs, funding, such as communal bathing, washing and the members of the TPKK, village officials, and toilet facilities (known locally as mandi, cuci, kakus, community or customary figures. or MCK) and wells, but had no knowledge of the sources or the management of the funds from Most communities recognized PNPM/RESPEK as PNPM/RESPEK or other programs. Most people a Papua provincial government program known thought that rainwater collectors were an assistance as RESPEK. This knowledge was gleaned from program from the bupati of Kabupaten Yahukimo program socialization during the governor’s visits to given to the village head, and they were unaware the region, or from local television programs that that the facilities were the result of community were broadcast from 2007 onwards. proposals. According to villagers, the bupati provided funds to all villages and it was the village The communities also recognized PNPM/RESPEK head who purchased the rainwater collectors for as a development program that provided facilities people in Tomon 1. Only a few people close to to villages, such as Pustu, roads, rainwater the village head were aware that the rainwater collectors, sanitation facilities, and electricity collectors came from the PNPM/RESPEK program, networks. In Massi village, people knew that the but they could not distinguish between RESPEK, PNPM/RESPEK program’s funds were used to PNPM and other programs. provide rainwater collectors. In Pusuaga village, people recognized that “healthy homes” and the Migrants who were not from the dominant clan in community center were PNPM/RESPEK outcomes. the village and who did not receive benefits from In addition, communities also knew that the funds the investments also knew of PNPM/RESPEK as a came from both the central government and program that provided facilities and buildings for the kabupaten government, although they did villagers. However, they had never been involved not always realize that PNPM was funded from in PNPM/RESPEK activities and had never attended the national budget (APBN), while RESPEK was community meetings or been consulted about funded by the provincial budget (APBD).However, program proposals by the village head, the hamlet communities were generally unaware of the precise head, or the TPKK head. Despite this, they were amount of funds available to each village through still aware of the development activities in their the program. villages, for example the construction of the Pustu, rainwater collectors, wells, and community halls, Communities in general recognized the PNPM/ etc. RESPEK actors, such as the TPKK members, and the village facilitators, because the TPKK was With regard to the village elites, detailed found in every village and its members were knowledge of the program was evident. For usually those who had been most active in prior example, in Massi and Pusuaga villages, the village programs. Information about detail funding village heads had full knowledge of the PNPM/ for each investment however was not known RESPEK program and knew that RESPEK disbursed by general community in almost every research IDR 100 million (plus PNPM funds) that was used location. for building physical and non-physical facilities. The village heads were aware of all the PNPM/ Tomon 1 village was an exception in Kabupaten RESPEK activities in their village, and knew that Yahukimo in terms of the community’s knowledge funds for RESPEK were from the Papua provincial of the program. Most of the community here, government budget (APBD) and that the PNPM including those who had never been involved in funds were from the national budget (APBN). PNPM/RESPEK activities, as well as those who lived far away from the village center, had heard about Aside from the village heads, the TPKK heads, PNPM/RESPEK but understood it to be a facility- secretaries, and treasurers also had detailed building program from the bupati (district head) knowledge of PNPM/RESPEK, and understood and managed by the village head. Villagers could the program’s mechanisms. They knew, for not explain any details of the program because instance, about the need to hold a proposal Beneficiary Assessment of PNPM/RESPEK - 25 planning forum and that funds were disbursed women in all villages generally knew about the in two stages, facilitated by the sub-district proposal meeting, the TPKK, and the amount facilitator. In addition, the TPKK head was aware of funds dedicated for women’s activities. They of the types of development activities, including also knew that women had the right to propose road construction, electricity generation, tin roof projects, in addition to receiving the dedicated procurement, rainwater collectors, school uniform funds for women’s activities. As an example, provision, road and wooden bridge repairs, grass members of the women’s group in Pusuaga mulchers, and electricity poles and cables, as well village knew that they were entitled to 15 percent as community halls. of PNPM/RESPEK funds that were earmarked specifically for women’s activities. In order to A prominent social group in all four villages is the access these funds, the women established a church. However, the knowledge of church activists women’s group with a structure comprising a in the four research locations was limited to the head, a secretary and a treasurer. However, the program name, the proposal setting mechanism women never received the funds because these at the village level, and information regarding were allocated by the TPKK for infrastructure activities implemented in the village. The church building activities instead. As a result, members activists thought that PNPM/RESPEK was a central of the women’s group dared to inquire about their government program intended to benefit village share of the PNPM/RESPEK funds during village communities by providing public toilets, wells deliberations and asked the TPKK to produce an and rainwater collectors. A church activist in Massi Expenditure Budget Draft (RAB) for the physical/ village said that one of the requirements of PNPM/ non-physical activities performed. However, RESPEK was to hold a proposal deliberation the TPKK failed to make the budget document meeting, although he was unaware of the meeting’s available and the women still had not received the outcome as he had not attended the meeting. funds to which they were entitled at the time of this A church activist in Anjelma village had a similar study (2013). response when asked about PNPM/RESPEK, saying that the TPKK had much more information and that Women who were not active in organizations such the church only dealt with religious affairs. as PKK or the Posyandu had less knowledge of the program. While they knew of the PNPM/RESPEK The women who were active in PNPM/RESPEK program from talking to other people in village usually were those who were previously active in markets, they had no knowledge of the amount of other village activities, such as being a cadre in the funds available to the village. the local Family Welfare Association (Pembinaan Kesejahteraan Keluarga, or PKK) or the local The overall levels of knowledge are summarized in integrated health post (Posyandu). The active the table below: Table 2.1 Knowledge of Communities in Kabupaten Yahukimo Tomon 1 Massi Anjelma Pusuaga Knowledge E K PA PK E K PA PK E K PA PK E K PA PK Program name √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ Funds √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ Source of funds √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ Process and stages √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ Activity managers √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ Program √ √ √ √ √ √ √ investment Rules √ √ √ √ Purpose *Remarks: E= Elite, K= General Population, PA= Active Women, PK= Women in General Source: Processed from field data, 2013 26 - Beneficiar y Assessment of PNPM/RESPEK From Table 2.1, it is evident that most of the As a result, people who had previously been able program knowledge was concentrated among to work as daily unskilled labourers could no longer village elites, such as the village government be involved, for example in the construction of the and the TPKK managers. These elites knew the community hall in Massi village. program name, the amount of the funds and their source, the stages and processes of the program, An exception was once again observed in Tomon the program managers, and the investments, as 1 village, where the planning and implementation well as the rules and the purpose of the program. of facilities did not involve the community, and full knowledge was only possessed by the village There were variations in knowledge between the head. Aside from being the head of the village different communities, with people in Massi village government, the village head also doubled as knowing more than people in other villages, while the project manager, so he knew the amount of the community in Tomon 1 village knew least, at the funds, the stages and processes of program little more than the name of the program. The implementation, the rules of implementation, and knowledge of women in the four villages varied, the source of funds. The village head therefore although all of them knew the program name and dominated the planning and implementation the amount of the funds. Women who knew most of infrastructure and villagers came to view the were those who were already active in other village program as being managed by the village head activities, such as PKK. and his family, together with the village treasurer, the secretary, and the TPKK, who were also his 2.1.2 Community Participation in PNPM/RESPEK relatives. This meant that, for example, during in Kabupaten Yahukimo yard clearing the village head did not invite the Community participation in the four research community to participate, but instead called only village locations in the PNPM/RESPEK program his family and clan members, who came from the varied, although this was mostly limited to main kabupaten town, not from the village. attending meetings and participating in the construction of facilities as unskilled labourer. Migrants and people who lived furthest from The PNPM/RESPEK activity stages included the the village center were also not involved in the planning stage to determine the village activities planning process, or in other activities in the and the physical construction phase. In the PNPM/RESPEK implementation process. One planning stage, community members, both men community member who lived far from the house and women, were limited to merely attending the of the village head said that, “We people don’t planning deliberation meeting, at which some know how much money there is. I never took part conveyed their ideas. In the planning stage, village in gatherings with the rich people.” heads and TPKK officials usually made most of the decisions, including decisions on materials Meanwhile, among the women, those who were procurement and determining the manpower not active in the village were still usually involved needed. as workers, for instance, to clean roads, or provide food during the construction activity or the During the first period, when the investment proposal setting meeting. Women who were active was usually for roads and drainage, community in the village, for instance in PKK, also took part in involvement, especially of the men, was high activities specifically for women, such as training in conveying proposals during the deliberation to make table cloths, cake baking and cooking. stage. In the second period, women also started However, women in Tomon 1 village said that to become involved in the proposal meetings as every time there was an activity in the village, they participants. The active women in villages, such were never informed. One woman also said that if as the wives of village heads and TPKK members, there was an activity in the village, the village head women who had close clan relations with village always brought his own people in from outside heads and the TPKK, and women who were active to do the work and she never had the chance to in PKK, were invited by the village facilitator participate. and the TPKK to attend the proposal meeting. These women often contributed ideas. However, Based on the above, community participation by the third period, infrastructure construction in Kabupaten Yahukimo can be summarized as was determined by the TPKK, and the proposed follows: buildings required specialized construction skills. Beneficiar y Assessment of PNPM/RESPEK - 27 Table 2.2 Community Participation in PNPM/RESPEK in Kabupaten Yahukimo Tomon 1 Massi Anjelma Pusuaga Participation (planning) E K PA PK E K PA PK E K PA PK E K PA PK Present √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ Propose √ √ √ √ √ √ Decide √ √ √ √** √ Process and stages √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ *Remarks: E= Elite, K= General, PA= Active Women, PK= Women in General ** Since 2010 was not involved Source: Processed from field data, 2013 Table 2.2 also shows that elite groups in all four Meanwhile, the Pustu investment in Anjelma village villages participated in attending, proposing, facilitated community access to health services, and deciding during the deliberation meetings. made treatment more affordable, and promoted However, members of the community and active the community’s understanding of healthy living women in Pusuaga and Massi, while present habits. This was possible because after the during meetings, were not able to propose ideas Pustu was built, the head of the Puskesmas who or decide on proposals. In Anjelma village, the had close ties to the kabupaten government, community and women contributed ideas. Women, succeeded in lobbying for an allocation from especially those who were active, also participated the Kabupaten Yahukimo budget (APBD) to fund up to the decision-making process, although only the Pustu operations, such as buying stocks of during the first cycle of the program, but after medicine and health equipment, and providing 2010 the community and women were no longer incentives for village health cadres. One villager in involved. Only in Tomon 1 did the community and Anjelma expressed her gratitude for the Pustu, as women not participate at all: the entire process, before it was built she had been forced to walk to from planning through to implementation, was the sub-district capital, or sometimes all the way to closely guarded and controlled by the village head. Wamena, to seek medical treatment. 2.1.3 Impact of PNPM/RESPEK on the Lives of In addition, the micro-hydro generator in Anjelma Communities in Kabupaten Yahukimo village and the solar cell panels in Pusuaga village One similarity across all groups was the provided the community with the opportunity to communities’ perceptions of the program benefits. do more activities after dark. For the women, for All groups felt that the program had positive example, electric lighting added more productive benefits that could be enjoyed by the community, time for weaving in their noken. More generally, as was evident in Tomon 1, Anjelma, and Pusuaga electricity helped the community to increase villages. For example, thanks to the rainwater its knowledge by enabling people to watch collectors constructed in Tomon 1, clean water television. Electricity also allowed villagers to be demand could be satisfied and the cost/labor to more productive, giving them more time to go to obtain water declined. Whereas previously people church, and reducing the cost of buying candles. had to take water from rivers by motorbike or car, It also cut the cost of recharging cellular phones, the rainwater collectors meant that water could as previously people had to pay those who had be stored and immediately used when required. electricity for each phone re-charged. The benefits of the rainwater collectors were felt especially by women, because women were usually Despite these benefits, some investments failed those responsible for procuring water on a daily to prove sustainable and fell into disuse or basis for household needs. Maintenance of the disrepair. For example, a generator set and water facilities also improved, because people were pumps in Massi village were neglected and fell motivated to repair damaged rainwater collectors into disrepair. The generator set was used to individually. provide lighting to homes, but was later neglected 28 - Beneficiary Assessment of PNPM/RESPEK because villagers thought the person in charge In Tomon 1 village, PNPM/RESPEK failed to provide of maintenance was the head of the TPKK. After access to temporary work for the community, as the construction was complete no effort was made construction of facilities was mostly performed by to establish a management team to take care of the extended family of the village head. In Tomon the maintenance. Consequently, distrust of the 1, the village head benefited disproportionately TPKK head grew, as he was increasingly viewed as because the project to develop cultivated land was lacking in transparency when entrusted to manage focused on his own land. In addition, he deployed the purchase of fuel. As a consequence of the workers who were his relatives, including some generator not working, other investments such as from outside the village, to build infrastructure. As the water pump could also not be used, leading in one community member in Tomon 1 said, “It was turn to the water storage facilities not being used. the village head who built everything. He brought in people to do the work, and we did not get to Such neglect of new facilities reflected an inability help much. He built it all himself... And one day we of both the community and program managers to saw the water tank was finished.” plan effectively, provide technical skills, facilitate management and, most fundamentally, to organize PNPM/RESPEK also seems to affect the social contributions to pay for the operation and capital of village communities. PNPM/RESPEK maintenance of the facilities. was seen to have strengthened cooperation in Anjelma village, but undermined cooperation in In another example, in 2011, the community hall Pusuaga village. In Anjelma, the community was in Anjelma village remained incomplete due to used to working together in communal activities, a miscalculation in determining the budget for such as maintaining a dam, and fixing water construction materials made by the TPKK head and channels, the church, community buildings, and his team. In this case, the TPKK also lost the trust cleaning the honai. Cooperation occurred more of the community by deciding to use construction often in implementing PNPM/RESPEK activities workers from outside the village to build the and trust between clans and different socio- community hall. Then, in 2012, the TPKD proposed economic groups that had existed before increased the construction of an alternative multi-purpose further following the PNPM/RESPEK activities. meeting room without holding a community However, this cooperation faltered slightly after the meeting to discuss the plan with the community. experience of the community hall construction that This multi-purpose hall was built onto the private failed to involve community deliberation. home of one of the TKPD members. In this case, failure in infrastructure investment was caused by In Pusaga village, on the other hand, before the incompetence of TPKK members and the non- program people used to cooperate in certain transparent decision-making process that allowed activities, such as honai construction and clearing the members of the elite to squander the benefits land for cultivation. During the PNPM/RESPEK for their own use. program, the TPKK failed to involve people in planning and implementation, which undermined Another benefit mentioned by villagers was access trust between the various groups in the community. to temporary work opportunities that allowed them Community members said that they were never to earn a wage. Labor-intensive road construction involved in consultations and no longer had access and road widening provided temporary work to any of the benefits from temporary work after opportunities for people in Anjelma, Massi and 2010 because the proposed buildings required Pusuaga villages in 2008 and 2009. Women also specialized construction skills. The head of the participated in road construction as sand gatherers TPKK stated that he felt he had done his best to and were paid between IDR 150,000 and IDR invite members of the community, but he felt that 200,000 per activity. However, after 2010, access people no longer seemed interested in being to such temporary work dwindled due to a shift involved once there was no longer any paid work. towards the building of facilities that required specialized construction skills. Beneficiary Assessment of PNPM/RESPEK - 29 Another impact was the increased capacity of 2.1.4 Factors that Influence the Experience the TPKK in managing projects such as work/ and Participation of Communities in Kabupaten project distribution, wage distribution, and activity Yahukimo documentation (e.g. activity report preparation). One of the main factors that contributed to the TPKK capacity increased in three villages, Anjelma, diverse participation in, and experiences of, the Pusuaga, and Massi, while in Tomon 1 there was no program was the ability or the willingness of the information regarding TPKK capacity improvements program’s actors to involve the community in the because all activities were managed by the village program’s various processes and stages. When head. program actors, especially the TPKK, were able and willing to get the community involved in PNPM/RESPEK also resulted in the strengthening consultation meetings and in proposing activities, and expansion of the TPKK network, which was the level of participation was high. This was seen more evident in Anjelma and Pusuaga villages than in Anjelma and Massi villages, especially in the in the others. The TPKK in Anjelma and Pusuaga earlier periods of the program. However, more often held meetings together with other villages often than not program actors themselves became within one cluster. The regular meetings were the members of the elite and eventually contributed to initiative of the sub-district facilitator and held the domination and control of program processes. during the activity planning and reporting phase. This was particularly seen after 2010, when efforts This helped TPKK officials to learn about and share to encourage bottom-up ideas decreased with program implementation experiences in villages. the shift of program activity types toward the Non-regular meetings were held as needed, and more technically difficult activities. Subsequently, sometimes attended by the sub-district facilitator. proposals were all agreed at the cluster level Aside from the TPKK network, other networks (cluster of nearby villages) facilitated by the sub- were also developed with the government at the district facilitator. After the decisions were made sub-district level, particularly with sub-district at this meeting, the TPKK members organized project managers (Penanggung Jawab Operasional village meetings in their respective villages that Kegiatan, or PJOK). were little more than solicitations of approval from participants to carry out the projects that had Other types of investment, such as the 15 percent already been agreed. of PNPM/RESPEK funds allocated for women’s activities, allowed women to earn additional Another critical factor influencing participation was income. In Massi village, the women who social network/cultural ties. The stronger the ties participated said that they had been able to earn among various groups in the community, the better additional income, which they used to purchase the quality of participation and general experience more thread for making table cloths. A PKK cadre of the program. In Anjelma village for example, in Massi village said that she had made more PKK the more even distribution of knowledge in the friends at the kecamatan and kabupaten level to community seemed to be fostered by strong honai whom she could sell her table cloths. group ties. The men usually discussed issues in their honai, including programs in the village, and From the above examples, it can be seen so they had more knowledge of PNPM/RESPEK. that although there were a variety of levels of knowledge and participation among the Tomon 1 village, on the other hand, was one case communities, PNPM/RESPEK was still considered where relations between ethnic groups failed to beneficial by all the communities. The program had develop. Unlike other more homogeneous villages various impacts, such as the built infrastructure, where residents came from one tribe, Tomon 1 access to temporary work opportunities, and village was inhabited by members of three tribes: expanded networks for activity managers, as well the Hupla, the Yali and the Kimial. This village was as changes in the level of cooperation between created as part of a settlement building program community members. for mountain tribes by the local social services. 30 - Beneficiary Assessment of PNPM/RESPEK Although the three tribes officially resided in 2.1.5 People’s Expectations for PNPM/RESPEK in Tomon 1, each tribe was bound to its original Kabupaten Yahukimo village location and, as a result, there was little Expectations of PNPM/RESPEK differed from group interaction between the three tribes in Tomon to group in each village. For example, program 1 itself. In addition, this lack of interaction was actors generally wanted simpler procedures solidified by the bupati’s intervention in selecting and better training to help them implement the dominant clan as mentioned above and by the program. TPKK officials hoped that fund the stereotypes that prevailed between the tribes, disbursements would be made in one tranche to which undermined socialization and efforts to expedite the building of facilities. As an illustration, foster cooperation and common activities. in the past the first tranche of payments was only sufficient to pay for building materials, but Regarding women’s experience of the program, not enough to pay for the labor. Work had to be gender bias was one of the main factors influencing suspended until the second tranche was disbursed. participation. Women’s participation was heavily With a one-time payment, construction could influenced by the views of men, who generally saw proceed immediately as the initial payment would the public space as being a male domain. This was be enough to pay for the workers to start work. true in all four research villages, where the men The TPKD in Anjelma village wanted to have more still held strong views that only men should attend training to improve their knowledge, such as visits village meetings because the women’s domain was to PNPM/RESPEK in other areas, for example seen as domestic: taking care of the home, child to Jakarta. According to these respondents, the rearing, tilling the land, and looking after animals. training that they had received did not provide When women were actually involved in public sufficient information on PNPM/RESPEK programs activities, such as meeting and deliberations, this in other locations. was usually only to help provide food and snacks. While communities usually hoped that in the future Nonetheless, there were still ways to reach out to they would be better informed about PNPM/ women in order to socialize program and organize RESPEK and more involved in the program, village meetings. It was assumed that communicate elites had the opposite expectations: they wanted between tribes would be problematic due to less involvement of the communities, usually on language differences, complicating invitations or the pretext that this would expedite the program’s the announcement of news, and that this would implementation. In Tomon 1, for instance, the be especially problematic for women, who were village head was unhappy with the PNPM/RESPEK prohibited from visiting the homes of people from mechanism, as in his view it involved too many different tribes. However, it was found that this people, and the oversight from sub-district and norm did not seem to apply in meetings of PKK village facilitators overwhelmed him. He felt that cadres or meetings held in public locations where the stages were too complicated, such as the women normally gathered to discuss family issues. village meetings for exploring ideas. He went on Such existing venues where women habitually meet to suggest that the funds should all be managed and discuss with each other should be capitalized by the village head (i.e., himself), and that there upon by programs such as PNPM/RESPEK in order was no need for the TPKK, while the role of the to boost women’s participation in the program. Beneficiar y Assessment of PNPM/RESPEK - 31 sub-district facilitator should be limited. The village 2.2 Kabupaten Dogiyai head also thought that it was difficult to ask people to work together because they did not want to be Kabupaten Dogiyai is located in the central involved in the activities. However, farmers and mountains of the province of Papua and connects women in Tomon 1 who received no benefits from the Nabire coast with the Paniai-Enarotali the program had the opposite view: they thought mountains. Kabupaten Dogiyai is situated that the village head was mean and dishonourable, strategically for the trade and transportation traffic and that he deliberately failed to inform villagers between the coastal kabupaten and the central about the program. One of them said that, “from mountains of Papua. As such, it is becoming a above, people give them a large budget. But we new center of activity and is rapidly developing don’t understand, along the way, where all the due to the Trans-Papua highway that crosses the money goes.” kabupaten and the fact that it is surrounded by previously isolated mountainous areas. Regarding women’s groups, there was hope that there would be more women-specific activities Kabupaten Dogiyai was established under Law No. and more women program actors. One woman in 8/2008 and has an area of ± 4,237.4km2, around Pusuaga village felt that women’s groups should 85 percent of which is mountainous or hilly, with have a dedicated TPKK, so that the funds for the remaining 15 percent comprising valleys and women could be used more effectively. swamps (BPS, 2011). In 2010, Kabupaten Dogiyai had a population of 83,324 people (42,018 male Despite these differences, most villagers agreed and 41,306 female) spread across 79 villages11. that the PNPM/RESPEK program should be continued, and that the funds should be increased Figure 2.2 so that more people might enjoy the benefits. One Map of Kabupaten Dogiyai man in Anjelma village felt that the funds were too limited and that as a result the community’s needs had not been fulfilled. He claimed it would have been better to have more activities that were in the public interest, such as the provision of drinking water and road building. One woman TPKK treasurer in Anjelma said that the program should support the community’s need for more “healthy homes” as the materials used to build the honai were difficult to buy and the special grass used for thatching grew too far away. 11 Source: Ministry of Home Affairs website (http://www.kemendagri.go.id/pages/profil-daerah/kabupaten/id/91/name/papua/detail/9126/dogiyai, accessed onMay 1, 2014). 32 - Beneficiary Assessment of PNPM/RESPEK This study collected data from four villages in The two villages with more difficult accessibility are two sub-districts in Kabupaten Dogiyai. The four Bukapa village in Kamu sub-district and Mogou villages are Ekemanida and Bukapa in Kamu sub- village in North Kamu sub-district. Bukapa village district, and Idakebo and Mogou in North Kamu can be accessed on foot in about two hours from sub-district. These villages were selected based on Moanemani market. Despite access difficulties, their accessibility from the main kabupaten town the Bukapa community has easier access to basic and their levels of interaction with migrants. facilities and infrastructure in the area. Clean water can be obtained from two sources—piped water Similar to Kabupaten Yahukimo, Kabupaten Dogiyai and rainwater—although inhabitants still use their has also experienced a shift in infrastructure gardens for sanitation needs, while water from options over the course of the PNPM/RESPEK ditches is used for washing and ablution. Bukapa program. Projects that initially took place in the village has a Pustu, an elementary school and a four villages mainly involved building construction Protestant church. People also use church facilities and the hardening of roads, especially in marshy to meet their basic needs. In Mogou village, areas, as well as the construction of small ditches access to clean water is dependent on rainwater along roads for drainage in the rainy season. collection. The nearest elementary school in Later in the program, there was a shift in the type Mogou is located about 30 minutes away on foot, of projects towards facilities such as communal while no health facilities are available in the village. bathing, washing and toilet facilities (known locally as mandi, cuci, kakus, or MCK), Posyandu, and Most people in Kabupaten Dogiyai rely on fixed “healthy homes”, which required more specialized cultivation, with garden produce being grown construction skills. both for daily household needs and also for sale. Villagers earn additional income from livestock One of the two villages selected in each sub- and gathering edible products from the forest. district was a village with easy accessibility. These Commonly gathered forest products include roots, two villages are Ekemanida (Kamu sub-district) wood, rattan, bark, and orchid fibers for house- and Idakebo (North Kamu sub-district). Ekemanida building material and handicraft that is sold in the village is located only one kilometer from the markets. People who live in the hills and mountains sub-district capital (Kigimani), close to Moanemani also practice shifting cultivation. People who live market and the airport, while Idakebo village in the lowlands, such as in Kamu Valley, use their can be reached by public transportation from gardens for crops such as sweet potato and taro as Moanemani market, taking around 20 minutes staple foods; vegetables such as cabbage, chayote, by motorbike or a little longer using public leek; and fruits, such as ‘red fruit’ (Pandanus transportation. Access to public facilities is also Connoideus), bananas and oranges. Every village relatively easy. Ekemanida village receives clean has pasture for animals owned by clan members, water and communal MCK facility assistance from and almost everyone has livestock. Livestock the Kabupaten Public Works Department, while in ownership, in particular pigs, indicates social status. Idakebo village clean water is provided by a piped Pigs are commonly used for important ceremonies, water network, as well as rainwater collectors. especially weddings and stone-burning festivals Other facilities include a Pustu, an elementary to celebrate Christmas. Some people also work as school and a church. construction workers, motorbike-taxi drivers and employees, either in the government or in private establishments. Beneficiary Assessment of PNPM/RESPEK - 33 Kabupaten Dogiyai has a diverse mix of ethnic In Bukapa village the dominant clan is the Yai, who groups, although the Mee tribe is the indigenous dominate positions in the village government, majority tribe comprising of 78 clans. Other ethnic although this does not preclude others from also groups include Javanese, Buginese and Butonese. attaining government positions. In Ekemanida The most commonly used languages are the Mee village, the dominant clan is the Gane, who local language and Bahasa Indonesia, with Mee determine the entry of migrants, the sale of land, being used in daily life, and Bahasa Indonesia and the programs undertaken in the village. being used for inter-ethnic communication. Despite this, the village head at the time of Villages with easy accessibility have mixed the study in Ekemanida was from the Goo clan. populations of indigenous Mee and migrants This situation occurred as a result of a position of other ethnicities. In the accessible villages of switch between the village head from the Gane Ekemanida and Idakebo, the majority indigenous clan and the previous village secretary who was Papuans from various clans have mixed with Batak, from the Goo clan. The switch occurred due to a Javanese, and Florinese migrants. In the more government regulation that required the village remote villages the populations are entirely from secretary to have a minimum high school education the Mee tribe. in order to be appointed as a government official. As a result, the former village head who had a high The socio-economic structure in Kabupaten school education became the village secretary, Dogiyai is generally determined by the dominant replacing the incumbent who lacked the necessary clan with the source of power being access to qualifications. In order to still honour the former land. The land-owning clan is the dominant clan in village secretary from the Goo clan, the former Ekemanida, Bukapa, and Idakebo villages, while village head suggested that the kabupaten in Mogou village the dominant clan is the Keiya, government appoint the previous secretary from who live in four out of seven hamlets in the village. the Goo clan as the village head. Mogou village has a dispersed population defined by settlement clusters that are far apart. The four In terms of development and community hamlets inhabited by the Keiya clan are located empowerment, Kabupaten Dogiyai is a region with relatively close to each other, while the more the longest history of church activity, and during remote hamlets are inhabited by minority clans. the study church leaders were able to attest to a history of empowerment programs since the 1970s. Based on the social strata in Kabupaten Dogiyai, Kabupaten Dogiyai received the P5 Program (P5 the dominant clan is usually the majority and comprised education, agriculture, cultivation, the clan that controls a village’s land. The clan’s animal husbandry, and fisheries) in 1970-1995, members become village heads and village which was also conducted elsewhere in Papua. officials, while some village staff or program actor Although the P5 Program ended in 1995, some positions are selected from other clans. In an effort of the activities initiated by the program were to avert conflict and promote cooperation, all still ongoing at the time of the study. One of the clans are drawn upon to fill various positions in the benefits of the program was that is taught people village government, although control still remains how to make proposals to obtain funding from the with the dominant clan. Other ethnic groups, such government, something that has since stood them as Batak, Javanese and Florinese, do not figure at in good stead. all in clan relations, but play an important role in the market economy. Minority clans, the elderly, Since Kabupaten Dogiyai’s establishment as an orphans, and widows, all of whom depend on autonomous region in 2008, the government of their extended families, are the most marginalized the kabupaten has disbursed development funds groups in Kabupaten Dogiyai. to villages through the Village Funds Allocation (Alokasi Dana Kampung, or ADK) to support 34 - Beneficiary Assessment of PNPM/RESPEK villages in performing their responsibilities. between the Gane and the Goo clan that led to For village and women’s empowerment, the serious social unrest. The seeds of the conflict Village Community Empowerment Office (Kantor were already evident in 2008 when Dogiyai was Pemberdayaan Masyarakat Kampung, or KPMK) established but only broke out into open conflict provides guidance to village officials through during the bupati election. The conflict damaged village administrative management. Women, public facilities, such as the market, the mosque, particularly those involved in PKK, were given short the church, and some government offices. Other courses in sewing and cooking, skills that could be challenges include the lack of qualified sub- used to help them meet their own needs. Villages district facilitators and difficult access, especially in in Kabupaten Dogiyai also received infrastructure reaching remote areas such as Sukikai sub-district, development programs from the kabupaten, such which can take three to four days days to reach on as swamp road hardening in Bukapa village, as well foot. as water channel construction by the Kabupaten Public Works Dinas in Ekemanida village. 2.2.1 Community Knowledge and Experience regarding PNPM/RESPEK in Kabupaten Dogiyai The implementation of the PNPM/RESPEK Generally, community knowledge of the PNPM/ program in Kabupaten Dogiyai has been ongoing RESPEK program was limited to the program’s since 2008. PNPM/RESPEK started its activities name, which people knew as ‘RESPEK’, the in Kabupaten Dogiyai at the same time as name of TPKK head in their village, the program the kabupaten was first established in 2008.12 investments, and some knowledge of the program Over the course of this period, most villages stages, mainly the implementation stage. In implemented four program cycles, with labor- Ekemanida village, for example, the beneficiaries intensive programs predominating in the first year. of “healthy house” project did not understand Program investments in villages included roads the process, the program stages, or the purpose and drainage, lighting facilities powered by diesel of the program, including the source of the funds. generators, “healthy homes”, and MCK facilities. They only knew the TKPP members. In Bukapa village, however, the community were better PNPM/RESPEK program implementation in informed about the PNPM/RESPEK program, Kabupaten Dogiyai received support from the having attended the community meeting to decide kabupaten government, which committed 20 proposal priorities. People who participated in percent cost-sharing from its APBD from the total the meeting also knew about the PNPM/RESPEK’s budget for PNPM in Kabupaten Dogiyai. Aside source of funds and the size of the allocations. from the cost-sharing funds, Kabupaten Dogiyai’s government has also supported PNPM activities Community members, especially those close to through the provision of Joint-Affairs Regional the TPKK and the village government, learned Funds (Dana Daerah Urusan Bersama, or DDUB) about the program through their involvement in since 2011. DDUB is allocated to sub-districts the physical construction process, from program considered to have received less funding than investments and from being program beneficiaries other sub-districts, such as Kamu sub-district. (including receiving wages for the construction The diesel generator facility in Bukapa village, for work). One resident of Idakebo village, for instance, instance, aside from PNPM funds, was also funded who was a close relative of the TPKK head, learned by DDUB because PNPM funds were insufficient. about the program from the TPKK head and the secretary. She knew the program by the name Despite support from the kabupaten government, ‘RESPEK’, and knew the source of the budget and PNPM/RESPEK implementation in Kabupaten the investments made in Idakebo village. However, Dogiyai had continued to face significant community members who did not receive any challenges, one of which was the political assistance, or those who did not participate in the polarization during the bupati election in 2012 socialization events, had only limited knowledge of the program. They usually learned of the program by observing construction activities in their village. Before 2008, when the Dogiyai area was still part of Kabupaten Nabire, some locations already had experience of PNPM activities. For example, Mogou village in North Kamu sub-district 12 has participated in PNPM since 2007. Beneficiary Assessment of PNPM/RESPEK - 35 Unlike their communities, all village heads in the village, and the program investments, as well the four research locations had full knowledge as the source of the funds. However, she did not of PNPM/RESPEK, including the name of the know the program’s principles. program, the program officers, and the source of the funds. Other village figures, however, such as Women who were not active in the village but were religious leaders and hamlet chiefs, did not know nonetheless beneficiaries were able to tell which the working methods or the program mechanisms. programs they had benefited from. For example, An exception was observed in Bukapa village, women who received tin roof for “healthy house” where the school principal knew the amount of project in Bukapa village knew that the assistance funds received by the village, because he had came from PNPM/RESPEK. In Idakebo on the other attended the village meeting at which the TPKK hand, women who were not beneficiaries only knew invited villagers for program socialization. that the assistance came from the government, but TPKK members had full knowledge of PNPM/ could not explain the sources further. RESPEK: they knew the program name and could distinguish between PNPM and RESPEK, they A summary of the above is see in the Table 2.3 knew that PNPM was for public facilities and that below: RESPEK could be used for personal facilities, such as houses, and that the PNPM funds source was From Table 2.3 it is evident that the elite, i.e., APBN while the RESPEK funds source was the village heads, heads of the Village Consultative Special Autonomy Fund (Dana Otsus) from the Body, TPKK, had the most knowledge of PNPM/ provincial government. They also knew the stages RESPEK compared with other groups. Community and progress of activity implementation in the members in general in Bukapa village had a similar village, as well as the various program investments level of knowledge as the elite, especially those in the village. who were visited by the head of the TPKK to invite them to attend village meetings. As for the The knowledge of women in the four villages women, only in Ekemanida and Bukapa villages did reflected that in the community in general. The women know of the source of funds because they majority of women knew about the program had previously been active in the village and were investments in their village from the activity invited by the head of the TPKK to attend village outcomes. For example, the sister of the Onou meetings. hamlet head in Bukapa village said that she knew about the program from its outcomes, such as the 2.2.2 Community Participation in PNPM/RESPEK diesel generator and the dirt road. Despite this, in Kabupaten Dogiyai she did not know the name of the program or the Community members were usually involved budget amount. The women who were active in the only during the dissemination process and village generally had more knowledge than other physical construction activities. In Ekemanida women. For example, one woman who was active village, community involvement in planning and in PKK and the Posyandu of Ekemanida village development implementation occurred in the knew the program name, the activity managers in initial period of the PNPM/RESPEK program when Table 2.3 Knowledge of Communities in Kabupaten Dogiyai regarding PNPM/RESPEK Ekemanida Bukapa Idakebo Mogou Knowledge E K PA PK E K PA PK E K PA PK E K PA PK Program name √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ Funds √ √ √ √ √ √ √ Source of funds √ √ √ √ √ √ √ Process and stages √ √ √ √ √ Activity managers √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ Program √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ investments Rules √ √ √ √ √ √ √ Purpose *Remarks: E=Elite, K=Community in General, PA=Active Women, PK=Women in General Source: Processed from field data, 2013 36 - Beneficiary Assessment of PNPM/RESPEK it first entered the village in 2008 - 2009. Later, in In Ekemanida village, the community did not know 2010 - 2013, activity proposals were decided by how activities and beneficiaries were decided the community for four-year periods, in this case because the process was controlled by the village tin roof assistance, and as a result priority setting head. In Bukapa village, on the other hand, at meetings were no longer necessary. the very least, the head of the TPKK had tried to involve community in the planning process through Community participation in the activities during informal consultation with community members 2008 - 2009 was high because the activities prior to program planning meeting, either one-on- provided wages. Every village applied a division one in people’s house or publicly in the market. of labor according to groups by setting the The planning process started when the head working hours so that all community members had of the TPKK met with the sub-district facilitator the same opportunity to work and earn a wage. in the market to find information about what There was unintended consequence though: the type of proposals have been proposed in other Ekemandia village secretary stated that villagers villages/sub-districts. The sub-district facilitator no longer wanted to work voluntarily. The gotong then suggested a number of initial proposals to royong principle that used to prevail in the past be discussed with the village head, the village was eroded because people understood that secretary, and the head of the Village Consultative government programs had budgeted to provide Body. After determining the priority proposals, wages. the head of the TPKK met with the community informally to secure their approval. After there However, in subsequent periods after 2010, was agreement, a proposal setting meeting was community cooperation reemerged with the held as a forum to socialize the agreed proposals. development of “healthy houses”, although this Community members were present during the was limited to working with close neighbours or meeting but only to endorse the proposals that relatives inhouse building. This project was planned had already been agreed with the TPKK. to be implemented in four year period to ensure all households in the village can be covered in turns. As in Yahukimo village, women who were already Those who had received materials such as a tin roof active in village activities/groups were more able asked relatives and close neighbours to assist them to participate in the planning process and activity as labours, because beneficiaries only received IDR implementation, and were able to contribute ideas 700,000 to cover the labor costs, a sum that was during the village meetings, or informally when, insufficient for the work required. These for example, meeting TPKK officers in the street. relatives/neighbours were then repaid with labor In Bukapa village though, according to the head when it was their turn to receive materials to build of the TPKK, women in general already had the their houses. courage to contribute ideas although these were not necessarily approved by the forum. In 2011, the In all research village locations, village heads women proposed training in duck farming, but the and officials were involved in planning and forum decided to build an electricity installation implementation of activities, along with the instead. One woman told of how the women in TPKK activity managers. The village heads and the village had asked for a program to provide secretaries, and heads of the Village Consultative assistance in animal husbandry in order to improve Body, and traditional and religious figures, as the economic livelihood of their families. However, well as heads of the TPKK, made proposals and electricity provision had already been proposed by decisions on the implementation of PNPM/RESPEK the men at the hamlet level. She added that once activities. This occurred because the TPKK only the electricity generator started operation, it would invited these people to attend the formal meeting, mean that contributions would be levied on the despite other community members’ willingness to community to buy the fuel. This would be a burden attend if invited. for the women, because it was mainly the women who worked and earned money in the village. Beneficiar y Assessment of PNPM/RESPEK - 37 In Ekemanida village, women who were already Another benefit of the program came in the form active in the village proposed ideas in village of wages that both men and women could earn for forums. The wife of the village secretary proposed working on the construction phase. For example, to build a Posyandu and this was approved by the in Bukapa village the community earned wages community members present at the meeting. Aside for building roads and drainage. In Ekemanida from the fact that she had been active in this village village almost every body worked for one week on previously, her proposal was approved because it road building and drainage, earning between IDR aligned with the interests of the village head and 300,000 and IDR 350,000 each. officials to complement the village community hall that was built in 2013. However, other than Despite the generally positive response in this example, there was no participation by other Kabupaten Dogiyai, one community in a remote women in the community because the TPKK did hamlet in Mogou village refused PNPM/RESPEK not invite them to participate. assistance because villagers felt it did not fit with their needs. The hamlet, also known as the Pidogio The above presentation is summarized in the customary village, refused tin roof assistance following table: because villagers did not want to change the shape of their houses. The villagers even ruled that In Table 2.4 it is evident that the elite, i.e., the anyone adding a tin roof would be expelled from village heads, the heads of the Village Consultative the hamlet. Body, and activity managers/TPKK, were present during village meetings and conveyed proposals. Aside from the impacts in terms of physical While most villagers in the research locations development, PNPM/RESPEK to some degree also attended meetings, they did not convey any ideas influenced the social capital of villagers. PNPM/ and did not take part in the decision-making. As RESPEK encouraged people to work together, for the women who were active in the village, they especially in the process of building “healthy participated in village meetings, and conveyed houses”, providing their labor, especially to those their suggestions, as well as making decisions. with family or neighbourly ties. This cooperation was necessary because of the high cost of 2.2.3 Impact of PNPM/RESPEK on Communities construction workers and building materials. in Kabupaten Dogiyai Building a house required around two cubic Communities in all four villages viewed PNPM/ meters of wood at IDR 7,000,000, and a further RESPEK as being beneficial and responding to their IDR 20,000,000 for labor, while the program only needs. Community’s proposals, although often provided IDR 7,000,000 for labor. Cooperation directed by the program implementers, could be was seen in all villages where there was road and realized through the program. The communities bridge construction as well as“healthy houses”. felt the benefits of the program, especially from infrastructure related to the promotion of health Regarding the positive outcomes for the TPKK and improvements in their quality of life. Both men activity managers, they learned how to document and women were satisfied with the assistance, the process and the stages of implementation. such as electric lighting, “healthy houses” project, Reporting involved keeping financial expenditure drainage, and communal MCK facilities. records in the form of receipts and financial Table 2.4 Participation of Kabupaten Dogiyai in PNPM/RESPEK Ekemanida Bukapa Idakebo Mogou Participation E K PA PK E K PA PK E K PA PK E K PA PK Present √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ Proposed √ √ √ √ √ √ Decided √ √ √ √ √ √ Process and √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ stages *Remarks: E=Elite, K=Community in General, PA=Active Women, PK=Women in General Source: Processed from field data, 2013 38 - Beneficiary Assessment of PNPM/RESPEK bookkeeping. In Bukapa village, the head of the Explanations of the budget to communities were TPKK kept records and financial documentation often conveyed informally: discussions between of PNPM/RESPEK activities for the sub-district villagers and the head and the treasurer of the facilitator. According to the head of Idakebo TPKK took place during informal community village, he was assisted by the head of the TPKK to gatherings. The exception was in Bukapa village record program activities because he was unable to where the activity manager in the village explained read or write himself. budget management clearly to the community. The community in Bukapa responded and were Some community members received no direct informed of the amount of the funds, although they benefits from the investments. For instance, those may not have fully appreciated the technicalities of who lived in the most remote areas far from the budget management. village center often did not benefit and were not involved in the program. In Mogou village, where In addition to facilitators, TPKK also played an the settlements are spread out across three hamlets important role in influencing the voices and (Pigomapa, Tipatadi, and Mogoupuga) in remote experiences of people in Kabupaten Dogiyai. Poor areas, villagers could not access any program understanding by TPKK members of the principles benefits because all PNPM investments were of democratic participation limited villagers’ ability concentrated in the main village. to participate in running the program. The TPKK’s unwillingness to encourage wider participation 2.2.4 Factors that Affect the Experience and could have been aggravated by lack of control Participation of Communities from sub-district facilitators to consistently follow Increasingly, community had come to realize the stages need to avoid elite domination. just how important program socialization and facilitation by the sub-district facilitator were. When Weak participation by villagers was also the result these were weak, it meant that decision-making of sub-district facilitators directing proposals. Prior essentially became just a confirmation of options to holding village meetings, sub-district facilitators that had already been decided by the village elite. often narrowed down the options to only a few In Idakebo village on the other hand, the village proposals, such as communal MCK facilities, water facilitator only went as far as gathering people to tanks, and tin roofing. Although this was likely listen to suggestions and providing information influenced by the need to standardize infrastructure about the work that the villagers would do. The building due to difficulties to find capable technical purpose, the amount of the funds, and the program facilitators and engineers in Papua and West Papua mechanism were not explained to the community. (see AKATIGA 2012), as a result, deliberations were This was due to lack of village TPKK members’ limited to only those options, setting a precedent understanding about the program because sub- in following years. Even then, these limited options district facilitator did not visit the village often were often proposed by the TPKK and village enough to explain program’s details to the TPKK figures, such as the village head, who wanted and community. To make matter worse, when the to make sure that their village also have similar sub-district facilitator did come, he faced difficulties infrastructure as other villages so that they won’t in explaining the program to the TPKK due to the be seen as left-behind compare to others. As a language barrier. Meetings between facilitator and result, many proposals were often built against the TPKK were often conducted informally where the majority’s wishes although they still benefited from information conveyed was partial, such as when some of the investments. TPKK ran into facilitator in market or during TPKK visits to sub-district facilitator. Effective facilitation As mentioned above, the language barrier also by sub-district facilitators was only observed in had an effect on communities’ knowledge of Ekemanida and Bukapa villages, where both lived the program, as many people could not fully relatively close to villages and both were able to understand Bahasa Indonesia. Sub-district speak the local language. facilitators used Bahasa Indonesia to socialize program activities, while communities could often only speak and understand their local language, and there were often no interpreters to help with information exchange. Beneficiary Assessment of PNPM/RESPEK - 39 2.2.5 Hopes of Communities for PNPM/RESPEK Village elites and community also often have in Kabupaten Dogiyai different views about projects supported by the Communities hoped that the PNPM/RESPEK program. Village heads and secretaries, and TPKK program would be continued. People in Bukapa heads in all villages for example, agreed that village, for instance, hoped that the tin roof PNPM/RESPEK had been popular, especially the tin assistance would continue until all villagers had roof assistance. The acting village head of Bukapa received tin roofs. Others also hoped that the thought villagers were content to have houses assistance given would fit community needs more that were more modern. However, some villagers closely in the future, such as the community in thought that tin roofs benefitted the government Ekemanida and Bukapa, which wanted a lighting officials and activity managers more than the facility. This was strongly favoured by the elderly in villagers, because the building materials assistance Ekemanida and Bukapa villages, who felt that the was enjoyed mostly by village heads, village tin roof assistance was unnecessary. The elderly secretaries, and the TPKK heads. who received tin roofs often gave the materials to their children or relatives who wished to renovate Women in all four villages said that program their houses with tin roofing. benefits could be felt by the community, such as wages for work, house building (tin roof) assistance, Consistent with community wishes, village heads access to clean water and the Posyandu. Despite and secretaries in all research locations hoped the this, women saw no programs that addressed program would continue albeit often for different women’s concerns directly. The head of PKK in reasons. The TPKK secretary in Bukapa village Bukapa, for instance, hoped that the program hoped that funds would be increased because they could pay more attention to women by providing were considered insufficient to meet the needs of activities that addressed their specific needs. the village. He thought that the APBN and APBD She felt that while the tin roof assistance and the programs (PNPM/RESPEK) were better than other provision of a diesel generator were beneficial programs, as proposals could be selected and for women, loans to women’s groups would have managed directly by the people. The TPKK head been more useful in raising the standard of living and the secretary in Bukapa also hoped that their of families. This was consistent with other women training could be shortened to save time. in Bukapa who hoped to have activities specifically addressing women’s needs, such as micro-finance The head of the TPKK in Idakebo village felt that loans and training in animal husbandry. This the program could encourage hamlet heads to occurred after they became aware of the savings make agreements in distributing the program funds and loans program for women of ADPK (Village that entered the village. The competition between Community Empowerment Funds Allocation).In hamlets in Idakebo for program funds triggered an Ekemanida and Bukapa villages, women hoped altercation between hamlets, but later there was that the program would provide facilities for agreement on taking turns and sharing, reducing women rather than just men at the meetings. the potential for conflict. For example, during PNPM/RESPEK deliberation meetings the TPKK provided cigarettes for the men, while nothing was provided for the women. 40 - Beneficiary Assessment of PNPM/RESPEK 2.3 Kabupaten Merauke Being the most remote of the four research locations, Bupul and Kweel villages rely largely on Kabupaten Merauke is located in the southern subsistence agriculture and are not yet linked with region of the province of Papua. This kabupaten the nearest market. The main livelihood in both was first established in 1969 and but has seen villages is hunting and horticulture, with people several administrative splits since then.13 The area often spending days, and in some instances even of Kabupaten Merauke is 119,749 km, or around weeks, inside the forest. In contrast, the majority 14.22 percent of the total area of Papua province. of villagers in Matara and Urumb are farmers Topographically, Kabupaten Merauke is located (rice and horticulture), and fishermen (marine in lowlands at elevations of up to 60m above sea and marsh), as well as owners of livestock (mainly level, comprising plains, marshes and undulating cows and horses). Given the proximity of the two topography. The relatively flat region in the south villages to the main town the products are sold and the center host numerous settlements and in local markets. These livelihoods were mainly support mainly horticultural economic activities. learned from migrants among the ex-transmigrant The elevation and soil conditions in Kabupaten community14 from Java. Merauke make it difficult for people to access clean water. It is for this reason that activity managers In Kabupaten Merauke, some villages are already often suggest building communal bathing, washing integrated with ex-transmigrant migrants, while and toilet (MCK) facilities and clean water facilities others are still isolated and only interact with in the PNPM/RESPEK program. outsiders through traders who come to the area. Bupul and Kweel villages are indigenous Papuan In 2012, based on Civil Registry data, Kabupaten villages; in Bupul there are seven clans, while in Merauke had a population of 246,852. The Marind Kweel there are three clans, all of whom come is the indigenous ethnic group of Kabupaten from the same tribe, the Yei. Matara and Urumb Merauke and this group is divided into four are mixed villages; most of the people in the two large tribes, the Marind Yei, the Marind Deg, the villages are third and fourth generation descended Marind Pante, and the Marind Kanum. Besides from mixed marriages between indigenous indigenous tribes, there are also non-Papuan ethnic Papuans and the migrant population. groups, such as Javanese, Buginese, Butonese, Chinese, Timorese, and Sundanese. Some of them, particularly the Javanese, Sundanese and Figure 2.3 Timorese, came to Kabupaten Merauke with the Administrative Map of Kabupaten Merauke transmigration program. The commonly used language is Bahasa Indonesia, while the indigenous inhabitants within their tribes use their own indigenous languages. Figure 2.3 shows the research sub-districts and the village locations. Information gathering for this research was conducted in Urumb and Matara villages in Semangga sub-district, and Kweel and Bupul villages in Elikobel sub-district. The reasons for selecting these locations included the relatively easy accessibility from the capital town of Merauke. Bapul and Kweel villages in Elikobel sub-district, although relatively far from Merauke town (± 180- 200 km), can be reached in about five hours by car. The other two villages, Matara and Urumb, are in Semangga sub-district, which is close to Merauke town, at about 30 km, with a travel time of around one hour. 13 The establishment of Kabupaten Merauke was based on Law No. 12/1969 on the Formation of Autonomous West Irian Province and Autonomous Districts in West Irian Province. In 2002, based on Law No. 26/ 2002, Kabupaten Merauke was divided into four sub-districts, namely Merauke (the main district), Boven Digoel, Mappi and Asmat. Since 2002, Kabupaten Merauke has consisted of 20 sub-districts, 160 villages and 8 urban wards (kelurahan). 14 Former-migrants are second or third generations of migrants who have moved away from their original migration locations. B enef ic iar y A s ses sment of PNPM/RE SPEK - 41 At the time of the research, PNPM/RESPEK 2.3.1 Community Knowledge and Experience of activities in Kabupaten Merauke had been PNPM/RESPEK in Kabupaten Merauke ongoing for five years since 200815. In this Communities in all four villages generally only period, villagers’ experience of completed knew the program name and not how the program cycles varied. Bupul village had only program worked. They knew that a program completed three program cycles, Kweel village called “RESPEK”provided assistance for building four cycles, while Matara and Urumb villages infrastructure, such as communal MCK facilities and had each completed five cycles. This difference water tanks. The community in Bupul village, for was because Bupul and Kweel had been subject instance, knew that the name of the program was to sanctions for not completing activities in “RESPEK” and understood that the program was accordance with program regulations. Over the for building public facilities in their village funded duration of PNPM/RESPEK implementation in the by the government. Development activities that four villages, program investments were either people recognized as being from the program in the form of infrastructure, such as concrete included the provision of sanitation systems and roads, wells, rainwater collectors, drainage, and water tanks, nutritional assistance for under fives sanitation, or non-infrastructure such as Women’s and school children, and women’s enterprise Savings and Loans (SPP, which is a revolving loan groups. Villagers did not know the source of fund), Posyandu activities, additional nutrition the funds for PNPM/RESPEK and assumed the for children, training in animal husbandry, and government was providing the financial support, educational assistance for children. without being able to distinguish between the national budget (APBN) or the sub-national budget As elsewhere, the types of infrastructure built with (APBD) as the source of funds. PNPM/RESPEK funds have seen shifts over the five year of implementation, as follows: In addition, communities in the four villages • 2007: In this year, PNPM/RESPEK only took the generally recognized the TPKK personnel in form of socialization activities for future plans. their village from the proposal meetings at the People who attended these meetings included beginning of the program. People in Kweel customary figures (customary community village knew about the TPKK from the village institutions), customary leaders, activity meeting at which TPKK personnel had explained managers, village heads, and the villagers the implementation process of PNPM/RESPEK themselves, including women. People were activities. At such meetings, the TPKK also informed about how to propose an activity for explained which projects could be funded and the implementation. possibility of participating in the implementation • 2008: In this year, people started to submit work. For road construction and sanitation activity proposals for their villages. However, projects, the TPKK opened a registration book community proposals were invariably for for people who were interested in working on the individual economic activities that did not implementation phase. conform to the program rules. Thus, the process of setting village activities was then Villagers who lived further away from the village directed and determined by the kabupaten/ center and could not attend village meetings sub-district facilitators, who usually proposed organized by the TPKK only knew about the infrastructure projects such as road program from their observations of the physical strengthening, drainage, well building, and facilities built in their villages. They knew that communal MCK facilities and electricity. PNPM/RESPEK was a village facility building • 2009 - 2012: Most of the activities were program funded by the government, but continuations of programs from the previous were unable to distinguish from which level years. New proposals included building and of government the funds originated, whether strengthening of roads, installation of water kabupaten, provincial or from the central tanks, nutritional provisions for toddlers, government. They were also unaware of how women’s revolving loan funds, and fishing and the PNPM/RESPEK program operated within the farming equipment. However, not all these community. People who lived furthest from their proposals were accepted and often it was the village center simply knew that PNPM/RESPEK was longer-running activities that were selected. a program that was managed by a small number of people in the village. 15 Prior to the start of PNPM/RESPEK in 2008, these four villages participated in PNPM Rural activities in 2007. 42 - Beneficiary Assessment of PNPM/RESPEK In contrast, the village head, the secretary, the The women in the four research village locations treasurer, and TPKK members all had good knew that 15 percent of PNPM/RESPEK funds (i.e., knowledge of the program. They knew the iDR 15,000,000) was supposed to be allocated for program name and could distinguish between the women’s activities, such as cooking and sewing source of funds, and the amount of money going to courses. They received this information from their each project. They could also distinguish that the husbands who attended the meetings, as few PNPM’s source of funds originated from APBN, and women attended the meetings. In Kweel village, those of RESPEK from APBD. The TPKK treasurer the budget for women’s activities was used by the in Matara, for instance, knew the PNPM/RESPEK TPKK to buy sewing machines. Subsequently, the source of funds and the amount for the village, i.e., TPKK gave just IDR 5,000,000 to the women for IDR 100,000,000 in 2007, rising to IDR 144,000,000 their activities. The women in Kweel village knew in 2012 for RESPEK, while from PNPM the villages how much of the funds they should have received each received IDR 120,000,000 for the first time in and raised the issue with the TPKK. However, the 2012. TPKK did not offer a clear explanation of why it had taken the initiative to purchase the sewing There were also marked variations in the levels machines itself. of knowledge among activity managers. In Bupul village, the knowledge of the TPKK secretary and This incident occurred due to an accountability the treasurer was rather limited: they were unaware issue related to RLFs for women’s activities: money of the source of the funds, and the treasurer could that should have revolved in the fund had instead not explain whether PNPM/RESPEK was funded by stagnated and there was no accountability for APBN or APBD. Likewise, the village secretary in the use of the funds. As a result, the sub-district Kweel village did not know the source of funds for facilitator decided to use the funds to purchase PNPM/RESPEK activities or other assistance that sewing machines through the TPKK. However, entered his village. Despite this, the Kweel village as this contradicted the principle of determining secretary knew the amount of funds received by activity choices, the TPKK failed to provide an the village, while the head of the TPKK in the explanation to the women, as explained above. village thought that RESPEK funds were only to be used for constructing village buildings and People’s knowledge of the PNPM/RESPEK program not for empowerment. However, he was aware in Kabupaten Merauke can be summarized as that the source of PNPM/RESPEK funds was the follows: APBN, and that the course of RESPEK funds was from the Papua provincial government, and that accountability of both was separate. Table 2.5 Knowledge of Kabupaten Merauke Communities of PNPM/RESPEK Bupul Kweel Matara Urumb Knowledge E K PA PK E K PA PK E K PA PK E K PA PK Program name √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ Funds √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ Source of funds √ √ √ √ Pricess ans stages √ √ √ √ Activity managers √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ Program √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ investments Rules √ √ √ √ √ Purpose *Remarks: E=Elite, K=Community in General, PA=Active Women, PK=Women in General Source: Processed from field data, 2013 Beneficiary Assessment of PNPM/RESPEK - 43 Table 2.5 shows how the elite in all four villages, facilitator. All TPKK officers, except the head, had namely the village heads, the TPKK officers, been replaced through community consultations. and village officials, had more knowledge of However, the new TPKK officers, including himself, the program than other groups, although they were never involved in activity implementation, were unaware of the purpose of the program. as all activities were still managed by the previous Communities, meanwhile, had varying levels of officers. Likewise, the head of the women’s group program knowledge. For example, people in Bupul in Urumb village felt that the TPKK had never and Kweel villages knew the program name, the adequately explained to the community the size activity managers, and the amount of the funds of the funds, the disbursement schedule, or the available to their village, but people in Matara fund utilization. She added that the community had and Urumb villages had a better understanding never been invited to talk about fund management, of how the funds were disbursed. Regarding the and people could only watch building materials women, only women in Matara village had an being delivered to the village for the PNPM/ understanding of the program rules, while the RESPEK program. women in the three other villages only knew the program name, the amount of the funds, the The loss of participation in planning meetings activity managers, and the various investments in was also the result of a decision to limit activity the irrespective villages. proposals to facilities that were realized in yearly rotations, such as communal MCK facilities, wells, 2.3.2 Community Participation in PNPM/RESPEK and rainwater collectors. These facilities no longer in Kabupaten Merauke required community consultations. In the early Program activity managers in all four villages years, before infrastructure options were decided stated that they had held community meetings by the sub-district facilitator, the community with the villagers. The meetings were organized came up with numerous ideas. For instance, in using a representation system whereby heads of Matara village a retention wall was proposed in neighbourhood units (RT) represented the villagers 2009, but the proposal was never realized, as it in their respective areas. However, this contradicted was considered too expensive by the sub-district statements from villagers, who claimed that TPKK facilitator. Meanwhile, the proposal for clean water activity managers had never invited them to installations was later switched to the provision of meetings and that many of them were unaware communal MCK facilities and wells by the TPKK of the program as a result. In Bupul and Matara manager and the sub-district facilitator. A similar villages community involvement in the planning loss of participation was observed in other research process occurred in the early phases of the locations. program, but after 2010 all community involvement ceased. In Bupul village, community participation in the planning process was initially strong, but Village facilitators in Urumb village and youth in diminished over time. When PNPM/RESPEK arrived Bupul village had similar opinions concerning the in 2007-2008, community consultations occurred program’s socialization. When PNPM/RESPEK frequently, from the election of TPKK administrators had first arrived in these villages, community to the submission of program proposals. However, meetings where held at which the activity by the time of this research, such meetings were managers explained the program stages, from only attended by the TPKK head, the treasurer, forming the TPKK to activity proposal deliberations the secretary and the facilitators to determine (participatory planning), funds disbursement, the programs. The facilitator came up with program activity implementation, and program program plans without any consultation with the reporting. The Urumb village facilitator confirmed communities they served. Even the Cost Budget this. He also said that this model of participation Estimate (RAB) was prepared by the technical sub- disappear after that. Situation worsen in 2012 after district facilitator, so that the TPKK could execute election of new TPKK administrators which coincide the planned and adjusted RAB in line with work with the time he had been elected as the village volume, i.e., materials, man-days of work, and the 44 - Beneficiary Assessment of PNPM/RESPEK number of workers. One member of the village suggestion was rejected by the sub-district PJOK youth organization involved in the construction on the grounds that the purchase of a vehicle of rainwater collectors felt that PNPM/RESPEK was a “dead” investment and would not provide socialization in Bupul village had been poor community empowerment. Consequently, a because so few people attended the meetings. It decision was made to build sanitation facilities and was generally the case that villagers were unaware wells instead. of the meetings because no announcements had been made by the TPKK. This youth from Villagers who lived far away from their village Bupul noted that even the head of the Village center in the four research locations were rarely Consultative Body had not received information on involved in program activities, especially decision- the PNPM/RESPEK meeting. making meetings. Such villagers said that they had never been invited to attend meetings, which they The case of Matara village was similar, with felt were only open to an exclusive circle, such as the sub-district facilitators bringing investment the TPKK managers. proposals along with the RAB and not involving the community in any decision-making. This situation In Urumb village, Semangga sub-district, women was explained by a head of a neighbourhood felt that PNPM/RESPEK activities were well suited unit (RT) and the treasurer of the TPKK in Matara: to their needs. Here, the decision-makers were proposals were socialized by the sub-district women who were active in the Posyandu, either facilitator to the community during the planning as midwives and nurses, in women’s enterprise consultation implementation. The sub-district groups, or as church activists. They were able to facilitator then brought the RAB and the finished create a balance of power vis-à-vis the village construction plans so that the ideas would appear head and the TPKK officers, which resulted in the to have come from the community and could be needs of women being taken seriously by the approved by the sub-district facilitator without wider community. PNPM paved the way for the question. Community ideas that were rejected youth group and women cadres to enter into the included buying nets to catch fish and shrimp, decision-making process at the village level. The scholarships for children, and the construction presence of women encouraged TPKK officers of an early childhood education center. The and the village head to follow their suggestions. TPKK treasurer said that the proposals had been As a result, the 15 percent funding allocated for provided by the sub-district facilitator and that the women’s activities was used as intended. community had to implement the construction of communal MCK facilities and wells. The head of The majority of meeting participants in Urumb the RT also noted that the TPKK officers and the village were men. However, thanks to facilitation sub-district facilitator had held a meeting at the by NGOs, some women were able to take part village hall but that he had not been invited. in PNPM/RESPEK processes. Women in Urumb village received support from Yasanto (Yayasan The construction of communal MCK facilities Santo Antonius), a local NGO, and Oxfam GB and wells in Matara and Bupul villages also went Papua. Through the PAWE (Papua Women against the wishes the village heads, who had been Empowerment) program, these NGOs aimed to told that, according to the PJOK of the kabupaten empower Papuan women by encouraging their and the sub-district, funds were insufficient to participation in CDD programs. In Urumb village, pay for other activities. The village heads had the NGOs worked with women to strengthen their wanted the PNPM/RESPEK funds to be used to capacity to improve their livelihoods. In 2010, they buy a second-hand pick-up truck that could be formed two women groups, the Waninggap Kai used by the community to transport their produce and the Noh Tabuk, after which they were invited to market, improving Matara’s economy. The to PNPM/RESPEK village meetings and were able vehicle could also be used to improve access to to voice their opinions and take part in decision- health services, making it easier to transport the making.16 Having established these groups, the sick to a Puskesmas or to hospital. However, this women then made proposals to the head of the 16 See also “What Media Says about PNPM Mandiri” - June 2012, PNPM Mandiri Monthly Media Monitoring Beneficiary Assessment of PNPM/RESPEK - 45 Table 2.6 Community Participation in PNPM/RESPEK in Kabupaten Merauke Bupul Kweel Matara Urumb Participation E K PA PK E K PA PK E K PA PK E K PA PK Attended √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ Proposed √ √ √ √ √ √ Decided √ √ √ *Remarks: E= Elite K= Community in General, PA= Active Women, PK= Women in General Source: Processed from field data, 2013 TPKK for PNPM/RESPEK funding, with facilitation picture was similar across all four villages. Women’s from Oxfam. This proved successful: one of the participation in Bupul and Kweel villages was women’s groups received micro-financing through similar to the rest of the community, namely that the women’s savings and loan fund (SPP) to start they could only attending meetings, but not small enterprises, such as snack-making, rice contribute. Only in Matara and Urumb villages, farming, poultry, etc. In 2013, IDR 15,000,000 was where the women were already active in village distributed evenly among 15 women as a revolving activities, were they able to make proposals, loan fund (RLF). although even then they were not allowed to take part in the decision-making. In contrast, women in Bupul village did not speak in forums because they were afraid of violence from 2.3.3 Impact of PNPM/RESPEK to Communities their men, both at home and in public. In 2008, the in Kabupaten Merauke women in Urumb village participated in Much infrastructure built with PNPM/RESPEK funds PNPM/RESPEK as workers in the physical was put to good use by communities. For example, infrastructure building project in place of their the rainwater collectors were used to provide husbands. They were paid IDR 25,000 to IDR drinking water, and water for washing and cooking. 50,000/day depending on the hours worked Rainwater collectors were also useful during the to build drainage systems and communal MCK rainy season as the excess water from heavy rain facilities. Women in Kweel village also received could be collected instead of flooding the roads. some financing to raise chickens, disbursed However, some investments were not put to such through women’s groups. Other activities included good use, for instance communal MCK facilities school-uniform sewing. However, in 2010 - 2012, and wells in Bupul and Matara villages. These both Kweel and Urumb villages no longer saw any facilities were built in two locations: at the homes programs that were specifically for the women. This of the activity managers (TPKK) and village officials was despite the fact the women were active in PKK, (head of RT); and in locations that were close to attended village meetings and proposed funding settlements but at some distance from people’s for a Posyandu in the village. homes. These locations determined their impact. Communal MCK facilities that were built within The above illustration can be summarized in the the grounds of private houses had minimal impact following table: because community members thought that they belonged to the owner of the house, while those Village heads, TPKK officers, and village officials, built in public areas were used frequently. i.e., the village elites, all attended program socialization meetings, suggested proposals and Another impact identified in Kabupaten Merauke made decisions. However, sub-district facilitators was that of ‘social envy’ in communities, for also played a significant role in proposing and instance in Matara and Urumb villages. People deciding activities, such as in Kweel village. were dissatisfied over the distribution of program Community participation, meanwhile, was limited benefits because they were dominated by one to attending meetings, but without the possibility group. In Matara village, this envy was triggered of contributing ideas or making decisions. The by the domination of the elite, i.e., the head of the TPKK and the head of the RT, benefiting most 46 - Beneficiary Assessment of PNPM/RESPEK from the program. The proposal to build communal TPKK in Urumb village also led to envy. Villagers MCK facilities and wells came from the head of the suspected that the TPKK head favoured his own RT and was based on complaints that there were family and relatives for MCK facility construction, no facilities. This was then conveyed to the head while community members who needed the of the TPKK during the village meeting. But the most basic MCK facilities were not prioritized. In head of the RT told the TPKK officers to prioritize determining those who benefited, only the TPKK him first because, as a village official who served members and people close to them were involved. the public, it was only appropriate that he received assistance first. He reasoned that if guests came The situation was different in Kweel village, which from outside the village, it would be embarrassing had 34 MCK points. The traditional leaders of if the MCK facilities were in poor condition. The Kweel understood that the construction of MCK TPKK officers then prioritized the houses of the facilities in people’s houses would help them to head of the RT and the TPKK officers, saying that wash, whereas before villagers were obliged to MCK facilities would be distributed to the rest of go to the nearest river or forest, polluting the the community later. environment. A similar situation was observed in Bupul village. One of the most direct impacts of the PNPM/ The wells were only used by members of the RESPEK program noted by church activists in Bupul elite and not by the wider community, while the village came in the form of the wages earned communal MCK facilities were built between from the program, which brought unintended two houses owned by the elite, and those who social change to the community: people thought lived further away felt uncomfortable making that all building work should then be paid in the use of them. In one case, the MCK facilities were form of wages and this had an adverse impact on built next to the kitchen of the house owner and participation in voluntary collective work (gotong- required villagers to pass through the kitchen of royong). the house owner in order to access the facilities. With regard to the impact on women, the By way of contrast, in one of the remote hamlets construction of rainwater collectors was beneficial relatively far from Bupul village center an MCK because women were primarily responsible for facility was constructed some way from private providing clean water for their households. The homes but still close to residential areas. This use of rainwater collectors also meant the women communal MCK facility remained in good condition no longer had to collect water from distant water and was frequently used by people in the area. sources and carry it home. One resident of the hamlet said that community members were satisfied with the outcome. Given Women in Urumb and Kweel villages also benefited that the location was easily accessible, villagers from micro-financing through the PNPM/RESPEK were also happy to maintain the MCK facility program. In Urumb village, the women’s position individually. Meanwhile, the construction of PNPM/ was strengthened by Oxfam, which arrived in RESPEK rainwater collectors nearby also made it 2012 and established three women’s groups to easier for people to collect water. provide training on gender, financial management, and savings and loans. Activities also included In Urumb village, the provision of wells and salted fish production and the making of woven communal MCK facilities failed to benefit the plates to be sold in kiosks near the village church. community. One MCK facility was located in an In 2013, one of the women’s group was able to uninhabited house, while another MCK facility access the 15 percent funds allocated for women’s was constructed on private premises that were activities from PNPM/RESPEK. Given that one of fenced off. As a result, the community could not requirements needed to access PNPM/RESPEK access the facilities and instead were forced to use funds was to have a women’s group to manage the the church’s MCK facilities across the street. The funds, having already established a women’s group control of program investments by the head of the made this easier for the women in Urumb. Beneficiar y A ssessment of PNPM/RESPEK - 47 In terms of gender relations, the PNPM/RESPEK In some cases, the sub-district facilitator determined program failed to register any significant progress the activity proposals for the village in an attempt in any of the four research locations. This was to fulfil the program’s requirements. Community evident from the far higher number of proposals proposals that were conveyed during the village that were approved from men than from women. meetings were often for activities aimed at personal In the men’s view, women were generally expected economic improvement and did not conform to the to take care of their households and serve their program rules. These proposals were later replaced husbands rather than participate in village by suggestions from the TPKK officers and the sub- activities. In Bupul village, women were invited district facilitator, and these invariably focused on to attend the village meeting and although they infrastructure such as communal MCK facilities and did participate they had trouble expressing their wells due to the difficulties in obtaining clean water views. In subsequent FGDs the women explained in Kabupaten Merauke (see the background at the that they had not dared to speak in the PNPM/ start of this section). RESPEK meetings because they would have been scolded and cursed by the men. Women who had Village meetings as a form of program socialization dared to express their views would have been seen were rarely held and the implementation of some as attention-seekers. The women also expressed activities was controlled by the head of the TPKK. the fear that if they had spoken up they would For example, in Kweel village the head of the TPKK have risked subsequent physical abuse from their personally bought sewing machines for the women’s husbands. activities at the request of the sub-district facilitator to simplify financial accountability and reporting. The 2.3.4 Factors that Influence Community sub-district facilitator was concerned that if activity Experience and Participation in Kabupaten implementation were left to the women’s group there Merauke was a risk that the supporting proof of purchase It seems that TPKK officers rarely held community would not be attached, complicating accountability meetings and did not consult all groups in their and reporting. The program requirements for proper communities. As a result, knowledge of PNPM/ reporting was used as a reason for the sub-district RESPEK was concentrated among the village elite, facilitator and the TPKK to take over most of the such as village heads and the TPKK. The wider program activities, especially procurement, resulting community, women, and marginal groups only in lower community participation. knew the program name and the types of physical facilities that were constructed. PNPM/RESPEK With regard to women’s participation, it was evident activity meetings in the four villages only took that violence and domination by men was the norm. place at the beginning of the program in 2008. This was most evident in the case of women in Bupul From 2009 onwards, meetings no longer involved village, where the women were reluctant to speak up the community and were only attended by program because they felt physically threatened. This led to a officers and village officials. general reluctance by women to participate in village activities. 48 - Beneficiary Assessment of PNPM/RESPEK 2.3.5 Community Hopes for PNPM/RESPEK in elected by the community according to merit. Kabupaten Merauke These villagers felt the TPKK officers had Communities generally welcomed PNPM/RESPEK embezzled money, such as the TPKK head in because it provided villagers with infrastructure and Matara village who had been tasked with the other facilities. However, communities sometimes purchase of materials in Merauke town and had stated that the type of infrastructure did not always returned home drunk. As a result, people were meet their needs. In Matara village, for instance, suspicious that the TPKK had simply used the some people thought that the communal MCK PNPM/RESPEK money to buy alcohol. Following facilities built from 2009 until 2012 did not meet this incident those villagers who lived furthest their needs and that a sea retention wall, a vehicle away from the village were no longer informed to transport their produce to market, and an early about the use of funds. childhood education center, would have been more suitable. The sea retention wall was urgently Villagers also felt that village meetings were needed to prevent seawater from encroaching onto only attended by people who were already their farmland and lowering rice yields. active in village activities and rarely involved those who lived further away, or who were not The head of the RT in Bupul village thought close to the TPKK or their relatives. Hence, that the sub-district facilitator should live in people living furthest from the village center the village and have an opportunity to get wanted proposals to come from the community to know the villagers. This would also have through meetings in the village hall where all allowed the facilitator to become more actively the community could attend, not just those involved in the work and better able to control close to the village head, the TPKK and their the performance of the TPKK officers. Church officers. activists worried that the wages paid for work in PNPM/RESPEK activities had undermined Women expressed the hope that in future people’s feelings of empowerment. One church program funds could be used for more facilitator in Bupul village felt that because wages economic livelihood activities, such as financing were paid for PNPM/RESPEK work this had led kiosks, farming and cultivation, helping them people to develop an attitude of “no money, no to meet their daily needs so that they would participation”, and community empowerment had not have to leave the village. In Urumb village, suffered as a result. women felt that economic empowerment would have been of more benefit than the building Villagers who lived furthest from the village fences and communal MCK facilities which center expressed a desire to reform the TPKK already existed before the program came. administration structure so that officers could be Beneficiar y A ssessment of PNPM/RESPEK - 49 VOICES AND EXPERIENCES OF COMMUNITIES REGARDING PNPM/RESPEK IN WEST PAPUA PROVINCE 3 50 - Beneficiary Assessment of PNPM/RESPEK CHAPTER 3 VOICES AND EXPERIENCES OF COMMUNITIES REGARDING PNPM/RESPEK IN WEST PAPUA PROVINCE The experience and development of PNPM/ The provincial government’s policy of separating RESPEK program in West Papua province PNPM from RESPEK led to a reduction in the differed markedly from those in Papua province, budget for PNPM by the parliament. The IDR as PNPM/RESPEK only ran for one fiscal year in 2 million assistance to support sub-district West Papua. In 2008, similar to Papua, RESPEK level consultations by the POKJA was no was merged with PNPM. However, in 2009, longer provided by the government and only Governor Abraham Octavianus Atururi (2003- an operational allowance for travel to the sub- 2005 and 2006-2016) decided to split PNPM and districts was provided. RESPEK once again, and thus since 2010 the two programs have continued separately. PNPM Meanwhile, the provincial government continued Mandiri is implemented directly by the kabupaten to provide development funds for villages from government, while RESPEK is implemented directly its regional budget (APBD). The provincial by the provincial government. government’s Special Autonomy Fund (Dana Otsus) used to fund RESPEK amounted to IDR In terms of program design, RESPEK in West 100,000,000/year for villages that had been Papua uses a community-based approach (CDD). administratively validated by the kabupaten Community participation is the main pillar in government. Aside from Dana Otsus, there was program implementation, whereby communities also an empowerment program that disbursed plan, decide, implement, and oversee the IDR 75,000,000/year for “definitive” villages implementation in the village. RESPEK program and IDR 50,000,000/year for newly established implementation was organized by a working villages. The provincial government also had an group (POKJA) at both the sub-district and village Integrated Village Development Program called levels. At the sub-district level, POKJA members “Village Pioneers”, which adopted the PNPM comprised sub-district employees led by the sub- approach. district head. At the village level, the POKJA was headed by community leaders and the heads of the This chapter elaborates the community voices and RT/RW, plus at least one construction expert and experiences regarding PNPM Mandiri and RESPEK several community members. The village head was in two kabupaten of West Papua province, namely effectively in charge of RESPEK at the village level. Kabupaten Kaimana and Kabupaten Teluk Bintuni. In practice, however, the implementation of RESPEK in West Papua villages did not go according to plan, as the CDD principles were not followed. Given that RESPEK at the village level was controlled by village heads, one of the consequences of this was that the program generally failed to involve the communities. B ene f ic iar y A s s e s sm en t o f P N P M / R E SP EK - 51 3.1 Kabupaten Kaimana Figure 3.1 Kabupaten Kaimana Map Kabupaten Kaimana was established in 2002 based on Law No. 26/2002 and officially became an autonomous kabupaten in 2013. Kabupaten Kaimana covers an area of 18,500 km2 and comprises seven sub-districts, 84 villages and two kelurahan.17 Based on the 2010 population census, Kaimana’s population was 46,243 people.18 The indigenous tribes of Kabupaten Kaimana are the Irarutu, the Mairasi, the Kambarau and the Koiwai, most of whom reside along the coasts and on the islands. The Irarutu from Teluk Arguni sub-district are spread to the south of Kelurahan Kaimana Kota. The Mairasi from the eastern parts of Kabupaten Kaimana reside along the northern coast of East Kaimana sub-district. The Kambrau, from Teluk Kambrau and Teluk Arguni sub-districts, reside along the south coast and northern parts fishing and farming, some people also work as of Kaimana Kota sub-district. The Koiwai from merchants, employees and civil servants. In Coa the western part of Buruway sub-district and the village, about 26 percent of the population were civil northern part of Kaimana sub-district mostly live on servants and eight percent merchants, the highest the islands. levels observed.19 In Egerwara village most people cultivate nutmeg. This was the only village that had Figure 3.1 shows the research locations in no civil servants in the population. Kabupaten Kaimana. The study was conducted in four villages, namely Coa and Lumira (Kaimana sub- Most research villages already had health facilities, district) and Tanusan and Egerwara (Arguni Bawah usually a Pustu. However, in Lumira village the sub-district). Kabupaten Kaimana is generally a Pustu was not functioning at the time of this coastal kabupaten with some of its territory marked study because no staff were available, aside from by hills. The coastal region is relatively easy to an elderly traditional birth attendant. If villagers reach, represented by Coa and Lumira villages. needed medicine, they had to visit a male nurse in Coa village can be reached from Kaimana town the neighbouring village. A relatively good health by motorcycle or public transportation in 15-30 service was found in Coa village, which was more minutes, while Lumira village is somewhat more easily accessible than in the three other villages. The difficult to access, reached from Kaimana town by Pustu in Coa village had been operating for three boat in one to two hours. The two other villages years and villagers could also access health services are in Arguni Bawah sub-district and represent from the regional hospital near Coa. Tanusa village more remote villages. Tanusan village, the capital had a Puskesmas with a general practicioner, but the of Arguni Bawah sub-district, can only be reached facility could not perform operations. In Egerwara in two to three hours from Kaimana town by sea, village, there was neither a health center nor any while Egerwara village is even more remote, and health personnel. Villagers from Egerwara had to can be reached from Tanusan by foot in one to visit the neighbouring village (Warmenu) to access two hours. There is no public transportation to the health services, including midwives. village.   With the exception of Lumira village, each village The main livelihoods of people in Kabupaten had educational facilities from early childhood Kaimana are fishing, sago cultivation in the learning centers, to primary and secondary schools, marshlands and nutmeg plantations in drier all of which had been built in recent years. In areas. All the produce from Lumira, Tanusan, contrast, Lumira village only had a primary school, and Egerwara villages is collected by small-scale but the teachers were often absent. While the traders. These traders in turn channel the produce schools in Tanusan village were all free, children to larger traders from outside the villages, who who lived in remote settlements still experienced collect the produce from village piers. Aside from difficulty in travelling to school. 17 Kaimana shares borders with Kabupaten Teluk Bintuni and Kabupaten Teluk Wondama to the north, Kabupaten Fakfak to the west, and Kabupaten Nabire and Mimika to the east, while to the south is the Arafura Sea (Law No. 26/ 2002). 18 Of these, 24,670 are male and 21,573 female. 19 Based on data provided by Coa village secretary in 2013. 52 - Beneficiary Assessment of PNPM/RESPEK The four research villages had different the village. Even PNPM Mandiri implementation characteristics in terms of social relationships. was controlled by the village head, who was also Coa, Egerwara and Tanusan villages were marked a businessman and the head of the Kaimana by tensions between community groups due Contractors’ Association. Another factor that to competition over power and resources. In strengthened the domination of the village head Coa village, this tension was especially strong in Lumira village was that his younger brother was between the migrant community (from various a member of the Kabupaten Kaimana parliament. ethnic groups, such as Javanese, Makassarese, On numerous occasions, the brother helped to Butonese), migrants from Arguni sub-district and bring programs to the village, such as a Puskesmas, the indigenous clans. The migrants in Coa village a school, and an electricity installation. Some of lived as a group in one location, namely RT 1, the villagers were also employed as workers on while the indigenous villagers lived in RT 2. The projects managed by the village head. dominant clan in Coa village is the Sirfefa, which holds communal rights over the land. The other Villages in Kabupaten Kaimana could access clans, such as the Busirah, have the right to live significant sums for development purposes, and work in Coa. Tensions in this village stemmed with each village able to access between IDR from the uneven distribution of program benefits 600 million and IDR 800 million annually from (including those from PNPM Mandiri). The migrant the kabupaten, the province and the central clan in RT 1 felt that the dominant clan in RT 2 had government. Fund sources included the provincial better access to program benefits such as road government’s Village/Kelurahan Empowerment building and communal bathing, washing and toilet Program (P2K) and the Village Funds Allocation facilities (known locally as mandi, cuci, kakus, or (ADK). According to the Community Empowerment MCK). This tension culminated in the village head Section Head in Kabupaten Kaimana, P2K was the from the Sirfefa clan being defeated by migrants initiative of the bupati, who adopted the PNPM from Arguni Bawah in the village head election in model, namely that projects should be proposed 2013. by communities, constructed by communities, and maintained by communities. The amount Tanusan village has two dominant clans, the of funds per village was IDR 160 million, broken Tefruam and the Ruwe. The Tefruam is the holder down into IDR 10 million for village operations, of the communal rights over the land, while the IDR 100 million for infrastructure, IDR 25 million Ruwe is the majority clan. The two compete for social funds, and IDR 25 million for women’s for power over government programs that are empowerment. For activity implementation in managed by the village government (such as villages, the kabupaten government delegated the RESPEK and Alokasi Dana Kampung, or ADK). facilitation process to PNPM. P2K has been running At the time of the study, the village government since 2012 and allocation shave prioritized physical was controlled by the Ruwe clan, while programs development, plantations, and fisheries, as well as related to land use were controlled by the Tefruam promoting education by building school facilities. clan as the owner of the land rights. Aside from P2K, the Kabupaten Kaimana In Egerwara village, the tension was between government also launched the Village Funds two large families within the dominant Furima Allocation (ADK). ADK is a special fund for clan. One of the families controlled the village village development, managed by the provincial government, i.e., the village head, while the other government through sub-district heads and village family controlled the TPKK through the head of the heads. The allocation amount is IDR 60 million to TPKK. The Furima clan is the largest clan and had IDR 150 million per village per year. Overall, ADK founded the village, the chiefdom that controls for Kabupaten Kaimana in 2012 amounted to IDR the customary lands that now comprise Egerwara 12.9 billion. These funds were used for the village village. However, while both men were from the governments’ daily operational costs, physical same clan, the village head and the TPKK head had infrastructure, community housing improvements poor relations and worked independently without and village fencing. coordination or mutual support. From the central government, PNPM agriculture Such tensions were not observed in Lumira village, funds were also provided to three sub-districts in where social relationships were dominated by West Papua, namely Kaimana, Arguni and Buruway one clan, the Orou, which was also the majority sub-districts. Each sub-district received IDR 1 dominant clan.20 The Orou controlled most billion, which was then divided to five villages government positions and programs that entered per sub-district (IDR 200 million per village). 20 The Orou clan represents around 60 percent of total population in Kampung Lumira. Beneficiary Assessment of PNPM/RESPEK - 53 This program aimed to promote the agricultural, knew the amount and the source of the funds, plantation and fisheries sectors. the program investments in the village, and the implementation stages and processes in the The variety of funds from various programs caused village, as well as the rules used in managing the tensions between social groups. These tensions, as activities. discussed above, were observed in Coa, Tanusam and Egerwara villages and were triggered by In Lumira village, detailed knowledge of the PNPM the inequitable distribution of benefits and the program was only held by the village head, who non-transparent use of funds. While there was no could explain the types of investment, the planning tension observed in Lumira village, this was largely process and PNPM Mandiri fund management. because of the domination of village head over the The village head admitted that he had written the social-economic life of village inhabitants. PNPM financial report for the village. The village secretary admitted that she could not distinguish 3.1.1 Knowledge and Experience of Communities between P2K, RESPEK, and ADK funds, adding that regarding PNPM Mandiri and RESPEK in all the information was known by the village head. Kabupaten Kaimana Communities in the four villages generally knew Compared with their knowledge of PNPM, people’s the PNPM program name and could distinguish it knowledge of RESPEK was even more limited. from other activities in their village, such as RESPEK Villagers only knew RESPEK by the program’s name and ADK. They also knew PNPM investment types, and explained it as “Dana Otsus”, a provincial as well as the sources of the funds. Villagers also program. Only people in Tanusan village knew knew the PNPM activity managers, such as the a little more about RESPEK. Here most people TPKK head, secretary and treasurer in the village, were aware that the village government received as well as the village facilitators. funds through RESPEK from the provincial Special Autonomy Fund (Dana Otsus) to the tune of IDR With regard to PNPM funds, the communities in 100 million. According to the villagers, RESPEK was Egerwara, Coa and Lumira villages knew nothing managed directly by the village head and used to about PNPM fund management. One woman who rehabilitate people’s houses and the village hall. was an MCK facility beneficiary in Coa village said People were aware that construction of the village that she had only heard the amount of the funds hall had been ongoing for three years and was still from PNPM during the village meeting, but she did unfinished. not know how the funds were used. Detailed knowledge of RESPEK was held only by The only village in which the community knew how the village head and secretary. The village secretary the funds were managed was Tanusan. Here the in Coa, for instance, could explain that in 2008, villagers were able to explain that PNPM funds when the two programs were merged, the PNPM/ were managed directly by the TPKK for facilities RESPEK program funded the construction of a such as the sea retention wall, rainwater collectors, footpath in RT 2 for IDR 75 million, while another wells, and roads. People also explained that in IDR 50 million was used to build a footpath in front 2012 the TPKK managers had failed to complete of the pesantren. He also knew that these funds a concrete road as planned, leaving it about 120 were disbursed in two tranches. meters short. As explained by members of the community, the apparent reason for this was a Villagers who lived further away from the village miscalculation of the volume of concrete required. center, together with migrants, had very poor In addition, sections of the road had uneven knowledge of both PNPM and RESPEK. In Coa slopes and holes, such that the thickness of the village, for instance, a husband and wife who made concrete was uneven, possibly contributing to the their living from horticulture had never heard of miscalculation. PNPM. They described projects in the village as “government development projects” and were The village head and the activity managers (TPKK) unaware of the village consultations organized by had most knowledge of PNPM. In Egerwara, the community to manage development funds for Tanusan and Coa villages such detailed knowledge the village. The only activities in the village that was found among the TPKK and its supporting they were aware of were religious ones. group, who were normally relatives of the TPKK. These people were privy to information regarding Women who were active in the women’s group programs that entered the village or could inquire in the village knew the program name, program about the programs directly. The members of investments and the TPKK managers. They also the TPKK knew the program name and could knew that some funds were earmarked specifically distinguish PNPM from other programs. They also for women’s activities. These active women also 54 - Beneficiary Assessment of PNPM/RESPEK knew the TPKK managers in the village. While Table 3.2 highlights that the elite—village heads, women who were not active knew the program heads of the Village Consultative Body, activity name and the managers, they were only aware of managers/TPKK managers—had most knowledge the program investments by observing changes in of RESPEK, such as the program name, the source their villages. of the funds, the processes and stages, and the program investments, as well as program rules. The people’s knowledge about PNPM in In Tanusan village the elite had more knowledge Kabupaten Kaimana can be summarized as follows: of RESPEK than in other villages. Communities generally had similar levels of knowledge of Table 3.1 shows that the village elite comprising RESPEK as women in the communities. village heads and TPKK managers knew most about the PNPM program. However, only in 3.1.2 Community Participation in PNPM Mandiri Tanusan village did the elite know the purpose of and RESPEK in Kabupaten Kaimana PNPM. Meanwhile, the communities’ knowledge in A significant decline in community involvement in general varied. Communities in the four villages all the PNPM program was observed across the four knew the program name, the source of the funds, research villages in Kabupaten Kaimana due to and the TPKK managers, as well as the program competition between groups within the villages. investments in their villages. People in Egerwara This competition revolved around three types of village also knew the amount of the funds available involvement in PNPM: attendance at meetings; for projects in the village. The community in conveying proposals and making decisions in Tanusan village had a similar level of knowledge as planning meetings; and involvement as workers the village elite, with the exception that they did during the construction phase. not know the rules or the purpose of the program. This higher level of knowledge than elsewhere was In Egerwara village, the planning process involved explained by the fact that the elite was divided the community, the village head, the village in the village and the factions therefore had to secretary, the TPKK and women. In Lumira village, compete in order to win the community’s support. community involvement was limited to attending planning meetings and temporary work during Women in all four villages knew the program name, the construction phase. However, the planning the source of the funds, the activity managers, and meetings were more akin to the socialization the types of investment in their respective villages. of activities in the village, because proposals However, only women in Tanusan village were and activities had already been determined aware of the amount of the funds. Generally, those by the village head. In Lumira village, activity women who had most knowledge of the PNPM proposals and decisions were decided before program and other programs were those who were the planning meeting at a separate meeting in also most active in village activities. Kaimana town, where the village head resided. Table 3.1 Knowledge of Communities in Kabupaten Kaimana regarding PNPM Coa Lumira Tanusan Egerwara Knowledge E K PA PK E K PA PK E K PA PK E K PA PK Program Name √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ Funds √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ Source of funds √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ Process and √ √ √ √ √ stages Activity √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ managers Program √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ investments Rules √ √ √ √ Purpose √ *Remarks: E= Elite K= Community in General, PA= Active Women, PK= Women in General Source: Processed from field data, 2013 Beneficiary Assessment of PNPM/RESPEK - 55 Table 3.2 Knowledge of Communities in Kabupaten Kaimana regarding RESPEK Coa Lumira Tanusan Egerwara Knowledge E K PA PK E K PA PK E K PA PK E K PA PK Program Name √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ Funds √ √ √ √ √ √ √ Source of funds √ √ √ √ √ √ √ Process and √ √ √ √ stages Activity √ √ √ √ √ √ √ managers Program √ √ √ √ √ √ √ investments Rules √ √ √ √ Purpose √ *Remarks: E=Elite, K=Community in General, PA=Active Women, PK=Women in General Source: Processed from field data, 2013 In the implementation phase, community The PNPM’s program’s financial management was members were involved as temporary workers, sometimes inadequate and the TPKK managers or as providers of building materials such as failed to involve members in the wider community. sand and stones. Although the village head For instance, many people in Egerwara village felt lived in Kaimana town, he still attended that the management of the funds by the TPKK community meetings and was also able to had been “vague”. One woman said that she had rely on several trusted people in the village tried to ask the village head for some clarity on for activity implementation, such as the TPKK the funding for PKK at the meeting. However, she members. One youth in Lumira village pointed was berated and did not feel able to finish her out that all the reporting was done by the question. The head of the RT in Egerwara village TPKK managers and the village head,usually explained that program funds should be seen as at the home of the village head in Kaimana a reward for the village head’s ancestors. The RT town. This youth said that he had never heard head felt that he could own a house and cultivate any public announcements by the village head land thanks to the ancestors of the village head to the villagers, or been provided with any and the TPKK. The TPKK secretary in Egerwara accountability. village said that there had been no coordination between the village head and the TPKK head, In Coa village, the planning and implementation and that he himself had not been involved in the of PNPM activities only involved those people financial management. He added, “The village who supported the TPKK. Before 2012, planning head is just like the TPKK, playing with the money. meetings were attended mainly by the clan So what can we do? You can’t reprimand them, as of the village head, i.e., the indigenous clan both are in the wrong. So, yeah, we should just not living in RT 1. In 2013, the head of the TPKK, mind each other…” The head of P2K also felt that who lived in RT 2, was elected the new village there was little clarity in the financial management head, after which the planning meeting and of funds for programs in Egerwara village. He heard construction activities only involved members of that program funds of about IDR 50 million that the community who had supported his election. should have been used to build PKK and cultural centers had disappeared. In Egerwara and Tanusa villages, the program socialization meeting was attended by most of The village secretary in Egerwara said that the community in the two villages. However, the program funds were kept by the treasurer in planning and implementation stages were mainly coordination with the village head, and that attended by supporters of the TPKK (from their the treasurer was aware of the lack of financial own clan/family) and the decisions were all made accountability by both the village head and by them. Members of the community mostly the head of TPKK. He also added that he had participated as temporary construction workers. tried to raise the matter, as he felt that program 56 - Beneficiary Assessment of PNPM/RESPEK implementation had been inconsistent with the Posyandu cadre in Lumira village said that women design. The former head of the Village Consultative in the village had participated in meetings, but had Body also had a similar view, stating that “We mostly remained silent. This was especially true have proposed Rp 50 million, but that money is when the village head started to speak in Bahasa gone, so we decided to drop it (the request). Some Indonesia, which most of the women in Lumira people are upset and ran amok. But we don’t want village could not understand. to be fighting like that because (TPKK officers) are still family, right? .. So just let them answer before Women in Tanusan village also participated in God.” meetings and felt that their presence was to represent their husbands who had gone to the Community involvement in the implementation of town. Women generally only came to the meetings RESPEK was also lower than for PNPM Mandiri. if their husbands could not. This was partly because RESPEK activities involved fewer stakeholders than PNPM Mandiri, The women in Egerwara village shared how they which involved the TPKK managers, sub-district had proposed to build PKK and cultural centers facilitators and the communities themselves. in 2012. At that time there was the issue relating Instead, the management of RESPEK funds was to the financial accountability of the village head directly handled by the village heads. In Egerwara, involving IDR 50 million, as mentioned above. The Coa, and Lumira villages people did not know centers were never built due to the lack of funding. how RESPEK funds were managed and were never involved in the socialization, planning or utilization In all research villages, those women who did of the funds. In Coa village, for instance, RESPEK attend meetings often did not contribute in funds were identified as the village head’s personal terms of ideas and decision-making. The women, income that was used to build a fence around especially the wives of the village elite who his own house. In contrast, PNPM funds were were active in PKK activities in Egerwara village, managed by the TPKK head and an accountability were invited by the TPKK to the initial planning report was prepared by the village head and the process. At these meetings some women dared TPKK head, with all receipts, invoices and other to speak and offer suggestions, even though this documentation provided as reporting material. was frowned upon by the men. In the subsequent years, the community was no longer involved in Only Tanusan village experienced a planning activity planning. The situation in Tanusan village process that involved the community in RESPEK. was different, with women attending meetings and Members of the community in Tanusan attended contributing ideas in the forum, even though none RESPEK meetings at the village level to discuss of their ideas were approved. In Lumira village, the building of a multi-purpose hall, house only a few women were involved as suppliers of rehabilitation, and communal MCK facilities building materials, such as sand and stones. and wells. Villagers were also involved on the implementing committee to build the facilities, Community participation in this program can be with some working on the construction committee summarized in the following table: and others providing their labor. In the other villages, people had very poor levels of knowledge Table 3.3 illustrates how the elite, i.e., village of the RESPEK program and were unaware of the heads, heads of the Village Consultative Body, existence of any working group. activity managers/TPKK managers in all four villages, was more involved in the programs than The involvement of women in PNPM in the four other members of the community. The elite was research locations was limited to attending village present at meetings, invited others, contributed meetings, with a few women suggesting ideas. ideas and decided which investments to approve They also participated in some of the projects and build. With the exception of Tanusan village, as daily laborers. One woman beneficiary in Coa most community members, and especially the village who attended the proposal setting meeting women, did not contribute ideas and were not and was also the wife of the TPKK treasurer said involved in the decision-making. that usually only men made proposals at PNPM meetings. In her opinion this was why project ideas Community participation in Kabupaten Kaimana in had focused on roads, water storage tanks and RESPEK can be summarized as follows: communal MCK facilities. According to her, no women’s activities were ever approved. In terms of the RESPEK program, participation in all four villages was managed by the village head and his relatives, such that the community, including women, did not participate at meetings. As a Beneficiary Assessment of PNPM/RESPEK - 57 result, they could not suggest program ideas or in the village. In Coa village, program investments participate in any decision-making. Only in Tanusan to build communal MCK facilities and wells village was the community, including women, were only enjoyed by the owners of the land on present to discuss development plans, but even which these facilities were located. Although the then the decision-making largely remained with the communal MCK facilities and wells were intended village head. to serve three to four neighboring households, in practice only the land owners made use of them. 3.1.3 Impact of PNPM Mandiri and RESPEK to The communal MCK facilities and wells in Coa the Lives of Communities in Kabupaten Kaimana village were built by the TPKK behind people’s The direct impacts felt by communities varied from houses. However, other villagers living nearby said village to village. Facilities that were public and it was awkward for them to share facilities located used by many villagers had the widest impact, so close to other people’s premises without any such as piers, roads, ditches, drainage systems familial ties. A teacher from Coa said, “The MCK and coastal retention walls. Community members should have been built in front of the houses so in Coa village said that the roads used to be others could have used them too. Just imagine if flooded during the rainy season but after the you have to use the MCK at night and you have to road was hardened and the ditches and drainage pass behind your neighbor’s house.” constructed they remained dry even after heavy rain. Similarly, in Tanusan villagers said that over Similar to Massi village in Papua, in Kabupaten the past three years the road-widening program Kaimana there were examples where facilities had made it easier for the Puskesmas car to take could not be used by villagers due to damage or patients to the jetty. They also said that this road neglect, or because the construction remained had helped them to transport their produce, such unfinished. For example, the community in Tanusan as fruit, to the jetty. This was also seen in Lumira village could still not enjoy electric lighting even village, where people felt that the concrete road though their generator had been replaced three made it easier for them to transport their produce times. One villager explained that the generator to the village jetty. could not be used because it had caught fire and had subsequently disappeared. In any case, Conversely, physical facilities such as communal there was apparently no agreement between MCK facilities, wells, rainwater collectors and solar the manager responsible for the generator panels were usually only enjoyed by a few people and the community about paying maintenance Table 3.3 Community Participation in PNPM in Kabupaten Kaimana Coa Lumira Tanusan Egerwara Participation (planning) E K PA PK E K PA PK E K PA PK E K PA PK Attend √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ Propose √ √ √ √ √ √ √ Decide √ √ √ √ *Remarks: E= Elite, K=Community in General, PA=Active Women, PK=Women in General Source: Processed from field data, 2013 Table 3.4 Community Participation in RESPEK in Kabupaten Kaimana Coa Lumira Tanusan Egerwara Participation (planning) E K PA PK E K PA PK E K PA PK E K PA PK Attend √ √ √ √ √ √ √ Propose √ √ √ √ Decide √ √ √ √ *Remarks: E= Elite, K=Community in General, PA=Active Women, PK=Women in General Source: Processed from field data, 2013 58 - Beneficiary Assessment of PNPM/RESPEK contributions. A school principal in Tanusan village had to reduce the width to 2.5 meters to stay said that the generator was public property, and within budget. Despite the over-allocation for that he and other villagers were not responsible wages in the project implementation, no sanctions for maintaining it. Furthermore, no sanctions were were imposed by the sub-district facilitator. imposed if the generator was not well maintained. The combination of all these factors meant that the Another impact of the PNPM was an increased investment was effectively wasted. level of cooperation between villagers, as observed in Tanusan village. In 2010, villagers decided A similar situation occurred with communal MCK to establish a university student organization to facilities in Coa village. The facilities were damaged collect contributions from the community to fund and then used to store rice and fishing equipment. scholarships for Tanusan’s students, especially In one of the damaged MCK facilities, the pipes those intending to continue their education were leaking and the wells that provided water for in other provinces. PNPM played a role in the MCK supplied red-colored water. The owner funding these scholarships, with a five percent of the house next to the facilities said that he contribution coming from procurement costs for did not know how to maintain the MCK facilities PNPM activities. In addition, the organization’s and that, in any case, there was no agreement on administrators collected monthly contributions maintenance. In Egerwara village, from the 10 MCK of IDR 50,000/family from community members units that were planned, only four were completed. and IDR 100,000/family from civil servants. The The TPKK secretary said that there were only motivation behind setting up this organization sufficient funds to build four MCK facilities, stemmed from the perception that the village although the secretary could not explain where the lagged behind other villages in terms of education rest of the originally budgeted funds had gone. levels. Villagers who took part in this initiative hoped that with higher levels of education more One direct impact felt by villagers was the people from Tanusan village would be recruited opportunity to do temporary paid work under as civil servants. At the time of the research three the program. The building of facilities, especially students had already graduated in 2013 thanks to of wells, concrete roads, coastal retention walls, financial support from PNPM funds. jetties, ditches and drainage systems were all constructed by involving the communities, Women also felt positive impacts from PNPM including women and youth, as workers. This program in the form of temporary work experience was widely shared across most of the opportunities in the research village locations. communities in the research locations. One youth Women in Tanusan village shared how they used in Lumira village who worked as a construction to only provide food and snacks during meetings, worker said that as a result of the experience he but now they could earn money from collecting had acquired more proficient construction skills. sand and rocks, and be paid the same wages as Whereas he used to be a laborer carrying rocks the men. This was similar to women in Egerwara and sand, after his participation in the program he and Lumira villages, who worked alongside their now knew how to mix sand and cement to make husbands as sand and rock coolies for physical concrete for building construction. As Head of investments in the village. A Posyandu cadre said Village Consultative Body of Lumira said, “When that she had once earned IDR 2,000,000 from PNPM exists, there is work in the village.” collecting rocks. An opportunity to do temporary paid work in In terms of RESPEK, only in Coa Village where Tanusan village involved the construction of a women felt benefited from using infrastructure built concrete road. All those involved were paid, by RESPEK in the form of clean water facility. either as daily laborers or from selling construction materials such as sand and rocks that could be 3.1.4 Factors that Influence the Experience collected from around the houses. One bucket of and Participation of Communities in Kabupaten sand was valued at IDR 20,000, while one cubic Kaimana meter of rock was valued at IDR 700,000. Similar to the experience observed other Papuan villages, the ability and willingness of the program’s However, according to the head of the TPKK in implementers such as facilitators and TPKK Coa village, the wages paid had deviated from the members to involve community and provide program’s original plan. He said that the road that sufficient oversight played a key role in ensuring was built in Coa in 2012 should have been three high levels of community participation. For meters wide and 50 meters long, but because the PNPM, village heads and TPKK officers organized wages paid were too high, the activity manager meetings that involved the community when Beneficiar y A ssessment of PNPM/RESPEK - 59 the program was first introduced. However, the In Coa village, the competition between groups in frequency of such meetings decreased to the point the village was marked by competition for power at which villagers no longer saw any effort from the (village head) between the migrant community TPKK to organize PNPM implementation meetings. and the indigenous community. This competition A pastor in Coa village felt that socialization by came about because the village head from the the sub-district facilitator and the TPKK had been Sirfefa clan lacked transparency in his management lacking, as there was also no explanation to the of the various programs and always favored the community on how the funds were used, or how indigenous community. In 2013, the candidate from much of the total PNPM funds remained. Program the migrant community won election as the new implementation at the village level also received village head. In Egerwara village, the competition very little oversight from sub-district facilitators. was between two elite groups within the same clan, Oversight of the TPKK by the sub-district namely between supporters of the village head and facilitators was limited to PNPM activity reports, supporters of the TPKK, both of whom were from and these were addressed to the TPKK, not to the different families in the Furima clan. community. Competition between elite groups was also With regards to RESPEK, the program was entirely apparent in Tanusan village. The village head from managed by village heads with no other player the Ruwe clan (a migrant clan that had grown to at the village or sub-district levels. It was not become the majority) was in competition with the surprising, therefore, that there was almost no tribal chief who was the head of the TPKD and community involvement in the program. Villagers the main landowner (owner of the customary land did not know how much money was received by rights) to win support from the villagers to manage the village government and they were not involved village activities and programs. However, unlike in in the planning and utilization of RESPEK funds. Egerwara and Coa villages, cooperation between these two groups was relatively good, as seen in This situation was compounded by a lack of common activities such as the funding of university coordination between village officials. Some scholarships mentioned above. This cooperation officials felt that they were excluded by the also explained the relatively equitable levels of TPKK head or the village head, as in the case of knowledge and participation in the PNPM and Egerwara and Lumira villages. The TPKK treasurer RESPEK programs by members of the community. in Egerwara village felt that he was not used byte head of TPKK: following the meeting to appoint A different situation was observed in Lumira village, the TPKK team, management was taken over by where PNPM implementation was controlled by the the TPKK head, from finances to bookkeeping. village head from the dominant clan. Domination Similarly, the TPKK secretary was also not used by the village head over the program was observed by the TPKK head. The TPKK head in Egerwara in the decision to build a coastal retention wall. village said that other members were not capable Construction of this wall had started in 2010 but at of doing the bookkeeping properly, including the the time of the research it was still not complete. TPKK secretary and treasurer. Consequently, he This was similar to other proposals decided by had decided to take over all the tasks, from the the village head, who lived in Kaimana town and disbursement of the funds, to the procurement not in Lumira village itself. This village head also of building materials, to the preparation of the worked as a contractor and was the head of the financial accountability report. Kaimana Contractors’ Association. His ability to draft proposals and make reports led to the TPKK The relationship between community groups becoming dependent on him. The village head’s also influenced the voices and experiences of dominant position meant that the community’s communities in Kabupaten Kaimana, as observed knowledge of PNPM was limited. People generally across all four research villages that had influential only knew the program’s name, who the activity groups involved in program management.21 managers were, and the program investments in Competition between community groups provided the village. the backdrop for PNPM and RESPEK program implementation in Coa, Egerwara, and Tanusan villages. 21 See above on information about community groups in each village. 60 - Beneficiary Assessment of PNPM/RESPEK With regard to women’s participation, it was rental, boat fuel, and others. Regarding the wages, apparent that men still dominated the PNPM the TPKK head in Egerwara village felt that these implementation processes. In village meetings, were adequate and more than sufficient to cover all women usually provided snacks and, although daily needs. present, rarely participated in the discussions. Most of the ideas that were accepted came from men. However, several villagers expressed their If the women asked about their rights, they were disappointment regarding the PNPM/RESPEK invariably obstructed by the program managers programs, such as a beneficiary of a water storage and village officials. For example, one woman in tank in Coa village. He and others had received Egerwara village was berated harshly by the village a fiberglass water storage tank after four weeks head for asking about missing program funds. of waiting, but they were not provided with any materials to build the supporting structure for the 3.1.5 Community Hopes for PNPM Mandiri and tank, instead having to spend their own money RESPEK in Kabupaten Kaimana to buy wood, cement, and tools. In the end, they Communities in general, as well as the elite, asked the TPKK managers to pay for their labor for considered PNPM to be a beneficial program. In the four days spent on building the structure. The Coa village, villagers said that every proposal that villagers were unhappy with the performance of had been approved by PNPM program had been the village officials in this case, who they felt lacked properly funded and executed. A school principal transparency and were manipulative. The villagers in Tanusan village thought that only PNPM had knew that the previous village head had received involved the community. He saw that villagers funding of IDR 160 million from the kabupaten could actively participate as temporary construction government, but there was no clarity on how these workers and that financial management reports funds had been actually used. were produced to account for the work, together with other information displayed in the sub-district Other villagers in Coa had not received any market. He also felt that the quality of PNPM benefits from the programs and consequently felt construction was better than in other projects that that the development assistance in the village had had been tendered out. missed its target. They knew of one particular civil servant who did not qualify for housing assistance One villager from Coa village compared his but nonetheless received such assistance along experience in the Musrenbang (Development with a water storage tank. People felt that this civil Planning Consultation) activity with the PNPM servant was able to access benefits only because program planning process. This villager felt that the he had a close relationship with TPKK officers. Musrenbang in the village was a useless exercise because all proposals were adjusted to fit with Women in the four locations generally felt satisfied the working plan of the Regional Government with the development programs in their villages. Working Unit (Satuan Kerja Pemerintah Daerah, or However, they felt that the community, particularly SKPD). For instance, if a road in the village did not women, should have been more involved by the fit with the plans of the Public Works SKPD, the TPKK, especially in the management of the funds. road would not be built. This was quite different Women in Tanusan village, for instance, already to his experience of the PNPM mechanism, where had information about the funds available to proposals made by villagers stood a good chance their village, but what they hoped for was greater of being realized. involvement in managing those funds. One woman in Coa village commented that she felt The head of Lumira’s Village Consultative Body there was no transparency in the budget and that considered PNPM a successful program as it she had never been informed of the amount of directly involved the community. However, he funds received by the program, except during the felt that one of the main obstacles in PNPM proposal meeting in the beginning. Furthermore, implementation was operational budgets, because implementation was entirely managed by the projects had to spend large sums on buying TPKK, which directly distributed the work to cigarettes for the workers, lease chain saws, pay for a select group of beneficiaries without further the costs of transporting materials, transportation consultations with the community. B e n e f i c i a r y A s s e s s m e n t o f P N P M / R E S P E K - 61 3.2 Kabupaten Teluk Bintuni Figure 3.2 Regional Map of Kabupaten Teluk Bintuni Kabupaten Teluk Bintuni is located in the “bird’s head” region of Papua Island.22 This kabupaten was formed in 2002 following Law No. 26/2002, with its capital, Bintuni town. The area23 of Kabupaten Teluk Bintuni is 18,114 km2, while based on the 2010 census the population was 52,403 people24 spread over 24 sub-districts; around 35.4 percent of the population of Kabupaten Teluk Bintuni (18,552 people) live in Bintuni sub-district. The population of Kabupaten Teluk Bintuni includes indigenous Papuans comprising seven ethnic indigenous groups, together with various migrants. The indigenous Papuan tribes include the Sough, who live in Manimeri sub-district, and the Wamesa and Sebyar, who live in Tomu sub-district. The migrant population in Kabupaten Teluk Bintuni mainly comprises Butonese, Javanese, Buginese, and Torajanese. These migrants largely reside in operate in the jurisdiction of Kabupaten Teluk the main kabupaten town or in the sub-district Bintuni. The four research villages all have Pustu, towns. kindergartens, and primary and secondary schools within 4 to 15 km. Thus, many villagers have a high The geographic character of the kabupaten is school education, and some have even gone on to marked by a difficult terrain, which complicated study at universities outside the region. project implementation. By 2012, there were only five technical facilitators at the sub-district level. Many private companies operating in Kabupaten This was because many sub-district facilitators had Teluk Bintuni also provide facilitation to those resigned, apparently feeling unable to travel the communities impacted by their activities. The form long distances and overwhelmed by the prospect of facilitation is through the provision of corporate of handling 24 sub-districts all at once. This social responsibility (CSR) funds for infrastructure undoubtedly undermined the facilitation of activity development. implementation in the PNPM program. The kabupaten policies and PNPM/RESPEK program Figure 3.2 shows the research locations. This study stages have influenced participation in PNPM/ gathered data from four villages in two sub-districts RESPEK programs over time. The PNPM Mandiri in Kabupaten Teluk Bintuni, Namley, Atibo and program in Kabupaten Teluk Bintuni had been Pasamai villages in Manimeri sub-district, and running for about seven years at the time of this Ekam and Taroy villages in Tomur sub-district. research. Since commencing in 2007, PNPM/RESPEK Topographically, the characteristics of Kabupaten program implementation in Kabupaten Teluk Bintuni Teluk Bintuni are diverse, consisting of coastal has experienced three distinct phases, namely: marshlands, precipitous cliffs, and dense jungle, so that most of the villages are difficult to reach, 1. In 2007, the PNPM Mandiri program ran either requiring aircraft or transport by river or sea. separately and did not join with regional Atibo and Pasai villages are considered more easily programs. The kabupaten government was accessible, being about 15 km away from Bintuni responsible for 10-20 percent co-sharing funds town, while Ekam and Taroy can only be accessed from the total PNPM budget. via the bay, at more than four hours from Bintuni 2. In 2008, due to the merger of the PNPM and town. RESPEK programs, program implementation changed to PNPM/RESPEK. After the merger, Nevertheless, basic services have already facilitation was provided by PNPM. reached even these two more remote villages. 3. In 2009, the West Papua Provincial Government These services are provided by the kabupaten made a significant policy change, with PNPM government, as well as from the corporate social Mandiri implementation reverting to how responsibility (CSR) funds of companies that it had been implemented in previous early 22 Kabupaten Teluk Bintuni shares borders with Kabupaten Manokwari, Kabupaten Sorong Selatan, Kabupaten Fakfak and Kabupaten Kaimana (Law No.26/2002) 23 The splitting of sub-districts occurred in 2007; previously it only comprised 10 sub-districts. 24 Male population 29,022 and female 23,381. 62 - Beneficiary Assessment of PNPM/RESPEK stages in 2007. As the governor chose not The village head and village officials normally to allocate funding for RESPEK to be joined come from the dominant clan in the village. The with the PNPM program, so RESPEK was village head is therefore usually the party with turned into a provincial program. This change access to the programs provided by higher levels was experienced in three of the research of government and private companies, given the villages, Atibo, Pasamai and Ekam, which had networks that he normally has. The village head is experienced the PNPM Mandiri program since therefore able to determine which programs enter 2007, while the PNPM program in Taroy village the village and who should be appointed as village only started in 2010. program managers. The ability to speak Bahasa Indonesia is an important asset enabling the village The majority of the population in the four research elite to play the role of negotiator with outside villages in Kabupaten Teluk Bintuni rely on parties. This condition is common across most agriculture and fisheries. For example, communities villages in Kabupaten Teluk Bintuni. As such, village in Atibo and Pasamai villages in Menimeri sub- elite groups in Kabupaten Teluk Bintuni usually district generally work as farmers with the main comprise village land owners, government officials, crops being yams, sweet potatoes, peanuts, and managers of programs that enter the village. vegetables, bananas, durian, guava, coconuts, areca nut and mango. Some of the produce is In some cases, such as in the villages of Ekam and consumed locally and while some is sold to the Taroy, the village head was not from the dominant central market in Bintuni town. In Ekam and Taroy clan. In both cases, this occurred because of a villages in Tomu sub-district most of the population swap in position between the village head and is engaged in the fisheries sector. The fishermen village secretary, necessitated by a government in the area have a cooperative that works together policy that required all village secretaries to have with BP Tangguh LNG to supply shrimp for the high school diplomas. The village secretaries who company’s consumption. Aside from agriculture, did not have high school diplomas were therefore some of the population in the four villages work as replaced by the village heads from the dominant merchants, civil servants, company employees, and clan. As a form of appreciation, the former village development contractors in the kabupaten. secretaries were appointed as the new village heads in Ekam and Taroy villages. Despite the The socio-economic structure of communities in swap, power was still held by the former village Kabupaten Teluk Bintuni is determined by their heads even though they now held inferior positions access to economic resources, especially land, as village secretaries. The new village heads abided networks, both with the kabupaten government by the rulings of the new village secretaries, as the and groups that hold power, and the ability latter were owners of the customary lands. to speak Bahasa Indonesia, which is vital for negotiations. The most powerful group in a Program managers in a village were usually village is the one that possesses most of the extensions of the dominant ruling group. The customary lands and accounts for the majority of program managers were often appointed by the the population. In Atibo village, several clans co- chief of the dominant clan and they subsequently existed, although the dominant clans are the Yettu coordinated with the chief, for example the village and the Iba. The Yettu clan is the main land owning heads in Atibo and Pasamai villages, or the village clan, while the Iba clan has the largest population secretaries in Ekam and Taroy villages. Highlighting in the village. The Iba clan is also allowed by the the practise even more clearly, the head of the chief of the Yettu clan to cultivate Yettu customary TPKK in Taroy village was the adopted son of the lands, because the two clans have had long and village secretary and only coordinated with the cordial relations since ancestral times. At the clan village secretary. level, each clan chief regulates his own clan. For instance, in Atibo village where PT. Henrisonq/PT. With the exception of Atibo village, program Yotefa Sarana Timber Iriana was operating on the managers were mostly younger people who dealt customary lands of the Teinom, the Onyou, and directly with village heads and village officials, the Iba, every clan chief negotiated compensation usually based on familial relations. While younger individually, subsequently distributing the funds to men often played the role of program managers, their respective clan members. the elders controlled land management and government affairs. Beneficiary Assessment of PNPM/RESPEK - 63 Appointed program actors helped to affirm The success of the various programs in the research domination by the village elite, while other groups villages was sometimes hindered by a lack of from smaller clans who were outside village coordination between program implementers in government structures were encouraged to contest Kabupaten Teluk Bintuni, both at the kabupaten for power. This contest usually took the form of and at the village management level. The effect distributing the management of programs that was often an over-provision of activities in villages, entered the village. such as communal bathing, washing and toilet facilities (known locally as mandi, cuci, kakus, or The policy of the West Papua Provincial MCK) from three different funding sources, namely Government requiring that infrastructure building the Health Department (Dinas Kesehatan), the could only be done by villagers gave rise to Bintuni Bay Development Foundation (Yayasan contractors from the villages. These contractors Pengembangan Teluk Bintuni), and the PNPM were known by villagers as “owners of CV” program. (commanditaire vennootschap, or CV, is a type of business legal entity). Contractors in the village At the village level, program organization was accessed Kabupaten Teluk Bintuni development largely performed by groups belonging to the programs, such as the construction of Puskesmas village elite, especially the PNPM program and concrete roads. The CV owners (contractors) managers (TPKK). This also helped to build at the village level were all members of the elite capacity among program managers and the village group from the dominant clan, especially the land government. Many programs and facilities were owning clan. In Atibo village, for instance, the subsequently provided to the villages and there village secretary was from the Iba clan, the main was a tendency for villagers to become increasingly landowner in the village, and also a contractor dependent upon them, especially programs from who undertook construction of roads that passed private companies’ CSR funds. through the village. In addition, he was also the head of the TPKK and managed activities to 3.2.1 Knowledge and Experiences of construct facilities funded by the PNPM Mandiri Communities in PNPM Mandiri and RESPEK program in the village. Similar to the level of knowledge of communities in other research locations, the knowledge of Similar to research villages in Papua, in West Papua communities of the PNPM and RESPEK programs province the community in general comprises in Kabupaten Teluk Bintuni was limited. Villagers people who are outside the power circle, either usually only knew the program investment types of the dominant land-owning clan or the majority from the physical facilities in their village. They also clan. Migrants are categorized as members of the knew the activity managers, especially the head of general community, as they do not have the power the TPKK, and they knew that the programs funds to regulate local resources directly, but do still play must be used for public facility development. an indirect economic role, for instance as shop owners. A villager from Pasamai village said that he was unaware of the source of the funds for either PNPM The difference between the four research villages or RESPEK because only the head of the TPKK in Kabupaten Teluk Bintuni and villages in other was privy to this information. While he knew which kabupaten in both Papua and West Papua is the facilities had been built by PNPM or RESPEK in prevalence of CSR programs for villages impacted his village, such as the water tower and storage by the activities of private companies in the area. tanks, public washing facilities (MCK), wells, and CSR program mechanisms mostly take the form of drainage systems, together with the yard at the training and assistance in the economic, health and kindergarten, he was unable to distinguish between education sectors, such as the programs conducted the funding sources. One migrant in Atibo village by BP Tangguh LNG for villages directly impacted said that he knew nothing about either PNPM or by the company’s gas drilling activities. In Taroy RESPEK, least of all about the funding. He said that village, economic empowerment of the people the village secretary, as well as the former head of was nurtured through a cooperative that supplied the TPKK, held all the information concerning the fresh shrimp for company employees, as well as the PNPM program. plan to build a vocational training center supported by the company. The company also provided Unlike the community in general, activity managers trained facilitators from Gadjah Mada University’s usually had far more complete knowledge of Population Study Center. PNPM and RESPEK. In Atibo and Pasamai villages, knowledge was concentrated among the village heads and PNPM program actors, such as the 64 - Beneficiary Assessment of PNPM/RESPEK heads of the TPKK. Their knowledge included the Pustu cadre. In Taroy village, for instance, the program investments, the processes and stages of women knew of the PNPM development programs PNPM, the rules concerning financial management, in the previous year, such as the rainwater and the program funds that were available to the collectors and nutritional supplements. They also villages. In Ekam and Taroy villages, knowledge knew about the public washing (MCK) facilities of PNPM was controlled by the head of the TPKK. built in previous years of the program. Women’s Even the village head said that he did not know knowledge was limited to activities that involved how much road had been built using program them and the visible physical developments seen funds and that he had not been provided any in their village. The women from Atibo village, reports by the TPKK managers. Only in the most for example, could not distinguish between the recent project had he received a duty-stamped PNPM and RESPEK programs, but had heard of report, as this was required for approval by the PNPM from developments in another village. They village head, as well as from the sub-district and had no idea that PNPM was active in their own kabupaten levels. village, although they had seen some development activity without knowing the source. One woman The considerable development funds that entered in Pasamai village did not know about RESPEK, villages caused the management of the funds to but knew of women’s involvement in the meetings become grouped, resulting in a situation where no organized by PNPM and that women were information was shared between one group and encouraged to be active in village meetings unlike another. An activist in Pasamai village was aware other village activities that were only attended by that PNPM had a special management team and men. facilitators, and he also knew that PNPM funds originated from central government. The activist The knowledge of communities in Kabupaten Teluk also knew RESPEK by the name of ‘Otsus’ and said Bintuni can be summarized as follows: that the funding was similar to that of PNPM, only without facilitation, and that the funds originated From Table 3.5, it is evident that the elite, i.e., the from the regional government. village heads, heads of the Village Planning Body, activity managers/TPKK, is the group that knows Women in the four research villages could not most about the programs compared with the wider distinguish between PNPM and RESPEK; for them communities, including women. Table 3.5 also both programs were collectively known as ‘PNPM’. highlights that all groups knew the program name, Just as with the communities in general, women the TPKK activity managers, and the program could not distinguish between the projects funded investments made in the village. The women who by PNPM Mandiri or RESPEK. They knew about knew most about PNPM were those who were also PNPM from activities conducted in the village by most active in their village. Table 3.5 Knowledge of Communities in Kabupaten Teluk Bintuni regarding PNPM Atibo Pasamai Ekam Taroy Knowledge E K PA PK E K PA PK E K PA PK E K PA PK Program Name √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ Funds √ √ √ √ Source of funds √ √ √ √ Process and stages √ √ √ √ Activity managers √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ Program √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ investments Rules √ √ √ √ Purpose *Remarks: E=Elite, K=Community in General, PA=Active Women, PK=Women in General Source: Processed from field data, 2013 Beneficiary Assessment of PNPM/RESPEK - 65 Table 3.6 Knowledge of Communities in Kabupaten Teluk Bintuni regarding RESPEK Atibo Pasamai Ekam Taroy Knowledge E K PA PK E K PA PK E K PA PK E K PA PK Funds √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ Source of funds √ √ √ √ Process and stages √ √ √ √ Activity managers √ √ √ √ Program √ √ √ √ investments Rules √ √ √ √ Purpose √ √ √ √ Funds *Remarks: E=Elite, K=Community in General, PA=Active Women, PK=Women in General Source: Processed from field data, 2013 Table 3.6 shows that knowledge of RESPEK lay that during the meetings, those who spoke most mostly with the elite, and that the village head was about proposals were invariably the head of the the person who dominated the management of the TPKK, the village chief, and the village secretary, program. Other groups knew of the RESPEK name, together with the TPKK secretary and religious but upon further inquiry most said that the village leaders. He added that the idea to build drainage head was the person who knew most about the systems came from the village chief, as well as program and who also managed it. This indicated the idea to level the yard of the kindergarten and that RESPEK funds were to a large degree the early childhood education center. According dominated by village heads. to him, PNPM activities were also used as an opportunity to collect church funds by asking those 3.2.2 Community Participation in PNPM Mandiri who were given work to donate a portion of their and RESPEK in Kabupaten Teluk Bintuni wages to the church. The communities in Atibo, Ekam and Taroy villages were involved in neither the PNPM nor the RESPEK During village planning meetings, communities planning processes. The management of RESPEK were usually represented by the village funds was dominated by village heads, and government/elite. In Atibo village, the planning villagers were left feeling ignorant and suspicious, meeting was attended by only the village head, lacking trust in the management of the funds. teachers and the head of the TPKK, because With regard to PNPM, although communities invitations were limited to just these few attendees. were invited to attend village meetings, people Decisions were then made by the village head and in Pasamai, Ekam and Taroy villages did not pay the head of the TPKK. According to the head of much attention to the program because they the TPKK in Atibo village, the participation level were already involved in other programs from of people in PNPM was low because there was no private companies, as well as their own economic interest in cultivating a spirit of cooperation. He activities. For example, one villager in Pasamai explained this was the result of solidarity being village said that he rarely attended PNPM meetings undermined by the opportunity to earn money and, because he had to work. However, if he happened as a result, villagers were only interesting in work to be at home, and was invited, then he would if it was paid. He added that in PNPM meetings, make time to come. village facilitators were not always present because authority rested with the TPKK. Those most active People in Pasamai village attended PNPM planning in the meetings were the village head, the head of meetings because they were invited by the head of the Village Planning Body (Baperkam), the former the TPKK, but nonetheless many of the proposals head of Baperkam, and active women such as the were still decided by the village head and the head wife of the village head, and kindergarten and early of the TPKK. One villager in Pasamai village said childhood education teachers. 66 - Beneficiary Assessment of PNPM/RESPEK Regarding cooperation, a member of PKK said that in the village, such as the clean water installations Atibo villagers still cooperated with each other, that no longer worked. The two women felt that especially in religious activities, volunteering to village officials had not been transparent about cook meals and doing the gardening in the church the use of the funds, because they had seen no garden. Other community members also said programs that were well-managed. This compared that people continued to work together, both in poorly with what the women had heard from other agriculture-related work and work for programs. villages, where apparently programs were working When working in the gardens together, the garden well. As a result, they were disappointed with their owner normally provided food, drinks, cigarettes, village leaders and reluctant to participate if invited betel nut and areca. to program meetings. The village heads in Ekam and Taroy were rarely Women actively involved in PNPM were limited present at planning activities because these were mainly to those who were already active in village dominated by the village secretary (and the former activities, such as PKK and Posyandu. The head of village head) from the dominant clan.25 Aside from the TPKK in Pasamai village stated that PKK and the head of the TPKK in Taroy village (who was the Posyandu cadres had succeeded in proposing adopted son of the village secretary), it was the PNPM activities, such as the cake-making training, village secretary who played the most important sewing and knitting, and making food for babies role regarding PNPM. The incumbent village head and infants, as well as providing uniforms for in Taroy explained that there was a plan to build schoolchildren. rainwater collectors using PNPM funds and that the proposal had come from the Baperkam and the The above can be summarized in the following village secretary. table: In all four research villages, women generally It is evident from Table 3.7 that the elite in all felt they had not been sufficiently involved by four villages attended community meetings, the activity managers in village deliberations. contributed ideas and, most importantly, made One woman from Ekam village who worked as a the decisions about which investments to build. temporary worker said that many women had the The wider communities in Atibo, Ekam, and Taroy potential to be actively involved, but they were not villages were usually not involved in community invited by the TPKK. She also felt that the TPKK meetings, and to an even lesser extent involved and village officials had not been transparent in in deciding which activities to approve, because managing investments in the village. According to community meetings were only attended by the this women, the head of the TPKK never invited elite, such as TPKK members, village heads and people to meetings and had taken over all control the Village Planning Body (Baperkam). The women of program management. She also said that she who attended community meetings were those remained confused about the program mechanisms who were already active in village affairs, such as because the TPKK had never explained the rules. teachers and the wives of activity managers. Two women in Atibo village said that they had The participation of Kabupaten Teluk Bintuni never been directly involved in village activities and communities in RESPEK can be summarized in the only knew about PNPM from the previous programs following table: Table 3.7 Community Participation in PNPM of Kabupaten Teluk Bintuni Atibo Pasamai Ekam Taroy Participation (planning) E K PA PK E K PA PK E K PA PK E K PA PK Attend √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ Contribute ideas √ √ √ √ Make decisions √ √ √ √ *Remarks: E=Elite, K=Community in General, PA=Active Women, PK=Women in General Source: Processed from field data, 2013 25 See explanation above regarding the exchange of positions between the village head and village secretary in Ekam and Taroy villages. Beneficiar y A s ses sment of PNPM/RE SPEK - 67 Table 3.8 Community Participation in RESPEK in Kabupaten Teluk Bintuni Atibo Pasamai Ekam Taroy Participation (planning) E K PA PK E K PA PK E K PA PK E K PA PK Attend √ √ √ √ Contribute ideas √ √ √ √ Make decisions √ √ √ √ *Remarks: E=Elite, K=Community in General, PA=Active Women, PK=Women in General Source: Processed from field data, 2013 As can be seen from Table 3.8 and the explanation clean water project was selected because the land above, communities were suspicious and distrustful in Atibo was coral and limestine, and water was of the management of RESPEK because village only available during the rainy season. Before this heads dominated the management and information development, people had to walk two kilometers flows regarding the program. Communities in to the nearest river to collect water. In 2011, the general, and specifically women, both active TPKK built a water storage facility using PNPM and non-active in the village, were generally not funds so that people could collect water without involved in community meetings, proposals and having to walk long distances. decision-making. The construction of clean water facilities improved 3.2.3 Impact of PNPM Mandiri and RESPEK to access to clean water. Most villagers in Pasamai the Lives of Communities in Kabupaten Teluk village had access to clean water for drinking Bintuni through the provision of wells. One community Communities in Pasamai, Ekam and Taroy villages member in Pasamai who enjoyed the benefits said felt that the programs were consistent with their that collecting water used to involve a 30 minute needs, as they had benefited from facilities such walk, made worse during the dry season. After the as bridges, footpaths, clean water facilities, and wells were dug water could be obtained very close concrete roads. One community member in to home, although the quality of the water was still Ekam village said that even the unfinished road murky. construction had helped the community to collect firewood: before it had taken five hours to collect Unlike the communities in the three villages that firewood, while at the time of the research it took had all benefited from PNPM, the people in Atibo just two to three hours using a push cart. A road village felt disappointed with their clean water constructed across marshes in Taroy village also installation. One woman in Atibo said that only helped to improve access, as previously villagers a few people in the village were able to benefit had been forced to walk through an area using from clean water, because of the six installations sago foot paddings.26 constructed only one worked properly. Another person in Atibo village said that other wells Investments in villages could be adjusted according remained dry during the dry season, unlike the well to the needs of communities and specific village at the church, which he said was the only clean characteristics. Investments included MCK facilities, water facility that worked properly. An effort was wells, concrete and gravel roads, footpaths, and made to build a water pipe to channel water from wooden bridges. Villages that were in marshy a clean water installation to people’s homes, but areas, such as Ekam and Taroy, built wooden this water pipe was soon broken. A former TPKK footpaths that connected the village roads to member in Atibo village said that many piped- people’s houses. In villages where the soil was water installations had been damaged because solid, such as Atibo and Pasamai, the program built they were located in front of people’s houses and connecting gravel and concrete roads. Program the pipes had been broken by the weight of cars investments in the form of clean water facilities or motorcycles. The damage was not repaired in Atibo and Pasamai village were also related to because villagers did not have the means or the lack of access to clean water in those villages. In will to do the necessary work. Atibo village, the TPKK treasurer stated that the 26 Villagers from Taroy use sago bark as footwear padding to protect their feet while wading through the marshes. 68 - Beneficiary Assessment of PNPM/RESPEK In addition to infrastructure, villagers in Ekam and As with the wider community, women also felt Taroy also felt the direct impact of PNPM in the the benefits from PNPM. For example, in Ekam form of wages for temporary work involved in the village one woman said that it was easier to collect construction of pathway sand jetties. Villagers firewood because she could transport it using a were also paid for providing construction materials push cart. One woman in Pasamai village said, such as iron wood in Ekam village. In Taroy village, “PNPM has helped the ‘mama-mama’ because, people received wages for the construction of before the faucets were installed, ‘mama- pathways and wooden bridges. While the whole mama’had to go to Muturi River and use a big community benefited from the work, the number of noken to wash and bathe, and bring water back workers was limited by the funds available. home. The ‘mama-mama’ are happy because they no longer need to go far to find water and bathe.” Unlike Ekam and Taroy villages, the building of MCK, wells, gravel and sand roads, and clean water The TPKK activity managers benefited from installations in Pasamai and Atibo villages was broadening their networks and through capacity undertaken by workers from outside the villages, building. The head of the TPKK in Pasamai village as community members did not have the necessary said that his knowledge and skills had improved skills. These workers were brought in by the TPKK, while active in PNPM, including public speaking reducing community participation in the program. which previously he had been too embarrassed A PNPM verification team member in Pasamai to attempt. The TPKK secretary in Atibo village village said that they had used skilled workers from said that she was nowable to type reports after Toraja (South Sulawesi), while the local villagers being taught to type by the sub-district facilitator. only did laboring work. The TPKK members sometimes visited the sub- district facilitator’s house to ask about matters they As for RESPEK, in Atibo and Pasamai villages, the had difficulty in understanding, especially when funds were used to make village fences for the preparing accountability reports. whole community. In addition, in Ekam, Taroy and Pasamai village RESPEK funds were used as village Such impacts were not felt from the RESPEK operational funds, for example when there were program because the funds were used only for expenses for village cleaning and fixing damaged village operations by the village heads, and facilities. However, community members were often involved no training activities to build the capacity unaware of this use of funds. While some funds of the implementers. were used to build roads, RESPEK funds were often used to repair wooden buildings because these Women benefited from PNPM through cake- buildings deteriorated more quickly. RESPEK funds making, sewing and stitching, and making nutrition were also used to pay for cadres’ honoraria and, supplements for babies and uniforms for school as a result, the full benefits of RESPEK funds were children. In Pasamai village, women learned hardly felt by the wider community. cooking skills, with one woman explaining that she had previously only boiled food, but now she With regard to the village elites, the tribal chief knew how to cook using spices and soy sauce. A in Pasamai village suggested that PNPM had woman in Taroy village said that she could now already provided benefits to the community, such make doughnuts and sell them in front of her as the clean water program. In addition, PNPM house, earning extra income. Women’s groups brought development to the most remote villages also benefited from the use of the infrastructure, and facilitated a learning process with training such as the MCK built in the villages. One migrant and facilitation of activities so that people better woman in Taroy village said that in the past she had understood the purpose of the investments. A to bathe in a puddle near her house and in order member of the maintenance team in Pasamai to use the communal MCK facility she had to go village said that MCK provided by PNPM had to the edge of the forest. Since the MCK facilities been beneficial. Previously, people had to walk were built, she had been able to wash and use the considerable distances to go to the communal MCK close to her house. MCK facilities, and at night women had to be escorted for their safety. Beneficiary Assessment of PNPM/RESPEK - 69 3.2.4 Factors that Influence Community had close relationships with those in positions of Experiences and Participation in Kabupaten Teluk power in the kabupaten government. Heads of Bintuni the TPKK—who were often extensions of power PNPM implementation in the four research villages holders such as village heads and secretaries— in Kabupaten Teluk Bintuni was strongly influenced coordinated with the power holders instead of by several factors: the many development and encouraging the implementation of CDD according empowerment programs besides PNPM; the to the procedures. For example, the head of the lack of TPKK capacity to encourage CDD at the TPKK in Atibo village also served simultaneously community level; interventions for women that as village secretary, while the head of the TPKK in were only aimed at groups that were already active Taroy village was the adopted son of the village in village affairs; and the strong domination of secretary. elites and activity managers. 3.2.5 The Hopes of Communities towards PNPM At the time of the study, Kabupaten Teluk Bintuni Mandiri and RESPEK in Kabupaten Teluk Bintuni wasan area that received many programs from both Villagers in Pasamai, Ekam, and Taroy villages saw government and private companies, each with its that PNPM involved the community to decide own mechanisms and management. There was on the proposals and also made a special effort no coordination between programs and overlaps to involve women, although this usually meant were common. The plethora of programs made it only giving them to opportunity to listen to the seem as though villages were continually receiving discussions. One villager in Pasamai who worked support while in fact only program managers as a driver said that PNPM was welcomed because experienced an increase in capacity increase from it encouraged people to suggest ideas, while so many programs. The high number of programs women were invited to attend meetings, not simply also resulted in low participation of communities to listen to proposals but also to participate in in PNPM/RESPEK programs. For example, villagers decision-making. in Pasamai, Ekam, and Taroy villages received so many economic and other programs that they However, the opposite was true in Atibo village, would only attend PNPM meetings if they had where people felt disappointed in, and pessimistic spare time. about, PNPM. This disappointment started following the rejection of villagers’ ideas by The TPKK had a major influence in determining the TPKK at the planning meeting. The head of communities’ voices and experiences in Kabupaten Baperkam in Atibo village stated that during the Teluk Bintuni. The lack of willingness on the part of proposal setting, villagers, especially women, the TPKK to encourage wider participation was a had proposed MCK facilities in their houses but major factor determining how the programs were the clean water proposal from men was the one run. This situation occurred due to lack of control chosen. Subsequently, all proposals coming by sub-district facilitators to consistently apply from the community, both the women and men, the procedures that should have been followed in were rejected and the TPKK decided to continue order to avert elite domination. A similar situation building clean water facilities. For three years, was observed in efforts to encourage women’s the PNPM program built clean water installations, involvement: those women who became involved which ultimately failed because pumps and water were invariably women who had already been pipes were broken and never repaired, and the active in previous programs. quality of the water was poor. This outcome created community distrust towards the elite and Another factor that served to undermine the further disappointment in the program. dissemination of knowledge, participation, and positive impacts was the domination of the elite Communities in all four villages hoped that the and/or program managers in the dominant clan TPKK would invite them more often to participate in the village. The dominant clans filled positions in activities, especially the proposal-decision such as village heads, village secretaries, and meeting. One community member in Atibo village heads of the TPKK in the implementation of PNPM said that it was difficult to attend community and RESPEK programs. The dominant clans were activities because they were often organized at characterized by their ownership of customary land short notice and the invitations were too vague. in the village, were the majority in the village, and Regarding financial management, one villager 70 - Beneficiar y Assessment of PNPM/RESPEK in Taroy village hoped that the TPKK would be future. He felt that people had become dependent more transparent in the future about how the on their customary rights and no longer generated funds were managed, as the information was only anything through their own efforts. He hoped known to members of the TPKK. A villager in Ekam that the program would involve more people and village said that the Community Joint Planning conduct analysis to better understand the factors (Perencanaan Bersama Masyarakat, or PBM) run by that supported or undermined the program. He the BP Tangguh LNG project was more transparent stated that no matter how much a program might than PNPM because the community development be encouraged, if communities were uninterested officer from the company visited the village. This the a successful outcome would be difficult. officer asked villagers directly about the programs needed by the community and the people Women hoped for more invitations to attend understood how the funds were allocated. This was meetings. One woman in Atibo village, for more difficult with PNPM because the investments instance, said that there was little information tended to be decided and managed by members about meetings and especially those dealing of the TPKK directly. with the management of funds. She had only attended two meetings as a result. Other women On program fund allocation, the village chief in in Atibo village also said there needed to be more Pasamai village felt that PNPM funds should be transparency on how the funds were managed by determined according to the program performance the managers and the village head, who were in in the village, and not based on the number of charge of PNPM and RESPEK funds, respectively. households. A funding system that counted the She added that people were disappointed because number of households disadvantaged those the village head had failed to be transparent about villages with a small number of households. the programs in Atibo village. All the villagers A priest in Pasamai village hoped that the wanted, she said, was to know the value of the facilitation would be adapted to encourage a funds received by the TPKK and the village head greater sense of communal responsibility in the and how the money would be used. Beneficiar y A ssessment of PNPM/RESPEK - 71 VOICES AND EXPERIENCES OF COMMUNITIES IN PNPM/RESPEK IN PAPUA AND WEST PAPUA 4 72 - Beneficiary Assessment of PNPM/RESPEK CHAPTER 4 VOICES AND EXPERIENCES OF COMMUNITIES IN PNPM/RESPEK IN PAPUA AND WEST PAPUA Experiences of communities of the PNPM/RESPEK programs in the 20 villages in Papua and West Papua provide valuable insights into how the programs were actually implemented, how they influenced the lives of people within communities and, most importantly, how members of the community viewed and understood the programs. The experiences also provided a deeper understanding of the factors that influenced PNPM/ RESPEK implementation and the results in terms of community knowledge, levels of participation, and the programs’ impacts. This chapter elaborates on the overall picture of these three aspects and the factors affecting them. 4.1 Knowledge of Communities of PNPM/ during the disbursement and the implementation RESPEK stages, they were usually not involved in the The CDD approach used in PNPM/RESPEK through proposal stage—including the privatization of community participation to determine village proposals—which was often only attended by a development proposals aims to encourage broad limited circle within the community focused on the participation by all elements of the community. village elite and program managers. However, participation is only possible if people understand the essence of the program, particularly Communities’ knowledge of PNPM/RESPEK, both the program purpose and the implementation in Papua and West Papua, was generally limited mechanism/rules. In practice, based on the to the program’s identity. As a program, PNPM/ findings of this study, it was evident that most RESPEK was popular among communities in both people in Papua and West Papua had difficulty provinces. Most people in the research villages in grasping the objectives and the essence of knew of the existence of the PNPM/RESPEK PNPM/RESPEK. Many could not fully understand program. In Papua, most people recognized the why it was important for community members to program as the PNPM program or “RESPEK”, and gather and deliberate when proposing ideas, to saw the two as identical. Only the village elite establish activity proposals, or to be involved in (the village head and the head of the TPKK) could the implementation of the activities. Members of clearly distinguish between PNPM and RESPEK: the community were also unable to explain the namely, that PNPM was a program provided by the reasons for selecting the investments made by the central government, while RESPEK was a program program and their involvement was largely limited provided by the Papua provincial government. to helping with the construction of infrastructure Meanwhile, in West Papua the community (the projects. This limited understanding arose from elites and most people) saw the two programs the limited amount of information that members as separate entities, with PNPM Mandiri as a of the community received and an implementation program of the central government and RESPEK process that failed to follow the rules. For example, as a program funded by the West Papua provincial while communities were involved in meetings government. Beneficiary Assessment of PNPM/RESPEK - 73 The difference in communities’ knowledge of meetings, the details of plans for infrastructure the program names in Papua and West Papua development, the negative list (activities that were stemmed from the ways in which the programs not allowed by PNPM), the stages of infrastructure were socialized by sub-district facilitators. During development implementation, and the stages of the early stages of the program (2008), sub- fund disbursement. The elite was also aware of district facilitators socialized the PNPM/RESPEK the types of built infrastructure from each stage program to communities at socialization meetings. of PNPM/RESPEK implementation, as well as the In Papua in particular, the provincial government period/time for construction implementation. The socialized PNPM/RESPEK through television, elite also knew that in PNPM/RESPEK there were visits to the region/villages, and print media. As two distinct sources of funds, namely the Special a consequence, communities mostly understood Autonomy Fund (Dana Otsus) from the provincial the program to be one and the same. In West budget (APBD) and funds from the national budget Papua, on the other hand, after 2009 sub-district (APBN). facilitators socialized the program’s name change, namely from PNPM/RESPEK to PNPM Mandiri, Among women in both Papua and West Papua, due to the change in policy by the West Papua knowledge of the program was highly dependent provincial government to separate RESPEK from on their position within the community and the PNPM Mandiri. level of their engagement in other village activities. Women who were active in PKK, the Posyandu, or The program’s popularity with communities was the local church or mosque, knew of the proposal influenced by the length of the program and deliberations, the TPKK, and the amount of the degree to which people were involved in funds earmarked for women’s activities. Some of the construction of the facilities. Most villages in these women also knew that they had the right Papua experienced four to five implementation to propose activities and obtain special funding program cycles of PNPM/RESPEK, while villages for women. In the research villages in Papua, for in West Papua experienced three to four program example, members of women’s groups were aware cycles (particularly for PNPM Mandiri since 2009). that 15 percent of village funds should be allocated The development of physical facilities in Papua for women’s revolving loan funds (RLF), even and West Papua, particularly in 2008 and 2009, though these funds were never actually released by involved the communities in general; some the TPKK managers. In two villages in Kabupaten villagers became temporary paid workers, while Merauke (Kweel and Urumb), this knowledge others became providers of building materials. encouraged women to demand an allocation of As a result, communities’ knowledge of the 15 percent (IDR 15,000,000) from the total funds program was evenly spread and villagers generally allocated to each of their villages. recognized the program from the facilities built in their village. Only members of the community in Women who were not involved in activities in Tomon 1 village in Kabupaten Yahukimo failed to the village tended to have less knowledge of the recognize any program facilities from infrastructure program than active women. These women were built in their village, because they were barely generally aware of the activities that made use of involved in the construction process. program funds to develop infrastructure in their village and that these funds were managed by Both in Papua and West Papua detailed knowledge the TPKK, but they were unaware of the program of the stages of the program tended to be held stages and the source of the funds. Of all the by the elite (village head, village secretary and kabupaten visited in this study, only in villages in public figures) and the TPKK managers, with Kabupaten Merauke did non-active women attend far less knowledge held by the community in program meetings, but they did not speak up or general and women in particular. Village elites make any proposals in the meetings. In villages in were generally involved in the decision-making Kabupaten Yahukimo, on the other hand, non- process and in all the other stages of the activities. active women only knew the program’s name and In almost all villages, the elite knew about the no other details. 74 - B e n e f i c i a r y A s s e s s m e n t o f P N P M / R E S P E K The different levels of knowledge of PNPM/ Language difficulties also influenced the RESPEK processes and program stages between communities’ capacity to understand the program. communities in general, women, and the elite were Explanations of the PNPM/RESPEK program were primarily due to weak facilitation, both from sub- given in Bahasa Indonesia, even though most district facilitators and TPKK members. The ability villagers could not speak Bahasa Indonesia, or had of sub-district facilitators to conduct effective trouble understanding it. Bahasa Indonesia was facilitation was limited by several factors, including mainly understood by the village elites and TPKK weak incentives and low capacity. Facilitators were members because these people were more used mainly tasked with attending to administrative to communicating with people from outside the procedures and requirements of the program, village. Those who were selected to be managers and their performance was largely judged by invariably came from the elite, as they were often their competence in this area. Consequently, they the only people able to meet the qualifications, often “bypassed” deliberation and/or community such as the ability to write and read. It was meetings in order to simplify processes and ensure apparent that in several villages the ability to speak that reports were completed satisfactorily and on Bahasa Indonesia was a source of power for the time. This could be seen in all those kabupaten elite and other program actors. where the frequency and level of community participation in program meetings declined Difficulties in understanding Bahasa Indonesia overtime as facilitators strove to keep the program obliged most members of the community— moving within the given time limit for each cycle. even those present during meetings—to rely on information from the TPKK. Information about the In addition, the emphasis on administrative program, the activities to be undertaken in the procedures also influenced facilitators’ training, village, and the process of activity implementation, which was largely focused in this capacity. They generally came from the head of the TPKK. were rarely provided trained in facilitation skills, However, because TPKK members also had a such as encouraging participation from the limited understanding of the program, they too community (and marginalities groups), moderating were unable to entirely explain the processes, discussions/meetings to avoid domination by the stages and the objectives of the program to elites, and handling complaints/problems. the community. Thus, the process of generating proposals, eliciting ideas from the community, Other factors influencing facilitation were logistical and encouraging its participation in the decision- challenges and the language barrier. Many villages making process,received less than full support from in Papua and West Papua are difficult to reach the TPKK. due to their remoteness and the difficulties of the terrain, inflating the transport costs when Issues related to terms or language arose when chartering flights or boats is required. Thus it was the program was translated as ‘kerja’ (work). often difficult for sub-district facilitators to visit all The community translated the word ‘work’ in all the villages at least once in each sub-district over programs that came from the government and the course of each program cycle, let alone make used this to refer to all physical infrastructure more than one visit to attend all program meetings, development. This was unfortunate, because at the from socialization to deliberation of proposals, to community level terms or words already existed to disbursement and accountability. This explains why describe and capture the principles of CDD, such facilitators preferred to simplify procedures and as ‘kumpul-kumpul’ (gathering) for the discussion types of sub-project to enable them to visit villages process or ‘kerja sama’ for communal work (gotong only once a year. In addition to the logistical issues, royong). The use of the word ‘kerja/work’ came up most sub-district facilitators could not speak the in program socialization by sub-district facilitators local dialects, reducing their ability to interact and the TPKK, giving rise to one of the reasons why effectively with members of the community outside communities understood PNPM/RESPEK more as a the elites. job opportunity than a community empowerment program. Beneficiar y A ssessment of PNPM/RESPEK - 75 Another factor that limited communities’ The different levels of knowledge of PNPM/ knowledge of the program was the nature of the RESPEK between villages in Papua and West social relationships in the village. In villages where Papua were also a consequence of the separation the community tended to be heterogeneous and of PNPM from RESPEK in West Papua, as well as relationships between the clans was balanced, the existence of other programs in some villages. program managers generally came from groups As previously explained, the separation of PNPM other than the village head’s own elite group. and RESPEK implementation in West Papua meant The program managers then acted as a balance that communities at all levels were better able to to the power of the elite (the village head and distinguish between the types of investment and his dominant clan). This relationship was visible, the program stages of each program. Villagers for example, in Coa and Tanusan villages in could name the PNPM investments in their village, Kabupaten Kaimana. However, in villages where as well as the meetings conducted during activity the community was heterogeneous but dominated implementation to determine the activity types by one clan, information was generally focused and the construction of the facilities. Conversely, on the dominant clan and not evenly distributed people only knew of RESPEK’s existence and the across the community. Such a relationship was amount of funding, but could not point to any visible in most of the research villages, including all investments in their village, or explain how RESPEK the villages in Kabupaten Merauke and Kabupaten funds had been used. Most villagers said that Teluk Bintuni. RESPEK was the concern of the village head. In Papua, however, people were generally unaware of In villages with a relatively homogeneous other programs besides PNPM/RESPEK and so had community but where power was distributed little comparative knowledge. among several groups, information distribution was more equitable. This was observed in Anjelma Villages that benefited from corporate social village (Kabupaten Yakuhimo) and Bukapa village responsibility (CSR) programs also had higher (Kabupaten Dogiyai). In Anjelma village, for levels of understanding of the program, as they example, there were two large clans, the Lantipo were able draw comparisons with programs other and Watipo, together with several smaller clans. than PNPM/RESPEK. Communities in these villages These two large clans accounted for the majority could distinguish between the implementation of the residents of the village and together they mechanisms of the CSR programs and those of controlled the largest areas of customary lands. All PNPM Mandiri. For example, the communities in the clans lived in honai-based hamlets located on Taroi and Ekam villages could distinguish between their respective customary lands. With authority the mechanism of the Community Collaborative over their respective area, each honai-based Planning initiated by BP’s operation in its Tangguh hamlet had relatively balanced rights vis-à-vis gas field in Bintuni Bay (known as Perencanaan other hamlets. This was evident, for example, in Bersama Masyarakat, ora PBM program) and PNPM the distribution of administrative power in Anjelma Mandiri. Villagers explained that the PBM program village. All the clans were involved in village was conducted in collaboration with the community governance and the village head was elected through discussions in the village. The company democratically by direct election. The village head then supported the program by sending facilitators at the time of the study was from the Watipo clan, the materials needed for the construction of the and had succeeded the previous village head from facilities. In contrast, villagers explained that the the Haselo clan, one of the smaller clans, who had PNPM Mandiri program was usually planned by passed away. Meanwhile, the village community the program managers themselves, who also organization (LMD), with membership from across undertook the procurement of the materials, with all the hamlets and clans, wasled by a member of the result that villagers felt they had little if any the Haselo clan, while the Lantipo clan controlled direct role in managing the program. This more the PNPM/RESPEK program management through detailed knowledge allowed communities to draw the TPKK head. With representatives in the comparisons between the different programs in village government, every settlement (totalling their villages and to better understand the PNPM 14 honai-based hamlets) in Anjelma village had Mandiri program. the opportunity to access program information (including PNPM/RESPEK) that entered the village. In addition, information could be spread quickly among the honai-based hamlets because of the strong familial ties between occupants of the different hamlets. 76 - B e n e f i c i a r y A s s e s s m e n t o f P N P M / R E S P E K 4.2 Community Participation in PNPM/ presence, which was often difficult for some RESPEK Papuan and West Papuan communities whose livelihoods came from hunting and fishing. In Bupul Studies of community participation in programs village, for instance, most men had to leave the using a CDD approach show that elite domination village for weeks at a time to hunt in the forest, often undermines participation levels and that while in Taroi and Ekam villages (Kabupaten Teluk where the relationship between groups in the Bintuni), many members of the community spent community is not balanced CDD tends to entrench most of their time fishing at sea. the inequality rather than shifting benefits towards poorer or marginalized groups (Mansuri and The invitation mechanism influenced the level of Rao, 2013; Dasgupta and Beard, 2007). Even attendance in village discussions. Most villagers if members of these groups are present during in Papua and West Papua assumed that attending the decision-making process, their participation meetings in the village (including to discuss PNPM/ is often largely symbolic. The CDD approach RESPEK activities) required an invitation. People is more successful in encouraging participation who received an invitation directly from the when village groups are more egalitarian and have program actors generally attended the meeting equal power relationships, are accountable to and followed the discussion, while those who did local government, and where there are no large not receive invitations did not attend. However, political, social, or economic disparities between those villagers normally invited were generally the elite that controls the resources and the those already active in village organizations or wider community. Participation is also supported involved in village activities. Adirect invitation where there is capacity to build reliable facilitator mechanism was observed in most research villages, groups. These groups are vital in truly encouraging but those villagers receiving invitations were the development of a framework that favors the invariably members of the elite. wider community, as well as develop a monitoring and evaluating system that looks beyond mere One alternative but effective invitation mechanism administrative aspects of the program, such as the to encourage the attendance of the community availability of a good accountability system, both wasbyopen invitation. Open invitations spread the upwards and downwards. information more equitably because the entire community had the same opportunity to receive 4.2.1 Community Participation in General invitations and therefore access information about The findings of this study reinforce these the program. Such open invitations were seen in previous studies. At the deliberation stage, Bukapa, Ekemanida, Tanusan, and Lumira villages there were examples where communities could and were made by inviting the community publicly attend meetings and propose ideas, and some through loudspeakers to attend village meetings. communities could also participate in decision- The TPKK in Bukapa and Ekemanida villages in making. However, the presence of community Kabupaten Dogiyai invited the community by members in discussions and activity meetings going around the villages using loudspeakers to was often outweighed by members of the elite. announce the event. The place for deliberations/ Meetings to discuss PNPM/RESPEK activities were meetings was the village road or an intersection generally attended by the village elite, such as where people commonly gathered. A similar members of the Village Consultative Body (Badan situation was observed in Tanusan village, where Permusyawaratan Desa, or BPD), village officials, the TPKK invited the community openly and used TPKK members, and women from the elite (PKK the village community hall as the meeting venue. and Posyandu cadres). Meanwhile, villagers from With such an open invitation mechanism, the level the wider community generally found it far harder of attendance in these four villages was higher than to attend PNPM/RESPEK deliberations and activity in villages using direct invitations. meetings. Although some villagers were present in these meetings, decision-making was controlled by Elite domination also influenced community the village elite and community participation in the participation during the activity proposal stage. planning process was largely symbolic. The elite, especially the village head from the dominant clan who exerted control in the village The lack of opportunity for villagers to attend based on the clan’s customary land rights, tended deliberations and activity meetings was partly to decide the activities in the village. In order a consequence of people’s livelihood activities to cultivate land, for example, other community and partly the meeting invitation mechanism. members had to ask for permission from the elite The decision-making meetings required physical to first clear the land. Regarding PNPM/RESPEK, Beneficiary Assessment of PNPM/RESPEK - 77 many physical investments from the program were limited time and human resources available in each built on such customary lands, and elite domination village, those involved in these CSR programs often was further entrenched as a result. could not, or chose to not to, participate in PNPM, lowering the level of participation in PNPM. This study also reinforces two previous studies (AKATIGA, 2010; Sari et al., 2011) on marginalized 4.2.2 Women’s Participation groups in PNPM and the results of PNPM/RESPEK Generally, women’s participation was relatively low implementation, which found that facilitators in PNPM/RESPEK activities and usually amounted played a significant role in encouraging community to little more than their passive presence at participation. As mentioned above in Section 4.1 community meetings, or as providers of snacks on program knowledge, weak facilitation caused by at the meetings. Although present, the women a combination of weak incentives and low capacity tended to remain silent and simply agree to of sub-district facilitators, logistical challenges and whatever proposals were made by the men. Of the language barrier also had a major impact on the 20 research villages, in only seven villages the level of community participation. Sub-district did women suggest activities at village-level facilitators who were largely evaluated on their consultations, and in every subsequent decision- administrative performance, and who had received making vote the women’s suggestions lost out to limited training in facilitation skills, tended to limit the men’s suggestions. Those women who were their time for visiting villages. Facilitators also had able to suggest activities were invariably those who difficulties communicating with communities using had long been active in the village, for instance in only local dialects and tended to simplify program PKK or church activities. processes by reducing the number of meetings and limiting the types of activity that could be Similar to PNPM implementation in other regions proposed (often simply repeating what had been outside Papua and West Papua, women received done in the previous cycle). special attention through revolving loan funds (RLF) and women-specific proposals. However, Weak sub-district facilitators also tended to give meetings specifically aimed at eliciting women’s rise to weak TPKK members, since the TPKK ideas were almost entirely absent. Some women, relied primarily on sub-district facilitators for their especially those close to the elite and program training and knowledge of the program. As a actor circle, were invited to community meetings, consequence, the role of the TPKK in encouraging both individually and to represent their husbands if community participation was not evident during the latter were unable to attend. However, as with activity implementation. The TPKK tended to view the community in general, the presence of these PNPM/RESPEK as infrastructure building projects. women was largely symbolic. As a result, the TPKK was more focused on efforts to complete the physical facilities rather than Limitation son women’s participation in PNPM/ encouraging community participation. Processes RESPEK activities were also determined by the that involved communities occurred when the relationship between men and women, the lack program first arrived in villages, but subsequently of any dedicated space for women, the program the required community participation stages were implementation bias, and the lack of facilitation no longer implemented, leading to widespread specifically for women. The relationship between disappointment among the communities. TPKK men and women could be discerned from, for members tended to coordinate far more closely instance, the division of labor between the two. with sub-district facilitators than with their In daily life of Papuan societies, the division of communities, including in the activity reporting labor is based on the cultural values adhered to phase: the TPKK only provided reports to by communities, where men are responsible for facilitators without conducting any accountability physically demanding activities according to local meetings with the wider community. values, such as building houses, clearing land for cultivation, building fences and ditches, and The existence of CSR programs in Kabupaten Teluk hunting. Conversely, the relatively ‘lighter’ activities Bintuni and Kabupaten Kaimana also influenced according to local values are the responsibility of communities’ participation in PNPM. These women, such as tending the house, providing food, alternative programs also required communities to tilling the land and gardens, harvesting, selling participate, often in providing labor and collecting produce, and caring for children. In West Papua, materials for infrastructure projects. Given the the division of labor between men and women is narrower than in Papua, and collaboration between 78 - Beneficiar y Assessment of PNPM/RESPEK men and women is more evident in daily activities. 4.3 Impact of PNPM/RESPEK on the Lives of For instance, women catch small fish and collect Communities shells close to land, while men catch shrimp and larger fish further out to sea. Women and men also More effective infrastructure than that provided help each other when pounding sago. Meanwhile, by other government programs was the most program implementation bias was observed often cited benefit from the various studies (Baker during the construction of physical infrastructure, et al., 2013; Sari et al., 2011) regarding the CDD whereby as in the Papuan tradition this was usually approach. The same was also true for PNPM, performed by men. where the built infrastructure was of better quality, even in the more remote provinces of Papua The situation was similar regarding the provision and West Papua (Sari et al., 2011). Studies also of a dedicated space for women. Opportunities for revealed that the poor and women were among women to make suggestions and take decisions the beneficiaries, notwithstanding the fact that were rarely made available by activity implementers members of the elite still dominated (Akatiga, at the sub-district and kabupaten levels. In Papua 2010; Sari et al., 2011; Syukri et al., 2013). and West Papua, almost all research village locations failed to provide opportunities for This study found that benefits in the form of built women to develop and decide upon their own infrastructure were generally felt by community plans. This lack of opportunity, according to sub- members all the way down to the lowest village district and kabupaten facilitators, was because level. However, the benefits of some types of during the early stage of PNPM/RESPEK program infrastructure were concentrated among the elite, implementation the women had failed to manage the program actors, and those closely allied to the 15 percent of funds allocated to the village’s them. There were also some types of infrastructure revolving loan fund (RLF) with the result that the that rapidly fell into disuse. Meanwhile, the RLF failed. non-infrastructural impacts felt by communities included temporary work opportunities (especially Exceptions were found in villages that had special in infrastructure that did not require highly skilled facilitations for women. Women-specific facilitation labor, such as road building or digging drainage was provided by NGOs to build the confidence ditches). Increased cooperation among villagers of women to enable them to participate in the was also observed, although the opposite public space. This facilitation encouraged women effect whereby the program actually weakened to actively participate in the program and also cooperation among community members was also supported the argument that providing special evident. facilitation to marginalized groups during the development process, including women, can be 4.3.1 Impact of Physical Infrastructure Building successful without creating an additional exclusive The impact of built infrastructure was felt by group in the village (AKATIGA, 2010). many villagers, although the impact was not always equally distributed. Benefits were equally Examples of the strengthening of women’s shared in public investments, such as micro-hydro participation were found in Kweel and Urumb installations, wells, Posyandu, and Puskesmas. villages, where women’s participation was higher than in other villages following facilitation. The Although their participation in planning remained managers in these two villages allocated a relatively low, women were among those who portion of their funds (15 percent from PNPM/ enjoyed the greatest benefits from such public RESPEK funds) specifically for women. This was facilities. In Anjelma village, the electricity the consequence of the facilitation made available generator facility (micro-hydro) added significant to the women by Oxfam, which encouraged them time for communities to conduct activities at to negotiate with the sub-district facilitators and night. As a result, the productive time available the TPKK for access to the 15 percent of funds to women to produce noken (handicraft bags) allocated to women. The high level of participation increased. Likewise, the building of a public well of women in Kweel and Urumb villages was evident and rainwater collectors also helped women to in their strong presence at village meetings, where access water more easily for their household needs, women also actively spoke up to convey their freeing up time for other activities. Meanwhile, opinions and activity proposals. the operation of a Pustu also helped women to improve access health services, especially for their children. Beneficiary Assessment of PNPM/RESPEK - 79 Built infrastructure of an individual nature, such as PNPM/RESPEK implementation periods after 2011 washing facilities (mandi, cuci, kakus, or MCK) and tended to eliminate the role of communities in wells, tended to benefit only a limited number of the construction process, as specialized skills were people in villages. In Coa village, the MCK facilities required, such as in the construction of Pustu. were only enjoyed by the owners of the premises In such cases, work opportunities often went to on which the facilities were built. Although workers brought in from outside the village and of originally the wells and MCK were intended for non-Papuan ethnicities. three to four nearby households, in practice only the landowners enjoyed the benefits, as other 4.3.2.2 Changes in the structure and relations of villagers were reluctant to use the common communities at the village level facilities if they were required to enter another’s This study reaffirms earlier studies (Conning property. In Papua, elite groups, including activity and Kevane, 2002; Mansuri and Rao, 2004) that managers in the village, enjoyed most benefits show the participatory approach strengthens from the program. This could be observed in the relationships and cooperation among community infrastructure building that served their own groups members in relatively egalitarian communities, first. but is often ineffective in more fragmented communities. Some physical investments rapidly fell into disuse due to damage, incomplete construction, or In villages where the structure and relationships incompatibility with the community’s needs or of the community were dominated by the elite village characteristics. In Pusuaga village, for and program actors, PNPM/RESPEK tended to instance, the rainwater collectors were distributed aggravate this domination. Individual physical without considering that most people’s houses facilities constructed were more likely to be had thatch roofs, while the collectors required tin controlled by the elite, asin Anjelma village. Here, roofs to capture and channel the water into storage the TPKK head proposed the construction of a tanks. As a result, the rainwater collectors were left village hall on his own land, but the building was idle and eventually became damaged. In villages eventually used instead as an extension to his in Kabupaten Merauke, well investments failed to private home. The construction of the building also take into account the environmental capacity. It involved hired labor from outside the community, was subsequently found that the water quality was failing to bring any benefits to the village unsuitable for consumption and that settlements community. were often inundated with seawater during high tides, which then mixed with the ground water. In terms of trust, PNPM/RESPEK tended to strengthen trust between clans and socio-economic 4.3.2 Non-infrastucture Impacts groups where this had previously existed. The 4.3.2.1 Temporary Work Opportunities long-established social capital of gotong royong Infrastructure building through PNPM provided continued with the implementation of PNPM/ temporary work opportunities for many villagers. RESPEK. In Tanusan village, PNPM/RESPEK These opportunities aimed to provide work for enabled villagers to collect funds from their paid farmers outside of their harvest or planting seasons temporary work for scholarships for their children, (Sumadi and Yulaswati, 2011), and were sometimes especially those who wanted to continue their the only form of program benefit enjoyed by the education in other regions. poorest members of village communities (Akatiga, 2010). Temporary work opportunities were eagerly Conversely, in villages where program awaited by many villagers, as they provided them implementation was centred on the elite or with a rare opportunity to earn a cash income. program actors, the program often sparked Wages depended on the number of days worked suspicion among community members, who felt and were usually used to purchase daily needs. that they had failed to receive any benefits or had For most communities, having a PNPM/RESPEK not been adequately involved in the decision- program in their village was synonymous with making process. This also encouraged critical having opportunities to do paid work. views of the program’s implementation, with some villagers questioning the usefulness of the built However, temporary work opportunities could infrastructure and the performance of program not last forever and were limited to infrastructure actors. However, in many places, suspicions of construction that did not require special technical abuse directed towards program actors remained skills, such as road improvements and drainage only a matter of hearsay unsupported by firm ditches. The types of infrastructure proposed in 80 - Beneficiary Assessment of PNPM/RESPEK evidence. Such suspicions also undermined to be more active in demanding their rights from trust between clans and groups, and led to a PNPM/RESPEK. Women who were already active in decline in cooperation between members of the village activities, such as PKK and church activists, community, as in Pusuaga village. Here, before the were first to demand their rights from the program, program arrived the community had a cooperation with some succeeding in obtaining the 15 percent mechanism when building its honai or clearing share of funds allocated for women’s groups. In land for cultivation. After the program, people felt Urumb village, the women’s group established by that the TPKK had not involved the community in Oxfam succeeded in obtaining IDR 15,000,000 to planning and implementation, undermining trust develop the agricultural sector. This group received and eroding the existing cooperation mechanism. funding because it had already been running for some time and had a clear organizational structure, Wages for temporary work also transformed as opposed to being established simply to access communities’ gotong royong tradition. funding from PNPM/RESPEK. As a result, the Communities generally, both in Papua and West group became something of a role model for other Papua, follow the tradition of gotong royong women’s groups in Papua and West Papua. whereby they provide assistance to one another, for instance to clear land for cultivation or for house 4.3.2.4 Community’s Capacity in Program building. Community members also volunteer for Management religious activities, such as building the church Generally, most communities in Papua and West and helping each other to fulfil customary needs, Papua had the capacity to manage the program. In such as customary fines and weddings. In Bukapa the planning process, although still largely limited village, people volunteered for church construction to the village elite and program managers, villagers work by providing stones, sand and labor. were still able to participate in village development planning meetings. Only in Tomon 1 village did the However, this gotong royong tradition did not community have no opportunity to participate in apply to projects initiated by government, the village planning process, as it was controlled regardless of level, including PNPM/RESPEK. exclusively by the village head. However, in People’s understanding of government projects determining the activity priorities communities was that these were purely about access to money: seemed unable to determine priorities according the provision of materials, land clearing and labor to their needs. This was because the process were recognized by communities as items that of setting activities was dominated by the elite had been budgeted for by the government. As a or program actors in the village, along with result, some communities felt that PNPM/RESPEK interventions from sub-district facilitators. The had undermined gotong royong volunteerism cases of communal MCK facility construction in among villagers. In Bupul village, for instance, Matara village, the village hall in Anjelma village the communal work known by the term elibam and the rainwater collectors in Pusuaga village are gola-gola, such as land clearing, house building, all examples of intervention by the elite and sub- weddings, and lending a hand to community district facilitators in determining activity options in members in need, was replaced by the paid work their respective villages. introduced by PNPM/RESPEK. In Bukapa village, the work to till gardens that used to be undertaken In terms of accountability, most villages in Papua by women without pay disappeared and was and West Papua lacked the capacity to ensure replaced with paid work. that this occurred. Program managers had great difficulty in preparing activity and financial reports 4.3.2.3 Women’s Empowerment in accordance with program standards. In almost The role of women in PNPM/RESPEK was generally all research villages the compiling of activity and low, both in terms of their knowledge and their financial reports required the assistance of sub- participation. Low participation among women district facilitators. Only in Lumira village was the stemmed from the strongly prevalent notion PNPM financial report prepared by the village among men that physical building activities were head, and in this case he also happened to be their domain. Public spaces were also viewed a contractor and developer in Kabupaten Teluk as the domain of men, while men held negative Bintuni. All written reports were given to the views towards women who were involved in sub-district facilitators to be handed over to the public activities. Despite this background, women program managers at the kabupaten and provincial in villages that had received women-specific levels. facilitation from civil society organizations tended Beneficiary Assessment of PNPM/RESPEK - 81 The program actors in the research village locations 4.4 Communities’ Hopes for PNPM/RESPEK had the capacity to record cash flow during activity implementation. This capacity was developed Communities hoped that infrastructure benefits through training and facilitation provided to TPKK would be felt more widely in the future and would members on book-keeping and program financial better fit their needs according to community management. In some villages signs of poor proposals, as opposed to only benefiting certain financial record-keeping were apparent, such as groups. Such hopes were expressed because in Pusuaga, Bupuland Egerwara villages, where as people perceived that the benefits of some a result communities assumed that the TPKK had program investments had only been enjoyed by a misused the program funds. Weak oversight by limited group, such as the communal MCK facilities communities and sub-district facilitators, as well as in Matara village that were constructed next to the the lack of sanctions in cases of abuse, contributed house of the head of the TPKK and village officials. towards abuse. Such locations discouraged people from using the facilities. Experiences of failed infrastructure Unlike activity and financial reporting to sub-district investments also caused dissatisfaction among and kabupaten facilitators, downward reporting to communities, as well as activities that deviated communities remained weak across the board. In all from the initial plans agreed during village planning the villages studied in both Papua and West Papua meetings, such as clean water facilities that were no reporting to the communities was evident. In all only successful in one out of six wells in Atibo villages, communities saw no accountability reports village. In Matara village people felt that communal for either the activities implemented or financials. MCK facilities were unsuitable for their needs, as This occurred because there was no pressure or the community needed a sea retention wall more facilitation from sub-district facilitators, despite urgently to prevent the intrusion of seawater into the rule requiring that program accountability be their farmland during high tides with resulting provided to communities. damage to crops. Despite this, the communal MCK facilities in Matara village were selected by the village head who had received a recommendation from the sub-district facilitator. 82 - Beneficiary Assessment of PNPM/RESPEK All groups across communities hoped that the aside from having physical investments that could program would continue. However, each group be enjoyed by many members of the community, felt that adjustments were needed based on the people also hoped for allocations that would help experience of the benefits felt by each of these them to improve their lively hoods. Communities in groups within the community. For instance, activity West Papua felt that the activities were dominated managers and village heads who had directed by program managers and, as a result, hoped to be the benefits for their own personal advantage invited to attend decision-making meetings more and others in their exclusive group hoped that often in the future and to be more active at all the amount of the funds would be increased stages of the program. Communities also hoped to so that other people would be able to enjoy be more involved in the evaluation stage in order the benefits as well. They also recommended to provide feedback about the pluses and minuses that the mechanisms be simplified, for instance of the program. These hopes surfaced largely by disbursing the funds in one tranche instead because communities felt that the program had not of two, in order to expedite the projects. They been run in a transparent way in their villages. also suggested that the program mechanism be simplified to avoid inviting too many people to Women’s groups hoped to receive special village meetings. allocations for infrastructure that was proposed by women, such as Posyandu and funds for economic Members of communities who had not yet empowerment, such as RLFs. Women felt that enjoyed benefits in the form of infrastructure while program benefits were certainly enjoyed by nonetheless hoped to be more involved in the their communities, too few projects were directly program in future, so as to access benefits instead addressed to the needs of women. Instead, women of only being involved in construction activities. felt that the program in general prioritized men and Communities seemed to understand the benefits that infrastructure projects were invariably selected of a decision-making process that was open to all by men. and, as a result, expected to be involved. In Papua, Beneficiary Assessment of PNPM/RESPEK - 83 CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS 5 84 - Beneficiary Assessment of PNPM/RESPEK CHAPTER 5 CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS 5.1 Introduction Research findings in all locations reveal some factors underlying various weaknesses in program Viewed from the perspective of beneficiaries implementation, one of which is the issue of in the research locations, it is clear that a large facilitation. Various challenges in facilitation, majority of beneficiaries, including non-elites, in terms of capacity, ability and logistics, appreciates PNPM/RESPEK investments and strongly influenced the levels of knowledge and wants the program to continue. However, it is participation of members of village communities. equally apparent that a majority also hopes for the In the context of Papua and West Papua, other program in the future to include improvements in major factors influencing program implementation terms of community involvement in the process include: geographic challenges, language barriers and in more transparency of program information and strong cultural/adat structures. Geographic to all. These aspirations arose because the program remoteness of many areas in the two provinces suffered from a multitude of weaknesses that (especially the mountainous areas of Papua) made prevented it from being properly implemented, it very difficult for facilitators to be present in thus falling short in achieving its intended objective villages for significant periods of time each year in community empowerment. This research to provide proper facilitation. It also influences highlights some of the key implementation availability and cost of materials and transportation, challenges and proposes how these challenges which in turn influence community’s ability to might be addressed for future implementation of complete projects as planned. The language CDD programs in Papua/West Papua, as well as in barrier between facilitators and communities the context of the new Law on Villages (Law No. prevented adequate levels of communication and 6/2014), known as ‘the Village Law’. The Village this gave excessive political power to elites that Law will see a significant increase in development were already familiar with, and used to using, funding allocated to villages, while mandating Bahasa Indonesia. The village adat structure was the inclusion of participatory, transparency and also crucial in dictating the control of resources accountability principles in its implementation coming into villages. With these issues in mind, mechanism. the degree to which facilitators could understand, engage with, and mediate between, the various power groups and the community at large, was crucial to the success of the program. However, this was an area in which no support was provided by the program and which the facilitators had little training in or capacity for. Beneficiary Assessment of PNPM/RESPEK - 85 Finally, despite the efforts made to involve them, 5.2 Issues/Challenges With PNPM/RESPEK it was apparent from the findings that women Implementation struggled to participate to the extent intended by the program. Women seem to become The research findings across the 20 villages more empowered where they have the space indicated that there are four main factors to conduct their own meetings and ensure that underlying the poor quality of facilitation in the funds allocated in the program specifically PNPM/RESPEK, namely: 1) poor capacity/quality for women’s needs really do reach women in of facilitators, especially sub-district facilitators; the community. It is clear from the findings that 2) an incentive system that does not encourage women’s empowerment must go beyond providing strong facilitation; 3) severe challenges due to the revolving loan funds (RLF) that were set up by geographic difficulties; and 4) cultural challenges PNPM/RESPEK in some villages. The understanding (including language barriers) that tend to entrench of TPKK members and facilitators of how the funds elite capture. The poor capacity of facilitators can allocated for women’s needs should be used also be seen, among others, in their limited knowledge needs to undergo a fundamental shift. of the program’s objective in empowerment and ability to engage with communities and These conclusions are explained in further serve as interlocutors/”power brokers” between detail in the following sections. In terms of communities and the elites. Sub-district facilitators, the recommendations, given the imminent who are the main focal points in the program to implementation of the Village Law, which engage with villagers, were often ill-equipped to encompasses similar participatory, transparency explain the program’s main objective in community and accountability principles as in PNPM/RESPEK, empowerment and instead only explained the the recommendations here are discussed in light of program’s procedures and funding. They were the Village Law, in addition to current/future CDD also often incapable of helping communities to programs in Papua and West Papua (for example, put forward their priority needs. In many cases, PROSPEK in Papua, which will replace RESPEK). sub-district facilitators were found siding with the elites in prioritizing proposals or predetermining the activities that were supposed to be proposed by the community. This situation was largely the result of the incentives of facilitators: their performance was judged and evaluated based on their capacity to fulfil the program’s administrative requirements, namely, ensuring that the program stages, fund disbursements and reporting requirements were delivered in a timely manner, while at the same time limiting the misuse of funds. This imposed significant pressure on the facilitators to try to complete all the administrative requirements by the end of the project cycle. Because of this emphasize on administrative compliance, facilitators’ training was also mainly focused on understanding of the program’s procedures and requirements, and not on how to facilitate/encourage communities’ involvement in the program. Also, sub-district facilitators were required to attend monthly coordination meetings at the district level to report on project progress. Due to geographic conditions in Papua and West Papua, this requirement sometimes meant that sub-district facilitators needed to spend days, and even as much as up to 86 - Beneficiary Assessment of PNPM/RESPEK a week, away from their duty stations, significantly adat power structures in the villages under their reducing the time that was available to visit villages responsibility, but instead had to develop their and engage with the community. own understanding of these structures in the field, if they were so able. This meant that facilitators The severe geographical challenges also made were ill-equipped to understand the particular it difficult for sub-district facilitators to cover all power structures in villages, the structure and the villages under their responsibility due to a dominance of the various tribes and clans, the combination of lack of transport, difficult terrain, composition and size of marginalized groups, and large distances involved, and the small number of the degree of heterogeneity or homogeneity of facilitators compare with the number of villages the dominant clan or clans in each village. As was under their responsibility. Some villages did not seen from the study’s findings, the socio-cultural/ have direct access to sub-district towns and had political mix had a major bearing on the ways in to be reached via district cities or from other which the elite in a village interacted with other sub-districts/districts. In some cases, due to segments of the village community. In some cases, the remoteness of the sub-district or to security the mix led to elite capture and suspicions of the concerns (such as in Dogiyai and Yahukimo), misappropriation of funds among marginalized sub-district facilitators were pooled in several groups. This created tensions that could undermine easy-to-access sub-districts or the district capital. cooperation and trust in the village or, worse, This inevitably placed more distance between could even lead to outbreaks of violence between facilitators and the villages. opposing groups. The challenges faced by sub-district facilitators had Facilitators had the potential to play a crucial role a knock-on effect on the performance of the TPKK as power-brokers between competing groups in at the village level. The TPKK played the most the villages, balancing the political forces at play prominent role in the implementation of physical and helping to ensure that less powerful groups development activities in villages. However, were not squeezed out by elite capture of program members of the TPKK were heavily reliant on the activities. For example, within villages with a single assistance they received from the sub-district dominant clan, facilitators had little option but to facilitators, having little if any access to information try to work with the clan, which often occupied the on the program from elsewhere. As a result of the primary position of power in the village, namely infrequent facilitators’ visits and the lack of in- the village head. A good facilitator would ideally depth information provided to the TKPP members, be able to “broker” the relationship between the the TPKK’s capacity to effectively facilitate the village head (and his circle) and the community implementation process was severely impaired and in order to help community members to voice its ability to ensure that the program’s intended their needs. Alternatively, a good facilitator purpose was achieved was limited. Compounding would utilize the village elites’ desire to show these weaknesses, there was insufficient additional that their village was better than others as an information made available to both facilitators opening to introduce development projects that and TPKK members. Such information could could benefit the community at large. However, have helped to explain facilitation methods, how facilitators with limited knowledge and skills on to deal with frequently occurring problems, and interfacing with local power holders would often information about cultural conditions in the target just succumb to the wills of the elites and failed villages. to help communities to have their voices heard. Even within villages with more than one dominant The existence of often very strong and hierarchical clan, opportunities to counter balance the power cultural/adat structures in villages in Papua and structure existed, but without good facilitation skills West Papua, compounded with the language facilitators would not be able to make the most of barriers, also made facilitation more challenging. such opportunities. Sub-district facilitators lacked technical understanding of the socio-cultural and socio- Given the lack of training and infrequent visits that political conditions in the villages in their respective facilitators were able to make to the villages, the areas of coverage. In most cases, facilitators were development of such an in-depth understanding provided no background information on the Beneficiary Assessment of PNPM/RESPEK - 87 of the power structures and potential entry points 5.3 Recommendations to influence existing power structures would have been extremely challenging, if not impossible. Comparing PNPM/RESPEK implementation in The opportunities for facilitators to play a more Papua and the separate PNPM Rural and RESPEK important role in balancing the various power implementation in West Papua, it can be seen groups in the adat village structures was therefore that beneficiaries, especially non-elites, had better lost, to the detriment of the weakest and more knowledge and participation levels in PNPM/ marginalized segments of the village community. In RESPEK (Papua) and PNPM Rural (West Papua). addition, since sub-district facilitators often came For RESPEK (West Papua), only in one out of eight from different sub-districts/regions than their duty study villages did non-elites beneficiaries know stations, they did not speak the local dialects and anything more about the program other than its had to rely on Bahasa Indonesia to communicate name. It seems that despite the clear weaknesses with villagers. This often limited their ability to in implementation, PNPM/RESPEK and PNPM engage with communities and gave excessive Rural were still far better in garnering community power to the elites, who tended to be confident in participation and enhancing transparency than using Bahasa Indonesia. RESPEK. Observations from this study indicate that this was largely influenced by the fact that PNPM/ As a result, and as we see from the study’s research RESPEK and PNPM Rural employed independent findings, levels of knowledge of the program facilitators to safe guard the program (ensuring that among the communities were very low and tended program stages and requirements were fulfilled), to be heavily concentrated in the village elite while in RESPEK all aspects of implementation, and those close to/related to the elite. Marginal including the holding of program funds and groups and women were those members of the decisions on what to build and by whom, were community most disadvantaged by the poor quality controlled by village heads alone. of the facilitation. This in turn led to low levels of participation at communal village meetings, Hence, despite the major weaknesses in which were supposed to underpin the community implementation due to the challenges mentioned empowerment approach, often resulting in further above, both future CDD programs in Papua/ elite capture of the decision-making progress. West Papua (such as PROSPEK, which will replace RESPEK) and Village Law implementation will undoubtedly benefit from efforts to improve/ strengthen facilitation in the two provinces. This, however, will not be an easy feat to achieve given the unique circumstances in Tanah Papua. 5.3.1 Increasing Quality of Facilitators through Training and Incentive Clearly, improving facilitation skills can only be done if program implementers actually provide adequate training in such skills, which ideally not only involve classroom materials but also field practice to test the skills, and mentoring to ensure that such skills will continue to improve overtime. Facilitators need to understand the primary objective of CDD programs in terms of empowerment, as well as the principles of participation, transparency and accountability that are stipulated under Village Law implementation. They also need to understand their roles in empowering communities: to support communities to voice and formulate their development needs, and to act as a bridge in the interaction and communication between elites and communities. The capability of facilitators to deal with power holders, to engage with various groups in the community, and to act as a bridge between elites and non-elites, is a critical component of the skills that need to be developed, both prior 88 - Beneficiary Assessment of PNPM/RESPEK to facilitators’ deployment (through training) in the two provinces, the chronic shortage of and throughout the lifetime of their deployment independently hired facilitators is likely to continue. (through mentoring and refresher training where appropriate). An understanding of the socio- Given such challenges, it would be more realistic cultural and socio-political situation in various for the program to work with existing groups areas of Papua and West Papua also needs to be that are already working with communities in included as part of the preparation of facilitators the villages, such as NGOs or religious groups, prior to deployment. especially in remote/hard-to-reach areas. Findings in this study support this option, as seen for In addition, the issue of incentives needs to be example in Urumb Village in Kabupaten Merauke, taken seriously if facilitators are to be expected to where church-sponsored NGO and Oxfam’s work focus their work on facilitating and empowering on women empowerment programs helped communities. Current pressure to fulfil the improve women’s capacity to develop group administrative requirements of the program have proposals in PNPM/RESPEK and to manage RLFs. created incentives for facilitators to favor finishing There is also an indication from previous studies project activities and reporting on time, often at on PNPM/RESPEK that church activists, including the price of ignoring community involvement, women and young people, can be empowered which takes longer to achieve. This focus on to play a role as power brokers to counterbalance administrative requirements ultimately served to the dominance of village elites (AKATIGA, 2010). undermine community trust and expectations in the Government from central, provincial and district program. Thus, facilitators’ tasks and performance levels will need to develop an arrangement that must be linked with the facilitation skills mentioned enables this effort, particularly in the context of the above, with the ultimate goal of empowering implementation of the Village Law. communities to achieve their priority development needs. 5.3.4 Expanding Space to Communicate with the Community at Large 5.3.2 Ensuring Participation of Marginalized Providing information through formal meetings Groups through Targeted Consultations was not an effective way to transfer program Given the social structure in Papua and West Papua information and knowledge to the community that tends to entrench elite domination, CDD at large. As often happened, only elites or those programs as well as Village Law implementation close to the TPKK/village heads were invited will need to carve out more targeted consultation to the meetings, leaving behind non-elites, space with marginalized groups to ensure that women and other marginalized segments of the their aspiration and needs are captured in village community. This also eventually limited community planning. Such kind of consultations should ideally participation in the program and consolidate elite be facilitated by independent facilitators who can capture. encourage marginalized groups to participate and speak up in meetings and can intercede on In some villages, informal venues such as the behalf of them if needed. In the context of Papua local market and honai were used to spread and West Papua, this role will likely need to be information and to gather community ideas for supported by existing community/civil society working on infrastructure projects. In Bukapa groups as explained in more details in the following Village (Dogiyai), the market was the natural place section. for people from various backgrounds in the village to gather and exchange information. The TPKK 5.3.3 Using Existing Groups in Communities to and sub-district facilitator utilized this venue to Support Facilitation exchange information about what had been built One of the critical issues affecting facilitation in other villages/sub-districts, to come up with in Papua and West Papua is the inadequate initial ideas for village proposals, and to negotiate number of facilitators, especially in remote sub- the proposals with the community prior to formal districts. According to PNPM project data, 30 to project meetings. As a result, communities’ 40 percent of sub-district facilitator positions are knowledge of the program was relatively better left vacant annually in Papua and West Papua. than that found in other research villages in the Although program implementers have taken some same sub-district. In Anjelma Village (Yahukimo), initiatives to overcome this—including lowering information about the program was spread through qualification requirements from a bachelor’s the honai so that knowledge of the program was degree to a diploma and special recruitment of relatively well dispersed throughout the clan, technical facilitators through the Barefoot Engineer although this knowledge was still limited to male program—given the difficult working situation members of the clan. Beneficiary Assessment of PNPM/RESPEK - 89 Future program socialization will also benefit from funds (Simpan Pinjam untuk Perempuan, SPP). Sub- utilizing such informal/public spaces to reach out to district facilitators often vetoed the allocation of as many community members as possible. these funds on the grounds that the risk of default/ non-repayment was too high and could lead to 5.3.5 Addressing Language Barrier More suspension of the village in qualifying for the Effectively following year’s block grant. In addition to verbal information, visual communication tools will also be crucial in One outstanding exception to the general rule was improving people’s understanding of the program, found in Urumb village in Kabupaten Merauke. As especially given the language barriers mentioned elsewhere, in Urumb most of those attending and above. Using videos, pictures, and simple diagram dominating PNPM meetings were men. However, will help facilitators to explain program objectives, thanks to the facilitation of women’s groups in the activities, and procedures more clearly. Involving village by NGOs, in particular Oxfam GB, operating local civil society or community organizations to through the Papuan Women’s Empowerment help translate and explain the procedures can also Project (PAWE), some women’s groups were able be very helpful in ensuring smooth communication. to improve their capacity for collective action and Facilitators also need to pay attention to local create solid and complete proposals and were thus context in using Bahasa Indonesia to avoid using empowered to participate in the PNPM/RESPEK words that could lead to wrong perception about program. As a result, members of the groups the program. For example, avoid using “kerja” to were invited to village meetings and were able to explain PNPM project and use “kumpul-kumpul” voice their opinions and take part in the decision- instead. making process. Their participation led to one of the women’s groups receiving the full allocation of 5.3.6 Creating Space for Women and Their Needs IDR 15,000,000 to start small enterprises through a As is clear from the study’s findings across revolving loan fund. almost all of the research villages that women’s participation in the PNPM/RESPEK program Building on this experience, it seems reasonable remained weak despite the efforts made to to conclude that if efforts to promote women’s encourage their involvement. Of the 20 research participation are to be successful, it will be villages in the study, in only seven villages necessary to strengthen the capacity of women did women suggest activities at village-level to organize themselves and develop solid and consultation meetings and, even then, in every complete proposals for economic-and health/ subsequent decision-making vote, the women’s education-based activities. In addition, program suggestions lost out to those of the men. In implementers need to provide dedicated space addition, those few women who did feel able to for women, such as special meetings for women suggest activities were invariably those who had a and specific fund allocations for women’s groups. track record of being active in village activities, for Thus far, most villages in the research locations instance, in PKK or the church. did not conduct special meetings for women and neglected to provide women with their share of In light of the context of gender relations in Papua/ 15 percent of the block grant. Whenever possible, West Papua, in which women are widely dominated women facilitators should be deployed to work and marginalized by men, special attention is with women’s groups, given the unbalanced needed to create space for women’s participation relationship between men and women in most in CDD programs and also to ensure that allocated villages in Papua/West Papua. When this is not funds specifically for women’s activities do indeed realistic (for example, due to security concerns or reach their targets. The findings show that despite the remoteness of working locations), the program these allocations of 15 percent in PNPM, it was should be encouraged to work with existing rare for these funds to be fully controlled by NGOs/church organizations, or with women cadres women’s groups, or even to be used to address (PKK, Posyandu, etc.) to help create and enforce the specific needs of women in the community. space for women to participate in community This was partly due to an erroneous assumption development. that the 15 percent of funds earmarked for women could only be used for women’s revolving loan 90 - Beneficiary Assessment of PNPM/RESPEK GLOSSARY ADK Alokasi Dana Kampung (Village Funds Allocation) ADPK Alokasi Dana Pemberdayaan Kampung (Village Community Empowerment Funds Allocation) APBD Provincial Budget APBN National Budget BPD Badan Permusyawaratan Desa (Village Consultative Body) Bupati/Walikota Mayor CDD Community Driven Development CSR Corporate Social Responsibility Dana Otsus Special Autonomy Fund DDUB Dana Daerah Urusan Bersama (Joint-Affairs Regional Funds) DG PMD Directorate General of Community and Village Empowerment Gotong Royong Mutual Help System Honai Traditional house of the mountainous community in Papua Kabupaten District Kecamatan Sub-district Kerja Work KPMK Kantor Pemberdayaan Masyarakat Kampung (Village Community Empowerment Office) Kumpul-Kumpul Gathering LMD Lembaga Masyarakat Desa (Village Community Organization) MC Management Coordinator MCK Mandi, Cuci, Kakus (Bathing, Washing And Toilet Facilities) MoHA Ministry of Home Affair NGO Non Government Organization OPM Organisasi Papua Merdeka (Free Papua Organization) PAD Project Appraisal Document PAWE Papuan Women’s Empowerment Project PBM Perencanaan Bersama Masyarakat (Community Joint Planning) PD Pendamping Distrik (Sub-district facilitator) PK Pendamping Kampung (Village Facilitator) Pergub Peraturan Gubernur (Gubernatorial Regulation) PNPM Program Nasional Pemberdayaan Masyarakat (National Program for Community Empowerment) PJOK Penanggung Jawab Operasional Kegiatan (Activity Operational Manager) PKK Pembinaan Kesejahteraan Keluarga (Family Welfare Program) Posyandu Pos Pelayanan Terpadu (Local Community Health Post) PPK/PPD Program Pembangunan Kecamatan/Distrik (Kecamatan Development Program) PTO Petunjuk Teknis Operasional (Technical Operational Guidnelines) Pustu Puskesmas Pembantu (Auxiliary Community Health Center) RAB Rancangan Anggaran Belanja (Cost Budget Estimate) RESPEK Rencana Strategis Pembangunan Kampung (Village Development Strategic Plan) RLF Revolving Loan Funds RT Rukun Tetangga (Neighbourhood Unit) SPP Simpan Pinjam Kelompok Perempuan (Women’s Savings and Loan) TNP2K Tim Nasional Percepatan Penanggulangan Kemiskinan (National Team for Acceleration of Poverty Alleviation) TPKD Tim Pelaksana Kegiatan Distrik (Sub-district Program Implementation Team) TPKK Tim Pelaksana Kegiatan Kampung (Village Program Implementation Team) Beneficiary Assessment of PNPM/RESPEK - 91