De.c.S\ A Worid Bank Symposium DECENTRALIZATION AND BIODIVERSITY CONSERVATION Edited by Ernst Lutz Julian Caldecott  blio 'o - e0 r  Decentralization and Biodiversity Conservation Edited by Ernst Lutz Julian Caldecott The World Bank Washington, D.C. @ 1996 The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development/ THE WORLD BANK 1818 H Street, N.W., Washington, D.C. 20433, U.S.A. All rights reserved Manufactured in the United States of America First printing December 1996 The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed in this study are entirely those of the authors and should not be attributed in any manner to the World Bank, to its affiliated organizations, or to members of its Board of Executive Directors or the countries they represent. The artwork on the front cover was done by Tomoko Hirata. The material in this publication is copyrighted. 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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Decentralization and biodiversity conservation / editors, Ernst Lutz and Julian Caldecott. p. cm. - (A World Bank symposium) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-8213-3688-6 1. Biological diversity conservation-Case studies. 2. Decentralization in management-Case studies. 3. Natural areas-Management--Case studies. 4. National parks and reserves-Management--Case studies. I. Lutz, Ernst, 1949- . II. Caldecott, Julian Oliver. III. Series. QH75.D39 1996 333.9516--dc2O 96-30475 CIP iv Contents Foreword ix Acknowledgments xi Contributors xii 1 Introduction I Ernst Lutz and Julian Caldecott Ten Country Studies and Analysis 1 Failed Past Attempts to Conserve Biodiversity I Decentralization as a Process 2 The Contrast of Centralization and Decentralization 2 References 3 2 Colombia 7 Eduardo Uribe The Colombian National Park System 7 Rural Development Activities 10 Resolving Conflict between Development and Conservation 11 Summary and Conclusions 12 Case Studies in Colombia 13 Notes 15 References 16 3 Costa Rica 19 Julian Caldecott and Annie Lovejoy Strategic Planning 20 The Conservation Area System 21 The National Biodiversity Institute 22 Conclusions 23 Case Studies in Costa Rica 24 Notes 26 References 26 v vi Contents 4 India 29 Shekhar Singh Decentralization within the Government 29 Decentralizing Management to the Community 31 Management of Wildlife Protected Areas 31 Rural Development 33 Conflict and Resolution 34 Conclusions 35 Case Studies in India 36 Note 40 5 Indonesia 43 Julian Caldecott Policies and Biodiversity 45 Planning and Environmental Threat 46 The Role of Integrated Conservation Development Projects 47 The Role of Conservation NGOs 48 Conclusions 49 Case Studies in Indonesia 49 References 51 6 Kenya 55 Joyce H. Poole and Richard E. Leakey A Difficult History of Decentralization 56 Trends Affecting NGOS, Communities, and Private Landowners 57 Decentralization of Important Functions 58 Competition from Other Sectors 58 Rural Development and Habitat Conservation 60 Summary and Conclusions 60 Case Studies in Kenya 61 Notes 62 References 63 7 Nepal 65 Uday R. Sharma and Michael P. Wells A Brief Conservation History of Nepal 65 Institutions for Conservation in Nepal 68 Reconciling Protected-Area Management with Social and Economic Development 68 Protected Areas and Tourism 71 Conclusion 73 Case Studies in Nepal 73 References 75 8 Nigeria 79 Julian Caldecott and Andrew Babatunde Morakinyo People and Administration 79 Policies and Interest Groups 80 Governmental Management of Conservation Areas 81 Nongovernmental Management of Conservation Areas 84 Conflicts between Conservation and Rural Development 84 Conclusions 85 Contents vii Case Studies in Nigeria 86 Notes 89 References 89 9 Philippines 93 Maria Dulce M. Cacha and Julian Caldecott The Local Government Code of 1991 94 Pre-1992 Legislation 95 The National Integrated Protected Areas System Law of 1992 96 Management of Protected Areas under NIPAS 96 Funding Sources for Conservation 98 Management and Impact of the DFNS Program 99 Conflict between Development and Conservation 101 Conclusions 102 Case Studies in the Philippines 102 References 105 10 Russia 109 Margaret D. Williams and Michael P Wells Russia's Protected Areas 110 Financial Resources for the Protected Areas 112 The Soviet Legacy of Economic and Environmental Mismanagement 113 Changing Attitudes toward Protected Areas 114 Emerging Positive Signs 115 Expanding Roles for NGOS 117 Alternative Funding Sources for Protected Areas 119 The Role of Foreign Development Assistance 119 Conclusions 120 References 120 11 Zimbabwe 123 Brian Child The Roots of CAMPFIRE: Lessons from Game Ranching on Private Land 123 Transferring Lessons to Communal Areas 124 CAMPFIRE's Goals 125 Can Decentralized Management Work? 131 Is Fiscal Devolution Sufficient? 132 Conclusions 133 Case Studies in Zimbabwe 134 References 137 12 Good Governance in Model and Real Countries 139 Julian Caldecott Methods 139 Findings 142 Conclusions 144 References 144 13 Analysis of World Bank and GEF Projects 145 Ajit Banerjee and Ernst Lutz Strategy and Methods 145 Decentralization of Habitat Conservation Projects 146 viii Contents Conflict Resolution 151 Effectiveness of Habitat Protection 151 Conclusions and Recommendations 152 Case Study: Local Community Land Management (Terroir) in West Africa 152 References 154 14 Conclusions 155 Julian Caldecott and Ernst Lutz Links to Conservation Effectiveness 157 Final Observations 159 Notes 161 References 163 Index 165 Figures 7-1 Visitors to Nepal, 1964-92 71 12-1 Relationships Modeled between Societal Levels 140 14-1 Pathways to Poverty Avoidance in a Typical Humid Tropical Conservation Project Area 162 Tables 4-1 Management of Wildlife Protected Areas (WPAs) in India 32 5-1 Government Organization in Indonesia 44 7-1 Name, Size, and Date Established of Protected Areas in Nepal 66 9-1 Sectoral Arrangements for Habitat Conservation in the Philippines 97 11-1 Marketing of Trophy Quotas in CAMPFIRE Districts in Zimbabwe, 1990-93 129 11-2 Wildlife Income and Expenditure for the Twelve Primary CAMPFIRE Districts in Zimbabwe, 1989-93 130 11-3 Percentage of the Twelve Primary CAMPFIRE Districts That Received Excellent Performance Scores in Zimbabwe, 1989-92 131 12-1 Indicators of Decentralized Development and Conservation in an Ideal Country 141 12-2 Scores of Real Countries Using Ideal Country Indicators in Table 12-1 143 12-3 Decentralized Development and Conservation Scores of Real Countries Relative to an Ideal Country 143 13-1 Summary of Decentralization and Habitat Conservation Scores for Projects Approved before 30 June 1992 148 14-1 Changes in National Conservation Institutions in Select Countries 156 Foreword Integrated rural development projects implemented are often borne locally, whereas its benefits may ac- during the 1970s and 1980s have had mixed results, in crue to regional, national, and global levels of society. part because they were administered from central Moreover, ecosystems vary greatly in their ability to project offices that had limited knowledge of local yield local revenue or to support alternative land use, conditions and infrequent contact with rural commu- sustainably or otherwise. Consequently, there are no nities. Partly in response to this experience, a current simple, universal solutions, and it is hard to generalize trend in many countries is toward decentralized devel- about what will or will not work in rural development opment and administration. A key policy question that or conservation for any given location. has emerged is whether decentralization fosters rural The diverse experience reported in the country development and whether it does so in ways that are studies and project analyses shows that decentraliza- environmentally and socially sustainable. tion and conservation are complex, interactive pro- This and related questions are the topic of a World cesses. A conclusion from the historical reviews of Bank research project, "Decentralization, Fiscal Sys- country experience is that centralized, top-down con- tems, and Rural Development." This volume is one of servation is seldom effective, except where large bud- the results of that investigation. It contains ten country gets are available for enforcement and the society studies, each including two or three best-practice case concerned is willing to accept a rather undemocratic studies. Also presented are analyses of thirty-two conservation process. The more recent experience of projects chosen to shed light on the complex process countries where new responsibilities have been given by which rights and duties are redistributed from cen- to local government units and nongovernmental orga- tral public authorities to local or private ones and the nizations (NGOS) suggests that both opportunities and implications of this process for the conservation of potential problems exist. natural ecosystems and biodiversity. To take advantage of the former while avoiding the The principal intent of decentralization is to im- latter, it seems that a cluster of arrangements must be prove the delivery and impact of public sector services made as a whole if conservation is to work well in a by increasing the role of local governments and com- decentralized setting. Of these arrangements, the fol- munities in decisionmaking. This is accomplished lowing have emerged as being important for maximiz- through the transfer of political, fiscal, administrative, ing the benefit and minimizing the risk of and often legislative power from central and interme- decentralization: diate-level governments to the local level. Decentralization presents not only significant op- 1. Local participation, especially in a way that allows portunities but also challenges that may differ by sec- local people to understand and endorse the bound- tor. For example, empowered rural communities tend aries and management plans of nature reserves and to invest in feeder roads, schools, health facilities, and that promotes clear tenure over land and other re- the like, which are of clear and immediate local ben- sources in and around the reserves efit. In contrast, the costs of biodiversity conservation 2. Capacity building, to increase skills and account- ix x Foreword ability among local government units and NGOS SO creating incentives at the local level to harmo- they can work together to promote conservation and nize development and conservation and so re- rural development duce the need for enforcement. 3. Incentive structures that allow local communities to keep income generated by the sustainable use of na- Decentralization is by no means simple. It may ture reserves and other biodiversity assets make conservation more difficult in cases where local 4. Conditional subsidies, especially where divergent people bear the costs of conservation but experience costs and benefits of conservation are experienced few benefits. The main challenge for each country is by local and nonlocal groups, making it necessary to find the appropriate degree of decentralization of for global and national society to bridge the gap with various government functions that will best promote livelihood investments or grants rural development and alleviate poverty while en- 5. Appropriate enforcement, especially against pow- hancing the creativity and enterprise of its citizens and erful local or central interests, always in the context the protection and wise use of its living resources. of education and public relations The World Bank is committed to helping countries 6. Stakeholder forums and ecoregional executives, meet this challenge and to assisting them in reconcil- which need decisionmaking and fiscal authority to ing the sometimes divergent interests of local commu- fulfill their three main roles of avoiding conflict nities, national governments, and global society so through dialogue, authorizing conservation action, that more sustainable development may be attained. and requesting help from nonlocal society to meet local development priorities Ismail Serageldin 7. Enabling policies, laws, and institutions to pro- Vice President vide a clear and supportive framework for con- Environmentally Sustainable Development servation on behalf of national government, thus The World Bank Acknowledgments I am grateful to the authors of the country studies, who I gratefully acknowledge comments, suggestions, were interested and motivated enough to study the and other input during the project from Ajit Banerjee, challenging questions of decentralization and Andrew Bond, Carter Brandon, David Cassells, biodiversity conservation for a small remuneration, Chona Cruz, Peter Dewees, Agnes Kiss, Stefano yet who did an excellent job. These are (in alphabeti- Pagiola, Andrew Parker, Coln Rees, Louise Scura, cal order by country studied): Eduardo Uribe (Colom- Achim Steiner, Johan van Zyl, and Tony Whitten. The bia), Julian Caldecott and Annie Lovejoy (Costa following provided valuable comments as reviewers Rica), Shekhar Singh (India), Julian Caldecott (Indo- for the first draft of the volume: Brian Child, chief nesia), Joyce H. Poole and Richard Leakey (Kenya), ecologist of the CAMPFIRE Program in Zimbabwe; Uday R. Sharma and Michael P. Wells (Nepal), Julian Tighe Geoghegan, director of institutional develop- Caldecott and Andrew Babatunde Morakinyo (Nige- ment, Caribbean Natural Resources Institute; David ria), Maria Dulce M. Cacha and Julian Caldecott Sheppard, head of the Program on Protected Areas at (Philippines), Margaret D. Williams and Michael P. the International Union for Conservation of Nature; Wells (Russia), and Brian Child (Zimbabwe). I am and Michael P. Wells, consultant in environment and also grateful to Ajit Banerjee for his collaboration on development. the analysis of Bank projects relevant to decentraliza- Helpful comments on drafts of the selected chap- tion and biodiversity conservation. ters in this volume were received from Sultana Bashir, I am further indebted to Hans Binswanger, the Yance de Fretes, Scott Guggenheim, Shane senior policy adviser in the Agriculture and Natural Rosenthal, Shekhar Singh, Moshe Syrquin, and Tony Resources Department. He suggested this work and Whitten. provided funding for it from a grant he had obtained Professional editing of the manuscript by Fred C. from the Swiss Department of Development Coopera- Schroyer, proofreading by Elizabeth R. Forsyth, type- tion and Humanitarian Aid (Departement fir setting by Studio Spark, and indexing by Patricia Entwicklungszusammenarbeit und Humanitire Hilfe, Deminna are gratefully acknowledged. DEH). The German Research Foundation (Deutsche Finally, I thank Julian Caldecott, who served as Forschungsgemeinschaft, DFG) funded my visiting coeditor, coauthor of chapter 1, author of chapter 12, professorship at the University of Kiel for the summer and author or coauthor of four of the country studies. semester 1995 and kindly accepted this work as my This volume benefited greatly from his knowledge, main research project while in Germany, for which I field experience, and writing skills. Both Julian and I am grateful. The hospitality of Ulrich Koester, Ulrich appreciate the feedback from the Bank's Editorial Hausner, and others at the Agricultural Economics Committee and five anonymous reviewers. Institute of the University of Kiel is also gratefully acknowledged, by myself and by Julian Caldecott, Ernst Lutz who worked on the project with me for ten days during April 1995. Xi Contributors Affiliations are as of the time of writing. ANDREw BABATUNDE MORAKINYO, consultant, Brighton, United Kingdom AjT BANERJEE, World Bank forester (retired) JOYCE H. POOLE, Leakey and Associates, Nairobi, MARIA DULCE M. CACHA, president, Foundation for Kenya Sustainable Development, Quezon City, Philippines UDAY R. SHARMA, former director-general, Depart- JULIAN CALDECOTT, consultant, Salisbury, United ment of National Parks and Wildlife Conservation, Kingdom Kathmandu, Nepal BRIAN CHILD, chief ecologist, CAMPFIRE, Harare, Zim- SHEKHAR SINGH, Indian Institute of Public Administra- babwe tion, New Delhi, India RICHARD LEAKEY, Leakey and Associates, Nairobi, EDUARDO URIBE, director, Environment Department, Kenya City of Bogotd, Colombia ANNIE LovEjoy, INBio, Santo Domingo, Heredia, MICHAEL P. WELLS, consultant, Lier, Norway Costa Rica MARGARET D. WILLIAMS, Western coordinator, ERNST LuKz, senior resource economist, Environment ECOnnections, Pepperell, Massachusetts Department, World Bank xii 1 Introduction Ernst Lutz and Julian Caldecott Decentralization is an important aspect of good gover- (GEF) that have conservation goals. It focuses on nance (Binswanger, Shah, and Parker 1994). This vol- project-related variables and their contribution to the ume adopts a particular perspective within the broad effectiveness of habitat conservation. A concluding study of decentralization, focusing on a single ques- chapter considers the patterns that have emerged and tion: whether or not decentralization promotes the the lessons to be learned from the investigation as a conservation of biological diversity and, if so, under whole. what conditions. We know that conservation is part of sustainable development and good governance (ucN, Failed Past Attempts to Conserve Biodiversity UNEP, and WWF 1991; UNCED 1992; WCED 1987; WRI, IUCN, and UNEP 1992; UNEP 1995). We also know that Part of the background to all this work is the knowl- participation by local communities is needed for ef- edge that many past attempts to conserve biodiversity fective conservation and that this may have to be failed. One reason for the failure was an overly cen- supported by significant decentralization (Bhatnagar tralized strategy often involving top-down planning and Williams 1992; Wells, Brandon, and Hannah by technicians and bureaucrats without concern for 1992; World Bank 1994). the opinions or well-being of the people affected by But questions remain concerning the kind and scale their decisions. Examples are common and include the of decentralization, its linkage with participation, and efforts of the former Soviet Union. There, the system the role of other elements, which include incentives, of parks and reserves helped conserve much of the enforcement, and the institutional capacity to achieve country's biodiversity, but the centralized a socially optimal degree of conservation. We now decisionmaking process was seriously distorted by need to discover how these various factors are linked inefficiency and corruption. To function, it needed and by what mechanisms. government sufficiently powerful to ignore local aspi- rations and local conditions, and when that power Ten Country Studies and Analysis failed, many nature reserves were immediately ex- ploited by local groups that saw no reason not to do so. To seek answers to these questions, this volume re- In many other countries, the viability of centrally ports on the national experience of decentralization planned "fortress reserves" has been undermined by and conservation in ten countries: Colombia, Costa their cost and by the democratic deficit built into them Rica, India, Indonesia, Kenya, Nepal, Nigeria, Philip- (Bonner 1993). pines, Russia, and Zimbabwe. The country studies are These issues will perhaps become clearer if conser- followed by a chapter that describes an attempt to vation is defined as improving the allocation and use model a decentralized country and to compare the of environmental resources, including the various current and future similarity between this model and components of biodiversity (distinct populations, spe- the real countries described in the country studies. cies, ecosystems, and so on) and the range of ecologi- The next chapter reviews thirty-two projects of the cal services and goods that the environmental World Bank and the Global Environment Facility resources provide. These resources are consumed at 1fetvns fhbttcnevto.Acnldn 2 Introduction various levels of society, classified broadly as global, compensation for the impact on one group's oppor- national, and local (comprising the community and tunity that is a consequence of another group ful- bioregional levels). Diverse costs and benefits result filling its own interests. from managing resources in a particular way at each level. Managing them to maximize benefits at one It seems reasonable to facilitate these processes, level may impose costs on other levels. Thus, what is thus reducing the average transaction cost, which ben- internal to one level may be external to another. efits society. One way to do so is to assist the peaceful To illustrate the effect of this, assume that an action redistribution of power while simultaneously estab- at the local level creates ten units of benefit at that lishing bargaining mechanisms that are based on the level, while causing negative impacts worth eight new power structure. In overly centralized societies, units at the national level and two at the global level this may mean promoting decentralization as one (we will call these negative impacts "externalities"). component of a broader reform process. This could These externalities may take many forms, such as the involve, for example, giving local groups the author- loss of species, watersheds, fisheries, or carbon stores. ity to manage environments and the corollary author- One way for nonlocal society to avoid such impacts is ity to tax and spend. to prevent local people from acting in their own inter- est, for example by imposing a fortress reserve upon The Contrast of Centralization them. and Decentralization But a fairer alternative might be to pay the local level ten or more units of resources to refrain from the Not all functions of government can be decentralized action. This payment might take the form of a rural usefully, however (Prud'homme 1994, 1995). development project offering alternative benefits. Nonlocal groups may be in a better position than local This is the rationale behind many of the integrated ones to appreciate long-term or large-scale issues and conservation-development projects undertaken in re- to act as disinterested arbiters of local disputes that cent years, albeit with mixed success (Brandon and cannot be resolved locally. This nonlocal perspective Wells 1992; McNeely 1988; Ruitenbeek 1990, 1992; is vital in conservation, the fundamental concern of Wells 1992; Wells and Brandon 1993). which is to avoid, and if necessary to manage, con- flicts of interest among species, generations, regions, Decentralization as a Process and nations. Therefore, empowerment of local groups should be balanced by a continuing role for central Thus, each level of society has its own interest in how government to deal with market failures and to ensure biodiversity resources are used, and payments from social equity and environmental protection. one level to another can, in principle, be used to Although local activities occur in the context of compensate losing parties so that all sides will be national policies, laws, and institutions, they often do satisfied. Decentralization can be seen as a process by so out of sight of the agents of government (Caldecott which property rights and bargaining powers are re- and Fameso 1991). Local activities can directly affect distributed among the levels of society. At least three biodiversity in which the national and global levels of distinct processes are involved: society are now increasingly interested. These higher levels wish to protect viable and representative natural 1. The educational (or self-discovery) process, by which ecosystems, particularly terrestrial ones in the humid each group identifies itself, its priorities, and hence tropics, for in these locations reside most of the its interests. This is the conscientizagio of Freire world's estimated 10 million-100 million species (1984), which is learning to perceive and act against (UNEP 1995). Tropical species are especially vulner- oppressive elements of reality (which in our view able to significant and widespread habitat change, include harmful environmental externalities). such as that brought about by clear-felling, fire, or 2. The empowerment process, by which each group agriculture. Thus, the best single way to maintain obtains the bargaining power needed to advance its overall global species richness is to create and manage interests. an adequate system of protected areas in the tropics. 3. The process of communication and negotiation, by Other strategies are complementary to this intent. which the groups agree to the terms of transaction They include off-site techniques such as captive among them. Such transactions represent the ex- breeding and the conservation of wild populations that change of rights and obligations or the payment of are the objective of logging, hunting, fishing, and Ernst Lutz and Julian Caldecott 3 other harvesting, to the extent this can be done Africa's Wildlife. London: Simon & Schuster. sustainably. Brandon, Katrina, and Michael Wells. 1992. "Planning for Given the externalities, certain resource manage- People and Parks: Design Dilemmas." World Develop- ment options may exist for which the net benefit to ment 20(4):557-70. global society is maximized and through which all Caldecott, J. 0., and T. F. Fameso. 1991. TFAP Nigeria: actors at various levels can be equitably treated, with Findings of the Preliminary Conservation and Environ- appropriate compensation. A complication emerges, ment Study Mission. Brussels: Commission of the Euro- however, if people at the local level are unaware of pean Communities. certain values and consequences. For example, they Freire, P. 1984. Pedagogy of the Oppressed. New York: might not fully recognize the value of wild species or Continuum. the consequences to themselves or the society of GEF (Global Environment Facility). 1995. Quarterly Opera- changing land use in water catchments. A rational tional Report, August 1995. Washington, D.C. response by the national and local levels would be to Haddad, Wadi D., Martin Carnoy, Rosemary Rinaldi, and invest in education at the local level, either in addition Ompom Regel. 1990. Education and Development: Evi- to compensation and other incentives or instead of dencefor New Priorities. World Bank Discussion Paper them. This should reduce the cost of any transfer 95. Washington, D.C. payments that might still be required, while taking Herz, Barbara, K. Subbarao, Masooma Habib, and Laura advantage of the fact that education, once paid for, Raney. 1991. Letting Girls Learn: Promising Ap- yields continuing benefits without further cost proaches in Primary and Secondary Education. World (Haddad and others 1990; Herz and others 1991; Tilak Bank Discussion Paper 133. Washington, D.C. 1989). The high cost-effectiveness of education over IUCN (International Union for Conservation of Nature), UNEP the long term helps to explain why educational activi- (United Nations Environment Programme), and WWF ties are now so often linked to conservation projects (World Wide Fund for Nature). 1991. Caring for the (for example, see GEF 1995). Earth: A Strategy for Sustainable Living. Gland, Swit- Once conservation is adopted as a policy priority, it zerland. creates a special challenge for good governance. This McNeely, J. A. 1988. Economics and Biological Diversity. is because conservation is uniquely concerned with Gland, Switzerland: International Union for Conserva- managing actual or potential conflicts among the tion of Nature (IUCN). needs of people, plants, and animals, among the needs Prud'homme, R6my. 1994. "On the Dangers of Decentrali- of different generations of people, and among the zation." Policy Research Working Paper 1252. World needs of widely separated populations of people. The Bank, Transportation, Water, and Urban Development present study intends to explore some implications of Department, Washington, D.C. entering this new territory. In doing so, the authors . 1995. "The Dangers of Decentralization." World have tried to draw insights from field experience. Bank Research Observer 10(2):201-20. These can help to make sense of the complex interac- Ruitenbeek, H. J. 1990. Economic Analysis of Conservation tion among all the factors involved, thereby helping to Initiatives: Examples from West Africa. Godalming, clarify the relation between decentralization and U.K: World Wide Fund for Nature. biodiversity conservation. . 1992. "The Rainforest Supply Price: A Tool for Evaluating Rainforest Conservation Expenditures." Eco- logical Economics 6(l):57-78. References Tilak, J. B. G. 1989. Education and Its Relation to Eco- nomic Growth, Poverty, and Income Distribution: Past Bhatnagar, Bhuvan, and Aubrey Williams, eds. 1992. Par- Evidence and Further Analysis. World Bank Discussion ticipatory Development and the World Bank: Potential Paper 46. Washington, D.C. Directions for Change. World Bank Discussion Paper UNCED (United Nations Conference on Environment and De- 183. Washington, D.C. velopment). 1992.Agenda 21. Nairobi: United Nations Binswanger, Hans, Anwar Shah, and Andrew N. Parker, EnvironmentProgramme; New York: UnitedNations comps. 1994. "Decentralization, Fiscal Systems, and Secretariat. Rural Development, Revised Proposal/Request for Re- UNEP (United Nations Environment Programme). 1995. Gl- search Support Budget Funding." World Bank, Wash- bal Biodiversity Assessment. Cambridge, U.K.: Cam- ington, D.C. Processed. bridge University Press. Bonner, R. 1993. At the Hand of Man: Peril and Hopefor WCED (World Commission on Environment and Develop- 4 Introduction ment). 1987. Our Common Future. Oxford, U.K.: Ox- People and Parks: Linking ProtectedArea Management ford University Press. with Local Communities. Washington, D.C.: World Bank. Wells, Michael. 1992. "Biodiversity Conservation, Afflu- World Bank. 1994. "The World Bank and Participation." ence, and Poverty: Mismatched Costs and Benefits and Operations Policy Department, Washington, D.C. Efforts to Remedy Them." Ambio 21(3):237-43. WRI (World Resources Institute), IUCN (Internation Union for Wells, Michael, and Katrina Brandon. 1993. "The Prin- Conservation of Nature), and UNEP (United Nations Envi- ciples and Practice of Buffer Zones and Local Partici- ronment Programme). 1992. Global Biodiversity Strat- pation in Biodiversity Conservation." Ambio egy: Guidelines for Action to Save, Study, and Use 23(2-3):157-62. Earth's Biotic Wealth Sustainably and Equitably. Wash- Wells, Michael, Katrina Brandon, and Lee Hannah. 1992. ington, D.C.: WRI; Gland: JUCN; Nairobi: INEP. IBRD 28194 741aésM COLOMBIA PROTECTED AREAS VELA S PlRTe¢TED AREA$, IUCN.dATEGORI$:1 -V COLOMBIA NATONAL'CAPITAL S.t. Fe -- INTERNATIONAL SOUNDARIES EC. R BRAZIL PERU'' Ocen- PANAMA BOLIVIA VENEZUELA LOS NEVADOS C Santa Fé de Bogotá - GA 0 0°- ECUADORBRAZl This map was produced by the Mop Design Um,t of The World Bank Theboundaries, colors, denominations Th an nyother informatjon shown on P E R U Thes map do not imply, an the part of 0 50 100 1 50 MILE S ,TeWorld Bank Group, any ludgment I~ on the legalstatus of any territory, or 6 160 200 KILOMETERS s ' any end.rsement or ccceplance of -4- such boundaries 40- 78 74' 780 NOVEMBER 1 99A  2 Colombia Eduardo Uribe In 1968, the Colombian national government created Colombia experienced important legal and institu- the National Institute of Natural Renewable Re- tional changes relating to the environment with the sources (INDERENA), which was linked to the Ministry passage of Law 99 in December 1993 (Colombia, of Agriculture. This institute was given a mandate to Congress 1993b). The country's traditionally central- administer, protect, and manage the country's natural ized systems for natural resources management and resources and more specifically its vast forest lands. for public administration underwent extensive trans- The activities of INDERENA were conducted in a cen- formation. The law ordered the government to close tralized manner, and the institutional, organizational, INDERENA by December 1995 and to create a Ministry and legal structure under which it operated did not of the Environment and a National System for the encourage participation by local governments or local Environment. The new ministry is responsible for communities. writing national environmental policy and regulations. Between 1968 and 1990, eighteen regional envi- The new law transformed the nature of the eighteen ronmental authorities were created, using as a model existing ARCS and created seventeen new autonomous the Tennessee Valley Authority (TVA) in the United and sustainable regional development corporations States. These authorities, known as autonomous re- (ASRDCS). These thirty-five ARCS and ASRDCS (or new gional corporations (ARCs), had jurisdiction over about ARCS) presently function under a decentralized regime. 60 percent of Colombian territory. Most were located Their assemblies are composed of local mayors, local in the Andean and Caribbean regions of the country, NGOS, representatives of local communities and Black where population density, economic and institutional and Indian minorities, and the private sector. The as- development, and demand for natural resources were sembly dictates the general policies, objectives, and great. These ARCS were active at a regional level, and priorities of each corporation and elects a board com- they developed a relatively decentralized strategy for posed of the above actors. In turn, this board selects the management of natural resources. The board of the director of the corporation. directors of each ARC decided its general direction and priorities, which then were put into effect by a director The Colombian National Park System appointed by the Colombian president. About half of the financial resources of the ARcs The main criteria for declaring an area a unit of the were obtained locally, in the form of environmental Colombian National Park System are its ecological taxes and fees. The federal government cofinanced and biological importance, its biogeographic unique- their activities, and its influence over decisions by the ness, and the environmental services it provides. The ARCS was closely related to the resources transferred to forty-three protected areas of the national park system them by the central government. Although local inter- cover nearly 90,000 square kilometers, or about 9 est groups were allowed to participate to some extent percent of Colombia. Nevertheless, Colombian in defining directions and priorities, there were few biodiversity experts argue that the country's diverse channels of participation, especially for nongovern- ecosystems are still underrepresented in this appar- mental organizations (NGos), municipal governments, ently large system. The forty-three national parks have and communities, different kinds of economic potential, depending on pasg7fLw9 nDcme 93(ooba 8 Colombia their environmental and biogeographic nature. Some participation was possible in a few cases because im- are valued mainly for their role in protecting endemic portant international and national financial contribu- species and unique ecosystems, whereas others are tions were associated with their involvement. valued more for their scenic richness and ecotourism Thus, prior to Law 99 of 1993, only in a few cases potential. Other parks combine these values. did private organizations and NGOS participate in park Some parks are rich in mineral resources or contain administration at the local level. These important land suitable for agriculture and cattle ranching. This cases included Fundaci6n Natura in the Utrfa National has made it hard to restrict their use to those activities Park, Fundaci6n Pro-Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta in that are in harmony with the objectives of the national the Sierra Nevada National Park, Fundaci6n Herencia park system. Conflicts have occurred, and park staff Verde in the buffer zones of Los Nevados National have been threatened and even lost their lives in at- Park, and Fundaci6n Puerto Rastrojo in Cahuinarf. tempting to limit the use of these lands to activities Despite significant contributions by NGos to park permitted by law. Such conflicts have defined the management, their relation with the Park Division of need for a more realistic and viable legal framework INDERENA was, according to a recent report, "discon- and for economic incentives to promote resource use tinuous in time and with great fluctuations in inten- that is socially and ecologically sound in some areas. sity," and thus the opportunity to benefit from their In turn, applying these legal and economic measures support was partly lost. Equally important was the is seen to require building and strengthening institu- participation of the ARCS in protecting national and tional and technical capacity at the local and commu- regional park areas. Local public and private universi- nity level. ties also gained relevant, if limited, experience in developing research projects in these protected areas.' Legal and Institutional Trends Although various factors prevented greater in- volvement of these actors prior to Law 99, their posi- Before the approval of Law 99 in 1993, INDERENA Was tive experience and contributions helped to justify responsible for the management, administration, and changes in national park management that were intro- control of the Colombian National Park System. duced by the law. As the number of national parks These activities were normally conducted with very increased rapidly, the capacity Of INDERENA to admin- little participation by local authorities and communi- ister them was exceeded, and local communities and ties, even though in many cases those communities NGOS sought to participate in management decisions had existed in the area for centuries.' Conflicts arose and park administration. Their involvement came to frequently between resident traditional communities be seen as essential to the future of the parks. and INDERENA'S officials, who sought to enforce laws With the approval of Law 99 of 1993, the manage- that did not take into account the presence of those ment of the national park system was transferred to communities in the parks. the Ministry of the Environment. Under this new leg- Park management activities by INDERENA were lim- islation, more flexible and decentralized administra- ited in scope, however. One-third of the units of the tion and management schemes became possible. national park system lacked any institutional pres- Responsibility for national policy on park manage- ence, largely as a result of their remote location, diffi- ment and administration belongs to the Ministry of the cult access, and the presence of guerrillas and drug Environment, which can now delegate the administra- traffickers.2 These factors meant that INDERENA con- tion of national parks to the ARCS. These corporations centrated most of its resources on maintaining tourism can in turn involve NGOS, local communities, and mu- infrastructure and on sporadic enforcement and con- nicipal governments in management of these areas. In trol efforts. Few programs in the national parks were addition, the ministry should oversee activities and meant for research, environmental education, clarifi- projects conducted in the parks by the ARCS, in coordi- cation of land tenure, or ecotourism development. nation and association with local authorities and NGOS. Participation by local actors, such as NGOS, univer- Under the new legal framework, the involvement sities, and the ARCS, was very limited, mainly because of local actors will grow in research, ecotourism, edu- of economic constraints and the lack of policy and cation, and recreation programs and projects in na- programs to promote such participation.' Legal opin- tional parks. Local participation probably will be ion that central government should be the only care- more active in those parks located in the most devel- taker of the park system also discouraged opedregionsofthecountry.ThesearetheAndeanand participation by these actors. Nevertheless, limited the Caribbean regions, where the institutional capac- Eduardo Uribe 9 ity of municipalities, regional governments, and ARCS titles to Black and Indian communities in these is greater, and important academic and technical re- biodiverse areas has both enabled and motivated their sources exist in local universities and research centers. involvement in decisions affecting the use of their Although the reform is new, and more time is natural resources. In most cases, these Indian and needed before conclusions can be drawn, evidence is Black communities are very demanding about the en- growing of increased interest in decentralization. vironmental soundness of the technologies used to Some ARCS, NGOS, local communities, and municipal extract the natural resources on their lands. Conse- governments are seeking direct participation in the quently, to ensure conservation of these areas, the management and administration of national parks. granting of land rights needs to be complemented with Creation of decentralized and transparent sources of technologies that are environmentally and socially funding, such as the National Environmental Fund sound. and ECOFONDO (described below). probably will en- The new legislation, particularly concerning Black courage the involvement of these new participants and territories, provides important tools to promote in- increase the resources dedicated to the parks. volvement of local communities in the development The involvement of these new local participants in of national parks. There is still room for improvement, different aspects of park management, administration, however, and a great challenge to the park system is to research, recreation, and control certainly offers the find creative legal, economic, and institutional ways possibility of complementing the limited action tradi- to achieve harmony between the lifestyles of indig- tionally conducted by the central government. Re- enous peoples and the conservation needs within their cently, nineteen of twenty-one park officials who traditional territories. were asked about external collaboration in their areas concluded that this support was positive (Chaves, Trends in Financial Resources Andrade, and others 1994). Until recently, activities within the units of the na- Land Tenure Rights and Participation of Indigenous tional park system were mostly limited to enforce- Communities ment and control and were traditionally financed by the central government through INDERENA. Participa- Traditionally, most of the Amazon, Orinoco, and tion by other government agencies, by the private Pacific coast regions of Colombia have been sector, and by NGOS generally was prevented by legal government-owned, and land rights have been barriers and by INDERENA'S policies. This situation lim- denied to indigenous (Black and Indian) commu- ited the resources available for national parks to funds nities. When national parks where created in transferred by the central government, which by and these regions prior to 1993, no provision was large were insufficient. On average, the budgets for made to protect the rights of indigenous commu- national parks in recent years have totaled US$1 mil- nities to inhabit and use the natural resources of lion per year. According to INDERENA'S Parks Division, their ancestral lands. As a result, their economic total budgets for Colombia's national parks in 1993 activities were often considered illegal, and this were as follows: caused frequent conflict with the central govern- ment.' - Nine units (47 percent of total park area) had no Logging and mining have been established for cen- investment budget.' turies in the vast forest areas and national parks of the - Eight units (38.6 percent of total park area) had Amazon, Orinoco, and Pacific coast regions. Some of budgets of US$0.00-US$0.25 per hectare.' this is done directly by local residents, but extraction - Seven units (7.2 percent of total park area) had by them is limited compared with the role of medium- budgets of US$0.25-US$1.50 per hectare. to-large companies that are based elsewhere in the - Ten units (2.6 percent of total park area) had bud- country. gets of US$1.60-US$8.33 per hectare.' Important legislation on the land tenure rights of - Four units had budgets greater than US$8.33 per indigenous communities also has been approved dur- hectare. ing the last few years. This legislation is particularly relevant for traditional Black and Indian communities Investment in personnel and maintenance also has of the Pacific coast and for Indian communities of the been low. The Park Division Of INDERENA had 258 Amazon and Orinoco regions. The granting of land fieldworkers in 1993, many of them nonprofessional 10 Colombia and poorly educated. On average, each person was Los Nevados National Park will have approximately responsible for administering 34,800 hectares. Rev- US$1.2 million a year, which is equivalent to previous enues generated by the parks also have been small. In annual budgets for the entire national park system. 1994, visitors were charged less than US$1.00 for a The most important source of funding for Colombian day pass, and in 1993 revenues from the twelve parks NGOS is ECOFONDO, a private organization that manages where entrance fees were collected generated only a trust fund and acts as an umbrella group for hun- about US$383,000. dreds of Colombian NGos and some ARCS, Its resources Compared with these figures, and with transfers by flow mainly from the terms of two bilateral debt re- the central government, national NGOs and external ductions with the governments of Canada and the donors have mobilized important financial resources. United States. As in the case of municipalities and The German government, for example, gave DM2 ARCS, the level Of ECOFONDO support for national parks million (approximately US$1.5 million) to Fundaci6n will be affected by the degree Of NGO participation in Pro-Sierra de Santa Marta for the conservation of the national park management that is allowed by the cen- Sierra Nevada National Park. The Nature Conser- tral government. vancy (TNC), the U.S. Agency for International Devel- As mentioned, direct donations or joint projects opment (USAID), the World Wide Fund for Nature between Colombian and foreign NGos have been im- (wwF), and the Organization of Iberoamerican States portant for the development of a few but very signifi- have supported Fundaci6n Natura's efforts in the cant projects in national parks. Most of those projects Utria and La Paya national parks. The wwF has helped are oriented toward research and community, and as the work of Fundaci6n Herencia Verde in the buffer Colombian NGOs acquire greater institutional capacity zone of Los Nevados National Park. These contribu- in these areas, their ability to access such resources tions have complemented scarce government re- and to engage in technical cooperation will increase. sources. The ARCS also have been supportive, and the ASRDC of Cauca, for example, has completely financed Rural Development Activities the management of the Farallones de Cali and Las Hermosas national parks. Before June 199 1, environmental concerns were see- Resources earmarked by the central government ondary in the decisionmaking process fordevelopment for the national park system are likely to increase projects. Public participation in environment-related substantially because of the creation of the Ministry of issues also was very limited. INDERENA had little capac- the Environment and development of a more flexible itytoincorporateenvironmentalconcernsortoinflu- law for park administration. Compared with INDERENA, ence decisions by other, more powerful government the leadership of the Ministry of the Environment is agencies responsible for large infrastructure projects. expected to be more effective in garnering resources As a result, these projects seriously affected national for national parks. parks, forest reserves, and fragile ecosystems. Before The growing interest that recent reforms have gen- the reforms, more than fifty projects were developed in erated among NGOs, local governments, and ARCS national parks and their buffer zones, including roads, likely will bring new resources to parks because the hydroelectric plants, ports, dams, aqueducts, power regions will have a greater stake in their management. lines,andmines.Mostweredonewithoutenvironmen- In addition, Law 99 provides new and additional eco- tal impact assessments (Chaves, Andrade, and others nomic resources for environmental management at 1994). the regional and local levels. Some of these resources The construction of a highway through a coastal can now be allocated by municipalities and ARCS to the wetland in the Caribbean region provides one ex- parks in their regions. The level of such support will ample of an ecological disaster caused by an infra- depend on the degree to which the Ministry of the structure project in a fragile and important ecosystem. Environment delegates responsibility for park man- The construction destroyed a significant area of agement to regional and local actors. Potential sources Salamanca National Park. Water flow between the of park funding include the National Fund for the mainland and the sea was interrupted, altering the Environment, the National Royalties Fund, land taxes, equilibrium between salty and fresh waters. Increased a fraction (3 percent) of the value of the electricity water salinity in this wetland caused the deaths of generated in the region, pollution taxes, and water and mangroves on hundreds of hectares and dramatic re- timber fees.'o duction of the fishery productivity in these waters. In the specific case of the National Royalties Fund, Thousands of fishermen were left without means to Eduardo Uribe 11 support their families. At the time, INDERENA did not lands was lower than in other, more fertile regions of have the institutional capacity to impede the construc- the country, and the cost of production was higher. tion of the highway or to propose changes in its de- Today, colonization and deforestation of forest sign. In addition, there were no channels for the lands are mainly driven by economic forces related to affected communities to participate in the decision- poverty, such as illegal crop production, mining, and making process. timbering. Colonization is also threatening the integ- rity of several national parks because of the failure of Reforms of 1991 the traditional strategy of policing national parks and forest reserves to prevent their destruction. As noted, The new constitution approved by a Constitutional the renewed Colombian National Park System faces Assembly in June 1991, among other things, estab- the challenge of developing a range of creative poli- lished the right of all citizens to live in a clean and cies, laws, incentives, and institutional arrangements healthy environment and to participate in decisions to resolve these problems in collaboration with rural affecting it. Under the new constitution and its ensu- communities. ing legislation (Law 99 of 1993 and Decree 1753 of 1994), development projects such as roads, power Resolving Conflict between Development plants, pipelines, mines, and irrigation schemes re- and Conservation quire environmental impact assessments (EIAs). These must be approved by the regional environmental au- Colombia has a long tradition of conflict between thorities, which may grant an environmental license if development and conservation interests. The histori- the project is considered viable from an environmen- cal weakness of environmental authorities relative to tal point of view. Whenever such a license is issued, powerful development agencies, the limited opportu- an environmental management program must be nity for participation by interest groups, and central- implemented as part of the development project. If the ized decisionmaking together have resulted in most, if project affects a national park or its zone of influence, not all, of these conflicts being settled in favor of the the environmental license can be issued only by the developers. More often than not, disputes did not even Ministry of the Environment. In the EIA evaluation occur because those who defended conservation inter- process, communities have the right to participate ests were not heard or understood. through public meetings that must be organized by the Several new means of public participation now environmental authority when requested by a group of exist in Colombia, and these are expected to help citizens. prevent conflict between economic and conservation Although this system of environmental evaluation interests. Most notable are the different mechanisms and of public participation is new, it has been widely now available to a wide range of interest groups for accepted. The benefits of this process also have been participation in decisionmaking bodies. For example, recognized by NGOs, communities, and environmental representatives Of NGOS, indigenous groups, the pri- authorities, all of which now have a legal and practical vate sector, and municipalities all participate in the tool to ensure that large infrastructure projects inte- executive councils of the ARCS, which are responsible grate environmental concerns and management plans. for granting or denying environmental licenses to de- There have been several important examples of public velopment projects at the local level. At the national participation at the local level during EAS Of rural level, a National Planning Council now includes an development projects. This participation has helped even wider range of interest groups. This council improve government decisions during the environ- meets every four years to evaluate and propose mental evaluation of projects. changes to the National Development Plan and to decide the general direction of national development. Land Conversion Finally, legally constituted public meetings greatly reduce conflict within communities and local interest Guided land-conversion projects were promoted by groups by giving all citizens the opportunity to influ- government as an agrarian reform strategy during the ence final decisions that affect development projects. 1960s and early 1970s. The land colonized during A case that highlights the bright future of public those years, mostly in the Amazon and Orinoco re- participation in protecting environmental interests oc- gions, had limited possibilities for agricultural pro- curred in early 1995. This affected the Gorgona Na- duction. Thus, productivity in those recently cleared tional Park, which is an island off the Pacific coast of 12 Colombia Colombia. It was in recovery from prior use as a high- residents solutions to their legal problems. security prison until the mid-1980s, when it was de- 3. The management strategy adopted was based mainly clared a national park. The minister of justice and on policing the parks, which created friction and other national security officials then proposed con- problems between the communities and the central verting the park back into a prison for the most dan- government. gerous criminals of the country. The decision was 4. The capacity of the central government to adminis- announced at the cabinet level and approved by the ter most parks was very limited, and in many cases president but was reversed following an immediate the responsible central governmental agency public outcry. (INDERENA) had no presence in them. Where INDERENA Despite these participatory mechanisms, it is al- was present, it was mainly concerned with policing ways possible that conflict will be generated be- the parks, enforcing their regulations, and maintain- cause interest groups can express their opinion by ing the housing and camping infrastructure. Other different means. Legal action can be taken, for ex- activities, such as research and ecotourism, were lim- ample, when a person or group feels that its envi- ited by budgetary constraints. ronmental or constitutional rights have been 5. Important local human, institutional, and economic violated, or when a decision that degrades the envi- resources were available, but they were not used to ronment affects some other constitutional right, thebenefitandserviceoftheparksbecauseoflegal such as the right to work or the right to a healthy and policy constraints. Participation by NGCS, the pri- life. Colombia has experienced several instances of vate sector, and local and regional environmental such legal action, and judges have ordered the inter- authorities was generally discouraged. ruption of rural development projects and the com- 6. The lack of participation by local, private, and pub- pensation of affected persons and communities. lic agencies and groups undermined local support Colombia has had only brief experience with de- for the purposes and objectives of the parks. centralized and participatory decisionmaking at the 7. Financing from the central government was limited, national, regional, and community levels. Although and the national park system did not generate its short in duration, this experience strongly suggests own revenue. Despite these difficulties, however, that the more democratic and transparent new ar- some important contributions were made by NGOS rangements have great potential to prevent conflicts and ARCS to the management of national parks, and and to resolve them in a pacific, civil, and effective these helped to justify the changes introduced by way. Law 99 of 1993. Summary and Conclusions Colombia is undergoing important legal and in- stitutional reform toward greater decentralization In Colombia, the national park system was created in park management. The central government under a centralized regime, generally without regard maintains general coordination of the park system for the social and economic conditions that prevailed and defines park policy and regulations. Under in and around the parks. However, the declaration of the new law, however, local agencies, both pri- natural areas as national parks would have been very vate and public, can, by delegation of the Minis- difficult without the centralized authority of one try of the Environment, undertake important agency. In that sense, having an established central- activities related to park management and admin- ized system was important for the formation of the istration. In addition, the granting of land tenure national park system, although new strategies now are rights to native communities has opened new pos- needed to manage it effectively. sibilities for their greater participation in park The most notable difficulties encountered in creat- matters, ing and managing a national park system under a Because these reforms are new, it is hard to reach centralized regime include the following: any definitive conclusion regarding the efficacy of decentralized and participatory park management. 1. After most parks were created, the traditional eco- Nevertheless, certain trends are evident or will prob- nomic activities of long-term resident people sud- ably develop: denly became illegal, and these people became vio- lators of park laws. 6. Discussions about creating new national parks will 2. The central government was unable to offer park occur locally. Such consultations will involve the Eduardo Uribe 13 Ministry of the Environment as well as regional en- Most parks are inhabited by traditional indig- vironmental authorities, municipalities, local NGOS, enous, Black, and farmer communities or are un- and the communities that inhabit the parks. This der constant colonization pressure. Several probably will make the process of park creation national parks have become operation centers for longer and more difficult, but many of the negative guerrilla groups. In many parks, illegal crop culti- consequences of the centralized system should be vation is common. These difficulties often make avoided. the very rigid park laws unenforceable. 2. New human, institutional, and economic resources The recent constitutional and legal changes de- available at the local level, particularly in the most scribed in this chapter have opened new possibilities developed regions of the country, will be put to the for strengthening the national park system. Three cases service of national parks, and revenues are likely to are described here: the national parks and forest areas increase. in the Pacific coast region, where the Constitution of 3. With the participation of new local agencies, private 1991 granted land rights to Black communities; Los and public, park management strategies no longer Nevados National Park, where municipalities and will be based only on enforcement and policing. In- ASRDcs are participating in decisionmaking and in ad- stead, they will be complemented with environmen- ministration of the park; and the National Network of tal education, ecotourism, and research. As local in- Private Natural Reserves. terest groups recognize that they have a stake in park management, their interest and participation will Black Communities and the National Parks grow. 4. Resident communities within the parks will tend to The Pacific coast of Colombia is considered one of the participate more actively in park protection because most biodiverse regions of the world. Several centu- they will be involved in developing realistic solu- ries ago, groups of Black people fled from slavery and tions to their production problems. settled the alluvial valleys of the numerous rivers that 5. The new law requiring an EIA for a project that may drain this vast region. These communities have lived affect a national park will complement the new in isolation ever since. The territories they inhabit mechanisms for public participation, and both will were government lands, and residents had no property act together in preventing and mitigating negative rights over them. The lack of clearly defined property impacts of development projects. rights in this region contributed to its ecological dete- 6. The capacity of environmental authorities to influ- rioration. Mining, logging, and fishing were con- ence the decisions of other public and private de- ducted without institutional or social control. The velopment agencies has grown, and potential con- population did not have the legal tools to defend the flict between development and conservation inter- territories they occupied from intrusion and pillaging. ests now has more equitable and participatory chan- Such activity, in addition to the absence of environ- nels of resolution. mental authority and open access to these resources, 7. Because regional NGOs and local authorities have an caused serious social and environmental damage. increased role and stake in decisionmaking, their The Constitution of 1991 granted collective land participation and financial commitment will grow. tenure rights to the Black communities in forested areas of the Pacific coast. Later, the Colombian presi- Case Studies in Colombia dent established a national commission that included representatives of these communities and the govern- Colombian laws on the use of resources inside ment. This commission drafted a bill for submission national parks are very strict. All economic ac- to the Congress, in which additional rights were tivities other than those for subsistence are illegal granted to the 200,000 rural inhabitants of these areas. throughout the 90,000 square kilometers, or 9 It was approved by the Congress in 1993 and became percent of the country. Because of the high stan- the historic Law of the Black People. The legislation dard and large area, Colombia's national parks granted Black communities new rights regarding sus- are very difficult to protect. Those few cases in tamable use of natural resources in more than 75,000 which no challenge to legal protection occurs are square kilometers (6.2 percent of Colombian tern- in parks such as Chiribiquete, which is accessible tory). It also granted them participation in planning only by helicopter. bodies and forums at the national, regional, and local 14 Colombia levels. It further ensured the participation of those of the country. The coffee economy has made this communities in E[AS for projects that might affect their region one of Colombia's most prosperous, and its interests. social indicators as well as the institutional capacity of This new legal instrument, the Law of the Black its environmental authorities and the municipal and People, will foster very important changes. But much regional governments are well above the national av- work needs to be done before the new rights are fully erage. Los Nevados National Park is culturally impor- assumed and the measures fully implemented. Al- tant to the people of the coffee zone, and most farmers though new legal instruments will be needed to define recognize its importance in safeguarding their future more clearly the rights of Black communities and their coffee production. Like most Colombian parks, it has involvement in conservation strategies, a marked experienced colonization pressures, and these are still change already has occurred in how government very damaging to its resources, although they have agencies seek and promote their participation. The declined in intensity. Black communities now are represented in the Na- The weakness Of INDERENA in managing this park tional Congress, as stipulated in the Law of the Black contrasted with the financial, technical, and institu- People. tional capacity of the local environmental and govern- Through public meetings, Black communities have mental authorities in the region. The people of the actively participated in defining the content of EIAS for region began to demand greater conservation efforts large rural development and infrastructure projects in the park. In the period 1990-95, even before Law and in evaluating EIAS. Construction of the Pereira- 99 of 1993 was approved, local authorities began to Nuqui highway was stopped, for example, because develop management strategies for conservation of local Black and Indian communities felt that their the area, and the local ARCS began to implement traditional productive and social systems would be projects in its buffer zones. These activities included endangered by a road that would have connected the environmental education, ecotourism, and biological central Andean region with the Pacific coast. research. As a result, a committee was created to An interesting process of public participation is design and implement a management plan for the taking place in the Sanquianga National Park of the park, with the participation of representatives of Pacific coast. This is a relatively small park (800 INDERENA and the ARCS of the region. square kilometers) with a population of about 5,000 This case is a good example of the positive implica- people. The main economic activity of the park's tions of allowing regional environmental authorities Black communities is logging. In this area, the United to participate in the management of national parks. Nations Development Programme (UNDP) has been Regional environmental authorities have greater working jointly with Black communities. An ASRDC stakes in the management of their parks and are there- has been established to propose sustainable economic fore willing to invest greater resources and efforts. alternatives for the use of the park's forest resources. The benefits are particularly evident when the park is Since the approval of the Law of the Black People, strongly appreciated by the people of the region and these communities have demanded greater participa- when the local institutional, technical, and financial tion in the design of management strategies for the capacity is greater than that of the central government. park. In addition, the Colombian government will soon begin a conservation project in the area, using a National Network of Private Natural Reserves World Bank loan. It is expected that the participation of Black communities and regional authorities in the Colombia is a biologically and ecologically diverse development of the project will be very significant. country, and it would not be realistic to pretend that the government could keep all this richness under its Regional Environmental Authorities control. In fact, most Colombian territory is under and National Parks some form of private tenure. It is therefore important that the owners of lands containing valuable biologi- Los Nevados National Park is located in the central cal and ecosystem resources protect and conserve region of the Colombian Andes." It is about 380 them as part of the nation's patrimony. square kilometers in extent and contains cloud forests, When Law 99 of 1993 was being discussed in the called pdramos, and snow-covered peaks. The park Congress, a group of citizens managed to include in safeguards water resources for several cities and for the law a series of articles that created the National the largest and most productive coffee-producing area Network of Private Natural Reserves. The objective of Eduardo Uribe 15 this network was to facilitate the conservation of im- Salamanca, Sanquianga, El Cocuy, Paramillo, Orquideas, portant ecosystems that are in private hands and to Sumapaz,Picachos,andFaraltonesdeCali.Some86percentof promote development of sustainable practices in those the parks have severe occupation problems, and approximately areas. According to this legislation, an area can be- 8.68 percent of the national park system, or700,000 hectares, is come a private natural reserve and a member of the occupiedbyprivateowners(Castaflo 1991). network if it preserves an ecosystem, or if that ecosys- 2. Thirteen parks. representing 35 percent of the whole tem is used sustainably. park system, had no tield personnel in 1993. Two parks This legislation defines special mechanisms for the covering 10 percent of the area had one person responsible defense of the private reserves that make up the net- for over 100,000 hectares. Another 35 percent of the park work. A development project that affects a private system had one person administering between 50 and 99,000 reserve can be conducted only with the approval of its hectares (Chaves, Andrade, and others 1994). owner, and under the conditions negotiated with the 3. Fundaci6n Puerto Rastrojo participated in Chiribiquete owner.and Cahuinarf; Fundaci6n Natura collaborated with USAID owne. I aditio, te gvermentmus crate and The Nature Conservancy in Utrfa, Chingaza, and La mechanisms to facilitate development of the network. Paya; and Fundaci6n Pro-Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta Among these mechanisms, the government should participated in Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta. design economic incentives to stimulate the growth of 4. The National University, the University of Los Andes, the network. Presently, the network functions with University of Nariho, IDEADE-Javeriana, Universidad del small donations by its members, and ECOFONDO also Valle, and Universidad de Antioquia have participated in has given some financial support. research in several national parks (Chaves, Andrade, and Although the National Network of Private Natural others 1994). Reserves is very new, it has grown rapidly. It com- 5. The Cahuinarf, Macuira, and Catatumbo-Bari national prises about forty private reserves, which are well parks share 50-100 percent of their lands with indigenous distributed across Colombia. The preserves range reserves. The Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta, Utria, Los from less than I hectare to 2,300 hectares. Their own- Flamenkos, Nukak, and Puinawai national parks share 10- ers are farmers, small and large, and most depend 49 percent of their areas with indigenous reserves (Chaves, economically on their reserves. Many are poor and Andrade, and others 1994). have experienced the economic impact of deteriorat- 6. The units include Picachos, Tinigua, Sumapaz, ing soil, water, and forests. Most of the large farms in Catatumbo-Bari, Chiribiquete, Nukak, and Puinawai. the network contain a significant area of forest ecosys- 7. The units include La Paya, La Macarena, El Cocuy, tem. The adoption of sustainable practices for the use Paramillo, Cahuinarf, and Tuparro. of natural resources is important, as is the develop- 8. The units include Santuarios and most Andean parks. ment of incentives to preserve the ecosystems. 9. The units include Corota, Estoraques and Iguaque, PNN The network is coordinated by an NGO that pro- Tayrona. motes the association of new reserves, conducts envi- 10. To access the first two funds (National Fund for the ronmental education projects, facilitates the transfer Environment and the National Royalties Fund), local of environmentally sound technologies to its mem- governments and authorities must propose specific projects bers, and proposes legal and institutional changes to tal gvernm leel the four the fund source the government. So far, the Colombian government cnrlgvrmn ee.Tefu te udn ore h as o v en m e t. o t e o o m bia ern e nt (land taxes, 3 percent of the electricity value generated in h Natively promoted or supprted thrleewrk.s the region, pollution taxes, and water and timber fees) can The National Network of Private Natural Reserves autonomously administered and guided by the ARcs and represents a viable strategy for the conservation of local governments. biological and ecosystem resources, and it is a sound 11. Additional information regarding regional complement to the national park system. The promo- environmental authorities and national parks can be tion of private reserves in buffer zones of national obtained from Carlos Castafio and Antonio Villa, parks certainly offers a realistic option in efforts to Ministerio del Medio Ambiente, Unidad de Parques conserve those areas with the active participation and Nacionales, Calle 16, No. 6-66 piso 30, Bogotd, involvement of private owners. Colombia, telephone: ++ (57-1) 3361166. 12. Additional information regarding the National Notes Network of Private Natural Reserves can be obtained from Juan Carlos Riascos and Amparo Casasfranco, Fundaci6n 1. The parks with the most significant occupation problems Herencia Verde, Calle 4 Oeste, No. 3A-32, Cali, Colombia, are Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta, La Macarena, La Paya, telephone: ++ (57-1-928) 808484. 16 Colombia References . 1993b. Ley 99 de 1993. Por la cual se crea el Ministerio del Medio Ambiente, se reordena el sector Castaño, Carlos. 1991. "Marco de acción y estrategias para la público encargado de la gestión y conservación del definición de políticas con el sistema de parques medio ambiente y los recursos naturales renovables, se nacionales y en la conservación de la diversidad biológica organiza el sistema nacional ambiental, y se dictan otras y cultural." Documento preliminar para la conferencia disposiciones. Bogotá. sobre medio ambiente y desarrollo, Bogotá, Colombia. Colombia, Departamento Nacional de Planeación. 1992. Chaves, M., G. Andrade, and others. 1994. Estrategia para Plan pacífico, una nueva estrategia de desarrollo la consolidación del sistema de parques nacionales sostenible para la costa pacífica colombiana. Bogotá: naturales de Colombia. Bogotá: INDERENA, Ministerio Presidencia de la República de Colombia. del Medio Ambiente, and UNDP. Colombia, Legislación Indígena Colombiana. 1990. Plan Colombia, Congress. 1993a. Ley 70 de 1993. Por la cual se nacional de rehabilitación. Bogotá: Presidencia de la reglamenta el artículo 55 transitorio de la Constitución República de Colombia, Cartilla Básica. Política de Colombia. Bogotá. Laga de. 85" 84 83 t87 Nicragvo NICARAGUA co - ISLAND GUANACASTE - 5 30 CONSERVATION AREA M:.ES 1i ItOMEERS 0 25 50 75 1o KILOMETERS SN -Caribbean San Jose e a N coyaAMISCONDE .'STA RIGA COSTA RICA PROTECTED AREAS PROTECTED AREAS, 1UCN CATEGORIES 1-V NATIONAL CAPITAL ANTERNATIONAL BOUNDARIES UN'IT -D S-AT E5 l AMLRC A rt A NT i C -9p THE AHAMAS .:CEA W1LSOt OT ANICAL GARDEN CuBA COM¢NICAN P A C~L F lC PANAMA MEXICO EU ZE JAMA*CA C E A N ',HONDURAS Cribbei 5eE GUATEMALA,- Et SALVADOR 'NI(.ARAGUA z COSTA RICA M¯7uELA The bomier.. . .: . o.:.. - n.:r '' . 0 .82.."-F ·· j tp & or "p ±* *-jI ., iI ->· c1T- w l- i Lr.. ' - - ,r AAN - - judgmer,3o, -h ~i- - ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ k b:~l~ic 3~k N_ _ __ _ _ r] & p 3 Costa Rica Julian Caldecott and Annie Lovejoy Costa Rica is located in Central America, between estry Law tended to prevent them from being man- Nicaragua and Panami, and is home to about 3 mil- aged in a coordinated way. Other categories of land, lion inhabitants, most of whom live in the Valle Cen- such as indigenous people's reserves, also were poten- tral around the capital, San Jose. The economy is tially important for conservation, but they remained based on plantations, cattle ranches, tourism, and light under the control of other agencies. industry, and most of the country's 51,000 square The national reserve system was thus in urgent kilometers are privately owned. The government has need of being consolidated and rationalized. This little power to regulate use of private land, so land- might have meant increasing central control, but two owners have largely been free to invest in agriculture particular constraints, one political and the other fi- and ranching in forest areas. The result has been that nancial, prevented this from happening. First, Costa Costa Rica had one of the world's highest sustained Rica has a relatively egalitarian distribution of wealth rates of deforestation during the 1970s and 1980s and well-established democratic institutions and pro- (Repetto 1991). This devastating process convinced cesses, and much of the electorate is distrustful of local conservationists that virtually all private lands excessive concentrations of power. Second, by the were destined to be cleared of natural habitats and that late 1980s Costa Rica was deeply in debt, and the if most of the country's wild species were to survive, political consensus favored reducing, rather than in- they would have to do so in nature reserves under creasing, the size of government and the public sector public ownership (Gdmez and others 1993). wage bill. Proposals to create a new centralized bu- Thus, the strategic challenge was to secure viable reaucracy to run the reserve system were therefore and representative samples of all of the country's unlikely to be welcomed by the nation's decision- natural habitats within reserves owned by the govern- makers, electorate, or creditors. ment and managed in the public interest. To achieve Another factor was that, even if the administration this, several problems had to be overcome. Although of the reserve system could be streamlined, the re- nearly a quarter of Costa Rica's land area had been serves themselves would not adequately preserve acquired by the government over the previous forty biodiversity and offer ecological services (Janzen years, the various protected wildlands were being ad- 199 b), Many of them were too small, and others had ministered as different kinds of reserves and by a vulnerable private lands interposed between areas of number of different agencies. The main legislation protected natural habitat. To solve this problem, the was the Forestry Law, but this placed the National government would have to acquire more land, but it Parks Service in charge of National Parks and Bio- was legally unable to expropriate private land without logical Reserves, the Forestry Directorate in charge of paying full market value for it. This meant, in effect, Forest Reserves and Protection Zones, and the Wild- that conservationists were encouraging the govern- life Service in charge of Wildlife Refuges. All were ment to buy land at a time when the national treasury under the authority of the Ministry of Natural Re- was already stressed by its high level of external debt. sources, Energy, and Mines (Ministerio de Recursos The result of this would have been inaction, had Naturales, Energfa, y Minas, MIRENEM),' but the For- there not existed a strong conservation lobby in the 19 20 Costa Rica country. In the 1980s, however, certain Costa Rican The commission also realized that forest protection biologists moved into positions from which they would in the end be unsuccessful unless people living could guide government into improving the national around protected areas were willing to comply with reserve system. An early effect of this was to create a their protected status. Thus, the permanence of bound- government-endorsed nongovernmental organization aries between protected and unprotected land ulti- (NGo), the National Parks Foundation (Fundaci6n de mately would depend on the public valuing the Parques Nacionales, FPN). Its role was to support an benefits of public lands being retained under natural international fund-raising campaign for Costa Rica's forests. It was assumed that there would always be an reserves and to buy land on behalf of the government. incentive for land-hungry individuals or groups to From 1987 onward, the FPN also facilitated a series of seek access to "unused" public land and that this debt-for-nature swaps, by which conservation groups would need to be countered by a clear and durable bought Costa Rican debt at a discount on the interna- social consensus in favor of maintaining natural for- tional secondary market. This debt paper was then ests. Over time, it was hoped that education would donated back to the Central Bank in return for mon- sustain this consensus by helping people to appreciate etary stabilization bonds. The interest on these bonds the economic, intellectual, and aesthetic values of for- was used to finance conservation projects (wcMc ests and biodiversity. Meanwhile, however, there 1992). would be a need to find ways for intact forests to This arrangement required influential assistance at generate financial reward for people who have influ- high levels in government, and the role of the conser- ence over the future of each forest area. vation lobby became particularly important in 1986- The commission therefore considered it important 90, when the National Liberation Party (Partido de for people living around protected areas to receive Liberaci6n Nacional, PLN) held both the presidency education about biodiversity, as well as direct ben- and a majority in the Legislative Assembly. In this efits, such as employment and income, from conserv- period, there was a growing realization that solving ing natural resources. The commission felt that the the structural problems of the country's reserve sys- government and local communities both had a claim tem would require a more complete effort than had on revenues generated by protected areas. Govern- previously been contemplated. A National ment claims would arise because of public investment Biodiversity Planning Commission therefore was ap- in protection and issues of national patrimony, pointed by presidential decree on 5 June 1989. The whereas community claims would arise because of the commission had nine members, representing three need to support the security of those investments. The ministries, the National Museum, two universities, the commission therefore sought ways for each of Costa National Scientific Research Council, and two NGOs Rica's reserves to yield sustainable revenues that (Gimez and others 1993). The commission's role was could be used to reward everyone involved and to help to design a comprehensive conservation strategy in to protect the reserves. Costa Rica. Consequently, the commission proposed new legislation by which to consolidate a national sys- Strategic Planning tem of conservation areas (Sistema Nacional de Areas de Conservaci6n, SINAC). These areas were The National Biodiversity Planning Commission as- to be assembled from existing reserves, each with sumed that biodiversity was intellectually, economi- the aim of preserving biodiversity. A central cally, and spiritually valuable and should therefore be agency was to coordinate and assist them (initially preserved and used for the public benefit (D. H. the Servicio de Parques Nacionales, SPN). Actual Janzen, personal communication, February 1992; R. managerial authority, however, was to be decen- Gimez, personal communication, March 1993). tralized and devolved to each conservation area, Biodiversity was to be preserved mainly in the wild, thus helping it to be seen as a local asset rather by maintaining large blocks of natural forest under than as a project of the central government. public ownership. From the government's previous To help pay for the administration Of SINAc and its experience in acquiring and managing land for con- various reserves, the commission recommended a na- servation, however, the commission realized that pro- tional biodiversity inventory. The inventory's mission tecting natural forests would be expensive, in was to discover exactly what comprised Costa Rican financial terms, regardless of its economic justifica- biodiversity and to identify any potential intellectual, tion. Conservation thus would generate a need both economic, and spiritual uses of this biodiversity that for capital and for secure recurrent financing, might be reintegrated into natural resource conserva- Julian Caldecott and Annie Lovejoy 21 tion initiatives. The commission also proposed the has been able to manage its development largely inde- creation of a National Biodiversity Institute (Instituto pendently of the central government. Contrasting ex- Nacional de Biodiversidad, INBio) to manage the in- amples can be found elsewhere, however, where ventory in the public interest. uncertainty over legislation and political leadership The commission was created by a PLN president and have had a more detrimental effect. government, but that administration was displaced in The Brunca region, for instance, covers 9,500 February 1990 by the more conservative Christian square kilometers inthesouthof thecountry, lyingin- Social Unity Party (Partido de Unidad Social land from the Pacific coast up to the continental divide Cristiana, Pusc). This change delayed the implementa- and between southern San Jos6 Province and the tion of some of the commission's recommendations, Panamd frontier. The area is sparsely populated and given that the new government was less sympathetic relatively poor and is dominated inland by the Cordil- to the idea of decentralization than its predecessor. leradeTalamanca.Thismountainrangehasseventeen Although INBio came into being before the peaksof2,600metersorhigherandliesmostlywithin changeover, and legislation to create SINAC was ap- LaAmistadInternationalPark,extendingoverCosta proved unanimously at the committee stage, the new Rica's southern border into Panamd. The Amistad law was not passed by a full vote of the Legislative Conservation Area, according to the SINAC concept, Assembly (R. Gamez, personal communication, Oc- comprises the Tapantf, Chirrip6, and Cahuita national tober 1993). This delayed the transfer of authority parks, La Amistad International Park, and the Hitoy from San Jos6 to the conservation areas themselves. Cerere Biological Reserve. The southern borders of The election of February 1994, however, returned PLN Amistad are the sites oftheAmisconde (Amistad) Con- to power, with a mandate to renew the process of servationandDevelopmentProjectandtheWilsonBo- constituting SINAC more or less as envisioned by the tanical Garden (see the case studies at the end of the commission. chapter). As a component Of SINAC, Amistad also in- cludes several indigenous people's reserves, forest re- The Conservation Area System serves, and protected zones. The southern part of the Brunca region is domi- The main components of SINAc are based on the nated by the Golfo Dulce and the Peninsula de Osa, country's existing reserves, which comprise the eight around which are the intact forests of the Corcovado areas known as Amistad,2 Arenal, Cordillera National Park and various forest reserves and indig- Volcdnica Central, Guanacaste, Osa, Pacifico Central, enous people's reserves, including the mangroves of Tempisque, and Tortuguero. Because of the changes the Valle de Diquis and the Golfito Wildlife Refuge. in government during 1989-94, the effect of applying The Osa Conservation Area will, under the SINAC law, the SINAC concept has been patchy and confused. The cover most of the Osa Peninsula and the lands sur- aim of SINAC legislation was to consolidate the various rounding the upper Golfo Dulce. The Brunca region kinds of protected wildland in each location and to therefore extends from one extremely important area manage each as an ecological unit. Economic links for biodiversity (the cordillera) to another (the gulf between each area and the people living around it and peninsula) and includes a wide variety of lands were to be made stronger, and those people were to be and human settlements in between. actively involved in the area's management. To en- Neither the Amistad nor the Osa conservation area sure local participation and the local capture of eco- had well-established local institutions in late 1993, nomic benefits, responsibility for managing reserve and both were short of resources (Caldecott 1993). budgets and staff was to be devolved from the national The embryo Of SINAC-style management existed at capital to the areas themselves. Amistad, because its environmental education pro- Despite the delay in passing new legislation, the gram was developed locally, with the SPN In San Jos6 SINAC concept has been applied throughout the coun- merely being kept advised through annual work plans try, but it has been applied with particular effect in the (C. Ferndndez, personal communication, October Guanacaste Conservation Area (GCA). This area lies 1993). Some support had been provided to Amistad inland from the northern Pacific coast and is the best by the MacArthur Foundation and the Swedish gov- known and most financially stable conservation area ement, and other funds had been allocated to in Costa Rica, with a large endowment fund and a Amistad and Osa through the Global Environment well-developed local administration (see the case Facility. In all cases, these allocations were made on studies at the end of the chapter). Because of its finan- the assumption that SINAC legislation would be passed cial security and international prominence, the GCA by the Legislative Assembly. 22 Costa Rica By late 1993, the legal position of conservation in distribution, natural history, ecology, morphology, Costa Rica was uncertain because several conservation behavior, phenology, and genetic variation. areas had followed the SINAC model in localizing admin- 2. The Information Management Division manages the istrative and financial arrangements. Some had also re- enormous quantity of data being generated by the ceived external assistance, conditional on a new law that inventory, as well as other sources, in a way that had not yet been passed. Fortunately, these anomalies provides for the needs of potential users. seem likely to be resolved because bipartisan policy 3. The Biodiversity Prospecting Division works with support for the SINAC law was restored after the change of research centers, academia, and private industry to government early in 1994. The new administration has identify materials that have commercial potential made it clear that priority will be given to biodiversity and to assist in their development. management and ecotourism (Burnie 1994; A. M. Piza, 4. The Information Dissemination Division addresses personal communication, April 1994). intellectual uses of biodiversity. It provides infor- mation to all sectors requiring information, includ- The National Biodiversity Institute ing education, science, conservation, national and international policyrnakers, the Costa Rican govern- Costa Rica lies in a region where North American ment, and tourism. communities of plants and animals meet and overlap with those of South America (Janzen 1983). The to- By late 1995, INBio was well established at a pography, geology, and climate are diverse, and the rapidly growing facility in Heredia, north of San Jos6, many different habitats range from evergreen rain for- and was running thirty-two biodiversity offices scat- ests on the Caribbean side of the country to dry sea- tered throughout the country's conservation areas. sonal forests on the Pacific side. Costa Rica is therefore These field sites are the outposts of the national very rich in wild species, with up to 13,000 higher biodiversity inventory and were yielding about plants, 10,000 fungi, 205 mammals, 848 birds, 384 900,000 specimens each year for processing at INBio. reptiles and amphibians, 130 freshwater fishes, and In the early years of the inventory, there was a strong 1,400 marine fishes (wcmc 1992; Gdmez and others emphasis on plants and insects, reflecting both the 1993; TWIG 1994). Most of the invertebrate fauna is availability of local expertise and the extent of miss- poorly known, but there are thought to be more than ing knowledge. About 80 percent of the national flora 360,000 species of arthropods and 85,000 other inver- and 18 percent of the insect fauna were estimated to tebrates (Janzen 1991a; MIRENEM, MNCR, and INBio have been assigned taxonomic names. In 1994, INBio 1992), bringing the national total close to nearly half a expanded into a third group, mollusks, and now million species. houses about 20,000 specimens in its collection. The National Biodiversity Institute was established The biodiversity inventory has a role in conserva- to facilitate efforts to learn about these native species, to tion that goes far beyond a purely scientific exercise. catalog them, and to find new uses that would support This is because INBio encourages local people living their conservation. INBio was established on 24 Octo- in the communities surrounding nature reserves to ber 1989 as a private, nonprofit, public-interest organi- participate fully in the inventory program. Interested zation dedicated to integrating all levels of society into and highly motivated individuals from rural areas are the conservation effort (Gimez and others 1993). INBio selected, trained, and employed as "parataxonomists" also can be considered a tool for providing essential data to undertake the initial collection, preparation, and related to biodiversity formatted for individuals or insti- processing of the specimens that are sent to INBio for tutions (Janzen 1991a; Gdmez 1991a, 1991b; Sandlund identification and final analysis (Janzen and others 1991; Gimez and others 1993). 1993b). All of the current roll of forty-one para- INBio has four divisions, which are responsible for taxonomists live and work in the area where they were different aspects of its task: recruited, and they play an important role in commu- nicating their special knowledge and enthusiasm to I. The Inventory Division intends to discover and docu- the rural people around their homes. In this way, ment taxonomically all the species occurring in Costa parataxonomists assume a role of leadership, teaching Rica's conservation areas to discover what these spe- nearby communities about the natural world that sur- cies are and where they can be found. A sample of rounds them and encouraging their support for conser- each species is collected, prepared, stored, described, vation activities. and identified. Records are kept on their location, The original reason for recruiting parataxonomists Julian Caldecott and Annie Lovejoy 23 was not related to biodiversity education, although fulfill three primary objectives: (a) to generate returns this has proved to be a very welcome benefit of the for conservation, (b) to advance the transfer of tech- program. Rather, using lay collectors was a pragmatic nologies for the benefit of Costa Rica as a whole, and means of responding to human and financial resource (c) to provide support for the other parts of the insti- deficiencies. INBio estimated that employing only tute (Barbier and Aylward 1992; Laird 1993; professional taxonomists available in Costa Rica to Sittenfeld and Gimez 1993; Coghlan 1994). Research take on the monumental task of inventorying 500,000 agreements are tailored to each circumstance and gen- species would simply take too long. It was thought erally include a research budget (of which 10 percent that parataxonomists could save valuable time and will go directly to the country's conservation areas), funding and would speed up the process in the end. training opportunities for Costa Rican scientists, These collectors have indeed saved expert staff equipment transfer, and royalties on any forthcoming time, and the inventory has proceeded rapidly, with products (to be shared equally by INBio and MIRENEM). several million specimens already having accumu- Intellectual uses of biodiversity are also vital, be- lated at INBio. Specimens collected by para- cause information can influence public opinion to taxonomists are labeled, prepared, and identified at support conservation initiatives. Thus, the manage- the family or subfamily level by technicians. Curators ment of biodiversity data is central to INBio's role, working for INBio take over the identification from making it important to design a data base to accom- that point. When necessary, they draw on the expertise modate the needs of a variety of intellectual users. By of national and international specialists who visit 1992, INBio had defined the needs of its users clearly INBio out of personal interest, often using indepen- enough to start developing a system able to manage dent financing. very large amounts of data in separate but interactive INBio's activities are significant for Costa Rica's fields. These data are alphanumeric (specimens, spe- nature reserves in a number of ways. The inventory is cies, and literature), graphical (pictorial), and geo- the first concerted initiative to conduct a full geo- graphic (mapped) in separate but interactive fields. graphic and year-round cataloging, using locally de- An agreement with the Intergraph Corporation al- signed methods geared to meet the inventory needs of lowed INBio to obtain a powerful ORACLE-UNIX System INBio and Costa Rica and involving the development and to collaborate in developing the software with of links between the inventory and other essential which to run it effectively (Gdmez and others 1993). activities of biodiversity conservation. For example, This system, officially inaugurated in May 1995, is the inventory is designed to work closely with infor- intended to meet the needs of users ranging from mation dissemination programs and to support pros- scientists to government planners and from school- pecting activities that depend on taxonomic children to private businesses. information. Although inventory collectors and col- lections remain separate from any biodiversity pros- Conclusions pecting research, the taxonomic data are essential to these other activities. The activities of INBio first captured international By coming to know what and where biodiversity attention in 1991, with prominent articles in the tech- exists in Costa Rica, society can begin to value what nical literature (Gdmez 1991a, 1991b; Janzen 1991a; the country's nature reserves contain and safeguard Sandlund 1991), in popular science journals (Aldhous them. The inventory process provides the stepping- 1991; Joyce 1991; Wille 1991), and in newspapers stone that will allow this tropical developing country (Lyons 1991). The immediate focus was on INBio and to find new ways to preserve biodiversity through Costa Rica's ambitious plan to undertake a complete sustainable use. inventory of Costa Rican biodiversity. But the activi- Finding new intellectual, economic, and other uses ties had extra impact because the world's govern- for biodiversity is INBio's primary aim, but the insti- ments were beginning to negotiate the Convention on tute also seeks to ensure that these uses will help Biological Diversity. support conservation efforts, rather than undermine Global interest prompted international contacts, them. For economic uses, INBio intends to ensure that which helped to spread the ideas on which both INBio all biodiversity prospecting research occurs under le- and SINAC were founded. This led to collaboration gal contracts that guarantee local return on commer- agreements such as those signed between INBio and cial development (Janzen and others 1993a). To do the Indonesian Institute of Sciences in 1992 and the this, INBio enters into research collaborations that University of the Philippines at Los Bafios in 1993 24 Costa Rica (Caldecott 1996). The need to service such agreements area includes four research stations where some of has helped to identify a weakness in most official INBio's parataxonomists are based and where exten- assistance programs, which is that few funds are avail- sive biodiversity research is conducted. Plans exist to able to promote direct linkage and mutual aid between undertake a pioneering "All-taxa biodiversity inven- institutions in tropical developing countries. tory" to document every life-form in the reserve and The inventory and the prospecting contracts man- to link local conservation action with global carbon aged by INBio are only two aspects of the institute, and sequestration benefits (Langreth 1994; Rodrfguez and the institute itself is only one feature of a much more Gdmez 1994; GCA 1995). comprehensive national response to conservation is- The GCA'S management programs and staff are all sues in Costa Rica. This process involves general re- administered locally and relate to a central directorate, form and rationalization of Costa Rica's nature which is divided into subdirectorates for operations reserves, decentralization and devolution of manage- and management and for ecodevelopment. All are ment authority to local people and local entities, and the supported by a single office of accounting and person- exploration of new methods to finance and otherwise nel, directly reporting to the director. A program chief support conservation sustainably. These other aspects is responsible for each management program, each of were obscured by a delay in the growth of a political which is designed according to clear budget ceilings. consensus in the country. Paradoxically, this delay may Because of their long-term budgetary significance, have been helpful in providing an opportunity to rethink new staff appointments within any one program re- the recommendations of the Biodiversity Planning quire the approval of all eight program chiefs and the Commission before they were implemented, which directorate, the heads of which make up the Technical may have further strengthened the process as a whole. Committee. This is one of three committees that sup- port the director in the administration of the 6CA. The Case Studies in Costa Rica others are the Research and Alterations Committee and the Regional Committee. The following case studies present some successful The Regional Committee is the main guarantor of examples of decentralized conservation in Costa Rica: local control of the GCA. In late 1993, it was comprised the Guanacaste Conservation Area, the Amistad Con- of thirty-five individuals who represented forty-seven servation and Development (Amisconde) Project, and local institutions, communities, and corporations and the Wilson Botanical Garden. who elected an eleven-member board of directors. All members of the committee are guanacastecos, people The Guanacaste Conservation Area local to the area, but none is employed by or has any direct connection with the GCA itself. Collectively, Beginning as the Guanacaste National Park Project in they have the authority to approve the GCA's annual 1986, the Guanacaste Conservation Area was consoli- work plan before it is submitted to MIRENEM in San dated in 1989 from three national parks, a forest ex- Jos6 as well as to hire or fire the director. The commit- periment station, a recreation area, and private lands. It tee is deliberately kept closely involved in decisions now comprises about 1,100 square kilometers of dry affecting the conservation area and is able to veto forest stretching inland from the northern Pacific coast proposals by other groups where these are considered (Janzen 1983, 1986, 1988a, 1988b, 1991b). An en- likely to have an unacceptable impact. dowment fund was established for the area, and by The Guanacaste Conservation Area is an important 1992 this had reached about US$12 million. The con- model of local management, sustainable cost recov- servation area's policy calls for the annual yield of this ery, and conflict resolution. It further demonstrates endowment to stabilize in real terms at a level consis- several principles, although not without some degree tently equal to, or greater than, the area's annual bud- of controversy. By late 1993, the GCA administration get (D. H. Janzen, personal communication, February had gone far beyond existing law and was, in effect, 1992). This budget supports the following manage- waiting for the law to catch up to it. There were also ment programs: fire control, security, sector supervi- reservations in some quarters about increasing the sion, biological education, extension, research, influence of local NGOS, about the loss of central au- ecotourism, and ecological restoration (S. Marin, per- thority implied by decentralization, and about the rela- sonal communication, March 1993). tive success of the GCA in obtaining financial The GCA had 104 employees in 1995, most of whom resources. There was an opinion that such resources were indigenous to the environs; 40 were women. The should be spread more evenly through the national Julian Caldecott and Annie Lovejoy 25 conservation system and that the central government gram also assists the women's group by financing a should retain the power to ensure that this was done. nursery for fruit trees and providing advice concern- These concerns were not realistic, however, because ing marketing strategy for agricultural produce and the GCA raised its own funds, paid all of its own costs, the lease-purchase of vehicles and other large items. and was operated on the premise that the local popula- The community development program focuses on tion should determine the allocation of conservation developing local managerial skills, building commu- resources to the conservation area under its own cus- nity infrastructure, and providing financial services tody (D. H. Janzen, personal communication, June through a revolving credit fund. This fund was estab- 1995). In any case, by late 1995 the GCA was a signifi- lishedincollaborationwithalocalcommercialbankto cant net contributor to SINAC as a whole. provide loans to farmers. By facilitating access to credit, the project has the opportunity to guide invest- The Amisconde Project ment toward sustainable and financially sound forms of land use, backed by adequate training of the borrower. The Amistad Conservation and Development The forestry program emphasizes reforestation of (Amisconde) Project is located on the Pacific slope of degraded areas and the prevention and control of for- the Cordillera de Talamanca. Its headquarters are at est fires. The program is thus supporting the youth the small village of San Jer6nimo de Uni6n, at about group in its efforts to establish a nursery for forest 1,200 meters elevation. The view from there in late trees, to subsidize reforestation plantings, and to raise 1993 exemplified some of the problems that the awareness and local capacity to prevent, control, and Amisconde project seeks to address. Visible in the combat fires. distance, steep to very steep lands had tree cover only By late 1993, the Amiscondeprojecthadshown sev- close to the ridge crests and showed signs of fire eral important strengths, including its clear goals, its damage within the boundaries of Chirrip6 National choice of location according to those goals, and its thor- Park. Although few areas of active soil erosion were oughandflexibleplanningwithbalancedinputfrom apparent, there had been widespread clearance of for- the local communities and outside experts. The project ests on steep land where they had been replaced by also enjoyed the benefit of a dedicated staff, ample rough pasture grazed by cattle and horses. Wherever technical expertise, and healthy financial resources, al- the slope and residual fertility made it feasible, land lowing it to make good use ofexisting local infrastruc- had been planted with coffee or, closer to the village, ture. Amisconde strongly promoted sustainability by with annual food crops. Pressure on the surviving strengthening local social institutions, by discouraging natural forest was being maintained mainly by fire dependencyonoutsideinputs,byintroducingfinancial incidental to pasture maintenance. and agricultural skills, and by relying on voluntary The Amisconde project was conceived in 1991 by adoptionofnewland-usetechniques. individuals associated with Conservation Interna- The project's main weakness was that its ultimate tional (a U.S.-based NGo) and the Tropical Science purpose of protecting the Chirrip6 National Park was Centre in San Jos6 (J. Calvo and M. Ramfrez, personal neither communicated to local people nor properly communication, October 1993). By late 1993, funding addressed in the project's activities. Biodiversity was had been secured from McDonald's Corporation. The also largely missing from the conceptual framework project covered San Jer6nimo and three nearby settle- of the agricultural program, which emphasized wide- ments in Costa Rica and was also active near Cerro spread planting of nonnative species within the Punta in Panamd, again close to the Pacific side of La project area, rather than the use of native species in Amistad International Park. The project responds to new crop combinations and the control of exotics. environmental degradation on steep lands around San Jer6nimo by promoting agricultural reform, tree The Wilson Botanical Garden planting, soil conservation, and the prevention of for- est fires. It works with the local Agricultural Produc- The Organization for Tropical Studies operates a field ers' Association, with youth groups on community study center at the Wilson Botanical Garden at Las development, and with women's groups on forestry. Cruces, near San Vito among the Pacific foothills of The agriculture program seeks to diversify crop- the Cordillera de Talamanca. Although the main ping systems by adding fruit trees, rehabilitating de- buildings were damaged by fire in late 1994, they are graded cattle pastures by planting trees and improved being rebuilt, and the garden has good facilities for grasses, and promoting soil conservation. The pro- visitors and researchers, including interpretative ma- 26 Costa Rica terials and nature trails. Deforestation has left the other) people is to achieve mutual trust, something garden isolated, and in an early response to this threat which must be earned by outsiders, but once obtained the garden used traditional methods of environmental can result in complete cooperation. The managers at education for children, such as lectures and guided Wilson Botanical Garden are thus at the center of an tours. The seven-to-thirteen-year-olds involved were active but diffuse and diverse process of local empow- thought to have little influence on adult behavior, erment and participation in conservation activities. however, and by the time they grew up natural habi- tats were expected to be lost. The garden therefore tried participatory education Notes with a greater emphasis on adults, and this has been very successful. Ecological committees meet each 1. MIRENEM was recently transformed into the Ministry month at five communities, and attendance is increas- of the Environment and Energy (Ministerio de Ambiente y ing steadily. The intent is to encourage local commu- Energfa MINAE). nities to identify their own problems and then to 2. Amistad was recently split into two: Amistad Pacffico maintain a dialogue through which to seek solutions and Amistad Atldntico. without relying on government bureaucracy (L. D. G6mez, personal communication, October 1993). The garden works closely with local NGOS. These References organizations tend to perceive government bureau- cratic initiatives as having little relevance to local Aldhous, P. 1991. "'Hunting Licence' for Drugs." Nature people because they cannot respond to environmen- 353:290. tal and cultural conditions in particular localities (H. Barbier, E. B., and B. Aylward. 1992. What Is Biodiversity Villalobos, personal communication, October 1993). Worth to a Developing Country? The Pharmaceutical From this point of view, the starting point for edu- Value of Biodiversity and Species Information. London: cation should be to work at the family level in or- London Environmental Economics Centre. der to find out what families need, and every effort Burnie, D. 1994. "Ecotourists to Paradise." New Scientist should then be made to make education relevant to 1921(16 April):23-27. those needs and to real local concerns, thereby cre- Caldecott, J. 0. 1993. Conservation and Environmental ating a new, better, and locally "owned" curricu- Education in the Pacific South (Brunca) Region of Costa lum. Local NGos also are inclined to view the Rica. London: Living Earth Foundation. national education system as weak and corrupt and . 1996. Designing Conservation Projects. Cam- to believe that education should better target fami- bridge, U..: Cambridge University Press. lies and communities if change is to occur fast Coghlan, A. 1994. "Costa Rican Tree Roots out Plantation enough to save the environment. Pests." New Scientist 1921(16 April):8. Local NGO projects include a radio program each Gdmez, R. 1991a. "Biodiversity Conservation through Fa- Easter week, which deals with issues such as the cilitation of Its Sustainable Use: Costa Rica's National overharvesting of palm hearts and fishes at that time Biodiversity Institute." Trends in Ecology and Evolution of year (Costa Rica is predominantly Roman Catho- 6:377-78. lic). The garden also collaborates with seven active . 199 lb. "Development, Preservation of Tropical ecological committees in Coto Brus, especially on Biological Diversity, and the Case of Costa Rica." Inter- issues such as the use and management of bamboo. national Agriculture Newsletter (January):1-3. The garden also has close links with nearby indig- Gdmez, R., A. Piva, A. Sittenfeld, E. Le6n, J. Jim6nez, and enous communities and the NGOs that represent them, G. Mirabelli. 1993. "Costa Rica's Conservation Program including the Fundaci6n Iriria Tsochok (FIT). Rela- and National Biodiversity Institute (INBio)." In W. V. tions with the government in this area often can be Reid, A. Sittenfeld, S. A. Laird, D. H. Janzen, C. A. tense. FIT, for example, encourages indigenous people Meyer, M. A. Gollin, R. Gdmez, and C. Juma, eds., to demand their land and other rights; these rights Biodiversity Prospecting, 53-67. Washington, D.C.: often have been abused. Misunderstandings remain World Resources institute. common between indigenous and nonindigenous GCA (Guanacaste Conservation Area). 1995. "Project people, and these misunderstandings can be exploited BIODIVERSIFIX: wETFix and DRYFIX." Liberia, Costa Rica. by outside groups for their own purposes. The over- Janzen, D. H., ed. 1983. Costa Rica's Natural History riding challenge when working with indigenous (or Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Julian Caldecott and Annie Lovejoy 27 . 1986. "The Future of Tropical Ecology." An- Langreth, R. 1994. "The World According to Dan Janzen." nual Review of Ecology and Systematics 17:305-24. Popular Science (December):79-82, 112-15. . 1988a. "Guanacaste National Park: Tropical Lyons, S. 1991. "Research Pact May Help Rainforests Pay Ecological and Biocultural Restoration." In J. Cairns, for Their Keep: Merck, Costa Rica Team up to Prospect Jr., ed., Rehabilitating Damaged Ecosystems, 143-92. for New Drug Chemicals." Boston Globe (4 November). Boca Raton, Fla.: CRC Press. MIRENEM (Ministry of Natural Resources, Energy, and . 1988b. "Tropical Dry Forests: The Most En- Mines). MNCR (National Museum of Costa Rica), and dangered Major Tropical Ecosystems." In E. 0. Wilson, INBio (National Biodiversity Institute). 1992. Estudio ed., Biodiversity, 130-37. Washington, D.C.: National nacional de biodiversidad: Costos, beneficios y Academy Press. necesidades definanciamiento de la conservaci6n de la . 1991a. "The National Biodiversity Institute of diversidad biohigica en Costa Rica. San Jos6, Costa Costa Rica: How to Save Tropical Biodiversity." Rica. American Entomologist (fall): 159-71. Repetto, R. 1991. Accounts Overdue: Natural Resource - . 199 1b. "A North-South Perspective on Science Depletion in Costa Rica. Washington, D.C.: World Re- in the Management, Use, and Economic Development sources Institute. of Biodiversity." In 0. T. Sandlund, K. Hindar, and A. Rodrfguez, C. and R. Gdmez. 1994. Science-Society H. D. Brown, eds., Conservation of Biodiversity for Integration in the 1994 "Pre-Planning Phase" for an Sustainable Development. Oslo, Norway: Universi- All Taxa Biodiversioy Invenrory (ATB') of the Guanacaste tetsforlaget (Scandinavian University Press). Conservation Area in Costa Rica. Heredia, Costa Rica: Janzen, D. H., W. Hallwachs, R. Gdmez, A. Sittenfeld, and National ATBI Planning Commission and National J. Jim6nez. 1993a. "Research Management Policies: Biodiversity Institute. Permits for Collecting and Research in the Tropics." In Sandlund, 0. T. 1991. "Costa Rica's INBio: Towards Sus- W. V. Reid, A. Sittenfeld, S. A. Laird, D. H. Janzen, C. tamable Use of Natural Biodiversity." Norwegian Insti- A. Meyer, M. A. Gollin, R. Gdmez, and C. Juma, eds., tutefor Nature Research, mNA Notat 7:1-25. Biodiversity Prospecting, 131-57. Washington, D.C.: Sittenfeld, A., and R. Gdmez. 1993. "Biodiversity Pros- World Resources Institute. pecting by INBio." In W. V. Reid, A. Sittenfeld, S. A. Janzen, D. H., W. Hallwachs, J. Jiminez, and R. Gimez. Laird, D. H. Janzen, C. A. Meyer, M. A. Gollin, R. 1993b. "The Role of Parataxonomists, Inventory Man- Gdmez, and C. Juma, eds., Biodiversity Prospecting, agers, and Taxonomists in Costa Rica's National 69-97. Washington, D.C.: World Resources Institute. Biodiversity Inventory." In W. V. Reid, A. Sittenfeld, TW[G (Taxonomic Working Group). 1994. "All Taxa S. A. Laird, D. H. Janzen, C. A. Meyer, M. A. Gollin, R. Biodiversity Inventory of Costa Rica." Working files. Gdmez, and C. Juma, eds., Biodiversity Prospecting, Taxonomic Working Group and National Biodiversity 223-54. Washington, D.C.: World Resources Institute. Institute, Heredia. Costa Rica. Joyce, C. 1991. "Prospectors for Tropical Medicines." New wcmc(World Conservation Monitoring Centre). 1992. Gl- Scientist (19 October):36-40. bal Biodiversity: Status of the Earth's Living Resources: Laird, S. A. 1993. "Contracts for Biodiversity Prospect- A Report Compiled by the World Conservation Monitor- ing." In W. V. Reid, A. Sittenfeld, S. A. Laird, D. H. ing Centre, ed. by B. Groombridge. London: Chapman Janzen, C. A. Meyer, M. A. Gollin, R. Gdmez, and C. & Hall. Juma, eds., Biodiversity Prospecting, 99-130. Wash- Wille, C. 1991. "Tropical Treasures." Panoscope 23:15- ington, D.C.: World Resources Institute. 16. BRD 28196 70° 75° 80 85' 90° 95° -35' 35° 30' 30- RANTHAMBHORE New Delhi NATIONAL PARK -25' 25° rHARDA ARABARI F2-. 20'20 -151 SINDIA . PROTECTED AREAS PROTECTED AREAS, IUCN CATEGORIES .V NATIONAL CAPITAL INTERNATIONAL BOVNDAIRES o 500 1000 KILOMETERS fit- »op wag prodceed by ste Mip Design U;t of The WUr:d Book i h houndaris. COl@, denotons ont oter informncvon cap,.own ot ki Mpe ot iepfy, oq #he pft of 11e World B-k G noup, ny edgmentt o 9tp legastmks of oay form.oy. oany endorseett o accep,'iians" dish boundores. 70'N 85 90'9 NOVeMbER 1 996 4 India Shekhar Singh Fiscal and administrative decentralization can be of at Management of Forests least two types. First, decentralization can involve moving financial and administrative control and Nearly a quarter of India is legally designated as decisionmaking power from one level of the govern- forest land. It contains a variety of habitats, in- ment to another, such as from the national to the state eluding grasslands, wetlands, mangroves, and even government. Second, decentralization can involve rivers and deserts; some areas may have no sur- shifting such control and power from government to viving natural ecosystems. Nevertheless, by virtue community institutions. These processes have differ- of legal designation, such lands are forest land. ent effects and implications and thus are considered They represent the largest holding of natural habi- separately here. tat in the country. The first effort to nationalize and centrally con- Decentralization within the Government trol the Indian forest estate was made by the Brit- ish in 1865, when the first Indian Forest Act Before India achieved independence in 1947, gover- extended government control over what was then nance was essentially centralized, with control be- either common resources or privately owned land. ing exercised by the British government from This act was replaced in 1927, again by the Brit- London. Some powers were vested with the British ish, with a new Indian Forest Act. It is still in viceroy in India, who was assisted by various es- force, and it has further consolidated the hold of sentially advisory bodies. At independence, India the government over forest land. With indepen- adopted a federal structure with power being shared dence in 1947, and establishment of the Indian Re- between the central government and individual state public in 1950, control over these forest lands governments. Today there is a national Parliament passed to the state governments. of directly elected members of the Lok Sabha Expenditure on forests is largely controlled by state (House of the People) and indirectly elected repre- governments although, as is the system in India, the sentatives of states in the Rajya Sabha (Council of allocation of financial resources is done by the Na- the States). Similarly, each state has a directly tional Planning Commission of the central govern- elected Legislative Assembly whose members also ment. Nevertheless, effective control over these elect representatives to the Rajya Sabha. resources remains with the state governments. Unfor- The constitution of India and other related instru- tunately, despite the large forest holdings, budgetary ments divide various functions between the states and allocations for forestry have rarely exceeded 1 percent the central government. Certain matters, such as law of the national budget. This reflects the hesitation of and order, are almost exclusively state subjects, both the central and state governments to give forest whereas defense and external affairs are exclusively protection and management a high priority. Revenue central government subjects. Other matters, such as from the forests accrues to state governments, but rural development, forests, and environment, involve there is no correlation between the forest revenues both the central government and the state govern- earned in a state and the expenditure on forest man- ments, for both have jurisdiction. agement in that state. 29 30 India In 1980, the government of India enacted the Forest the rate of forest conversion was almost a hundred (Conservation) Act, which specifies that no forest times greater before the Forest (Conservation) Act land can be converted to nonforest use without the than after it came into effect. Because much of this consent of the government of India. This act was diversion was for large infrastructure projects, com- prompted by high and increasing rates of loss as for- munities that were dependent on the forest for basic ests were converted to nonforestry purposes, includ- needs were displaced and otherwise deprived. ing agriculture and infrastructural projects such as This problem is aggravated by the facts that state dams and roads. The Forest (Conservation) Act was governments themselves do not further decentralize amended in 1986 to cover plantations by nongovern- power and control and that all decisions are made at mental organizations (NGos) and the clearing of natu- the state level rather than at the level of villages or ral vegetation on forest land. districts. One view is that there may be local sensitiv- By amending the act, the central government fur- ity to conservation and social justice issues but that, ther consolidated its control over the forests because especially in the case of the environment, this does not the law specified that without central government per- permeate up to the state level, where most decisions mission states could neither give forest land to any are made. It is felt, therefore, that central government private or corporate entity nor clear forests of their intervention is desirable because the central govern- natural vegetation. The first measure was to prevent ment is far enough removed from local concerns to be the transfer of forest lands to corporate bodies under objective, while also tending to have greater concern the guise of promoting plantations, while the second for the environment. was to protect biodiversity and forest cover on lands Some problems remain, of course. For example, an that were legally classified as forests. outcry often arises when a village road or a water Earlier, at the central government level, forestry supply scheme is delayed, pending central govern- had been overseen by a department in the Ministry of ment permission to convert forest land. Consequently, Agriculture. But in 1985 the government of India there is a strong demand that limited powers of forest created a National Wastelands Development Board diversion for certain specified purposes be delegated (NwoB) and a consolidated central Ministry for Envi- to the state governments. Desirable as that is, the ronment and Forests. The NWDB was given the respon- current difficulty in getting clearance for forest land sibility and resources to undertake large-scale ensures that all other alternatives are first considered. afforestation programs and to make forestry a mass Only when no other alternatives are available is the movement. The creation of the NWDB also meant, how- use of forest land proposed. Given the rapidly shrink- ever, that more of the funds available for forestry ing forest cover in India, this seems to be a helpful would now be handled by the central government than constraint on changes in land use. by the state governments. Thus the overall trend in Indian government Management offildlife Protected Areas since independence has been to centralize rather and Other Habitats than to decentralize administrative and fiscal con- trol over forests. Although the day-to-day manage- Strong legal protection is accorded to wildlife pro- ment of forests is still within the purview of state tected areas (WPAS), which include national parks and governments, the Forest (Conservation) Act has sanctuaries. Coastal regions also are strongly pro- centralized the power to prevent the conversion of tected. None of the other habitat types has such spe- forest land to other land uses. Similarly, although cific and comprehensive legal protection; other much of the fiscal power relating to forests re- ecologically vulnerable habitats such as mangroves, mains with the state governments, the Nwim and coral reefs, grasslands, wetlands, and mountains have the Ministry of Environment and Forests give the little legal protection or regulation unless they fall central government control over a greater share of within legally designated forest areas or WPAS. Recent the funds to be spent on forestry. acts, however, have given general protection to all There is, however, widespread support for the For- habitats. Under the Environment (Protection) Act est (Conservation) Act among foresters and environ- (EPA) Of 1986 and its various rules, the central govern- mentalists. This is mainly because state governments ment and state governments can take whatever action have in the past been insensitive to the needs of forest they deem necessary to protect the environment. conservation and have tended to favor forest revenue A good example is the coastal regulation zone, and large infrastructure projects. Statistics show that which was created by the EPA in 1991. Under this act, Shekhar Singh 31 use or construction in the coastal zone is regulated up that they share in the financial and economic benefits to a specified distance from the high-tide line, and any from WPAS, especially tourism revenue. Finally, there deviation needs special permission from the central are calls to introduce a system of joint protected-area government. Similarly, another notification under the management, similar to JFM, in which communities EPA has made it legally necessary to obtain central would be involved in managing and protecting WPAS. government clearance prior to initiating certain infra- These measures and proposals are important moves structure projects such as dams, roads, industries, and toward decentralizing government control over for- mines. ests and toward increasing the participation of com- A series of acts since the mid-1970s have empow- munities in habitat management. ered the central government and its agencies to monitor and regulate pollution. These include the Management of Wildlife Protected Areas [Prevention and Control of] Water Pollution Act of 1974 and the [Prevention and Control of] Air Pollu- India has almost 500 WPAS (national parks and sanctu- tion Act of 1981. Creation of a Central Pollution aries), covering more than4 percent of the country, Control Board is also significant. Each state govern- which have been created and are managed by state gov- ment has set up its own department of environment ernments. Before 1972, they were created under van- and pollution control board, but a large proportion of ous state acts, the details of which varied from state to the financial resources available for the environment state. For example, in 1936 India's first national park continues to be controlled by the central government. (Hailey National Park, now known as Corbett National Given the indifference to environmental matters at Park) was set up in Uttar Pradesh, and a special act was the state level, there are advantages to this continu- required forthis purpose. In 1972, however, the Indian ing centralization. government passed the Wild Life (Protection) Act, which brought all new and existing national parks and Decentralizing Management to the Community sanctuaries under one law. Although it is a central gov- ernment act, it essentially gi ves power to state govern- Control over forests and other natural habitats has ments to create and manage national parks and been exclusively with the government, with few ex- sanctuaries. Until amended in 1991, the act also pro- ceptions. One exception is some village land, mainly vided for the central government to create national pasture land, that belongs to communities. Another parks,butthisprovisionwasnotused. exception occurs in certain predominantly tribal states The act has both a decentralizing and a centralizing of northeastern India, where most of the forests are effect. It is decentralizing in that it gives state govern- controlled by tribal district councils. A third exception ment the authority to control protected areas. But it is is the rights retained by communities over many for- also centralizing because almost no role is recognized ests-grazing, collection of firewood, harvesting of for communities to participate in managing WPAS. Al- timber for building or repairing homes, and harvesting though there is a provision for appointing honorary of nontimber forest produce. wildlife wardens, and many have been appointed, Only in the past few years has an effort been put most of these individuals are eminent urban-based forth toward sharing with communities control over conservationists rather than prominent members of natural habitats such as forest lands. One such initia- the rural community. tive is joint forest management (jFM), in which forest WAA revenue is decoupled from expenditure. Any departments have involved communities in protecting revenue earned by a WPA, from tourism or any other forests around their villages, acknowledging in return source, is credited to the government account and is the community's right to harvest forest products not available specifically for expenditure in the WPA. sustainably and to receive a share of other revenue Thus the government's annual budget to the W is earned from the forest. (JFM is discussed in the case unrelated to its revenue. studies at the end of the chapter.) More recently, Each state has established a Wildlife Advisory ecodevelopment projects have been established Board, not all the members of which are government around some WPAs. (Ecodevelopment projects are dis- officials. These boards have sometimes been effective cussed in the case studies.) Such projects not only in addressing crisis issues and lobbying government, develop alternatives to the resources of WPAs but also but day-to-day management of the WPAS continues to seek to involve communities in their management. be wholly in the hands of government officials. At the Another way to involve communities is to ensure national level, there is an Indian Board for Wildlife, 32 India which is chaired by the prime minister and includes only in the last few years that the government has members who are not government officials. This begun to recognize the need to involve communities board is mainly involved with policy formulation, in the management Of WPAS. In the Eighth Plan (1992- however, and meets very rarely. 97), the Indian government started a new scheme of In short, arrangements for managing the WPAs have ecodevelopment that involves communities as part of remained constant for many years, without any trend wPA management. The present situation Of WPA man- toward either centralization or decentralization. It is agement is summarized in table 4-1. Table 4-1. Management of Wildlife Protected Areas (WPAs) in India Function Central State WPA Local Private or powers government government authorities cmmunity NGOs sector Participates in policy Yes Yes Partial No Partialb No formulation Demarcates area for No Yes Partial Partial' No No setting up WPA Sets up a WPA No Yes No No No No Decides on a WPA No Yes Partial' Partial' Partial' No management plan or strategy Manages the wPA, No No Yes Partialm No No including regulation and protection Issues license Partial' Partial Partial' No No No Collects user fees No Yes No No No No Receives revenue share No Yes No No No No Receives donations No Yes No No Partialk No Borrows from financial Yes Yes No No No No institutions Borrows from external Yes No No No No No sources Allocates resources to Yes Partial' No No No No sectors, schemes, and programs Approves expenditure No Yes Partial"' No No No Inspects, audits, and Partial Yes Partial? No No No approves accounts Supervises procurement No PartialP Yes No No No Generates revenues from No Yes No No Yes" Yes' the WPA Shekhar Singh 33 a. Although WPA managers are rarely members of policy-formulating bodies, their opinions often are solicited. b. NGos and nongovernment individuals are members of the state wildlife advisory boards and the Indian Board of Wildlife, which are essentially advisory bodies for policy formulation. c. Can only recommend to the state government, which makes the final decision. d. Can record their rights over the area sought to be made into a wPA and thereby have that area deleted, or have their rights accepted, or receive compensation for their rights. e. Develops and recommends a management plan that receives final approval from the state government. f. Only in wPAS where ecodevelopment projects have been established. g. Only in WPAs with ecodevelopment. h. For certain matters, like the killing or moving of Schedule I species, the powers are with the central government. i. Most permissions and licenses can be given only by the state government. j. Some powers are usually delegated to wPA authorities, especially the power to grant entry permits and to allow overnight stays. k. Some NGOS operate around WPAs and collect donations to support their work. However, they cannot accept donations on behalf of the WPA. 1. Actual sectoral allocations are based on proposals by the state governments and by the Central Planning Commission. However, the state governments can reappropriate some proportion of these funds. m. Some powers are delegated to WPA authorities whereby they can approve an expenditure that is already budgeted. n. For expenditure sanctioned directly by the central government under centrally sponsored schemes, the final scrutiny of accounts is performed by the central government. o. It is the responsibility of the wPA authorities to supervise expenditure within the WPA. p. For certain items, like vehicles, the procurement is sometimes centralized at the state government level. This is also the case where an item must be supplied in bulk to many or all of the wPAs. q. In some WPAS, NGos produce literature and provide other services that generate revenue for their work. However, this revenue cannot be credited to the wPA account. r. Many private entrepreneurs and corporations set up hotels and run other tourist facilities in and around wPAs and thereby earn revenue from the wpA. Rural Development exist to regulate the size of individual holdings, and those that exceed a stipulated size must be redistributed Rural development programs were formally launched to the landless. Also, ownership of agricultural land is in India in 1952 through the Community Development legally transferred to the person who tills it for a suffi- Programme, which continues in modified form today. cient time to prevent absentee landlordism. These laws, From the start it stressed decentralization, community however, have been difficulttoimplement. participation, and sectoral integration. The program is Rural development is both centralized and decen- implemented through village-level workers and fo- tralized in that certain schemes are funded by the state cuses heavily on three village-level institutions: government and others by the central government. panchayats (village or local self-governments), coop- Each state has a Department of Rural Development eratives, and rural primary schools. with representatives down to the village and The program sought to integrate all rural devel- panchayat level. The financial resources available to opment activity, especially agriculture (including the department are spent through a variety of schemes fisheries, dairying, and horticulture), employment that are implemented by government institutions, generation (including artisanal and self-employment NGOS, and community institutions such as panchayats, schemes), and rural industrialization and small mahila mandals (women's committees), and others. infrastructural development (including minor and Another strategy for rural development is through so- medium irrigation projects, rural roads, and small called centrally sponsored schemes, which are sup- systems for energy production and transmission). ported from the central budget but implemented by Despite this diversity, much of the focus was at state government institutions. There are also central first on agriculture, and this was later identified as government sector schemes, which are paid for by the a weakness in the program. central government and implemented either by central Agricultural land is privately owned in India. Laws government institutions or by NGOr. 34 India By law, all minerals belong to the state, except in for example, no human use is permitted, whereas in Goa, where privately owned mines are permitted un- forest and coastal areas, various activities are allowed der a special agreement. under government permit. In the second strategy, certain activities are regu- Conflict and Resolution lated in that they require prior environmental clear- ance from the appropriate government authority, For The main activities that result in conflict between example, all industries require prior clearance from what broadly is called development and habitat con- the state pollution control boards. In addition, certain servation are essentially three: industries that are considered particularly hazardous to the environment require a more comprehensive * Commercial activities, in which private or govern- environmental clearance from the central govern- ment corporations or individual entrepreneurs seek ment. All large dams and mining leases require envi- to use natural resources or wilderness areas ronmental clearance from the central government, as unsustainably to meet commercial demand. Com- do harbors and jetties, thermal power stations, nuclear mon examples include forest-based industry, the facilities, and tourist facilities in the mountains. mining sector, and the tourism trade. Furthermore, the EPA Of 1986 empowers both cen- * Infrastructural activities, in which the government tral and state government "to take all such measures or other concerned agencies jeopardize or injure that it deems necessary or expedient for the purpose of natural habitats while undertaking infrastructural protecting and improving the quality of the environ- projects and related activities. In this category are ment and preventing, controlling, and abating envi- construction of dams, roads, townships, transmis- ronmental poIlution"(section 3[l]). This act, and sion lines, schools, and hospitals. others intended specifically to prevent and control air * Subsistence activities, in which communities are and water pollution and to conserve wildlife, give forced to exploit a shrinking natural resource to feed legal standing to the common person and thereby an increasing population, usually because no better empower any individual to demand legal compliance alternatives exist. The situation is aggravated by the after giving sixty days notice to the government. absence of a sense of ownership of the resource. Examples include livestock grazing and the collec- Providing Economic Incentives tion of fuelwood, building materials, medicinal and edible plants, and other nontimber forest products. In recent years, the government has attempted to pro- vide economic incentives, both positive and nega- The method in India so far has been essentially tive, for environmental conservation. Positive regulatory. Only recently have some efforts been incentives to commercial groups include ecolabeling made to use economic instruments to minimize poten- of products that are environmentally friendly tial conflicts. Resolving conflict by means of proper throughout their life cycle, from before manufacture and integrated planning is still to be tried and tested to after disposal. Tax rebates and soft loans also are systematically in India. provided with which to install pollution control equipment and other environmentally friendly de- The Regulatory Strategy vices and machinery. Variable pricing and environ- mental audit of companies encourage the Two regulatory strategies prevail in India-affording conservation of water, energy, and other natural re- special legal status to certain areas and regulating sources. Negative incentives include a requirement certain activities. In the first, designated areas are to finance and perform compensatory afforestation in given special legal status so that commercial, lieu of diverted forest land; heavy fines for violation infrastructural, and subsistence activities are prohib- of environmental standards, especially under the EPA ited or regulated. Covered by one law or another are and legal provision and precedent to support high designated forest areas (approximately 25 percent of compensation rates for environmental damage. the country), WPAs (about 4 percent of the country, To counter environmental damage resulting from overlapping significantly with the forests), and coastal subsistence demands, the government has launched regions (200-500 meters from the high-tide line). The two programs that employ positive economic incen- Doon Valley and the Aravalli Hills have also been tives: JFm and ecodevelopment. Under JFM, communi- accorded such special protection. In national parks, ties in and around forest areas are empowered to Shekhar Singh 35 receive most or all of the nontimber forest produce ized level. Both JFm and ecodevelopment are decen- and earnings from timber sales. In return, they protect tralized strategies in both senses of the term: an in- and help regenerate the forest. In ecodevelopment, creasing level of control is transferred from the communities around WPAs are provided the financial government to the community, and government in- and legal means for developing income and biomass volvement itself is at a decentralized level. Similarly, alternatives to their dependence on the protected ar- it increasingly appears that decentralized planning, eas, from which such needs cannot legally be met. starting from the village level, is the most effective Both schemes are described in the case studies at the way to build a national plan, although this has not end of the chapter. happened so far. t1owever, for regulation of commercial and Integrated Planning infrastructural pressure, the Indian experience sug- gests that the power of centralized government might Use of integrated planning to prevent or minimize be preferable to decentralization at the state level or conflicts between development and habitat conserva- below. State governments have been far more inclined tion requires at least three things: than the central government to ignore environmental imperatives. The ability of state forest and environ- * Integration of environmental concerns in all ment departments to withstand pressure from power- sectoral plans ful development departments, such as those for energy * Development and implementation of a conserva- or irrigation, is almost nonexistent. Even with central- tion-oriented land-use plan ized regulation, however, the regulatory process * A strict budgeting of natural resources. would benefit from greater involvement by concerned and affected members of the public. Planning in India continues to be mainly a central- ized activity. The National Planning Commission pre- Conclusions pares annual plans and five-year plans, which are essentially sectoral, for both central and state govern- The question of decentralization has troubled Indian ments. The planning process is supposed to be inte- planners since independence was achieved half a cen- grated, with scrutiny prior to finalization by the tury ago. The Community Development Programme National Planning Commission, the cabinet, and the was designed and implemented with a strong compo- National Development Council. In practice, however, nent of decentralized control and execution. The little sectoral integration occurs, and environmental panchayati raj, or local self-government, was seen as concerns are rarely reflected in the proposals of other an important instrument for decentralized community sectors. As a result, government ministries and depart- action. Despite this, however, significant problems ments pursue their respective sectoral objectives, and were experienced in implementing the community de- conservation imperatives are mostly forgotten. Al- velopment programs. Although many attempts were though for many years the government has had a made to rectify these problems, time has proved them National Land-Use Board, no comprehensive land- difficult to solve. use plan exists. Therefore, pressure on land continues In a society as stratified as India's, it can be hard to to grow, and land-use decisions continue to be made ensure that decentralized institutions are not taken in an ad hoc manner. over by traditionally powerful local groups. These The Indian government, in its National Conserva- groups may then perpetuate the oppression and strati- tion Strategy and Policy Statement on Environment fication that have been the main causes of rural in- and Development of 1992, states, "The Government equality and underdevelopment. Laws intended to will prepare, each year, a national resources budget improve the representation of women and weaker seg- which will reflect the state and availability of re- ments of society, and thus increase their influence on sources such as land, forests, water, etc. and which local decisionmaking bodies, have not always solved will rationally allocate these resources in keeping with the problem. Such representatives often remain inef- the principles of conservation and sustainable devel- fective or become co-opted into the power structure, opment" (paragraph 8.2.3). Despite this, no natural accepting personal advantage and abandoning the in- resources budget exists. trests of their constituents. Resolution of conflict that arises from subsistence This is not always the case, however, and in some needs clearly has worked better at the local, decentral- areas traditional power structures have been 36 India marginalized. This usually happens where significant legally owned by tribes, are discouraging. They have redistribution of land and other economic resources had the highest rates of forest loss in the country has occurred, or where mass education has taken over the past few years. root. But in many other areas, the traditional power Painstaking analysis of past experience leads to the structure still dominates, and these areas have the conclusion that the ideal formula for conservation greatest need for genuine decentralized, people- action is to establish joint control and management, based institutions. with the government and the local people as partners. Even where traditional power structures have been This way, neither party can do anything significant broken, the problem of historical bias and ignorance without the other's concurrence. A sense of ownership remains. The biases of gender and age, plus a reluc- and stakeholding is established within the community tance to examine new ideas and ways of understand- by legally ensuring their access to the economic hen- ing, constitute another impediment to effective local efit of conservation (as in JFM) or by development of decisionmaking. For example, decisions continue to alternatives (as in ecodevelopment). By making such be made by the village elders, but it is mostly the inputs conditional on the community protecting the younger generation that has had access to education. resource, further incentive is given for sustained con- Although the wisdom of the elders is critical for a servation. society's well-being, it is equally important to inte- grate within this wisdom the knowledge and percep- Case Studies in India tions of the new generation. Traditional societies in India rarely provide for this, creating a difficult soil in Joint forest management and ecodevelopment are two which to sow the seeds of change. strategies that employ positive economic incentives to Rural development programs were designed to be communities to improve their involvement in manag- decentralized right from the start, but the management ing the environment. Following a brief look at these of forests, WPAS, and vulnerable ecosystems continues principles, we shall consider three case studies of to be centralized. Only recently have efforts been successful attempts at decentralizing biodiversity con- made to transfer control over natural habitats from servation in India: participatory resource management government to communities, and this has worked well and ecodevelopment (the Harda case), the Ranth- in the joint management of forests. ambhore Ecodevelopment Project, and JFM in West In some cases, however, abject poverty among ru- Bengal.' ral communities has made it impossible for them to restrict their use of natural resources to a sustainable Joint Forest Management and Ecodevelopment level, and this has forced them to destroy the resource base on which they depend. Also, where investment Joint forest management involves setting up means by choices must be made by communities, forest and which specific forest areas are jointly protected and environmental management have tended to receive managed by the community and the forest depart- very low priority. For example, during the Seventh ment. In essence, the government writes a memoran- Plan (1985-90), 5 to 10 percent of rural development dum of understanding with the community, through funds were earmarked for forestry, but in the Eighth forest protection committees established in villages Plan, no money was earmarked for forestry, and for the purpose. Such committees organize them- spending decisions were left to the communities. The selves to protect the forest areas from their own mem- result was that almost no money was spent on forestry. bers and from outsiders. In return, they have a right to In many cases, rural communities have been claim a portion of forest produce. In Arabari in West alienated from their natural surroundings for genera- Bengal, JFm began almost spontaneously in 1972. As- tions and have lost all sense of ownership toward sessments show that jointly managed forests have re- them. Community skills in the sustainable manage- generated better, have cost a fraction to protect, and ment of natural resources, if they were ever present, have better benefited communities than forests man- have also been lost after generations of government aged solely by the forest department. control over these resources. In the few communities The ecodevelopment strategy recognizes the need where these skills remain, people are not always to develop alternate livelihoods and biomass sources equal to the task of conserving a resource that faces for communities that traditionally depend on WPAS. new and greater pressures. Reports from the tribal Ecodevelopment is based on the belief that a W states of northeastern India, where most forests are cannot be conserved unless local people have realistic Shekhar Singh 37 lifestyle options, benefit from the financial and eco- forests, mainly tropical dry deciduous teak forests of nomic gains of the WPA, and are involved in its man- the Handian Range, have a long history of degradation agement. Ecodevelopment is therefore a strategy for from organized but illicit logging. The division's re- protecting ecologically valuable areas from unsustain- served forests, although seemingly well stocked, are able or otherwise unacceptable pressures resulting not regenerating adequately, perhaps as a result of from the needs and activities of people living in and excessive livestock grazing and recurrent fires. Bam- around them. It seeks to do this by at least three boo (Dendrocalamus strictus) also has suffered from means: grazing and fire, especially after gregarious flower- ing. Villages are dotted all over the reserve and pro- * Identifying and developing sustainable alternatives tected forests in the region. to the biomass and income that are being obtained An experimental scheme for participatory resource from protected areas, where this occurs in a manner management and ecodevelopment started at Harda in and to an extent considered unacceptable October 1990. The program now covers nearly 80 * Involving the people living in and around such a percent of the total forest area, both interior and fringe protected area in planning and managing it, thereby areas. It involves 190 villages, each with a village not only channeling some of the financial benefit of committee organized especially for the program. conservation to them but also giving them a sense Village microplans for ecodevetopment are pre- of ownership toward the WPA pared jointly by villagers and the forest staff. Such * Raising awareness in the community of the value plans are intended to protect, regenerate, and stock and conservation needs of the protected area and of adjoining forests and to meet the genuine needs of the patterns of economic growth and development that community. At the same time, the plans seek to divert are locally appropriate and environmentally sus- unsustainable pressures from the forests through on- tainable. farm and off-farm improvements. These include pro- tecting, regenerating, and managing forest areas, Ecodevelopment initiatives vary from area to improving watershed management, building water- area, and even from village to village, but three ba- harvesting structures, establishing additional income- sic principles are common to all: site-specific and generating activity, developing village infrastructure microlevel planning, sectoral integration, and (on a limited scale), implementing energy conserva- people's participation. Ecodevelopment is more tion measures, and developing alternate energy than just rural development, for it is not solely di- sources. rected toward economic development of the rural Funds for the implementation of microplans are population but simultaneously seeks to protect an mobilized in two ways, through tapping forest depart- ecologically valuable area by eliciting the support ment funds under plan or nonplan schemes and by of communities and by helping to develop viable channeling funds from different district-level devel- biomass and income alternatives. opment agencies through effective interdepartmental Also, ecodevelopment is not policing, in the sense coordination. The forest department is the coordina- that it does not seek to protect an area solely or pri- tor, networking among the various departments and marily through the enforcement of laws intended to ex- agencies. clude local people. Rather, ecodevelopment involves To achieve financial decentralization, the village local people in the process of protecting the park from committees have built up a village common fund- destructive activity. For any ecodevelopment plan to initially, from voluntary donations of wages, from succeed, it mustbe backed by an appropriate manage- money paid by the forest department for protection ment plan for the protected area. work done by the villagers, from social fines, from charges levied by the committee on the use of commu- Participatory Resource Management nity assets (for example, water from step dams and and Ecodevelopment: The Harda Case lift-irrigation facilities), and from bank interest. Fund monies are used by the village committee to extend In the state of Madhya Pradesh, about 160 kilometers credit to members, to develop additional community southwest of its capital city of Bhopal, is Harda, head- assets, and to protect adjoining forest reserves. quarters of a forest division in Hoshangabad District. One hundred participating village committees were The total reserve and protected forest area is 1,417 able to collect Rs1.7 million in their common pool square kilometers, divided into six forest ranges. The over three years. The idea is gradually to build the 38 India village committees so they can handle the full budget small timber has been recognized by the forest depart- for microplan implementation. A core activity has ment, and they have been assured access to these been to change the perceptions and working patterns resources at sustainable levels from the forest area that of forest staff to help them work more closely with the they protect under the JFm agreement. Second, the villagers. Forest staff and villagers also were trained ecodevelopment program has helped to increase the to develop their microplanning capacity and to help villagers' on-farm and off-farm income and has them establish various income-generating activities. thereby reduced the unsustainable pressures on the Encouraging results have been achieved over the adjoining forests. The long-term sustainability of such past three years through the ecodevelopment and JFM programs depends on gradual financial and adminis- programs in Harda division: trative decentralization to village organizations, with the transition being helped by improving simulta- 1. The 190 village forest committees, one in each vil- neously the capabilities of villages and forest depart- lage, were able successfully to combat recurrent for- ment personnel. est fires. Only 2 percent of the area has been af- fected by fires since the program began, compared The Ranthombliore Ecodevelopmnt Project with 23 percent in 1990. 2. Through the program, grazing has been regulated Located in Sawai Madhopur District in the state of over 85 percent of the forest area. This has volun- Rajasthan, Ranthambhore Tiger Reserve offers an en- tarily closed 47,500 hectares of forest area to graz- chanting sense of history and an overwhelming stark- ing. In accordance with the village committee graz- ness of rare and beautiful natural forests. Overlooking ing management plan, grazing has been restricted its dry tropical forests is the Ranthambhore Fort, said to below carrying capacity in the remaining forest to have been built in A.D. 994. The area of the tiger area. This has resulted in good growth of grass in reserve is 1,335 square kilometers, with the core of the areas where none grew formerly. reserve being Ranthambhore National Park (393 3. The growth of grass has been so profuse that in 1993 square kilometers, including a buffer zone of 118 two of the village committees earned more than square kilometers). The River Banas divides the re- Rs100,000 from the sale of grass. serve, forming an important natural corridor. 4. Bamboo has again begun to flower and regenerate Ranthambhore was one of the first nine tiger re- on approximately 3,000 hectares. Bamboo was on serves created under Project Tiger, and it was consti- the verge of extinction here, mainly because of fires tuted in 1973. At that time, it was decided to relocate and uncontrolled grazing. sixteen villages from the newly designated core area 5. A good number of village forest committees in the to outside the boundary of the park. Twelve of these peripheral villages have successfully addressed the villages were moved during 1976-79, and two new problem of illegal firewood extraction from the for- settlements were created to accommodate the inhabit- ests. Village forest committees in Khatmakheda, ants, one in Kailashpuri with a group of nine villages, Padarmati, and Amsagar villages, for example, suc- and another in Gopalpura, with three villages-Nakdi, cessfully combated illicit fuelwood sale by improv- Lahpur, and Ranthambhore. Including these resettled ing the production from agricultural fields, through villages, eighty-four villages with an estimated popu- assured irrigation, and by developing additional op- lation of 85,000 exist within the periphery of the park. tions for income generation by poor villagers. These villages are distributed in two tehsils (district sub-divisions), Sawai Madhopur and Khandhar. An In another part of the Handia Range, where illicit additional 80,000 people live in the peripheral towns logging by organized gangs had been a serious prob- of Sawai Madhopur and Khandhar. An estimated lem for many years, forest protection committees have 100,000 livestock units depend on park resources. been able to relieve the threat. Recorded offenses for Although Ranthambhore is a valuable wildlife Handia were reduced from sixty-four in 1991 to six- habitat with a significant tiger population, over the teen in 1993. Not only did the quality of forests im- years much of the buffer and even parts of the core prove, but the income of local people increased as a have become degraded because of human pressures, result of the ecodevelopment program. especially grazing. Recognizing the need to involve Local people's stake and interest in the recovery of the community in protecting the Ranthambhore Tiger Harda forests can be attributed to two main factors. Reserve, and in an effort to encourage local participa- First, their need for fuelwood, fodder, bamboo, and tion and adapt conservation to local needs, in 1991 the Shekhar Singh 39 World Wide Fund for Nature-India (wwF) launched an The land became available in 1993, and a remark- ecodevelopment project here. This project, supported able degree of regeneration was evident within two by the British government through wwF International, years. The lush vegetation in this plot contrasts intends: sharply with the sparse and degraded vegetation in surrounding areas. The success of this fuel and fodder * To work with local people to evolve alternatives to plantation has motivated other villages to establish their dependence on the resources of the park similar plantations, and the forest department has * To revive the social and cultural links that the com- agreed to make more degraded forest land available to munities have with the Ranthambhore forests support this project. * To regenerate the buffer with the involvement of Shortageofwaterisanotherseriousprobleminthe the local people, to ensure that the process is par- area. At the request of villagers, the projecttook upa ticipatory watershed development program around the village * To forge a link between the local people and the clusters,amovethathasprovedbothpopularanduse- forest department ful. The project also has assisted in upgrading the local * To conduct appropriate research. breed of cattle, in providing veterinary services, and in helping to develop a marketing network for milk prod- In essence, the project seeks to develop and field- ucts.Allofthishasincreasedlocalincomeandreduced test a model of ecodevelopment that can be expanded pressure on the park. The project now has a working and replicated. The project started with efforts to build model of decentralized, participatory ecodevelopment, trust in the community and to strengthen community and with a large Global Environment Facility (GEF) institutions. It focused on Gopalpura, a cluster of three projectproposed forRanthambhore, this model will be resettled villages. A small team of wwF workers set up expanded and replicated. headquarters near this village. As a first step, the wwF staff helped the villagers Joint Forest Management in West Bengal obtain legal title to land allotments. This gave villagers the sense of security that is so essential for any long- JFN is a new strategy under which state forest depart- term conservation action, and the action won the trust ments and communities jointly manage forest lands and cooperation of the villagers. At the same time, and share responsibilities and usufruct. In India, this village development committees were organized and method is being tried by about half of the states, with began meeting monthly to decide how the project encouraging results. The pioneering state is West should proceed and the order in which issues should be Bengal, situated in eastern India. The origin of jFM addressed. was through a small experiment started in the early The second phase of the prcject focused on grazing. 1970s by a forest officer, who involved forest fringe Large quantities of sorghum Sudan grass seed were communities in the management of sal (Shorea ro- distributed. This grass soon became very popular, and busta) forests that had been reduced to bushy condi- many farmers began growing it on their own lands and tion by overexploitation. on common lands and wastelands outside the park. Community involvement in protection and man- The forest department was persuaded to allot 25 hect- agement brought a remarkable rejuvenation of the sal ares of degraded forest land to the village for growing forests. Encouraged by the success of this experiment, fuel and fodder. The villagers formed a forest protec- the government expanded the program statewide, and tion committee to promote protection and regeneration at present nearly 4,000 square kilometers of degraded of this forest. They also developed their own rules and forest land are being managed by nearly 2,500 forest regulations: protection committees (FPCS) constituted by the fringe dwelling communities. The program has spread to * No free grazing would be allowed. fourteen other states. * Every family in the village would contribute labor A number of legal, institutional, and sociopolitical to work the land. factors have played a role in the spread of the pro- * Families that failed to perform their share of work gram, including progressive land reform measures, would be liable for a penalty fixed by the village social forestry programs, and usufruct sharing with committee. the people. These laid the foundation for the success- * Benefits from the land would be distributed equita- fUl JFM program. As JFM got under way, it was realized bly in the community, in accordance with norms that nontimber forest products (NTFPS) play a crucial laid down by the villagers, role in sustaining the interest of the local people in 40 India JFM. These are more important to people than timber forests is clearly visible if one just visits these areas. benefits, with household income from NTFPs being One can easily see the regenerating forest patches nearly seven times that generated from the final har- from a distance and discern where people are protect- vest of sal forests. However, income from NTFPS can ing forest and where they are not. be further increased through certain interventions. The Forest Survey of India's annual report for 1993 The benefit in employment generation also has been draws attention to changes in southern West Bengal substantial. During the experimental project phase, since its previous report in 1991 and states that 41 220,000 person-days of employment were generated square kilometers of degraded scrub forest (0-9 per- by the forest department. cent canopy cover) have been upgraded into the open A number of studies have disclosed an increase in forest category (10-40 percent canopy cover). the biodiversity of these regenerating forests. In a Another interesting impact of forest regeneration in survey of twelve FPCS, 255 species were observed in southern West Bengal is the return of elephants to the area (regenerating forests, plantations, and settle- these tracts. Until about 1987, hardly any resident ment areas), and 84 percent of these were found in elephant population existed here, although a few soli- regenerating sal forests. The new JFM strategy required tary animals remained in the Ajodhya Hills, the an attitude shift, both of forest departments and the Bundwan Range of Purulia District, and the people, to build effective partnerships. At the institu- Banaspahari area of Midnapore District. The herd of tional level, a number of FPCs have evolved their own wild elephants from the Dalma Wildlife Sanctuary in mechanisms and rules for controlling access to their Bihar used to visit these areas between October and forests and managing them. December, but their movement was restricted to the An important reason often cited for forest degrada- west of River Kangsabati. A large herd of about fifty tion is population increase. In West Bengal, despite entered East Midnapore division in 1987 and stayed continued population growth in the last two decades, primarily in the Arabari Range until March 1988. involvement of people in the management of their During 1988 to 1990 this tract was frequently visited forests has resulted in dramatic regeneration of sal by the elephants. Attempts to drive them away were forests. People not only are enjoying a greater flow of not very successful. This pattern of visits has now forest products, but also have gained greater access to become an annual feature. and control over their forest resources. Although the JFM program of West Bengal is now The program was initiated as an experimentin 1972 more than two decades old, its greatest expansion on an areaof 1,272 hectares and involved 618 house- occurred in the middle and later 1980s. The program holds. By 1991, however, it had spread to about 2,360 yielded results early, and these have become much square kilometers and involved 188,037 households in more apparent now. Regeneration of degraded forests 1,804 FPCS. By 1994, the area underjoint management has had a large impact in West Bengal. Quantitative further increasedto 3,910 square kilometers, involving indicators are changes in forest species numbers and 2,423 FPCS. Since its inception, the JFM program has density, the quantity of forest products accruing from gradually developed into a movement. Its significant the forests, and the total area brought under JFM. Quali- achievement has been in qualitative terms, especially tative indicators are the attitude changes among in the positive shift in relationship between the forest people and forest department personnel and improve- departments and local people, in improved quality of ments to the lifestyle of the villagers. life, and in rejuvenation of forest ecosystems. Recent analysis of Landsat images has shown that Note in the past six years, closed forest cover in Midnapore District alone has increased from 11 percent to nearly 1. The Harda case study is by B. M S. Rathore, Wildlife 20 percent of total land area. These regenerating for- Institute of India, Dehra Dun. The source for the ests now provide many medicinal, fiber, fodder, fuel, Ranthambhore Ecodevelopment Project is WWF-India, "In the and food products for participating rural communities. Shadow of Ranthambhore: WWF-India's Ecodevelopment The effect of the JFM program can be seen in the Project," November 1994. The source for joint forest vegetation dynamics of regenerating sal forests, in management in West Bengal is wwF-India and Society for changing livelihood patterns among fringe communi- Promotion of Wastelands Development, "Case Study on ties, and in evolution of attitudes and working style of Participatory Forest Management in West Bengal," March the forest department. The effect of the JFM strategy on 1995. k-CRTh P*C.c MYANMAR- INDONESIA < -a Phi!ippifif PROTECTED AREAS PROTECTED AREAS 0 ý 200 400 600 800 KILOMETERS (IUCN CATEGORIES I-V) 4A NATIONAL CAPITAL This map was produced by the Map Design Unit of The World Bank The boundaries, colors, denominations and anyother informaton shown --- - INTERNATIONAL BOUNDARIES on this map do not imply, on the port of The World Bank Group, ony udgmein on the legalstatus of any territory, or any endorsement or -A z acceptance of such boundaries INDIAN * M D 0 N E l A. OCEAN A'oS Amnor Sea AUJSTRAUA . THAILAND PHILIPPINES - PACIFIC 3RUNEI M A L. A Y S l A ¯0- O CEA N The boundaries, colors,denominations and anyother information shown "1j" C on this mop do not imply, on the port of The World Bank Group, any 0 C: judgment on the legal status of any territory,0r any endorsement or acceptance of such boundaries. 80' 82' 84' 86' 88' rk I I 10 7 Nepal Uday R. Sharma and Michael R Wells Nepal contains some of the most spectacular natural * Reconciling the needs and aspirations of local areas in the world in a remarkable physical setting. people with protected-area management The altitude increases dramatically from less than 100 - Reconciling the economic opportunities offered by meters above sea level in the subtropical Tarai in the protected-area tourism with its ecological threats. southern part of the country to the highest point on Earth's surface (8,848 meters) at the southern edge of Nepal's Department of National Parks and Wildlife the Tibetan Plateau, all within a horizontal distance of Conservation (DNPWC) within the Ministry of Forests about 200 kilometers. The country's wide variety of and Soil Conservation is responsible for protected- habitats within a relatively small area has produced an area management (with two exceptions, discussed be- outstanding diversity of wildlife and plants. These low). But the DNpwc has so far lacked the capability include many endangered mammals and reptiles, over and financial resources to respond effectively to these 850 bird species, some 640 species of butterflies, and challenges. over 6,500 species of flowering plants. Significant local imbalance between economic cost Nepal is an extremely poor country with limited and benefits has led to conflicts of interest between resources and modest institutional capability. Despite protected areas and their neighboring communities in these constraints, a significant proportion of the many countries (Wells 1992). Nepal has gone further country's striking landscape, culture, and biological than most to address these imbalances by launching a diversity is legally sheltered within a protected-area variety of projects and programs to test different par- system that covers nearly 14 percent of the land area ticipatory strategies. The future of biodiversity con- (see country map and table 7-1). In addition to their servation in Nepal depends largely on how effectively biological importance, several parks also contain reli- these initiatives can continue to be implemented and, gious and cultural sites of great significance. Royal critically, how effectively their lessons can be applied Chitwan National Park and Sagarmatha (Mount on a broader front. Everest) National Park both have been recognized as The modern history of conservation in Nepal has World Heritage sites. unfolded against a background of dramatic political Nepal's protected areas increasingly have attracted change, particularly during the past five years. This foreign visitors, helping to establish tourism as the chapter attempts to identify the landmarks and signifi- country's largest and most reliable source of foreign- cant trends in biodiversity conservation at national exchange earnings (Wells 1993). The parks also pro- and local levels in Nepal and to relate these to larger- vide some natural resources for local use, including scale political shifts that had the effect of first central- timber, fuelwood, fodder, and thatching. izing and then decentralizing decisionmaking. Despite the undoubted ecological and economic importance of the protected areas, there is growing A Brief Conservation History of Nepal evidence that two closely related problems have be- come particularly urgent (HMGN and 1UCN 1988; MFSc Key features of Nepal's conservation history can be 1988; ERL 1989). The two problems are: traced to a period when the entire southern semitropi- 65 66 Nepal Table 7-1. Name, Size, and Date Established of Protected Areas in Nepal Name Size (square kilometers) Date established Annapurna CA 8,400 1988 Dhorpatan HR 1,325 1984 Khaptad NP 225 1985 Koshi Tappu WR 175 1976 Langtang NP 1,710 1976 Makalu-Barun CA and NP 2,330 1992 Parsa WR 500 1984 Rara NP 106 1976 Royal Bardin NP 968 1976 Royal Chirwan NP 932 1973 Royal Shuklalmasta 155 1976 Sagarmatha NP (Mt. Everest) 1,148 1975 Shey Phoksundo NP 3,555 1984 Shivapuri WR 114 1985 Total area 16,643 Note: The abbreviations used are Wildlife reserve, WR; national park, NP; hunting reserve, HR; and conservation area, CA. cal Tarai lowlands were forested. Local groups lived Royal Chitwan National Park is the former Chitwan in communities near the rivers, hunted in the forests, "rhino sanctuary." Similarly, formerroyal hunting for- fished in the lakes, and practiced subsistence farming. ests now comprise the Royal Bardia National Park and The infrequent visitors to this malaria-infested region Royal Suklaphanta Wildlife Reserve. were limited to occasional traders bringing supplies Increasing human population in the Tarai and the from India and to parties of rulers and their guests growing pressure from livestock grazing soon began hunting prize game species such as tigers and rhinos seriously to affect the lowland forests, including the (Smythies 1942; Gurung 1980). rhino sanctuary. A "rhino patrol," a special unit of This pattern was broken by the collapse of the armed forest guards, was established in Chitwan Val- autocratic Rana regime (1846-195 1), and the ensuing ley as early as 1959. (This protection work now is political turmoil led to serious loss of wildlife and performed by units of the Royal Nepalese Army.) As habitat in the Tarai. Encouraged by the gradual eradi- in many other countries, early protection efforts (be- cation of malaria from lowland areas during the fore 1970) were intended to protect prize animals and 1950s, land-hungry migrants arrived from Nepal's hill valuable timber trees rather than wildlife habitats or areas (the intermediate zone between the Tarai in the complete ecosystems. south and the Himalayas in the north). Driven by The National Parks and Wildlife Conservation Act economic hardship and the prospect of abundant terri- (HMGN 1973) was passed in 1973, early in the reign of H. tory in the lowlands, these people cleared most of the M. the King Birendra. This landmark legislation estab- fertile lands for settlement and farming. Forests were lished the legal framework for Nepal's protected-area cut indiscriminately and further damaged by exten- system as it exists today, consisting of eight national sive cattle grazing. parks, four wildlife reserves, two conservation areas, In 1961, the late King Mahendra dissolved the eigh- and one hunting reserve. All buttwo are managed by the teen-month-old democratically elected government DNPWC. The Annapurna Conservation Area is managed and imposed the "partyless Panchayat system" of gov- by a national nongovernmental organization (NGO), the ernment. Power thus became concentrated in the hands King Mahendra Trust for Nature Conservation (KMTNC). of the king and the royal families, a situation that per- Shivapuri Watershed and Wildlife Reserve is managed sisted until 1990. This centralized government proved by a development committee board under the Ministry to be particularly favorable to wildlife conservation. of Forests and Soil Conservation. The royal family's traditional dedication to hunting led Several policies adopted during the Panchayat era them to take a keen personal interest in the new era of (1961-90) have set a high standard for conservation in wildlife conservation in Nepal. For example, today's Nepal, by: Uday R. Sharma and Michael P. Wells 67 * Creating a network of national parks and reserves the resorts have virtually unlimited access to them. The in all of the country's important ecological regions considerable revenue generated by these operations * Establishing the DNPWC provides few local benefits, and tourism can be linked * Presenting a positive international image, with con- to growing and obvious environmental damage. It is siderable success in attracting financial support for now clear that such facilities should have been sited nature conservation, initially from international outside parkboundaries, as is done in mostothercoun- NGos and then from bilateral and multilateral devel- tries, and that use of parks by tourists should have been opment organizations regulated much more strictly. * Establishing a prominent and influential national In the late 1980s, government policy toward con- nongovernmental organization for nature conser- servation in general and the protected-area system in vation, the KMTNC particular was outlined in the National Conservation * Developing a core of well-trained and experienced Strategy (HMGN and IUCN 1988). The strategy (a) high- park managers, several with higher-education lighted the need to draft park and reserve management qualifications from abroad plans through consultation, both with local communi- * Launching a more people-oriented strategy for pro- ties and with concerned government agencies; (b) tected-area management through the concept of stressed the need to designate protected-area zones for multiple use and participatory conservation areas, different kinds of use; and (c) emphasized the impor- as well as growing interest in community forestry. tance of regulating tourism. The strategy, however, gave no direction on how to achieve these goals. Other policies introduced during the Panchayat pe- The revolution of 1990-91 restored a democratic riod were controversial, however, and created a system in Nepal. Subsequent governments all have legacy of problems. Two are of particular concern. emphasized the need to maintain Nepal's wildlife First, in 1975 the government replaced the existing conservation programs. In 1993, the Nepal Environ- forest guards with regular units of the Royal Nepalese mental Policy and Action Plan was adopted by the Army; subsequently the army gradually assumed re- Environmental Protection Council. This plan reiter- sponsibility for law enforcement in virtually all parks ated the severe constraints facing the protected-area and reserves except for the new conservation areas). network, highlighted the need to involve local people These army battalions, however, are assigned to the in park management, and called for revenue-sharing parks for only two or three years, they receive no mechanisms to benefit people whose livelihoods are training in wildlife conservation, and they are not adversely affected by parks. accountable to park management. Two policy decisions made during the post-1991 The army's perspective on conservation is not democratic era have considerably strengthened the always compatible with that of the park manag- institutional framework for wildlife conservation. ers, often resulting in a lack of coordination be- First, environmental impact assessments (EfAS) are tween battalion commanders and the park now required before any development project can be- managers (Upreti 1989). Sharma (1986) has ar- gin in a protected area or national forest, including the gued that the presence of armed guards should be granting of new concessions for resorts inside parks or limited to small groups of mobile units and that reserves. The EIA guidelines are based on a cabinet- the parks' peripheral areas, where soldiers come level decision published in the Nepal Gazette. Al- into daily contact with local people, should be though this is an important step forward, these free of firearms. Such areas should be guarded by guidelines are reversible and ideally should have been trained civil guards equipped only with batons legislated to make them strong and permanent. (and possibly spears for protection against wild Second, in 1993, the Fourth Amendment to the animals), with armed forces available as backup 1973 National Parks and Wildlife Conservation Act in an emergency. established a legal foundation for buffer zones to be The second concern is that an unfortunate precedent created adjoining protected areas and for revenue- was set by granting concessions to private sector tourist sharing schemes to be launched. This legislation em- resorts within protected areas, such as the seven in powered the government to declare areas surrounding Royal Chitwan National Park (see the case studies at any national park or reserve a buffer zone and local the end of the chapter). These resorts force park manag- user group committees to use 30 to 50 percent of park ers to apply a double standard because local people are revenues for managing community forests, income- not allowed to use park resources, whereas visitors at generating activities, community development work, 68 Nepal and so on (details are given below). The legal aspects should be added, however, that the KMTNC'S overall of many of these changes are explored in depth by management structure is perhaps overloaded and that Keiter (forthcoming). the organization is stretched close to its absorptive The wholly centralized, top-down nature of wild- capacity (Brandon and Wells 1992). life conservation during the past three decades has The trust is generally much better equipped and essentially ended in Nepal. In the country's new po- financed than the DNpwc. The KMTNc defines its role as litical landscape, the future of the protected-area net- complementary to the department, mainly by concen- work depends largely on how much support trating on innovative pilot projects and special opera- individual parks and reserves receive from the people. tionS. Some of the department's senior staff were transferred to the KMTNC on a long-term basis when the Institutions for Conservation in Nepal trust was originally established, leading to an informal but complex relationship between the two organiza- DNPWC is a small part of the Ministry of Forests and tions (Wells 1993). Soil Conservation. Its staff recently was reduced by 13 percent to 880 in accordance with personnel reduc- Reconciling Protected-Area Management tion and cost-cutting policies throughout the civil ser- with Social and Economic Development vice. There are 835 field staff positions, but actual staff numbers at all grades are well below this level as When Nepal's first protected areas were established in a result of vacancies and temporary transfers. The the early 1970s, international guidelines were fol- ability of the DNPWC to manage Nepal's protected-area lowed; they treated tourism as the only human activity system has not kept pace with the growth of the task in consistent with park management. Policymakers gave size and complexity. little consideration to the welfare of local communi- Activities outside park boundaries presently are ties. Villagers living in what became Royal Chitwan coordinated with other line agencies, usually the De- National Park were forcibly resettled. People living partment of Forests and the district administrations. outside Himalayan parks such as Sagarmatha and Wildlife conservation outside protected areas is nor- Langtang were denied access to park resources, mally the responsibility of the Department of Forests, whereas those living in village enclaves inside these which manages most of Nepal's public lands. Cur- parks were permitted to continue limited firewood rently, local communities have no formal role in any collection and livestock grazing. Since 1975, all of the of the protected areas under DNPWC control. The DNPWC parks have been protected by armed guards drawn generates income from a number of sources, including from the Royal Nepalese Army. concessions, entry fees, grass-cutting permits, el- Not surprisingly, the parks became the focus of ephant rides, and fines. Income from these sources is local suspicion, resentment, and occasionally outright retained by the DNPWC to supplement its operating hostility as people were threatened by the loss of their budget. land or livelihood. Local communities could see no The KMTNC is the largest and most influential con- benefit from protecting parks and reserves, which they servation organization in Nepal, with close ties to the regarded as containing free resources. Park staff were monarchy. It has an impressive international reputa- seen simply as a barrier to the pursuit and achieve- tion, has been successful in raising money from over- ment of nearby villagers' basic needs. Many commu- seas, and was able to lobby successfully for legislation nities still depend for their livelihood on protected to guarantee its own autonomy. The trust has been flora and fauna and bitterly resent restrictions on their able to bypass many of the procedures associated with access to and use of natural resources within pro- government agencies and to execute projects with a tected-area boundaries. Ineffective communication slim and flexible bureaucracy. and management have compounded this problem. The trust is perhaps best known for its Annapurna Although there are few reliable estimates of the use Conservation Area Project, in which it has an autono- of protected-area resources by local people, there is no mous role in managing an innovative multiple-use doubt that the use of firewood, grazing sites, fodder, conservation area. This is probably a unique arrange- and other nontimber products has been increasing in ment for an NGO in Asia, or for any NGO with respect to Nepal's lowland protected areas (Sharma 1991; an area of such global importance. The trust is led by a Jnawali 1989). In Royal Chitwan National Park, for number of outstanding Nepalese staff who have pro- example, a survey suggested that 45 percent of the foundly influenced conservation at a national level. It people living in neighboring communities use the Uday R. Sharma and Michael P. Wells 69 park illegally as a source of fuelwood (Sharma 1991), agement with the needs of local people. In practice, and the park's riverine grasslands are subject to heavy these efforts can be classified as measures that decen- illegal grazing (Sharma and Shaw 1993). As forests tralize decisionmaking for resource management. The continue to disappear, the demand for such park re- key initiatives are cited here; further details are pre- sources inevitably will increase. Experience is show- sented in the case studies at the end of chapter. ing that law enforcement and the threat of heavy fines cannot stop the illegal harvest of park resources in the Since 1975, local people have been able to buy absence of alternative sources. permits to participate in an annual harvest of tall Compounding these problems, successful protec- grasses and reeds from Royal Chitwan National tion efforts have allowed large mammal populations Park and other protected areas in the Tarai low- to expand dramatically in certain protected areas, es- lands. pecially the subtropical Tarai. Crop and livestock In the Himalayas, the Annapurna Conservation raiding by some of these species, especially rhino, Area Project was launched in 1986 under the man- bear, tiger, and wild pigs, now are affecting seriously agement of the KMTNc, and the conservation area the communities adjacent to parks. Sometimes human was officially established in 1992. injuries and fatalities result, fueling local resentment Also in the Himalayas, the joint project of the of the parks. DNpwc and Woodlands Mountain Institute (a U.S.- This illustrates how people situated in or near based NGO) to establish the participatory Makalu- biodiverse ecosystems capture little economic benefit Barun Conservation Area and National Park began from conservation when laws or management policies in 1988, with partial support from the Global Envi- exclude them. Unfortunately, the cost of conservation ronment Facility. measures tends to be felt most severely at local levels, The 1973 National Parks and Wildlife Conserva- especially in the short term. The net benefit from tion Act was amended in 1989 to provide a legal conservation therefore is low-and occasionally basis for establishing multiple-use conservation ar- negative-for members of local communities (Wells eas and to permit NGOS to manage them. 1992). The 1973 National Parks and Wildlife Conserva- Measures to conserve biodiversity therefore must tion Act was further amended in 1993 to provide a provide economic incentives to increase the net local legal foundation for establishment and manage- benefit from conservation and use of sustainable re- ment of buffer zones around protected areas, to be sources (Dixon and Sherman 1990; McNeely 1988). financed by a park revenue-sharing mechanism. But reconciling economic development with bio- The Parks and People Project was launched in 1994 diversity conservation is particularly challenging in the by the DNPWc and the United Nations Development remote areas of countries such as Nepal, where poverty Programme (UNDP) to establish working buffer tends to be pervasive and where virtually all economic zones and to promote local participation around development depends directly on access to and use of five protected areas in the Tarai. natural resources (Wells 1995a). The relationship with Community forestry has emerged as a signifi- local people may be the least tractable problem con- cant policy and program emphasis in managing fronting protected areas, in Nepal orelsewhere. Nepal's forests outside protected areas, demon- Sharma and Shaw (1992) have argued that allow- strating that it is feasible to decentralize re- ing limited access to park resources by local people to source decisionmaking to village levels. meet their subsistence and cultural needs does nothing to stabilize the pressure on a park. Instead of fostering The Conservation Area Concept a sustainable lifestyle, access to park resources actu- ally may promote a dependence on the park that will Nepal's first conservation area was established in the grow beyond sustainability. The implication is that Annapurna area. The prospect of a protected area had neither strict control nor widely expanded access is initially been unpopular because of fears that the gov- the solution to the problem. ement sought to overturn local traditional rights of resource use and management (Gurung 1992). Sensi- Initiatives toward a Solution tive to these concerns, a survey team spent six months talking to villagers and collecting information while Several notable and promising efforts have been developing a provisional project design and manage- launched in Nepal to reconcile protected-area man- ment plan. The survey teamr reported that "local vil- 70 Nepal lagers in principle were found to be remarkably aware ture and forestry on public and private properties out- of problems of environmental degradation, and in side the park, with the intention of increasing the general claimed that they would be supportive of cor- production of natural resources that are in local de- rective efforts. Assuming this moral support, and mand (Sharma and Shaw 1992), The objective of some willingness to contribute time and energy, an impact zone management is thus to satisfy the subsis- effective framework must be established to allow tence needs of people residing in a defined belt of them to control poaching and random forest cutting, areas affected by a park. The long-term strategy is to while providing viable, self-sustaining, and economic make the surrounding areas self-sufficient in re- alternatives" (Sherpa, Coburn, and Gurung 1986). sources such as firewood and fodder. It would also This initial consultation phase was critically impor- initiate income-generating activities and introduce tant in building local trust toward KMTNC staff and the technology to improve living conditions. future project. The strategies of the impact zone and the conserva- It was clear that designating the Annapurna region tion area are closely related. Their field-level manage- as a national park would lead to rapid international ment programs are similar because both treat user recognition while also permitting the application of groups as the principal vehicles for development. existing legislation and allowing higher fees to be Both use similar social forestry activities, such as collected immediately. It was feared, however, that private tree planting, training, and tourism manage- the restrictive management required by law in a na- ment. The conservation area concept, as applied in the tional park would generate the same negative local Annapurna Conservation Area Project, for example, response as seen elsewhere in Nepal, such as at has tried to demonstrate a truly bottom-up method. Chitwan, Langtang, and Sagarmatha national parks. Resources available locally, such as forests, grass- There also was concern that a national park would lands, alternative energy, and tourism opportunities, focus on wildlife and habitat protection in the largely are managed by local groups with the intention of uninhabited areas at the expense of necessary educa- fostering sustainable growth in the area. This strategy tion, development, and management activities in the may not be adequate, however, when confronted by more populous ones. factors such as continuing rapid population growth, After various options were considered, a new legal severe rural poverty, low employment levels, and so- designation of conservation area was recommended, cial pressure to acquire the amenities, goods, and which required new legislation. In contrast to the ex- lifestyles of the West. isting national parks, the conservation area concept specifically allows for hunting, collection of forest Buffer Zone Legislation in Nepal products, allocation of visitor fees for local develop- ment, and delegation of management authority to the Although using the term "buffer zone," the 1993 village level. The Annapurna Conservation Area con- amendment of the 1973 National Parks and Wildlife tains a number of zones, each with specific regula- Conservation Act in effect adopted the impact zone tions and management policies. The highest concept by creating a specific mandate to help local management priority belongs to special management people develop their communities by meeting subsis- zones, which are areas of conservation importance tence needs for forest resources from within buffer that have been degraded or are threatened by immi- zones. The 1993 amendment empowers the govern- nent degradation. Other classifications include wil- ment to declare a buffer zone within any forested, derness zones, protected forest-seasonal grazing farmed, or settled area surrounding a national park or zones, intensive-use zones, and biotic-anthropologi- reserve. Although private holdings may be part of a cal zones. buffer zone, landownership rights are not affected. A warden is appointed to manage the buffer zone, the The Impact Zone Concept boundaries of which depend on several factors. These include local availability of forests, the distance tray- The impact zone concept was developed to focus on eled to reach firewood, fodder, or grazing sites, the the special needs of people living in the immediate distance wildlife must cover to raid crops, and the vicinity of protected areas, who are likely to be ad- availability of recognizable landmarks for marking versely affected by conservation measures. The con- boundaries (Sharma 1990). cept calls for strict control of forests within and The act provides for 30 to 50 percent of the rev- adjacent to parks, combined with intensified agricul- enues generated by the park or reserve to be retained prdcino0aua eore htaei oa e Uday R. Sharma and Michael P. Wells 71 for community development. The money thus re- ties of various line agencies operating in the buffer ceived is to be spent through user committees, which zone. can allocate a portion of it to compensate for property - Industrial enterprises must obtain the warden's losses from floods and landslides. The committees written permission before seeking or renewing op- also can be entrusted with the management of fallen erating licenses from the Ministry of Industry. trees, grasses, logs, and firewood inside the protected * Similarly, development activities related to other area. government line agencies are required to cooperate The buffer zone rules (DNPWC 1994) describe the with the warden to promote a growth pattern con- provisions of the 1993 amendment in detail, outlining sistent with the protected area's objectives. management procedures and identifying activities that - Learning from the existence of the continuing com- are prohibited within buffer zones. They also specify munity and leasehold forestry programs in Nepal, how user committees are to be established, how rev- the buffer zone rules also detail the steps required enues are to be distributed, and how compensation to band over public lands to groups of poor house- should be determined. As of October 1995, these rules holds for management as community, leasehold, or were provisional and were being reviewed by the religious forests. government, but they provide the following guidance: Protected Areas and Tourism * Buffer zones may be divided into several units for management purposes. International tourism on a large scale is relatively new * All heads of household become automatic mem- in Nepal (figure 7-1). Visitors have been drawn by the bers of the user groups in each unit, and these elect country's cultural heritage, religious sites, the their own committees. Himalayas, and opportunities to view wildlife and * Establishment of the committees is to be facilitated trek the mountains. Recorded arrivals increased from by the warden. about 6,000 in 1962 to 330,000 in 1992, before falling * Each committee is to include at least nine members to 290,000 in 1993 as a result of political unrest (HmGi to serve a five-year term. 1993). A target of I million foreign visitors by 2010 * The committees can submit proposals for funding has been proposed (ouche Ross and others 1989), support from the allocated 30 to 50 percent of park although the economic and environmental impacts of revenues. The exact amount to be allocated is to be this level of tourism have not been carefully evalu- determined annually by the government, and the ated. Strategic planning for tourism in Nepal has been remaining 50 to 70 percent is to go to the central very limited, despite a tourism master plan and similar treasury. documents prepared with the help of international * The committee can launch community develop- development agencies. ment projects, mobilize participation of the people, levy fees for using resources on public lands, en- courage tree planting, and compensate for property loss due to landslides or flooding of rivers that form 400,000 park boundaries. * The user group committees can form subcommit- tees for specialized work such as managing com- 300.000 munity woodlots, operating small-scale leasehold forestry projects, and managing religious forests. * With technical support from the warden, user com- 200,000 mittees are to prepare operational plans for their units, to include community development activi- ties, protection of natural resources, and the use of too,ooo forest resources in the buffer zone. * The committees are required to submit audited fi- nancial statements periodically to the buffer zone 9 office. The buffer zone warden is to coordinate the activi- Source. Minisery of Tourism 1994. 72 Nepal Official foreign-exchange receipts from tourism in- partment of Tourism does not have the capability to creased from US$78,000 in fiscal 1961-62 (1 April-31 monitor or regulate the activities of tourists or trek- March) to US$76 million in fiscal 1987-88 (NRB 1989). king agencies in rural areas. As a result, the tourism These official figures are thought to be low; unofficial sector has operated in a decentralized manner with estimates, which include illegal currency transactions, minimal regulation. suggest that US$113 million might be more realistic for Tourism in Nepal is highly concentrated in a few fiscal 1987-88 (Touche Ross and others 1989). Al- locations. About 80 percent of tourists enter the coun- though aid receipts remain Nepal's largest single try through Kathmandu, where the cultural heritage of source of foreign exchange, the tourism sector earns the city and its surroundings provides the main reason more foreign exchange than any other, and it directly for sightseeing. Until very recently, virtually all tour- employed about 11,000 persons in 1988 (NRB 1989). ist travel outside the Kathmandu Valley was limited to The economic importance of the main parks as a few destinations, with most other areas of the coun- tourist destinations is difficult to estimate, although it try being closed to foreigners. People living in open is undoubtedly substantial. It was conservatively esti- areas have benefited by providing food and lodging mated, for example, that tourists spent US$27 million and by working as porters and guides. This has ap- in the parks in 1988, when the cost of managing those plied especially in the Sagarmatha National Park and parks was less than US$5 million, although park entry to a much lesser extent in the Annapurna Conserva- fees collected in that year amounted to no more than tion Area and Langtang National Park. In contrast, US$1 million (Wells 1993, 1995b). The fees paid by local benefits from tourism in Royal Chitwan Na- foreign tourists have been increased several times in tional Park and other protected areas in the Tarai have recent years, but they remain low by international been negligible (see the case studies at the end of the standards. chapter). Tourism in parks has led to numerous and complex The ecosystems of Nepal's hills and mountains are conflicts of interest, which vary by location. In simple experiencing serious pressure because of the demand terms, the interested parties can be said to include for resources by the indigenous population. Tourism DNPWC staff, who seek to minimize ecological impact; has aggravated these pressures in at least two ways: by local people, who try to exploit economic opportu- increasing demand for fuelwood and hence causing nity; foreign or Kathmandu-based tour and trekking deforestation and by causing litter and pollution prob- agencies, which seek to maximize their profit; and lems along main trekking routes. These effects are various government agencies, which are anxious to particularly evident at the common Himalayan desti- increase tourist numbers and which resist the regula- nations of Sagarmatha and Langtang national parks tion of tourism in the parks. No mechanism exists, and in the Annapurna Conservation Area. either formally or informally, for resolving conflicts The use of fuelwood by trekking and mountaineer- among these groups. ing groups is now prohibited in the mountain parks, Almost all activity in the tourism sector has resulted and these groups are required to use kerosene. Local from private sector initiatives, which are decentralized, people are generally allowed to collect firewood but spontaneous, uncoordinated, and largely unmanaged. not to cut live trees. These regulations can be powerful The few luxury hotels in Kathmandu and the wildlife tools for forest conservation, but they have not been lodges at Chitwan have depended largely on foreign in- applied either consistently or effectively, and this has vestment, and a great many people in areas visited by led to serious pressure on some forested areas near the tourists have benefited from selling goods and services parks. Litter and pollution problems are most evident to them. The government's most significant regulatory along trekking routes, at camp sites, in small mountain role has been to issue visas and trekking permits villages, and at the base camps used by mountaineer- through its Department of Immigration. ing expeditions. The Department of Tourism and its parent ministry Various studies have confirmed that environmental perceive their main role as maximizing the number of impact is linked directly to the concentration of visi- foreign visitors to Nepal. Their activities focus largely tors in a few small areas within a handful of parks on promoting Nepal as a destination and carrying on (MFSC 1988; ERL 1989; Banskota and others 1990; liaison with private sector travel and trekking agen- Gurung 1990; Touche Ross and others 1989). The cies based in Kathmandu. They are not active outside Department of Tourism has downplayed the environ- Kathmandu and seem to have little interest in the mental effects of tourism and has encouraged the economic benefit of tourism for rural areas. The De- pNPWC to take responsibility for this issue. But the Uday R. Sharma and Michael P. Wells 73 DNPWc has almost no power to regulate the number of people participate more as partners in the conserva- tourists and trekkers in the parks or their activities. tion effort. Centralized biodiversity conservation The department has had little success in communicat- played a critical role in the early phase of Nepal's ing or cooperating with other government agencies, conservation history. But in Nepal's constantly such as finance, tourism, and immigration, and prob- changing political context, the future of protected ar- lems relating to parks and tourism cannot be ad- eas (and biodiversity conservation in general) may dressed effectively without active participation of depend on how effectively the continued decentraliza- these other agencies (Wells 1993). tion of conservation programs can generate support Although there appears to be an official consensus from the parks' rural neighbors and from the nation as that the objective of tourism in Nepal is to maximize a whole. This could be helped by more effective coor- foreign-exchange earnings (NRB 1989; HMGN 1992), at dination among different arms of national and local least four important strategic issues have yet to be government, by a sustained institution-buildng effort seriously addressed. within the DNPWC, and by broader recognition that First, there is the question of whether Nepal should Nepal's parks are valuable income-earning assets that continue to encourage large numbers of low-budget require adequate resources for careful management. tourists or should seek smaller numbers of high-bud- get travelers. The latter require more sophisticated Case Studies in Nepal facilities, and more foreign investment to provide them, but tend to have far less environmental impact, The following case studies present some successful particularly on fuelwood consumption and waste dis- examples of decentralized conservation in Nepal: posal. Neighboring Bhutan has in fact done this, re- Royal Chitwan National Park, Sagarmatha National stricting the number of tourists and requiring each Park, and the Annapurna Conservation Area Project. visitor to purchase substantial amounts of Bhutanese currency. Royal Chitwan National Park The second question is whether additional areas should be opened to visitors and, if so, how should Chitwan, in Nepal's subtropical lowland Tarai, sup- bottlenecks in transportation and infrastructure be ports an impressive range of birds and large mai- overcome. This is turn raises the issue of how to mals, including tigers and one-horned Asian rhinos. disperse visitors: whether through regulations that Chitwan's once-declining wildlife population recov- limit numbers in particular areas, or through incen- ered dramatically after the park was established and tives such as user charges, which assign low fees to hunting became strictly controlled in the 1970s. new destinations and high fees to the overcrowded old Chitwan received almost 50,000 Nepalese and foreign destinations. visitors in 1991. Seven expensive tourist lodges oper- The third question is whether direct government ate inside the park, where they pay minimal conces- revenue from tourism should be increased substan- sion fees, and more than forty unregulated small tially through higher charges and whether some of the lodges have sprung up outside. There is widespread resulting extra income should be reinvested in con- agreement that an excessive level of unmanaged tour- serving and managing Nepal's natural and cultural ism is injurious to the park. Despite recent entry fee assets. increases, tourism provides virtually no economic The fourth question is how best to develop a na- benefit for park management, and the park warden has tional capability to monitor and mitigate the environ- very little authority over tourism development. mental impact of tourism. The lack of policy guidance Parts of Chitwan are bordered by areas of high by the central government to date has resulted in a population density, and many communities close to situation where there is almost no capacity to act on the park suffer an acute lack of fuelwood and grazing these issues within individual ministries and no effec- land (Mishra 1984; Sharma 1990). The Royal tive means to achieve coordination among them. Nepalese Army provides 1,000 armed guards for law enforcement and imposes substantial penalties on of- Conclusion fenders. Local people have not been directly involved in tourism, have neither participated in nor influenced Nepal is undergoing an important policy shift from park management, and appear to have little choice but traditional fortress-style parks, in which areas are set to continue risking severe penalties by using the park aside, toward a more holistic strategy whereby local to graze livestock and collect fuelwood. Without the 74 Nepal presence of the Royal Nepalese Army, it seems un- remains controversial. There is evidence that graz- likely that Chitwan would have survived to the ing by tourists' pack animals is damaging the present. fragile, high-altitude pastures. The Mount Everest To relieve the hardship caused by its presence, the region also has become notorious for the amount park is opened to villagers for fifteen days each year of litter and pollution left by climbing expeditions so they can collect grasses, reeds, and binding materi- and trekkers. The park authorities blame excessive als. The park is the only remaining local source of tourism for such problems, but at present they these materials, which are needed for house construc- have little jurisdiction over visitors. The meager tion and repair, and about 60,000 villagers benefit park budget does not benefit from tourism, and each year. Permit fees and imputed labor cost generate park authorities have inadequate resources to meet a net of about US$250,000 for the local economy the challenges posed by visitors to Sagarmatha. (Lehmkuhl, Upreti, and Sharma 1988). The ecological Local residents were not included in the initial park sustainability of this program has, however, been planning process, and relations between the Sherpas questioned. and the park authorities have generally been poor. Settlements were excluded from the park, and its man- Sagarmatha National Park agers have tried to regulate local use of grazing lands and forests. These efforts have had limited success A World Heritage Site, Sagarmatha (Mount Everest) and have prompted local resentment toward the park, National Park includes the highest peak in the world an effect aggravated by the presence of Royal and several important cultural and religious sites. Nepalese Army personnel who enforce park regula- About 3,000 Sherpas reside in the park, descendants tions. The NPwc has been severely constrained by of people who settled in the area about 400 years ago. inadequate funds, by lack of authority over tourists Relatively isolated until the early 1960s, the region is (particularly mountaineers) or the number of armed now visited by more than 11,000 trekking tourists and guards deployed, and by ambiguity concerning the about 40 mountaineering expeditions each year. Local role of local people in park management. villagers have responded enthusiastically to this eco- nomic opportunity. By 1986 two-thirds of the families Annapurna Conservation Area Project living in the park had direct income from tourism by working as guides and porters and by selling food, The experience of the multiple-use Annapurna lodging, clothing, equipment, and handicrafts. Conservation Area Project (ACAP) in Nepal corre- Lodges owned and operated locally increased from sponds with that of similar participatory initiatives seven in 1973 to eighty-one in 1991 (Stevens and in other countries. Together they suggest that it is Sherpa 1992). Namche Bazaar, the main tourist center possible for local institutions to promote economi- in the park, includes new tourist lodges, grocery cally viable and ecologically sustainable activities stores, tea shops, a bank, and a telegraph office. It is a in multiple-use areas, in certain circumstances. scene of apparently unbounded small-scale capital- They also show, however, that such initiatives ism. A remote poor rural society has rapidly become can be time-consuming, complex, and expensive, affluent and cosmopolitan and has acquired consider- usually requiring strong political support, enabling able economic aspirations, although the resilient legislation, highly skilled management, sensitivity Sherpa society and culture have remained remarkably to local decisionmaking processes, and a flexible cohesive. design that can adapt to the lessons from imple- This rapid economic development has been linked mentation (Brandon and Wells 1992). The key to significant environmental cost, especially the cut- feature Of ACAP is its commitment to reconciling ting of trees to meet the energy demand of tourists. To conservation and development by promoting par- reduce fuelwood consumption, climbing expeditions ticipatory local institutions. It has developed into and trekking groups inside the park are required to be one of the most impressive projects of its type self-sufficient in kerosene. Local people are allowed anywhere in the world (Wells 1994). to collect fallen timber for fuel, but they must obtain a Physically and culturally, the Annapurna Conser- permit from the park authorities before cutting trees vation Area is among the most diverse protected areas for house construction. in the world. About 40,000 people of various ethnic The effect of these regulations has not been backgrounds live there, and agriculture and trade have closely monitored, and the extent of deforestation flourished for centuries. Most of these people are poor Uday R. Sharma and Michael P. Wells 75 farmers, but tourism has grown rapidly, and almost velopment in Nepal. Kathmandu, Nepal: International 40,000 foreign trekkers now visit the area each year, Centre for Integrated Mountain Development (ICIMOD). virtually all of them traveling along one of two trails. Brandon, K. M., and M. P. Wells. 1992. "Planning for Although many small tea shops and lodges have People and Parks: Design Dilemmas." World Develop- sprung up in villages along these trails, relatively few ment 20(4):557-70. of the local residents benefit directly from tourism, a Bunting, B. W., M. N. Sherpa, and R. M. Wright. 1990. situation that contrasts strongly with that in "Annapura Conservation Area: Nepal's New Approach Sagarmatha. to Protected Area Management." In P. C. West and S. R. The pressure of tourism on Annapurna's environ- Brechin,eds., Resident Populations and National Parks: ment also bears comparison to that in Sagarmatha Social Dilemmas and Strategies in International Con- because the management is so dissimilar in the two servation. Tucson: University of Arizona Press. areas. ACAP has been managed since 1986 by the King Dixon, J. A., and P. B. Sherman. 1990. Economics of Pro- Mahendra Trust for Nature Conservation. Nepal's tected Areas: A New Look at Benefits and Costs. Wash- preeminent NGO, and it has encouraged local participa- ington, D.C.: Island Press. tion in natural resource management. This contrasts DNPWC (Department of National Parks and Wildlife Conser- with the top-down imposition of regulations by out- vation). 1994. "Buffer Zone Rules (Draft)." Kathmandu, siders in Chitwan and Sagarmatha. Discussions with Nepal. local people had revealed that establishment of a na- ERL (Environmental Resources Limited). 1989. "Natural tional park would meet hostility based on the fear of Resource Management for Sustainable Development: A substantial local cost as well as skepticism about the Study of Feasible Policies, Institutions, and Investment prospect of local economic benefit. This reaction was Activities in Nepal with Special Emphasis on the Hills." amply justified by the history of many of Nepal's Report for the Overseas Development Administration other protected areas, and an alternative vision was and the World Bank, London, U.K. needed (Sherpa, Coburn, and Gurung 1986). Gurung, C. P. 1992. "People and Their Participation: New Special legislation established the multiple-use Approaches to Resolving Conflicts and Promoting Co- conservation area and permitted hunting, collection of operation." Paper presented at the World Parks Con- forest products, and the delegation of management gress, Caracas, Venezuela, February. authority to the village level (Bunting, Sherpa, and Gurung, H. 1980. Vignettes of Nepal. Kathmandu, Nepal: Wright 1990; Rana 1990). High priority has been SaJha Prakashan. given to reducing the environmental impact of visiting . 1990. "Environmental Management of Moun- trekkers and to increasing the local economic benefits tam Tourism in Nepal." Paper presented at the ESCAP from tourism. ACAP has been authorized to collect and symposium on tourism promotion in the Asia region, retain a visitor entry fee, helping the conservation Hangzhou, China. project to be financially self-sufficient. This sensible HNGN(RoyalGovernmentofNepal). 1973. "NationalParks arrangement is unique in Nepal and little-known else- and Wildlife Conservation Act." Amended 1974, 1982, where. The government provides no staff or funds to 1989,and 1993.NepalGazette, variousdates(inNepali). manage this protected area. Kathmandu, Nepal: Ministry of Law andJustice. Alone in Nepal, local people in Annapurna are in- . 1992. National Report to the United Nations volved both in tourism and in management of the pro- Conference on Environment and Development. tected area, and visitor fees are reinvested locally. Only Kathmandu, Nepal. here are there signs of effective integration among tour- 1993. Nepal Tourism Statistics 1993. ism, economic development, and protected-area man- Kathmandu, Nepal: Ministry of Tourism. agement. A key constraint on spreading the ACAP HMGN and IUCN (International Union for Conservation of method has been the inability of the government to find Nature). 1988. Building on Success: The National Con- a legal mechanism for delegating to NGOs the authority servation Strategyfor Nepal. Kathmandu, Nepal. to manage protected areas, as well as the limited num- Jnawali, S. R. 1989. "Park-People Conflict: Assessment of berofNepalese NGos thatare capable ofsuch arole. Crop Damage and Human Harassment by Rhinoceros (Rhinoceros unicornis) in Sauraha Area Adjacent to the References Royal Chitwan National Park, Nepal." Master's thesis, Agricultural University of Norway. Banskota, M., P. Sharma, S. Sharma, B. Bhatta, and T. Keiter, R. Forthcoming. "Preserving Nepal's National Tenzing. 1990. Economic Policies for Sustainable De- Parks: Law and Conservation in the Developing 76 Nepal World." Ecology Law Quarterly 22. Nature Conservation. Lehmkuhl, J. F., R. K. Upreti, and U. R. Sharma. 1988. Smythies, E. 1942. Big Game Shooting in Nepal. Calcutta: "National Parks and Local Development: Grasses and Thacker, Spink, & Co. People in Royal Chitwan National Park, Nepal." Envi- Stevens, S. F., and M. N. Sherpa. 1992. "Tourism Im- ronmental Conservation 15(2):143-48. pacts and Protected Area Management in Highland McNeely, J. A. 1988. Economics and Biodiversity: Devel- Nepal: Lessons from Sagarmatha National Park and oping and Using Economic Incentives to Conserve Bio- Annapuma Conservation Area." Paper presented at logical Resources. Gland, Switzerland: International the World Parks Congress, Caracas, Venezuela, Union for Conservation of Nature (IUcN). February. MFsc (Ministry of Forests and Soil Conservation). 1988. Touche Ross, in association with ERL (Environmental Re- "Forestry Sector Master Plan." Kathmandu, Nepal. sources Limited), University of Surrey, New Era, and Mishra, H. R. 1984. "A Delicate Balance: Tigers, Rhinoc- METCON Consultants. 1990. Nepal Tourism Development eros, Tourists, and Park Management vs. the Needs of Programme. Several volumes and appendixes. Local People in Royal Chitwan National Park, Nepal." Kathmandu, Nepal: Asian Development Bank and Mi- In J. McNeely and K. R. Miller, eds., National Parks, istry of Tourism. Conservation, and Development: The Role of Protected Upreti, B. 1989. "Conservation of Ecosystem and Genetic Areas in Sustaining Society. Washington, D.C.: Resources." Paper presented at the donor's meeting on Smithsonian Institution Press. the master plan for the forestry sector, Kathmandu, NRB (Nepal Rastra Bank). 1989. Income and Employment Nepal. Generation from Tourism in Nepal. Kathmandu, Nepal. Wells, M. P. 1992. "Biodiversity Conservation, Affluence, Rana, D. S., ed. 1990. Annapurna Conservation Area and Poverty: Mismatched Costs and Benefits and Efforts Project: Three Year Retrospective Progress Report. to Remedy Them." Ambio 21(3):237-43. Kathmandu, Nepal: King Mahendra Trust for Nature . 1993. "Neglect of Biological Riches: The Eco- Conservation. nomics of Nature Tourism in Nepal." Biodiversity and Sharma, U. R. 1986. A Study of People-Park Interactions in Conservation 2:445-64. Royal Chitwan National Park, Nepal. Report to World . 1994. "A Profile and Interim Assessment of the Wildlife Fund-US. Annapurna Conservation Area Project, Nepal." In D. . 1990. "An Overview of Park-People Interac- Western, M. Wright, and S. Strum, eds., Natural Con- tions in Royal Chitwan National Park, Nepal." Land- nections: Perspectives in Community-Based Conserva- scape and Urban Planning 19(2):133-44. tion. Washington, D.C.: Island Press. . 1991. "Park-People Interactions in Royal . 1995a. "Biodiversity Conservation and Local Chitwan National Park, Nepal." Ph.D. diss., University Development Aspirations: New Priorities for the of Arizona. 1990s." In C. Perrings, K. G. Maler, C. Folke, C. S. Sharma, U. R., and W. W. Shaw. 1992. "Nepal's Royal Holling, and B. 0. Jansson, eds., Biodiversity Conserva- Chitwan National Park and Its Human Neighbors: A New tion: Policy Issues and Options. Dordrecht, the Nether- Direction in Policy Thinking." Paper presented at the lands: Kluwer Academic Press. World Parks Congress, Caracas, Venezuela, February. . 1995b. "Parks Tourism in Nepal: Reconciling . 1993. "Role of Nepal's Royal Chitwan National the Social and Economic Opportunities with the Eco- Park in Meeting the Grazing and Fodder Needs of Local logical Threats." In Mohan Munasinghe and Jeffrey People." Environmental Conservation 20(2): 139-42. McNeely, eds., Protected Area Economics and Policy: Sherpa, M. N., B. Coburn, and C. P. Gurung. 1986. Linking Conservation and Sustainable Development. Annapurna Conservation Area, Nepal: Operational Washington, D.C.: World Bank in conjunction with In- Plan. Kathmandu, Nepal: King Mahendra Trust for ternational Union for Conservation of Nature (IucN). 14'6 8' 1 12 14 14' N I G E R CHAD -NINEGER CHA ~ '~ i~o~ PROTECTED AREAS L. PROTECTED AREAS, IUCN CATEGORIES I-V (2' * NATIONAL CAPITAL --INTERNATIONAL BOUNDARIES 0 50 100 150 200 250 KILOMETERS HAD This map was produced by the Map Design Unit of The World Bank. The boundaries, colors, denominations and anyother information shown on this map do not imply, on the part of The World Bank Group, any judgment on the legalstatus of any territory, or 8' any endorsement or acceptance of such boundaries. OKURKMU, IF- ~FASO Y\ ~ ~0KC)MU6 NIGERIA . Gu.. 6 neNa EKURI CAMEROON A *A6nIa MA LwNTRAL 14 ---61AFRICAN~ SGCAMEROON REPUBLIC CC Guinea OME"""";,:.: '0. , ,,,,,, ',s's~",',PRIINOPE7 -1N I2' G GA / CONGO 0 ~ , ,,~ V;, _ _____ ______6___GHANA__Z  8 Nigeria Julian Caldecott and Andrew Babatunde Morakinyo Nigeria is about 920,000 square kilometers in area and has many native species, including more than 4,600 lies between the Sahara Desert and the Atlantic plants, about 250 mammals, and 840 birds. Many of Ocean, with Niger and Chad to the north, Benin to the these occur only in the extreme southeast of the coun- west, and Cameroon to the east. The country is di- try, where habitat damage is particularly widespread vided roughly into three by the Niger and Benue riv- and many species are threatened. Population densities ers, which join before draining southward into the in this region can approach 1,000 people per square enormous wetland of the Niger Delta on the Atlantic kilometer, and agricultural pressure is intense. In Imo, coast. It is the most populous country in Africa, with Anambra, Enugu, and Abia states, more than 4 per- nearly 90 million inhabitants in 1990. Attempts to cent of the land area was affected by serious erosion meet the needs of this population have resulted in by 1990 (Singh and others 1990). In nearby widespread environmental degradation, and some Ogoniland, severe sheet erosion affected about 40 sense of this should be given before discussing the percent of the land area in 1994 (Caldecott 1996). To political and administrative processes that influence resist the widespread destruction of natural environ- the environment's possible future. ments and to protect the biodiversity they contain, Nigeria's climate ranges from very dry in the north Nigeria has established a system of about forty-five to very moist in the south, with variations in highland existing or proposed conservation areas, comprising locations in the center of the country and on the national parks, game reserves or wildlife sanctuaries, Cameroon frontier (wcMc 1988; ODNRI 1989). There is a and strict nature reserves (Caldecott and Fameso corresponding range of natural vegetation types, from 1991). Many of these are degraded, however, and only desert and Sahelian scrub in the north, through savan- a few are capable of maintaining viable samples of the nah in the "middle belt," to moist deciduous forest, country's natural ecosystems in the long term. Several mangrove, and rain forest in the south (Sayer, Harcourt, of these became national parks by decree in 1991. and Collins 1992). The history of environmental management in Nige- People and Administration ria during the past thirty years has been catastrophic, and this is reflected in the status of the forests, which Hundreds of tribal groups live in Nigeria, and there have been greatly reduced in area and condition (Are- are numerous religions, of which Islam and Christian- ola 1987; Caldecott and Fameso 1991; Sayer, ity dominate. Nigeria often is described as three re- Harcourt, and Collins 1992). A World Bank study gions: the north (dominated by the Muslim (Singh and others 1990) highlighted three main na- Hausa-Fulani), the southwest (mainly non-Muslim tional environmental problems of soil degradation, Yoruba people), and the southeast (mostly non-Mus- water pollution, and deforestation. It also noted other lim Igbo people). These groups compete for national severe and widespread problems, including gully ero- power, with minority groups of the "middle belt" sion, damage to fisheries, coastal erosion, loss of having a balancing role. Although simplistic, this wildlife and biodiversity, and air pollution. view suggests how rulers often have been able to Nigeria includes many ecosystems, so the country transcend and exploit tribal and religious divisions 79 80 Nigeria and to balance rival factions within what was at first a From the point of view of this elite, giving more colonial political structure and today is a federal one. power to the states inevitably would involve transfer- In the late colonial era, Nigeria was ruled by the ring power to southern and middle-belt political British in three regions, the northern, western, and groups and to those northern groups currently isolated eastern, divided by the Niger and Benue rivers. These from real power. The northern ruling elite would not three areas long have competed at various levels, and be expected to welcome such changes in principle and negotiation toward the independence of Nigeria in- has not done so in practice. volved much debate about balancing power among Continuing pressure for reform, however, has led them. After independence in 1960, settlement was to a series of adjustments in power relationships since attempted by creating a federal system of states. This the late 1970s, involving especially the strengthening did not resolve fundamental issues of power sharing of a tier of government below that of the states: the however, and civil war eventually ensued, in 1967- local government areas (LGAS). Initial reforms moved 70, as the eastern region unsuccessfully attempted to these away from being purely a tier of local traditional establish itself as independent Biafra (Forrest 1993). It or appointed authority and toward being governed by was a serious national trauma that continues to affect councils that were to be local in character, with official and public attitude toward movements for in- elected participation. The LGAS were to be given in- creased regional autonomy. creasing autonomy by the states and were initially The victors of the civil war continued to build a granted 10 percent of the federal expenditure. federal Nigeria based on an increasing number of Devolution of power to the LGAS ground to a halt states: twelve in 1967; nineteen in 1976; twenty-one during the early 1980s, and the LGAs remained effec- in 1987; thirty in 1991; and thirty-six in 1996, plus the tively under state control, largely because their federal Federal Capital Territory of Abuja. The federal struc- funds were routed at the discretion of the state govern- ture allowed the states a high degree of political au- ment exchequers. The federal military government led tonomy but few opportunities to raise their own by Ibrahim Babangida from the mid-1980s sought to revenue. The states have therefore relied on money restore momentum to the process Of LGA empower- from the federal government, which has come largely ment, partly by increasing their share of federal ex- from the sale of oil. This has meant that the states were penditure from 10 to 15 percent and then in 1992 to 20 encouraged to compete for federal funds, and it di- percent. The LGAS were given responsibility for pri- rectly or indirectly created three strong incentives mary education and health care, and federal grants (Forrest 1993): were paid directly, with a supplement of 10 percent of the states' internally generated revenue. * At the local level, there was an incentive to create Meanwhile, a number of other reforms were made, new states, which could give new groups access to all of which tended to strengthen the powers of the federal funds. WAS (Forrest 1993). The intent of these changes was * At the state level, there was an incentive to maxi- to transfer power to the LGAs and away from state mize current expenditure to reward local political institutions that might otherwise be effective rivals of loyalties. the federal government. This would have the effect of * At the federal level, there was an incentive to maxi- reducing the importance of the state level of govern- mize current oil revenue, which could be used to ment and changing the nature of state-federal rela- reward the continued political loyalty of the states tions. It can be inferred that this process was resisted themselves. by the states, and renewed tension arose, leading first to the creation of more states in 1991 and then to an These arrangements locked the federal and state abrupt change in the federal government in 1993. This governments into a dynamic, tense, and complex rela- was linked to the annulling of elections and derailing tionship, which today dominates political events in of plans to restore civilian rule and resulted in recon- Nigeria. These tensions have repeatedly undermined firmation of military dominance over the federal gov- attempts at civilian rule, and the paradoxically weak ement. but strong central government has been dominated by the military for most of the years since independence. Policies and Interest Groups The military, and hence the federal government, is controlled largely by a relatively small elite, most of It is hard to disentangle the 1987-93 movement to whose members originate in the north of Nigeria. return the country to civilian rule from the parallel Julian Caldecott and Andrew Babatunde Morakinyo 81 process of empowering the LGAs because the latter can can be argued that conservation has been absorbed be interpreted as a means used by the federal govern- and used by national power elites in much the ment to disempower the state governments. The same way as the 3D causes themselves. Thus, for "Countdown to Civilian Rule" likewise is hard to example, after some years of campaigning by the disentangle from the simultaneous series of reforms Nigerian Conservation Foundation (a well-con- intended to deregulate and liberalize the economy. nected NGO), a commission of eminent persons, Forrest (1993) argues that decentralization, democra- the Natural Resources Conservation Council, was tization, and deregulation of the economy (the "3Ds") appointed to study the matter. Public debate of are all essentially middle-class causes, but that the conservation issues such as biodiversity and na- political weakness of the middle classes in Nigeria tional parks was tolerated and even encouraged. means that neither are 3D processes linked strongly to After wide consultation among intellectuals, gov- one another nor are they close to the interests of truly ement officials, and donor agencies, the Na- powerful groups in the country. tional Parks Decree No. 36 of 1991 (FGN 1991) An implication of Forrest's (1993) argument is created a number of national parks under the au- that 3D policies may have been promoted mainly thority of the federal government. to serve the interests of groups whose access to wealth depended on the relative power of certain Governmental Management of Conservation federal and state entities. In other words, decen- Areas tralization would be expected to be sponsored by federal interests when it promotes LGAS, by state Nigeria has tried to conserve natural ecosystems interests when it strengthens states, and by local within forest reserves, game reserves, and national interests when it strengthens LGAS or creates new parks. The following sections examine the successes states. Similarly, movements toward both democ- and problems of each. racy and economic deregulation would be ex- pected to be sponsored by federal interests when Forest Reserves they serve to defuse opposition at the local or state levels or within critical economic sectors, or Until the 1950s, the only conservation areas in Nigeria to the extent that they reassure external donor and were forest reserves. These were created by the col- lender agencies and thereby maintain Nigeria's nial administration largely for timber production, and creditworthiness. they occupy about 11 percent of the country's land This viewpoint might be extended by looking at the area (Lowe 1984). Most forest reserves were created fate of another "middle-class" cause in Nigeria, that of in the 1920s and 1930s, although in some states, such conservation. Presently, conservation is not perceived as Rivers, reservation continued into the 1960s and at an international level as being primarily a middle- 1970s (Lowe 1984). In creating the reserves, prefer- class issue. Indeed, it is widely acknowledged that the ence was given to blocks of vacant land in consulta- people most at risk of the consequences of environ- tion with communities that had traditional claims to mental degradation are the poorest and least powerful the land. Most community rights, such as hunting, members of any society. Because these are also were allowed to continue if they did not seem to among the least educated, however, they are least conflict with the proposed management objectives of likely to articulate environmental issues and to mobi- the reserve, which in most cases was timber produc- lize themselves against environmental degradation. tion (Lowe 1993). Where this has occurred in Nigeria, it has been harshly The forest reserves originally were administered by repressed, as in Ogoniland and elsewhere in the Niger the LGAS, which represented the communal landown- Delta since about 1990 because of damage to water ers. The central government's Forestry Department and farmland through oil production by Shell and monitored and supervised the activities of the LGA other companies (Saro-Wiwa 1991; Ifowodo 1994; staff. Management of the forest reserves became more Rowell 1995). centralized in 1968, when the functions of the central Conservation was promoted in Nigeria not by and later the regional governments were taken over by grass-roots activists but by middle-class intellectu- the state governments. Forest reserves are still run by als and their wealthy sympathizers. These are the LGAS in a few northern states, but in most of the same groups who tend to promote 3D causes country the LGA staff was absorbed into the state for- from conviction rather than from opportunism. It estry departments, thus moving them administratively 82 Nigeria and psychologically farther from the communities. authority for forest reserve management from local For various reasons, including a lack of funding, communities to the LGAs and federal government and state forestry departments have been unable to protect then partially back to the state governments has re- and manage their forest reserves on a sustained-yield sulted in a failure to protect the forest reserves. During basis. In the early 1960s, reserves that were being this process, however, it gradually has been recog- exploited were harvested in accordance with proper nized that communities, which were the previous for- working plans. Within a few years, however, these est guardians, often are best placed to conserve them. plans fell into disuse, and virtually no new plans have been prepared. State governments have the right to Gaie Reserves award timber concessions within forest reserves, and they receive a royalty from the timber harvest. Most Wildlife conservation received little attention during state governments therefore have tended to treat forest the British administration of Nigeria (1861-1963). reserves as a resource for government patronage, Reasons for this included apathy, a preoccupation with rather than as elements of national or state patrimony the "ancient hunting rights of the natives," and the which they are obliged to protect. Consequently, most belief that conserving wildlife was incompatible with forests have been "mined" for logs and now are ap- the campaign to eradicate tsetse (Happold 1971). Fol- proaching or have reached exhaustion. lowing the protection of forest reserves in the 1920s In theory, a share of the royalties earned from a and 1930s, no further conservation activity occurred forest reserve is to be paid to the communal landown- for many years. In 1953, however, the minister for ers, but this does not always happen in practice be- natural resources of northern Nigeria visited a national cause the money is diverted. For this reason, local park in Sudan and was sufficiently impressed to ii- people and their chiefs generally now regard forest tiate the Yankari Game Reserve in 1955 (Jia 1971). In reserves as land that has been taken away from them. the following decades, nineteen game reserves were They are thus often willing to collude with illegal created, mostly by renaming forest reserves. Most re- loggers and hunters who exploit the resources of the serves, however, have never existed other than on forests. This is ironic because the local people once paper. were the guardians of the forests under traditional law Regulations governing activities within game re- (Martin 1991). Illegal and uncontrolled logging and serves are similar to those for forest reserves, except hunting are a serious problem in all Nigerian forest that hunting is allowed in game reserves only with a reserves. It is estimated that by 1996, all the forests of license. Different wildlife laws existed in each of west and central Nigeria will be exhausted (Lowe Nigeria's three regions, but legislation introduced in 1993). 1972 placed responsibility for game reserves under a The difficulties of state forestry departments are wildlife division within the forestry departments at compounded by low staff morale. Staff often go with- both state and federal levels throughout Nigeria out pay for several months at a time as a result of the (Anadu 1987). This exposed the game reserves to the structure of revenue distribution between the federal same problems that affected the forest reserves. The and state governments. Most states generate little rev- game reserves were even worse off, however, because enue and depend on the central government for fund- wildlife conservation has not been a priority for the ing. This means that funding for state forestry foresters who comprise most forestry department staff. activities is at the discretion of the federal govern- Until 1989, for example, the Ondo State Wild- ment, which typically allocates to the states rather less life Division received no budgetary allocation from than they would like to spend. The financial position the Ondo State Forestry Department. In 1990 it re- of state governments was further weakened by in- ceived a budget of less than US$1,000 for six staff creased federal allocations directly to the LGAS. and one motorcycle. Recommendations repeatedly By the mid-1990s, the states remained responsible have been made for a separate game department to for managing forest reserves but were receiving de- be created (Haywood 1932; Anadu 1987) and for creased funding. The LGAs and the federal government authority over game reserves to be decentralized controlled proportionately increasing resources, but and made closer to local communities (Darling neither had executive authority to manage the re- 1995). It was announced in 1994 that state serves. This tended to promote corruption at the state branches of the Federal Environmental Protection level, further reducing the effectiveness of reserve Agency (FEPA) would henceforth be responsible for management. The process of transferring executive managing game reserves. But it remains unclear Julian Caldecott and Andrew Babatunde Morakinyo 83 who will have executive powers, what these pow- been proposed for national park status (A. P. Leventis, ers will be, and how the new arrangement will be personal communication, 1994). funded. The national parks have been accused of being too isolated from local society and of making too little National Parks effort to integrate their policies with those of the states and the LGAS. Proposed amendments to the decree Kainji Lake and Old Oyo national parks were created would make parks more accountable to state govern- in 1979 and 1988, respectively. They were reconsti- ments as well as to LGAs and communities (Hurst tuted by the National Parks Decree of 1991, which 1994). But an underlying problem is that because the also created the Chad Basin, Cross River, and parks receive funding directly from the federal gov- Gashaka-Gumti national parks. The decree created a ement, park managers have little incentive to com- National Parks Governing Board to oversee the opera- municate with the states and the LGAS or to respond to tion of the Federal National Parks Service. Chaired by their concerns. Many LGAs and communities con- the minister, the board's composition included two sented to creation of national parks in their areas on people representing the public interest in conservation the understanding that buffer zone development plans and a representative of the Nigerian Conservation were to be implemented once the parks were officially Foundation (NcF). Other members included senior announced. Four years after the 1991 decree, how- federal civil servants and the state-appointed chair- ever, there has been little activity in any of the buffer men of four individual national park management zones, despite substantial budgetary allocations. committees, with a chief executive appointed by the This has caused tension between state governments president (Hurst 1994). and some park management authorities (R. Dunn, per- Each park was to be administered by a National sonal communication, 1992) and resentment among Park Management Committee, with a membership local people who lost their right to harvest forest equivalent at the state level to that of the federal products within the parks but have yet to see any governing board (again including NCF). The board and tangible benefit in return. In Cross River State in committees thus balanced the interests of the federal 1993, for example, politicians were able to take ad- and state governments while including a conservation vantage of local dissatisfaction with Cross River Na- NGO and individuals from outside the government. tional Park by campaigning for it to be degazetted. This system seems to allow a balancing of credible This local resentment was an important reversal of conservation expertise with checks on the amount of public support and needs to be understood because of money that might find its way from the federal exche- its implications for other areas in Nigeria and in other quer to the national parks. countries. The decree formalized national parks as the Proposals for a national park in Cross River State main official means of conserving national (CRs) had been made since the 1950s. They were biodiversity and established procedures for the renewed in the 1960s (but were promptly over- parks to be administered and financed. In effect. whelmed by the civil war), and again in the late 1970s, national parks became vehicles for federal resource and repeatedly during the 1980s (Caldecott 1996). allocation to those states and LGAS that possessed Thus, a decades-long consensus had existed among parks. The parks thereby became a new tool with conservationists that remaining CRS forests should be which to balance the interests of the federal, state, protected, but it was not until 1988 that serious sup- and local government while satisfying the immedi- port came from the state government. This was con- ate needs of an increasingly influential middle- nected to events in late 1987, when the state was class interest group (the conservation lobby). divided in two, with the southwestern third becoming Because the national parks are paid for directly by the new Akwa Ibom State and the rest remaining as the federal government, funding is far less of a prob- CRS. lem than it is for the forest and game reserves. Direct Akwa Ibom State contains some of Africa's most federal funding means that national parks are natu- densely populated areas and has more than two-thirds rally seen by some states as a way to obtain more of the population of the old cRs. The new CRS is money from Abuja. This appears to have been antici- therefore much more sparsely populated than the old, pated by the federal government, which in 1989 and small populations living in rural areas are far adopted a policy of rationing only one park to each more influential than they had been in the political life state. Since the 1991 decree, at least ten areas have of the old state. Moreover, most of Akwa Ibom's 84 Nigeria population comprises Ibibio people who hardly exist lobby for wildlife conservation, and its work helped elsewhere, so creating Akwa Ibom greatly increased create the Federal National Parks Service and the the influence of non-Ibibio tribal groups in the CRs national parks themselves. The Okomu Wildlife Sanc- government. This applied in particular to the tuary in Edo State (112 square kilometers) has long Ejagham, Korup, and Boki people who live in rural been managed by the NCF and almost certainly would areas around the forests. not exist without it (Gates 1995). These people were easily persuaded that a new Pandrillus is a much smaller NGO that has vigor- national park and associated buffer zone development ously promoted a wildlife sanctuary in Afi River For- program would greatly benefit them, so they exerted est Reserve in Cross River State. This area is their new influence in favor of the proposed park important for conservation but was excluded from the during 1989-91. In that period, the park was presented Cross River National Park for political reasons. Ef- as a project that would benefit local people through an forts to protect it within a wildlife sanctuary are based integrated conservation development project (ICDP). on a careful dialogue over several years among This 1oCD was endorsed by the state government, by Pandrillus, local villages, and the state government the Nci, and by the World Wide Fund for Nature (Gadsby and Jenkins 1995). Pandrillus has received (wwF). It was to be funded by the federal government support from the U.K-based Fauna and Flora Preser- and the European Union (Caldecott, Bennett, and vation Society (now Fauna and Flora International). Ruitenbeek 1989; Caldecott, Oates, and Ruitenbeek The Oio Forest Elephant Biosphere Reserve in 1990). Local people thus tended to be enthusiastic Ogun State is managed by the Nigerian Forest El- about the project, even though the park implied the ephant Wildlife Survey and Protection Group loss of access to farmland and other resources within (NFEWSPG) in close collaboration with the state govern- the forest. ment. This group planned to begin a village commu- By 1992, however, key elements of the ICDP had not nity education program during 1995. been started, and disillusionment began to setin among Yankari National Park in Borno State, the Birnin- the local people. Some were inclined to recalculate the Gwari Game Reserve in Kaduna State, and the missing benefitofthe park againstthe likelihoodoflos- Kamuku Game Reserves in Sokoto State are managed ing hunting and farming rights to the forest, which be- by the Yankari Initiative in close collaboration with came more of a threat once Decree No. 36 of 1991 had the state governments and especially LGA authorities. been published. It was not until 1994 that the Cross The British Voluntary Service Overseas (vso) has River ICDP began, by which time the park and project assisted the Yankari Initiative, the NFEWSPG, and the had serious public relations problems. WWF in Cross River State. The WWF also has been Throughout this process, few at the local, state, or helped by the Canadian Universities Service Overseas federal levels-other than committed conservation- (cuso). The WWF has supported much of the NCF'S ists-seemed aware of or willing to value the work and is assisting in the management of the north- biodiversity and environmental assets of the park. In er Okwangwo Division of Cross River National attempting to sustain rural public support for the park, Park. the NGos, donor agencies, and government agencies Overseas NGO funding and other support have emphasized either its financial value or the inherently been important to all these Nigerian initiatives, but middle-class value of "national pride" in the survival the NGOS concerned have been most successful of flagship species. These themes either were inappro- when they have worked closely with state and lo- priate in the absence of a functioning iCDP or irrelevant cal governments. All the nature reserves mentioned to the daily lives of people in the project area. Few (except possibly Yankari National Park) owe their serious efforts were made to promote real environ- survival to these NGOS. They probably would not mental awareness and activism among the rural exist if conservation had been left entirely to fed- people, and none was tolerated for long by the agen- eral government organizations. cies managing the project. Conflicts between Conservation and Rural Nongovernmental Management of Conservation Development Areas Because of the concentration of power and resources The NCF, established in 1982, is Nigeria's oldest con- under the federal government, most large rural devel- servation NGO. It has been an effective and influential opment projects are federal initiatives. Such projects Julian Caldecott and Andrew Babatunde Morakinyo 85 include the laying of oil and gas pipelines, large agri- ated or funded through the federal government, even cultural schemes such as plantations, and most large thoughfinalresponsibilitymaylaterrestwiththestate road construction projects, although the states do con- government. In Oio and Oluwa forest reserves, for in- struct some smaller roads. The fact that national parks stance, 500 square kilometers of rain forest were are, in effect, large federal projects means that to date cleareu in the mid- 980s for a Gmelina pulpwood plan- they have not been affected by conflict with other tation;theinvestmentwasfinancedbytheWorldBank federal projects. (Okali and Ola-Adams 1987;Lowe 1993). A decade later, Okomu Forest Reserve is faced Game and Forest Reserves with the clearing of 120 square kilometers of rain forest for the development of an oil palm and rubber Conflict between conservation and rural development plantation by the French corporation Michelin Rubber is frequent where a state, rather than the federal gov- and the Belgian firm Socfinco. The clearing operation ernment, is responsible for a conservation area. Most is opposed by the NCF, by Nigerian civil liberties orga- large rural development projects in Nigeria are federal nizations, and by communities affected by the project government initiatives because the federal govern- (Ashton-Jones 1993; Darling 1995). It is also against ment effectively controls most of the revenue that is federal law, but this does not seem to have impressed generated within the country or that enters from out- Michelin and Socfinco. (See the case studies at the side. Being poor and weak compared to the federal end of the chapter.) government, the states often welcome any investment The greatest threat by far to conservation areas in from the federal government, even those that may Nigeria, regardless of their official status, is illegal damage state forest and game reserves. The states encroachment by small farmers who clear land for rarely can afford to put conservation above invest- agriculture, often using shifting, slash-and-burn culti- ment. The federal government, having no executive vation. A forest area of about 2,600 square kilometers responsibility for the state reserves, tends to disregard outside conservation areas was being cleared each their destruction; this would not happen if they were year by these means in the mid-1980s (Osemeobo federal assets like national parks. 1988). Nigeria's large population means that there is a huge demand for agricultural produce. This has re- Roads, Oil Exploration, and Other Infrastructure sulted in shortened fallow periods, preventing the re- covery of fertility and forcing farmers to clear more Expansion of the Nigerian road system, oil explora- land and to move closer to conservation areas or even tion and extraction, and rural development programs into them. Current land tenure laws in Nigeria dis- have contributed significantly to the destruction of courage a free market in land, resulting in a large Nigeria's forest and game reserves (Ola-Adams 1981; population of tenant farmers who are not allowed to Anadu and Oates 1982; Osemeobo 1988). This is plant trees, or who have no incentive to do so. This partly because it is far easier for government to allo- discourages the adoption of more permanent systems cate publicly owned reserve land to such uses than it is of agriculture, including agroforestry. to expropriate private or community land. Thus, for example, the A121 road from Shagamu to Benin Conclusions passes through the Omo, Oluwa, Onishere, Idanre, Ohosu, and Iguobazuwa forest reserves. Meanwhile, Decentralization isacomplexissue inNigeria. The lo- in the Niger Delta, the Taylor Creek, Gilli-Gilli, and caltierofgovernmentandthesteadilyincreasingnum- Kwale game reserves are crisscrossed by roads and berof smallerstates imply growing opportunities for pipelines constructed by oil companies with govern- contact between citizens and government and for citi- ment approval. zens to influence government decisions. LGAs and states, however, have participated, sometimes as ac- Plantation Development Schemes tors and sometimes as tools, in an ever-changing bal- ance of power between the more central and the more Plantations constitute a serious threat to Nigeria's for- peripheral tiers of government. This balance ulti- est and game reserves. Twenty forest reserves across mately continues to be tilted in favor of a relatively Nigeria lost an aggregate 560 square kilometers to exci- small elite associated with the federal government and sions for agricultural schemes during the mid-1980s with the military. Moreover, there is no evidence that (Osemeobo 1988). Typically, these schemes are initi- any tier of government has a serious interest in empow- 86 Nigeria ering local people. Instead, all tiers of government are farming produce. The main items traded were bush willing to use whatever means are available to advance mango fruits (Irvingia gabonensis), edible forest their own interests in relation to one another. leaves (Gnetum spp.), and the meat of wild animals, in- Since 1991, these means have included national cludingendangeredspeciessuchaschimpanzee(Pan parks. Some, such as Cross River National Park, were troglodytes) and drill (Mandrillus leucophaeus). Rat- created in response to local demand, with agreement tan canes (Laccosperma and Eremospatha spp.) and of the people and with provision for local involvement chewing sticks (Carpolobia, Massularia, and in park management. Once the parks had been created, Garcinia spp.) also were traded to a lesser extent. however, powers linked to them gravitated back to the Since the mid-1980s, the Ekuri villages had ex- federal government. This left the parks as federal plored ways to use their community forest for maxi- projects with little local support other than that rented mum communal benefit. With CRNP personnel, they through federal disbursements. It can be argued that discussed the possibility of managing the forest for the national parks have secured viable samples of sustainable yields of timber and nontimber forest Nigeria's most important natural ecosystems by plac- products. From these discussions emerged the goals ing them under committed and budgeted central con- of the Ekuri Community Forestry Project: trol. Yet they all are threatened by encroachment, and federal protection without real local support is in- To develop and implement a sustainable manage- creasingly seen as only a short-term solution to this ment plan for the Ekuri forest, involving the moni- problem. tored cutting of timber from a stock surveyed plot It is likely that threats will persist until local and the controlled harvesting of other forest prod- people, the state, and LGA tiers of government are all ucts such as rattans and chewing sticks brought into the process of making decisions that To establish a village-based cooperative society affect these conservation areas. The same applies to with which to manage and control the forest re- the game and forest reserves. In all cases, real power source for the benefit of the community over their future remains with a federal government - To improve road access, thus neutralizing offers to that seems unwilling to share it. In the interstices of do so from logging companies in return for conces- the Nigerian power structure, however, there are cases sions, and to provide a route for year-round trans- where local communities and LGAs have been able to portation of forest products for sale empower themselves. Examples include the Ekuri - To establish direct links with markets for forest project in Cross River State and the Okomu project in products, both locally and abroad, to maximize Edo State (see the case studies that follow). receipt of local benefits by the community 0To add value to timber and nontimber forest prod- Case Studies in Nigeria ucts through the development of on-site and com- munity-based processing facilities (including ma- The following case studies present two examples of chinery for saw milling and seasoning, furniture- decentralized conservation in Nigeria, the Ekuri Com- making workshops, and tools) while providing em- munity Forestry Project and the Okomu Forest ployment in the community. Project. Support for the Ekuri project was provided by the The Ekuri Community Forestry Project British Overseas Development Administration (ODA) and the WWF, supplemented by donations from the Old and New Ekuri are two isolated villages in the British High Commission, Eastern Bulkcem Co. Ltd., Oban Division of Cross River National Park (CRNP), in Crushed Rock Industries, and STRABAG. Implementa- the northwestern part of the support zone. Their (com- tion has been in close collaboration with the CRNP bined) 5,000 people share about 250 square kilome- authorities and the CRs Forestry Department. In 1992 a ters of community-owned forest land adjacent to the vso community forestry officer was assigned to the park. The local economy is based on subsistence agri- area by the CRNP. Thus assisted, within one year the culture and the gathering of forest products for sale to communities had inventoried a plot of 0.5 square kilo- urban populations. meter and produced a stock map. They also trained Because the nearest market was far away and goods sixteen people in demarcation and enumeration skills had to be carried by headload, in the past most income and were able to determine which trees should be came from high-value forest products rather than from harvested by the two communities. Just as important, Julian Caldecott and Andrew Babatunde Morakinyo 87 a previously antagonistic relationship between the vil- Powers have been transferred from the CRS Forestry lages and the Forestry Department had become much Department to forest-owning communities. As direct more positive. This progress was attributed to a num- stakeholders, the Ekuri people have been supported by ber of factors, including: the Forestry Department and CRNP authorities in taking the first steps toward management of their own com- * The role of the community forestry officer (cFo) in munity forests. The strength of the project lies in the promoting intensive discussion about forest man- nature of the support, which has been both long term agement at the village level and focused on the grass roots. A community forester * Local confidence in the CFo, prompted by his resid- lived with the villagers for two years to assist them ing in the villages and by his actively helping the with technical information and support from outside. villages to obtain new bridges to improve access to The project also has been successful because of the the area social cohesiveness of the villages and sense of com- * The active role of the CFO in articulating requests munity responsibility held by most villagers. This is for assistance and promoting collaboration with the rare in villages that have been more exposed to the Forestry Department commercial mainstream of Nigerian society. * The involvement of women in the forest inventory and promotion of a sense of community ownership The Okomu Forest Project of the project. The Okomu Forest Reserve, of which the Okomu Wild- The last is especially important because the villag- life Sanctuary is the core, is one of the largest and least- ers of Old and New Ekuri are the main implementers degraded areasof natural forest remaining in southwest of the project and are in the process of building a Nigeria(Oates 1995). The intentof the Okomu Forest cooperative to administer the forest management Project is to protect the sanctuary and to improve the project. Several traditional groupings exist within the management of the reserve so that the whole complex villages, all of which are involved in decisions about can survive as a viable and representative sample of the project's activities. They include the chiefs and natural ecosystems in this part of Nigeria. The project their advisers, the Women's Group, and the Youth has several components, which focus on actively pro- Group (which actually takes in everyone else, regard- t2cting the sanctuary, encouraging tourism, promoting less of age). Potential conflicts that arise between sustainable use of the forest reserve, and raising envi- different interest groups are resolved through village ronmental awareness among nearby communities. debates, with final decisions being made by the vil- These efforts have been supported by the WWF, ODA, lage chiefs and their councillors. NCF, and Pro-Natura International.2 As of 1995, a new CFO from vso was continuing to The Okomu Forest Reserve is in Edo State, which assist the Ekuri people with their community forestry before 1991 was the northern half of Bendel State. It project. Local people had completed training in chain- became protected in 1912 and later was extended to saw operation and had started to fell and market trees encompass about 1,340 square kilometers (later re- selected from the plot inventoried in 1993. duced by excisions, as described below). A section of The project has been successful largely because it 67 square kilometers was listed as a wildlife sanctuary is based on the recognition that local communities are by Bendel State government in 1985. In 1990 this was the primary direct stakeholders in the management of extended to about 112 square kilometers. By arrange- the forests and because technical and financial support ment with the government, the NCF became respon- has helped give the communities the confidence to sible for managing the sanctuary, and the forest implement their own initiatives. It is the local people reserve was managed by the Edo State Forestry De- who have formulated the project's objectives and who partment (White 1988). make decisions on how those objectives are to be The sanctuary is an important refuge for many achieved. Without the project, there is little doubt that species that live within the forest reserve and that now the Ekuri forest would have been logged by outside face possible extinction in Nigeria. These include the companies. The forest remains intact because of local forest elephant (Loxodonta africana cyclotis), chim- people's confidence in their own ability to manage it panzee (Pan troglodytes), leopard (Panthera pardus), themselves for their own benefit. yellow-backed duiker (Cephalophus sylvicultor), The Ekuri project demonstrates, in the Nigerian short-snouted crocodile (Osteolaemus tetraspis), and context, the value of decentralized decisionmaking. royal python (Python regius). The sanctuary offers the 88 Nigeria best and perhaps the only chance for long-term sur- the communities. The project undertook a socioeco- vival of the white-throated guenon (Cercopithecus nomic survey funded by ODA, which was to lead to a erythrogaster), one of Nigeria's two endemic pri- buffer zone development program (Lloyd and mates (Anadu and Oates 1982; Oates and others Omorodion 1992). 1992). Some of these initiatives were later criticized be- A widely accepted guideline is that at least 500 cause they tended to promote economic activity in the square kilometers of natural forest are needed to main- area without providing adequate wildlife support and tain viable populations of larger mammals such as forest protection measures (Oates 1995). The impor- elephants, leopards, and chimpanzees. The Okomu tance of ensuring a proper balance between develop- Sanctuary itself is only 112 square kilometers in size, ment and conservation in such projects is now but it was assumed when it was created that it always acknowledged. In any case, a more immediate threat would be surrounded by natural forest to conserve to Okomu began in 1992, when the French company larger forest mammals. By 1994, however, land clear- Michelin was awarded a concession to establish a ance for farming and plantations had reduced the area rubber plantation in the northeast of the reserve. This of natural forest to about 500 square kilometers (in- was done without consulting the enclave village of cluding the sanctuary), and such clearances continue Iguowan, which traditionally harvested forest prod- (Oates 1995). This means that increasing numbers of ucts from the area to be cleared. The villagers became species no longer may be able to survive within the increasingly outraged as forest clearance proceeded, sanctuary and forest reserve complex. particularly when they realized that it would extend to About twenty-five villages, with a total population the village boundary. They noted that lakes in the of about 45,000, are within the forest reserve. The cleared area had dried up and realized they would be people carry out many activities that affect the forest, forced to find alternative sources of clean water, including clearing land for farming, underplanting the wood, bush meat, and medicinal plants. forest with cocoa, hunting, and gathering nontimber The village of Iguowan sought assistance from a forest products such as chewing sticks and rattan Nigerian NGO, Environmental Rights Action (ERA), canes (Morakinyo 1994b). These enclave villages are which protested the clearance of the forest to important stakeholders in the reserve, but they are not Michelin, with backing from the NCF and the forestry the only ones; others include traditional rulers, the department. Michelin refused to stop and continued to state forestry department, other branches of the Edo clear forest despite a federal law prohibiting further State government, logging and plantation companies, land clearance within forest reserves (Oronto 1994). and the NCF itself. Conflicts among some of these After much discussion among Michelin, ERA, Pro- stakeholders are linked to considerable pressure on Natura, the NCF, and the Edo State government, it the sanctuary and reserve. Three plantation companies emerged that the state forestry department's control of have been awarded concessions within the reserve to Okomu had been overridden by another state minis- plant rubber and oil palm, thus reducing the area of try, leading to Michelin's being awarded the conces- natural forest and compounding the impact of enclave sion illegally (Ashton-Jones 1994). communities on the remaining forest. The latter also is Because Michelin refused to change its Policy, ODA being logged by several timber companies under the suspended its support for the Okomu project until the concessions issued by the state forestry department. issue could be resolved with a guarantee that no fur- When the NCF first became involved in managing ther forest clearance would occur (J. Hudson, personal the sanctuary in 1987, it concentrated on installing communication, 1994). Discussions stalled in 1994. tourist trails and other facilities for visitors within the Michelin has agreed to leave some forest near sanctuary, and four game guards were employed to Iguowan and has stopped clearing forest, but the com- protect the area. As pressure increased on surrounding pany has not promised a permanent halt. Events at forests, however, project personnel realized that com- Okomu continue to be monitored by ERA and Pro- munities and institutions in Edo State would have to Natura International (Ashton-Jones 1994). be involved in developing and conserving both the It is now recognized that a more systematic strategy sanctuary and the reserve. The project therefore em- involving local stakeholders is required for long-term ployed village liaison officers and education staff to conservation of the Okomu forest. The project is now carry out a community awareness program and to preparing a land-use plan that will integrate the inter- begin discussing conservation of the sanctuary with ests and activities of all the different stakeholders who Julian Caldecott and Andrew Babatunde Morakinyo 89 use the forest (Darling 1995). It is hoped that the plan groups involved have exclusive conflicts of interest can be agreed to by all parties, dividing the reserve into with one another (for example, a given area of the designated multiple-use zones. These will include: reserve can contain a natural ecosystem or a planta- tion, but not both). This means that hard decisions * A buffer zone for harvesting nontimber forest prod- must be made, but these will benefit from being trans- ucts and for logging according to a management parent and strongly influenced in favor of the interests plan of local communities. * High forest, to be managed under long-term com- munity leases * A zone for plantations and tree crops Notes * Peripheral community farm lands with agroforestry * Swamp forest fringes. 1. Information for the Ekuri case study is from Morakinyo 1993, 1994a; Shelagh C. Heard, personal communication, State forestry departments throughout Nigeria are 1994; and Thorber, Otu, and Enuor 1995. both poor and weak, and this obstructs effective forest 2. Information for the Okomu case study is from Anadu management. The forest departments have been re- and Oates 1982; White 1988; Lloyd and Omorodion 1992; quired to generate revenue by awarding logging con- Ashton-Jones 1994; Oronto 1994; Darling 1995; and cessions, but they have not been able to retain, or Morakinyo 1994a, 1994c. otherwise obtain, adequate funds to allow supervision of logging, taungya farming, or the gathering of nontimber forest products within forest reserves References (Morakinyo 1994b). In many cases, as in Okomu, decisions made by forestry departments have been Anadu, P. A. 1987. "Progress in the Conservation of overridden by other branches of state government or Nigeria'sWildlife."BiologicalConservation41:237-51. by the federal government, leading to the overlogging Anadu, P. A., and J. F. Oates. 1982. The Status of Wildlife in of reserves and often to their conversion to planta- Bendel State, Nigeria, with Recommendations for Its tions. In the case of Okomu, more than 75 square Conservation. Report to the Bendel State Ministry of kilometers have been replaced by oil palm and rubber Agriculture and Natural Resources. New York: New plantations, and another 127 square kilometers are York Zoological Society; Washington, D.C.: World scheduled to be cleared and planted against the wishes Wide Fund for Nature. of local communities and the NCF. Areola, 0. 1987. "The Political Reality of Conservation in The needs of local forest communities are seldom Nigeria." In D. Anderson and R. Grove, eds., Conserva- considered in relation to the management of forest tion in Africa: People, Policies, and Practice, 277-92. reserves even though such communities may have the Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press. most to gain or lose from the outcome of forest man- Ashton-Jones, N. J. 1993. Unpublished proposal prepared agement. These communities also rarely have a say in for Pro-Natura, Paris, and the Nigerian Conservation forest management decisions. Having lost their right Foundation, Lagos, Nigeria. to use forest resources exclusively, they often join in . 1994. "Memorandum Re: The Michelin Rubber the overexploitation of remaining resources. This is an Company in Okomu Forest, Edo State, Nigeria." Pro- example of a common problem in conservation, that Natura International, Lagos, Nigeria, and Paris. of open-access exploitation, in which a lack of exclu- Caldecott, J. 0. 1996. Designing Conservation Projects. sive harvesting rights by one group leads to harvesting Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press. in competition with others. The inevitable result is Caldecott, J. 0., J. G. Bennett, and H. J. Ruitenbeek. 1989. degradation of the resource to the point where it ap- Cross River National Park, Oban Division: Plan for pears to be of so little value that investment in helping Developing the Park and Its Support Zone. Godalming, the ecosystem to recover is discouraged. By then, its U.K: World Wide Fund for Nature. fate is likely to be sealed, and it is usually destroyed. Caldecott, J. 0., and T. F. Fameso. 1991. TFAP Nigeria: The Okomu project is trying to reverse this se- Findings of the Preliminary Conservation and Environ- quence by strengthening local control of the forest ment Study Mission. Brussels, Belgium: Commission of reserve in collaboration with the Edo State Forestry the European Communities. Department and other stakeholders. Some of the Caldecott, d. 0., J. F. ates, and H. J. Ruitenbeek. 1990. 90 Nigeria Cross River National Park, Okwangwo Division: Plan . 1994b. "Community Forestry in the Support for Developing the Park and Its Support Zone. Zone of Cross RiverNational Park." The Nigerian Field Godalming, U.K.: World Wide Fund for Nature. 59 (Parts 3-4):95-104. Darling, P. J. 1995. Masterplan for Okomu Forest Reserve. . 1994c. "The Ecology and Silviculture of Rattans Edo State, Nigeria. Godalming, U.K.: World Wide Fund in Africa: A Management Strategy for the Rattan Re- for Nature; Lagos, Nigeria: Nigerian Conservation sources of Edo and Cross River States, Nigeria." MS. Foundation; London: Overseas Development Adminis- thesis, Bangor University, Wales, U.K. tration. Oates, J. F. 1995. "The Dangers of Conservation by Rural FGN (Federal Government of Nigeria). 1991. "Decree No. Development-A Case-Study from the Forests of Nige- 36: National Parks Decree 1991." Federal Republic of ra." Oryx 29:115-22. Nigeria Official Gazette 78(44, 26 August):A213-63. Gates, J. F., P. A. Anadu, E. L. Gadsby, and J. L. Werre. Forrest, T. 1993. Politics and Economic Development in 1992. "Sclater's Guenon-A Rare Nigerian Monkey Nigeria. Boulder, Colo.: Westview. Threatened by Deforestation." National Geographic Re- Gadsby, E. L., and P. D. Jenkins, Jr. 1995. "The FFPs Drill search and Exploration 8:476-9 1. Project." Fauna and Flora News (April 1995):1-2. ODNRI (Overseas Development Natural Resources Institute). Happold, D. C. D. 1971. "A History of Wildlife Conserva- 1989. Nigeria: Profile of Agricultural Potential. tion in Nigeria, and Thoughts for the Future." In D. C. D. Chatham, U.K. Happold, ed., Wildlife Conservation in West Africa, 7- Okali, D. U. U., and B. A. Ola-Adams. 1987. "Tree Popula- 14. IUCN Publications, New Series No. 22. Gland, Swit- tion Changes in Treated Rain Forest at Oio Forest zerland: World Conservation Union. Reserve, South-Western Nigeria." Journal of Tropical Haywood, A. H. 1932. "Nigeria-Preservation of Wild- Ecology 3:291-313. life." Journal of the Society for the Preservation of the Ola-Adams, B. A. 1981. "Strategies for Conservation and Fauna of the Empire (New Series) 17:27-48. Utilization of Forest Genetic Resources in Nigeria." Ni- Hurst, F. 1994. Assessment of Protected Areas in Nigeria gerian Journal of Forestry 11(2). for Future wwF Support. Godalming, U.K.: World Wide Oronto, D. 1994. "Synopsis, Environmentalism: The Case Fund for Nature. of Okomu Forest Reserve, Edo State, Nigeria." Environ- Ifowodo, O. 1994.Annual Report on Human Rights in Nige- mental Rights Action, Civil Liberties Organisation, ria, 1993. Lagos, Nigeria: Civil Liberties Organization. Benin City, Edo State, Nigeria. Jia, J. 1971. "The Yankari Game Reserve: 1955-70." In D. Osemeobo, G. J. 1988. "The Human Causes of Forest C. D. Happold, ed., Wildlife Conservation in West Af- Depletion in Nigeria." Environmental Conservation rica, 27-30. IUcN Publications, New Series No. 22. 15(l). Gland, Switzerland: World Conservation Union. Rowell, A. 1995. "Trouble Flares in the Delta of Death." Lloyd, P., and F. I. Omorodion. 1992. Socio-Economic The Guardian, London (8 November):6-7. Survey oftekouFrs,EoSaeNiei.Lg, Saro-Wiwa, K. 199 1. Foreword to the Ogoni Bill of Rights. Suve of the Okomu Forest, Edo State, Nigeria. Lagos, Nigeria: Nigerian Conservation Foundation; London: Port Harcourt, Nigeria: Movement for the Survival of Overseas Development Administration. the Ogoni People. Lowe, R. G. 1984. "Forestry and Forestry Conservation in Sayer, J. A., C. S. Harcourt, and N. M. Collins. 1992. The Nigeria." Commonwealth Forestry Review 63(2). Conservation Atlas of Tropical Forests. Africa. London: . 1993. "A Forest Officer in W. Nigeria." The Macmillan. Nigerian Field 58 (Parts 3-4). Singh, J., I. Hewawasam, R. McCarney, E. Rose, and H. J. Martin, C. 1991. The Rainforests of West Africa: Ecology, Ruitenbeek. 1990. "Towards the Development of an Threats, and Conservation. Basel, Switzerland: Environmental Action Plan for Nigeria." World Bank, Birkhauser. Washington, D.C. Morakinyo, A. B. 1993. The Ekuri Community Forestry Thornber, K., D. Otu, and 0. Enuor. 1995. "The Ekuri Project: Project Report and Recommendations. Initiative." Unpublished project proposal. Godalming, U.K.: World Wide Fund for Nature; Cala- wcmc (World Conservation Monitoring Center). 1988. Ni- bar, Cross River State, Nigeria: Cross River State For- geria: Conservation of Biological Diversity. Cambridge, estry Department. U.K. . 1994a. "The Commercial Rattan Trade in Nige- White, L. J. T. 1988. "The Okomu Forest Project." Primate ria." Forest, Trees, and People Newsletter 25:22-30. Conservation 9:28-29.  ：一 JJ 只匀 口 、J 口二 卜J CJ 一曰 9 Philippines Maria Dulce M. Cacha and Julian Caldecott The Philippines is a tropical archipelagic nation be- during 1972-86. During that time, an official percep- tween Borneo and Taiwan (China) and between the tion that regional, environmental, and social causes South China Sea and the Pacific Ocean (5-1'N, 116- were linked with the political left promoted polariza- 127E). It is made up of about 7, 100 islands, with a tion of views that discouraged decentralization and total land area of some 300,000 square kilometers, effective conservation. two-thirds of which are the islands of Luzon and Against this background, extreme pressure built up Mindanao. The Philippine islands were first visited by on the country's natural ecosystems (Roque 1994). Europeans in 152 1. They were annexed and ruled by Especially from the mid- 1960s to the mid- 1980s, ex- Spain until the Spanish were expelled in 1898-99 cessive and often illegal logging, farming, and associ- (see, for example, Cruikshank 1985) as the result of an ated deforestation reduced forest cover to less than a indigenous rebellion that lasted from 1894 until 1902. quarter of the land area (Vitug 1991; ADB 1994). The The rebellion was extinguished by American forces country possessed at least 8,000 species of flowering shortly after the country became a U.S. colony (see, plants and 1,000 species of vertebrate animals, of for example, Schott 1964). The country became inde- which about 40 percent of each group were endemic pendent in 1946. (Cox 1988; Collins, Sayer, and Whitmore 1991). The By 1992 the population was about 62 million, massive habitat damage in the country has caused increasing by about 2.4 percent annually. Eco- many species to become endangered or extinct (for nornically, the Philippines now falls in the lower- example, an estimated 40 percent of the flora; Petocz to-middle global income range. Average gross 1988; McNeely and others 1990). national product (GNP) per person in the early The government's strategic response to environ- 1990s was US$600, about the same as China and mental problems began with dramatic change in the Papua New Guinea (UNDP 1991). Wealth is concen- political system in 1986, following which the new trated in urban centers and among elite groups; the government adopted agrarian reform as a priority. poorer two-thirds of the population live in rural ar- This was resisted by influential landowning interests, eas and are supported directly or indirectly by ag- however, and only public forest lands tended to be riculture, fisheries, and forest harvesting. redistributed to the rural poor, thereby speeding de- Over many years, factors including landlessness, forestation. This period can be seen as transitional poverty, and the lack of effective land reform led both because the administration remained centralized and to a widespread communist insurgency and to re- unsupportive of local tenure-based resource manage- gional separatist movements, especially in Muslim inent. Official awareness was growing, however, that areas of Mindanao. These and other factors, such as such management might slow the loss of terrestrial the lack of a universal common language and the and coastal habitat by providing incentives to local cultural diversity and mobility of the population, people to manage them sustainably. Advocates of made it hard to run the country in a strongly central- this strategy came no longer to be seen merely as ized manner. Determined efforts were nevertheless communist sympathizers, and their ideas gradually made to do so, and martial law was used to this end were accepted into the mainstream of political 93 94 Philippines thought. This led to the beginning of a fundamental Arrangements for supervising LGU's activities are change in the philosophy of government, which intendedtoensurethatrelevantlawsareimplemented opened the Philippines to new ideas of decentraliza- and that prescribed powers and functions are not ex- tion and conservation. ceeded. Barangays are placed under the city or munici- Further changes followed the Philippine Strategy pality, thecities and municipalities undertheprovince, for Sustainable Development, which has guided the andthe provinces, "highly urbanized cities,"and"inde- policies of the Department of Environment and Natu- pendent component cities" underthe president's office. ral Resources since the early 1990s. The strategy in- The Department of Interior and Local Government as- tended to integrate environmental, population, and sists the president in supervising the LGUS. The devolu- social welfare concerns into decisionmaking and de- tion of power and responsibility was accompanied by velopment planning and to promote environmental the transfer of assets and personnel of the national education and citizens' participation in resource man- agencies and offices to the local government. agement. Specific goals included properly pricing Under the code, the LGus have increased corpo- natural resources, strengthening usage rights and rate powers, including authority to execute propri- other forms of resource tenure, rehabilitating dam- etary rights in managing economic enterprises, to aged ecosystems, reducing timber harvests, banning raise loans from domestic financial institutions, to logging in intact forests, and forbidding the export of secure grants from local, national, and foreign most wood and wood products. Additional reforms sources, to extend loans to other LGUS, and to pro- were then brought about through the Local Govern- vide assistance to calamity-stricken LGUS. They ment Code of 1991 and the National Integrated Pro- also have the power to generate revenue by im- tected Areas System (NIPAs) Act of 1992 (described posing local taxes, fees, and charges (MacDonald below). The code transferred many responsibilities 1992). The LGUs are entitled to raise funds through from central government to the various levels of local local taxes, and they receive a 40 percent share government units, whereas NIPAS introduced reformed both of the tax revenue of the national govern- and consolidated protected areas under local and in- ment and of revenue arising from the exploitation clusive management by protected-area management of natural resources within their jurisdiction, such boards. as minerals, timber, and fisheries. As a result of these new arrangements, the LGu The Local Government Code of 1991 share of national tax revenue grew from P20 billion in fiscal 1992-93 to nearly P52 billion in fiscal 1994-95. Rapid change occurred during the early 1990s in the Their share in revenue from the use of natural re- political and administrative context of conservation in sources increased from P1.5 billion in fiscal 1993-94 the Philippines. This resulted especially from the Lo- to P2.1 billion in fiscal 1994-95. These increased cal Government Code of 1991 (Republic Act 7160), levels of funding are conditional on 20 percent Of LGU which came into effect in January 1992 and began to receipts from the national government being spent on be implemented six months later (MacDonald 1992; local development projects, which in turn must be Brillantes 1993; Nolledo 1993). The code transferred assisted by national agencies and government corpo- many responsibilities from central government to the rations. The code also requires that LGus and NG0s be various levels of local government units (LGus), which consulted on environmental and other implications of include the 73 provinces, various cities, 1,554 munici- any national project before it is undertaken in their palities, and 41,882 barangays. The code also encour- areas and that LGUS must participate in planning and aged nongovernmental organizations (NGos) to implementing such projects. actively develop local autonomy. Areas of new LGU The code promotes participation by NGOS in the LGU responsibility included most services in agriculture, planning process, partly by requiring NGOS to be repre- public works, social welfare, and health, as well as sented on the various councils and boards mandated school-building programs and community-based for- by the code. These include local development coun- estry projects, such as social forestry and management cils; prequalification, bids, and awards committees; of community forests up to 50 square kilometers in school boards; health boards; and peace and order area. Certain regulatory powers also were devolved, councils. The LGUS may undertake, jointly with NGOS including those governing the reclassification of agri- and private sector groups, projects to, for example, cultural land and the enforcement of fisheries and deliver certain basic services, build local capability, environmental laws. and promote livelihood programs and rural develop- Maria Dulce M. Cacha and Julian Caldecott 95 ment. Partnership between the private sector and local a national park banned all settlement and hunting. government in undertaking development projects is This intent was rendered futile and obsolete by the promoted and facilitated by their authority to enter pressure of upland populations on park premises, into arrangements such as "build-operate-transfer" by neglect of the parks in budgetary appropriations, and "build-and-transfer." and by an international consensus that "fortress" No reform on the scale of that mandated by the Local parks were unsustainable. Policy weakness re- Government Code can be attempted quickly without sulted, for example, in the whole province of some difficulty, as people adjust totheir new roles and Palawan being declared a game refuge and wildlife react to new challenges and opportunities. It has proved sanctuary. Thus, hunting and fishing were banned, hard, for example, for LGUS to meet the salaries of despite the size of the island (7,630 square kilome- former central government staff who have certain tech- ters) and the needs of inhabitants who depended on nical skills, such as environmental management hunting and fishing. (Brillantes 1993). Although the LGu revenue base has Institutional arrangements were inadequate. Park been greatly strengthened, the code requires that LGUS management was the responsibility of regional, allocate funds to tasks (such as environmental manage- provincial, and municipal officers of the Depart- ment) for which few local officials have been trained ment of Environment and Natural Resources and of which few appreciate the importance. Other (DENR). These same officers also were responsible problems include weak fiscal, planning, management, for licensing mineral and forest exploitation, for and administrative skills among local officers and staff. controlling "alienable and disposable" lands, for A recognized constraint on the process is the identifica- regulating pollution, and for processing environ- tion and packaging of programs and projects that may mental impact assessments (EIAS). So few staff be funded by, with, or for the LGUS. were available that very few field offices could assign full-time staff for parks. Pre-1992 Legislation Management responsibility was fragmented. The legal instruments that established different park Under Section 3 of the 1987 Constitution, national categories also designated various offices to man- parks constitute one of several categories of land in age them. Although the main body responsible for the public domain, the others being agricultural, for- park management was the Protected Areas and est, and mineral lands. All protected areas in the Phil- Wildlife Bureau (PAWB) Of DENR, not all such areas ippines thus fall legally into the national park were under its jurisdiction. For example, tourist category. Section 4 of the Constitution provides that attractions were under the Philippine Tourism Au- once an area is declared a national park, boundaries thority, fishery sanctuaries were under the Depart- have to be marked and cannot be moved to reduce the ment of Agriculture, and the National Power Cor- size of the park except by an act of Congress. Earlier poration had jurisdiction over some parks where laws defined a national park as "any portion of the geothermal power plants had been built (for ex- public domain which, because of its panoramic, his- ample, Mount Makiling in Luzon; Caldecott 1993). torical, scientific, and aesthetic value, should be dedi- Community participation was limited. The old con- cated and set apart for the benefit and enjoyment of cept of national park, which excluded settlement the people of the Philippine Islands." entirely, greatly limited opportunities for the par- Many laws, proclamations, and executive orders ticipation of communities eager to establish land set aside areas as national parks, including historical tenure. This conflicted with the reality of tradi- or memorial parks, tourist attractions, and other pro- tional residence by indigenous people within parks tected areas. The legal instruments often were incon- and the needs of migrant settlers driven into the sistent and overlapped one another, they placed the uplands by unemployment and landlessness else- management of national parks under various national where. agencies, and they established several categories of - Limited funds were available for park manage- park. In the absence of clear and consistent law and ment. (The issue of financing conservation is dis- administrative arrangements, the following problems cussed below under funding sources for conserva- became entrenched (FSDI 1992): tion.) - Definitions and criteria for selecting areas to pro- * Legislation was outdated, and policy guidelines tect were vague and unclear. The categories of park were lacking. The original (1933) legal concept of derived from existing laws were numerous and 96 Philippines overlapping; they included national parks, forest Within one year of the NIPAS law's coming into reserves, game refuges and bird sanctuaries, water- effect, DENR was required to submit a map and legal shed reservations, reserve areas for tourism, tourist description of the boundaries of each protected area. zones, fishery sanctuaries, marine reserves, and Within two years after that date, DENR was required to wilderness areas. complete and submit to the president of the Philip- pines a review of the status and suitability of each area The National Integrated Protected Areas System as a permanent component Of NIPAS. This was to Law of 1992 supplement the DENR secretary's discretion in recom- mending new areas for protection or existing areas for The National Integrated Protected Areas System deestablishment. The review was to be based on a (NIPAs) Law (Republic Act 7586) was enacted in June survey of occupants, an ethnographic study, a re- 1992 and today governs all parks in the Philippines. It source profile, land-use plans done in coordination specifies procedures for establishing and deestab- with the respective regional development councils, lishing protected areas and their buffer zones and de- and any other background studies that could serve as a fines categories of park for management purposes. It basis for selection. mandates the review and assessment of all existing Public hearings on the establishment of a protected parks. It also requires public consultation, promotion of area are required under NIPAS. The period for public community, and NGo participation in establishing and notification was set at a minimum of thirty days prior managing the parks and in preparing and implementing to the public hearing. their management plans. NIPAS further requires EIAS for activities that might Administration of the System affect parks but are not included in their management plans. It recognizes the rights of people to their ances- DENR'S Protected Areas and Wildlife Bureau (PAWB) is tral domain as well as those of tenured migrants. It the central staff agency that implements NIPAS. To defines responsibilities for the management and ad- ensure that adequate staff are assigned to implement ministration of parks, allows field personnel to be the law, NIPAS provides for creation of a Protected deputized and special prosecutors to be appointed, Area and Wildlife Division under the regional techni- restricts activities within protected areas, and imposes cal director in each regional office where a protected fines for violations. The law also provides a financing area exists, Areas that were under other government mechanism through the establishment of an Integrated departments before NIPAS remain so, but these depart- Protected Areas Fund. Within a month of the enact- ments must coordinate with DENR in preparing man- ment of the NIPAS law, the secretary of DENR issued agement plans. Implementing Rules and Regulations through Depart- Each park has a superintendent, who is the chief ment Administrative Order 25. This completed the DENR operating officer on site and who reports to the introduction of the new law and made it possible to Protected-Area Management Board and the regional put a new management regime for protected areas into executive director through the regional technical di- effect (table 9-1). rector. The superintendent conducts liaison with the provincial and community officers Of DENR who have Management of Protected Areas under NIPAS jurisdiction over the park. NIPAS was defined initially as including all areas Protected-Area Management Board that had previously been designated by any legal instrument as: Each protected area must have a Protected-Area Man- a a pemaenagement Board (PAMB) comprising: suplmeNationRaeclar'sdicrtinrnkecm m Game refuges, bird, and wildlife sanctuaries a The regional executive director Of DENR, as chair " Wilderness areas d A representative of the autonomous regional gov- " Strict nature reserves enr ent, if applicable (for example, the Autono- s Watershed or mangrove reserves mous Region of Muslim Mindanao) w Fish sanctuaries 0 The provincial development officer a Natural and historical landmarks A representative of the municipal government " Protected and managed landscapes and seascapes b A representative of each barangay that overlaps the " Virgin forests. protected area Maria Dulce M. Cacha and Julian Caldecott 97 Table 9-1. Sectoral Arrangements for Habitat Conservation in the Philippines Function or Central PAMB and Representative of Local govern- Private authority government IPAF central government ment (LGU) NIPA NGO sector Project execution Clarifies land tenure Yes n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. Creates boundaries Yes Yes Yes n.a. n.a. Yes Yes Issues permits n.a. n.a. Yes Yes Yes n.a. n.a. Designs projects Yes Yes Yes n.a. Yes Yes Yes Delegates to Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Operation and maintenance Confirms enforcement n.a. n.a. Yes n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. Executes directly n.a. n.a. n.a. Yes n.a. n.a. n.a. Delegates to Yes n.a. Yes n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. Revenue arrangements Collects user fees Yes Yes n.a. Yes n.a. n.a. n.a. Shares revenue Yes Yes n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. Provides conditional grants Yes Yes n.a. n.a. Yes n.a. n.a. Provides contract income n.a. Yes n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. Borrows money Yes n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. Revenue allocation Among subsectors Yes Yes n.a. n.a. Yes n.a. n.a. To projects n.a. Yes Yes n.a. Yes n.a. n.a. To operations n.a. Yes Yes n.a. Yes n.a. n.a. To grants n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. Yes n.a. n.a. To contracts n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. Yes n.a. n.a. Financial control Approves spending Yes n.a. Yes n.a. Yes Yes n.a. Oversees accounts Yes Yes Yes n.a. Yes Yes n.a. Oversees procurement Yes n.a. Yes n.a. Yes Yes n.a. Extent of local participation Consults on priorities n.a. Yes n.a. n.a. Yes Yes Yes Approves plans Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Represented on boards n.a. n.a. Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Represented on panels and committees n.a. n.a. n.a. Yes Yes Yes Yes Elects representatives n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. Yes Yes Yes Participates in benefits n.a. n.a. n.a. Yes Yes Yes Yes Provides material or labor n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. Yes Yes Yes Involved in quality control Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes n.a. Not applicable or not available. Note: PAMB, Protected-Area Management Board; iPAF, Integrated Protected Areas Fund (parastatal organizations); LGU, local government unit (province or city, municipality, and barangay); NIPA, National Integrated Protected Area (beneficiary organization). 98 Philippines * A representative of each tribal community, if appli- ment Planning Strategy developed by PAWB with the cable help of certain NGOS. The plan prescribes the manage- * At least three representatives of NGOs and local ment zones to be used within the parks, measures to community organizations, where necessary protect the rights and interests of indigenous cultural * Representatives of other departments or national communities and tenured migrants, and measures to government agencies involved in management of achieve closer coordination among parts Of DENR, the the protected area concerned. LGUS, the private sector, and the general public. Management plans are prepared for each park by Members of the board are appointed by the secre- the Protected Areas and Wildlife Division of the DENR tary of DENR, although local representatives must be regional office, with the assistance of technical ex- designated by the head of the LGU concerned and NGO perts supplemented by dialogue with the public, in- representatives must be endorsed by the heads of their cluding detailed consultation with local communities organizations. The board may create and delegate and NGOS familiar with the park area. The plan is powers as needed to an executive committee, com- reviewed and endorsed by the Protected-Area Man- posed of the regional technical director of DENR as agement Board and approved by the DENR secretary. It chair and at least two representatives each from the is the basis of the annual operations for the area. LGU, NGOS, and tribal communities, if applicable. The board can make decisions and authorize action by Actual Park Management at Present majority vote in the following areas: Because protected areas are in the public domain, * Planning, resource protection, and general admin- authority to manage them rests with the national gov- istration of the area in accordance with the General ement rather than with the LGUs, and this was not Management Planning Strategy (described below) altered by NIPAS. The law promotes decentralization, * Proposals, work plans, action plans, and guidelines however, by creating the protected-area management for managing the park in accordance with its man- boards, through which the LGUS, indigenous commu- agement plan nitieS, NGOS, and autonomous regions are represented. * Definition of the boundaries of the park, buffer Subject to DENR guidance, the management board de- zones, ancestral domains, and the rights and privi- termines permissible activities within the protected leges of indigenous communities in relation to area. The new management system therefore has both those boundaries and the management plan centralized and decentralized aspects. * Rules and regulations to promote development pro- One study has concluded that very little protection grams and projects on biodiversity conservation and management of parks actually are being under- and sustainable development consistent with the taken in the field (FSDI 1992). This is attributed to a park's management plan continuing culture of neglect and a lack of financial * Implementation of programs as prescribed in the support from national government. These problems management plan to provide employment for remain, even though parks and wildlife resources have people dwelling in and around the park begun to receive attention in the General Appropria- * Control and regulation of the construction, opera- tion Act and as a distinct responsibility of national and tion, and maintenance of roads, trails, waterworks, regional government, rather than as an add-on to me- fire protection, and sanitation systems and other search, development, or general forestry enforcement public utilities within the park programs. * Monitoring and evaluation of the performance of Notwithstanding the lack of funds to manage pro- park staff, NGOS, and local communities in provid- tected areas, NIPAs has promoted conservation aware- ing for biodiversity conservation and sociocultural ness and has encouraged action among NGOS, peoples' and economic development; reporting of these as- organizations, communities, LGUS, and DENR field of- sessments to the NIPAS Policy and Programme fices. Some management boards have been set up and Steering Committee and the governing board of the are operating even with insufficient funding support. Integrated Protected Areas Fund (see below). Funding Sources for Conservation Park Management Planning Before 1990, no national appropriation existed to sup- A management plan must be prepared for each pro- port DENR's regional offices in development of pro- tected area in accordance with the General Manage- tected areas and wildlife resources. Such activities if Maria Dulce M. Cacha and Julian Caldecott 99 undertaken at all, were subsumed under environmen- development and maintenance, subject to guidelines tal management or ecosystem research and develop- set by the governing board of the IPA Fund. This board ment services. In 1989, DENR'S Protected Areas and has seven members: the DENRsecretary orarepresenta- Wildlife Bureau received only P13.5 million, mainly tive, as chair; two representatives Of DENR or other gov- for policy development and planning. In 1990, how- ement agencies; two members from accredited NGOS; ever, the regional offices were allocated about P17.2 andtworepresentatives ofindigenous communities. million specifically for parks and wildlife, with a fur- ther central office budget of P25.7 million, for a total Debt-for-Nature Swap Programme of P42.9 million out of DENR's appropriation of P4.8 billion. That year marked a watershed in conservation One of the first programs for management of pro- financing by government. By 1995, although total tected areas was the Debt-for-Nature Swap DENR allocations had decreased to P4.3 billion, the Programme (DFNS). The World Wildlife Fund (WWF- share for protected areas and wildlife development us) and the U.S. Agency for International Develop- had increased to about P146 million. ment (USAID) redeemed Philippine government debt These increased budgets were not intended to fi- paper with a face value of US$2 million by exchang- nance all park protection and management by DENR'S ing it for its peso equivalent, to be used by the Philip- regional offices. The money was intended only to pine government for conserving biodiversity. The allow DENR to comply with the NIPAS law by reviewing program also was the first cooperative arrangement the initial components of the protected-area system with an NGO, the Haribon Foundation, as fund man- and by conducting the studies needed to decide the ager and as one of the project implementers. future of each protected area and prepare an initial Funds for the DFNS program were released in management plan. The funding also was intended to three tranches, equivalent to US$390,000 in 1989, establish protected-area management boards for each US$900,000 in 1990, and US$710,000 in 1992. park. The Haribon Foundation received the first two tranches. The WWF-us administered the third Integrated Protected Areas Fund through Philippine Business for Social Progress, an NGO whose members and main contributors are An Integrated Protected Areas (IPA) Fund was estab- large business corporations. The first tranche lished to finance activities and projects of NIPAS. The funded the management of two protected areas in fund receives revenue generated within the various Palawan-St. Paul National Park and El Nido Ma- parks and consolidates it with external donations and rine Sanctuary (see the case studies at the end of other funds that may become available from various the chapter). Later tranches extended financing to sources. NIPAS allows the fund to obtain resources three other parks: Mt. Pulog National Park in from: Benguet, Mt. Isarog National Park in Camarines Sur (see the case study), and Tubbataha Reef Na- * Taxes on the legal sale and export of flora, fauna, tional Marine Park in and around Palawan. These and other goods and services five parks received a total of P23.3 million * Proceeds from the lease of multiuse areas, includ- (US$962,000) from the DFNS program between ing tourism concessions February 1989 and June 1993. The program also * Contributions by industry and facilities directly financed complementary projects, including four benefiting from the protected area training, professional development, and research * Contributions, donations, endowments, and grants projects; three environmental education and public from any source awareness projects; two ecological database and * Fines and fees, including entry fees, that are de- survey projects; and two institutional establishment rived from operation of the park and support projects. * Other revenues that may be derived from the opera- tion of the protected areas. Management and Impact of the DFNS Program The DENR secretary may determine NIPAS fees to be The DFNs-supported projects at St. Paul, El Nido, and collected from government agencies or any person, Mt. Pulog were managed by DENR. Community orga- firm, orcorporationthatderivesbenefitfromthepro- nizing, extension, and awareness projects at Mt. tected areas. At least three-quarters of all revenue gen- Isarog were managed by the Haribon Foundation, and erated by a protected area is retained for its own work to protect the Tubbataha Reef National Marine 100 Philippines Park was undertaken by the Tubbataha Foundation, an dance with NIPAS, including the organization of their NGo based in Palawan. The DFNS funds flowed from management boards. Because the foundation can give the Central Bank to the Haribon Foundation and grants only to NGOS, funds are routed through NOS thence to the project implementers. Haribon managed even where project leaders and some staff are from and administered the funds and facilitated their trans- DENR. Where project personnel have been deputized, fer to the project sites. management and protection still are coordinated with This arrangement allowed the participants to ben- DENR. efit from the flexibility of working with an NGo and provided Haribon with the opportunity to work Donor Priority Sites closely with government on park protection. Imple- mentation of the projects funded under the DFNS pro- In 1990, a Japanese government grant administered by gram was supervised by a management committee the World Bank allowed phase I of the Integrated whose members included the DENR undersecretary for Protected-Area System Project (]PAS) to be undertaken environment, the president of the Haribon Founda- by DENR with a group Of NGOS led by the WWF-US. This tion, and a representative of the wwF-us. phase achieved the drafting of the NIPAS law; identifi- The DFNS program operated from February 1989 to cation, mapping, and initial management planning for November 1993. During this interval, the only pro- ten priority sites; training of technical staff, forest tected areas in the Philippines with sufficient funding rangers, and DENR regional directors; and general con- to build park infrastructure and to field enough per- sensus-building on IPs development priorities. Phase sonnel to manage and actively protect the areas were 2 is concerned with implementing seven-year man- St. Paul, El Nido, and Mt. Pulog. Tourism was empha- agement plans for the ten sites and is supported by a sized at St. Paul, and protection was the focus at El US$20 million grant from the Global Environment Nido and Mt. Pulog. The awareness program at Mt. Facility (GEF), with US$2 million in Philippine coon- Isarog motivated local people to begin protecting the terpart funding. Phase 2 was scheduled to begin im- forest from illegal loggers and poachers. The Tubba- mediately after phase I in June 1992 but was delayed taha project focused on protection by helping the work until early 1995 (GEF 1994, 1995). of local coast guards, but without laying the ground- Phase 2 Of WAS depends strongly on the perfor- work for a permanent solution to threats to the park. mance Of DENR'S partner NGos because almost three- quarters of the GEF grant are to be released to the NGOS Foundation for the Philippine Environment for Integrated Protected Areas, Inc., a consortium of about eighteen environmental and development NGOS. The Foundation for the Philippine Environment was Host NGOS will be chosen to assist DENR at each site, created in January 1992 as a grant-making organiza- and local NGos and community groups will be in- tion for biodiversity conservation, supported by an en- volved in community development, livelihood dowment fund financed by a US$10 million projects, operation of protected-area management debt-for-nature swap as part of USAID's Natural Re- boards, delineation of boundaries, socioeconomic sur- sources Management Programme. By late 1993 this veys, research, and training. The planned structure for endowment had increased to about US$23 million, and phase 2 is both centralized and decentralized. The NO the structure of the foundation itself was being devel- organization, for example, almost replicates DENR'S oped with wwF-us technical assistance. The foundation structure, except that it involves many independent operates under a board of trustees and uses an external organizations. Phase 2 is expected to upgrade experi- financial controller. It funds projects proposed by NGOs ence of improved park management and to help estab- and community organizations, either under its Respon- lish effective partnerships between government sive Grants Programme (maximum grant P2 million) groups and NGOS in undertaking conservation projects. or under its Action Grants Programme (maximum During the 1990s, the European Union (Eu) has grantP125,000). supported a number of rural development projects in The foundation has assumed the funding of all the the Philippines, including the Southern Mindanao Ag- parks formerly financed by the DFNS program except riculture Programme and the Western Samar Agricul- St. Paul. In addition to the regular components of the tural Resources Development Programme. These management program (protection, research, informa- projects employ community participation in which tion and education, and institution building), support people learn to select, evaluate, plan, and implement is given for establishing the protected areas in accor- microprojects to meet their own development needs in Maria Dulce M. Cacha and Julian Caldecott 101 the context of decentralization. In mid-1995, the EU - Areas with critical slopes, 40 percent (18') or initiated a five-year National Integrated Protected- steeper Area Project (NIPAP), which assists in the management - Prime agricultural lands of eight protected areas through community-based re- * Recharge areas for aquifers source management work at the municipal level and * Waterbodiesusedfordomesticpurposes,orwithin below. The parks affected are Mt. Pulog (Central Cor- protected areas, or that support wildlife and fisheries dillera), Mt. Isarog (Bicol), Mindoro National Park, * All reasonably intact mangrove areas Sibuyan Island (Visayas), Coron Island (Calamianes), * All reasonably intact coral areas. El Nido Marine Reserve and Malampayan Sound (Palawan), and Mt. Malindang (Mindanao). The EIA process also applies to environmentally critical projects, which include heavy industry; large Conflict between Development and Conservation reclamation, construction, and power projects; and industrial resource extraction. The latter may include Under the Local Government Code, LGUs are al- logging and wood processing, introducing nonnative lowed to plan and carry out their own infrastruc- species to forest lands, extracting mangrove products, ture projects. Although the construction of occupying forests, grazing, draining land, or develop- community and barangay roads is the concern of ing fish ponds. the LGUS, many local road and infrastructure Any projectto which the EIA process might apply is projects still are undertaken through or with the submitted to the regional DENR office, which decides assistance of the national government. Decentral- whether to exempt the project or to require further ization must proceed slowly because public works documentation. If the project is not exempted, a and infrastructure projects demand capital invest- project description must be submitted, from which ment and technical skills. Other categories in DENR decides whether an environmental impact state- which the national government dominates include ment (EIS) is required. If an EIS is not required, an facilities funded by the national General Appro- environmental compliance certificate (ECC) can be is- priation Act, special laws, executive orders, and sued at once. If one is required, it is reviewed by the works wholly or partially funded by foreign EIA unit and the review committee of the regional DENR sources. Exceptions occur where an LGU is desig- office before an ECC is issued or denied. nated as the implementing agency. This limitation Studies leading to the preparation of an EIS Must also tends to place projects that affect protected ar- examine likely effects on natural fauna and flora in the eas under the national government. area, among other things. A recent addition to EIA Protected areas and habitat protection in general are criteria is the social acceptance of the project by com- addressed by NIPAS, which provides policy guidance in munities likely to be affected by it. This feature lets these areas. National, regional, and local physical plans the community participate in decisionmaking within are supposed to take protected areas into account, and the EIA system, although the system itself remains parks are a main consideration in national land-use under DENR supervision. policy. NIPAS therefore requires all levels of govern- Under the constitution and NIPAS, once an area has ment to safeguard protected areas from planning fail- been protected legally, all activities within it become ures and externalities. regulated and must be consistent with its management Further protection is provided by the EIA system, plan. An activity not included specifically in that plan which applies to all developmentin environmentally is subject to the FIA process. Deestablishment of a critical areas (Balagot and Briones 1994). Such areas protected area requires approval by Congress. Despite include: these safeguards, conversion of protected areas by settlement or agriculture can occur because of inad- * National parks, watershed reserves, and wildlife equate physical protection in the field. Settlements sanctuaries exist in many national parks, and NIPAs accepts that * Sites with tourism potential such people have a right to occupy the land, provided * Habitats of threatened species (that is, most re- they were present from at least five years before the maining natural habitats in the Philippines) law came into effect or before the area became pro- * Sites of unique interest tected legally. This has encouraged families to settle * Homelands of traditional peoples within protected areas, particularly where lands were * Areas vulnerable to natural calamities known to be part of the iAS project (a situation aggra- 102 Philippines vated in this case by delayed implementation). Similar problem is that protected-area management boards difficulty might be expected in parks affected by NIPAP have yet to be organized and funded at many protected and similar projects. areas, so they are not available as forums for discuss- Conflict between rural development and habitat ing, avoiding, and resolving conflict. conservation arises when LGUS or other government entities initiate development within protected areas. Conclusions Conflict occurs because of uncertainty over park boundaries or even the existence of the park. Discord The Philippines is a large, diverse, and not particularly tends to become obvious only when the project clearly wealthy country with a history of social strife and violates rules that affect a park, and such conflicts serious environmental degradation. The reform pro- often are resolved at the national rather than local cess that began in the mid-I980s has a long way to go level. The EIA process provides an important means of before all the damaging effects of this history can be achieving such settlements, but it is not yet foolproof. turned to benefit. Nevertheless, much progress has The process should have been able, for example, to been made, and the pace of change has accelerated resolve the conflict regarding establishment of a geo- during the early 1990s. The former centralized and thermal plant in Mt. Apo National Park (Mindanao). In coercive style of governance, development, and con- this case, the main conflict was with indigenous com- servation essentially has been abandoned in favor of a munities rather than with park managers because pro- model based on participation, accountability, and tection of the park was almost nonexistent and the community tenure in the rural areas. conflict arose before enactment of NIPAs. Other ex- This is being complemented by rapid growth in amples of EIA failure include the erection of telecom- the role and influence of local, national, and inter- munication towers within protected areas, such as national NGOS, by significant assistance from many those approved by DENR in parks at Mt. Kitanglad official donor agencies, and by a general rational- (Mindanao) and Mt. Arayat (Luzon). These cases oc- ization and consolidation of the country's main curred before NIPAS came into effect, but other forms of biodiversity assets within the protected-area system. legal protection apparently were ignored at the time. Although abuses persist and shortages of funds and One of the ten priority sites of phase 2 of the PAs skills exist among the newly empowered LGUS, the project is Mt. Canlaon (Negros). Here, local leaders decentralization process continues to accelerate and were wary of planned conservation measures because is probably now irreversible. The Philippines is ex- they anticipated conflict with the area's role as a veg- ploring important stretches of the path toward sus- etable garden and tourist resort. The mountain serves tamable development. as the boundary of six different LGUS (three cities and three municipalities), all of which had their own plans Case Studies in the Philippines for the area's development. These plans were formu- lated as early as 1992 and well before the beginning of The following case studies present some successful park planning. The creation of a park management examples of decentralized conservation in the Philip- board seems an obvious way to resolve the conflict pines: St. Paul Subterranean River National Park, El because the LGUS would be represented on the board Nido Reserve, and Mt. Isarog National Park. and would have to participate in approving the man- agement plan. Delayed implementation of the IPAS St. Paul Subterranean River National Park project, however, so far has prevented dialogue and conflict resolution and has left the LGUS to undertake The St. Paul Subterranean River National Park was their own development plans. created in 1971 with an area of nearly 60 square Conflict between rural development and habitat kilometers, of which about one-third is buffer zone. Its conservation is seldom recognized as such, mainly most outstanding feature is an underground river 8.2 because so little active management of protected areas kilometers long, which attracts many tourists. The occurs. Many problems arise as a result of overlap- park contains both metamorphic and karst (limestone) ping jurisdictions or conflict of interest between com- formations, with peaks above 1,000 meters, and settle- munities. Influential local leaders or big businesses ments of indigenous Batak and Tagbanuas people often have conflicts settled in their favor through en- who are partly dependent on park resources. The park actment of a new law or by obtaining a necessary is within barangay Cabayugan in the city of Puerto official permit by fair means or foul. A widespread Princesa, the capital of Palawan Province. Proposals Maria Dulce M. Cacha and Julian Caldecott 103 have been made to enlarge the park to 860 square environment to the Palawan Council for Sustainable kilometers, which would extend it into two more Development. barangays, New Pangangan and Tagabinit. A management board was organized and assumed The population of Puerto Princesa grew rapidly control of the park in late 1993; it was chaired by the during 1980-90, from about 60,000 to more than city mayor and included representatives Of DENR, 92,000, but that of Cabayugan itself grew only from NGOS, and tribal groups. Under city government con- about 1,100 to 1,300 in the same period. Until 1992, no trol, the park underwent substantial changes, and road led to the park from the city, and the park was ac- more visitor cottages, toilets, and bathrooms were cessible only by pump boat. Surveys in Cabayugan in added, along with equipment such as motorboats. Ex- 1990 showed that about 40 percent of the population tra staff were hired, and many of the old project per- were farmers exclusively. Everyone else combined sonnel eventually were replaced. Fees are now farming with other work, such as laboring, weaving, collected and are held in a trust fund in the city. carpentry, or proprietorship. Mean annual household From the point of view of tourism development, the income in 1990 was estimated at aboutPl4,000, which city's management of St. Paul has been successful. is quite high by local standards. Significant investments have been made, and substan- The DENR was created in 1986 and took charge of tial revenues have accrued to the city. Because of a St. Paul National Park shortly afterward. Lack of lack of expertise, however, the city has been unable to funds before and since limited management to simple undertake much research or monitoring. Also, there protection, but more activity became possible under has been a lack of integration between management the DFNS program, which provided P9.7 million over programs and technical assistance provided by the five years. The project team comprised two to four Peace Corps. staff from the DENR regional office, as well as park St. Paul is a rare example of decentralized manage- rangers, a planning officer, a community organizer ment in which an LGu has a leading role. Advantages and information officer, researchers, and support include the operational flexibility allowed by the new staff. The project included components related to re- powers of the LGU under the Local Government Code source protection and law enforcement; community and its increased capability to invest in the park's organizing; research and restoration; visitor manage- operation and maintenance. Where local officials are ment; and infrastructure maintenance and develop- interested in park management, this arrangement is ment. Accommodation for visitors and rangers was good for the park. Where LGUS lack interest in conser- added to an existing administration building on-site vation, however, their management of a protected area and an office in Puerto Princesa. may be counterproductive. The next component to receive attention was visi- Funding for the St. Paul project appears to be as- tor management. Registered visitors increased from sured as long as the LGU is committed to maintain the fewer than 2,000 in 1983 to more than 16,000 in 1993, park, making this a condition of sustainability. One and most of this increase occurred during the project constraint on LGU control is that most funding for period itself (1989-93). Research received attention biodiversity conservation is routed through NGOS. In only later in the project and was undertaken by DENR the case of St. Paul, however, the city has proved to be staff. Studies were completed on the park's vegetation creative and innovative in finding funds for the im- and the habitat requirements and behavior of birds. proved management of the park. Despite management problems during the first half of the project, the park was successfully operated as a El Nido Reserve tourist destination. The park was administered by DENR for most of the El Nido Reserve started in 1984 as a marine turtle project period; during that time no fees were collected sanctuary covering 360 square kilometers of coastal from visitors because of bureaucratic difficulty, but waters and twenty small islands around Bacuit Bay in donations were accepted. Late in the project, while it northern Palawan. In April 1991, the sanctuary was remained under the DFNS program in 1993, park man- reconstituted as a marine reserve of 950 square kilo- agement was devolved by DENR to the Puerto Princesa meters, covering the hay itself and associated man- city government through a memorandum of agree- groves and critical inland watersheds. About half of ment. This was in line with the 1992 Strategic Envi- the reserve is terrestrial, and a quarter is forested. The ronment Plan for Palawan, which gave responsibility site is accessible by chartered airplane and by land or for managing the province's natural resources and sea from Puerto Princesa. 104 Philippines The reserve covers twelve of the eighteen agreed-to management plan. Although an additional barangays of the municipality of El Nido, where popu- grant was made by the WWF-US to produce a draft lation grew from about 16,000 in 1988 to 21,000 in management plan, this has not been finalized due to 1993. The local economy is based on fishing, tourism, the lack of technical expertise available to the project. agriculture, forestry, and gathering the edible nests of The El Nido project has benefited from strong leader- swiftlets (nido). El Nido is a popular tourist destination ship and a dedicated staff and has firmly established with 5,000-8,000 visitors each year. Bacuit Bay has itself in the project area. The NIPAS law, however, more than thirty dive sites, with coral communities, requires a change in the management structure of the rock formations, and underwater caves. Tourism reserve, and the transition and ongoing protection yields substantial income to local people, who provide were funded with a grant from the FPE in 1994-95. lodging, boat rental, and other services. Several large Palawan's Strategic Environment Plan places the resorts also operate in the area. management and protection of natural resources and Active management of the reserve started in 1989 environment under the Palawan Council for Sustain- under the DFNS program, and support for critical pro- able Development (PCSD). The Department of Justice tection work was continued until May 1995 by the has interpreted this to mean that the PCSD has jurisdic- Foundation for the Philippine Environment (FPE) tion over Palawan's protected areas but that manage- through the Marine Turtle Foundation. Between 1989 ment should be undertaken in close coordination with and May 1995, the project received P7.8 million, P6.4 DENR. The question, then, is whether El Nido should million from the DFNS program and P1.4 million from follow NIPAS or the Strategic Environment Plan. Local FPE. The flow of funds has not been entirely continu- officials do not acknowledge that NIPAs applies to El ous, however, and there were years when the project Nido and have formed their own council to oversee had to wait six to eight months without money, pend- management of the reserve. DENR also is attempting to ing a decision on continued funding. During these form a "proper" management board, and the situation times, the reserve was run by a skeleton staff who may be confused further by an executive order that is often worked without pay. consistent neither with NIPAs nor with the Strategic El Nido is under the jurisdiction of DENR, and al- Environment Plan. though management is funded from elsewhere it is Regardless of the outcome, the project anticipates closely coordinated with DENR. The project has a team the need for a permanent institution to continue pro- leader and includes DENR technical staff and some tection in the reserve. It is therefore working to create protection, research, and support staff, all hired lo- and support an organization of local community mem- cally. From the beginning, the project has involved bers. This strategy stems from the recent trend among resource protection, conservation education, research local and foreign donors of routing funds through and restoration, infrastructure development and main- NGos rather than through government channels. El tenance, and general administration. Nido is so valuable as a tourism asset that its protec- The project has proved to be most active in resource tion is strongly in the interest of resort operators as protection, but enforcement efforts have led to death well as funding organizations. While money has con- threats to project personnel. Enforcement has greatly tinued to be available, the project has continued pro- reduced damage to resources by trawling, purse seine tection work despite the confusion over jurisdiction. fishing, dynamite fishing, and poaching but has caused With the FPE grant ending in May 1995, however, the conflict with local officials and politicians who have an problem of confused jurisdiction is expected to be- interest in such activities. Meanwhile, the education come acute. It needs to be resolved urgently. component has raised awareness among local people and has prepared them for active participation in the Mt. Isarog National Park management board or council. Project staff have par- ticipated in several training courses, conferences, and Mt. Isarog, a dormant volcano 2,000 meters in height workshops. The project has established an administra- in the Bicol region of southeastern Luzon, is one of tion office and ranger stations at strategic locations. the most important watersheds in Camarines Sur. It Equipment has been acquired, including pump boats, was declared a forest reserve in 1935 and a national radios, scuba gear, cameras, megaphones, office equip- park in 1938, with an area of about 101 square kilome- ment, and furniture. ters. The mountain is divided among the city of Naga The project completed its five years of support and six municipalities. Twenty-three barangays exist from the DFNS program without guidance from an within the park, which in 1990 contained 735 house- Maria Dulce M. Cacha and Julian Caldecott 105 holds (up from 250 in 1975). Most depend on upland tershed to maintain water supplies and agricultural farming of coconut, abaca, rice, and bananas, as well productivity. The communities also had learned to as hogs and poultry. work together to guard the forests against illegal log- The Bicol region is one of the poorest in the Philip- gers and poachers. pines, and the farmers of Mt. Isarog supplement their One concern that emerged from these interviews, income illegally by logging, poaching, and farming however, was that local people had become dependent within the park. Most people around the park have on the community organizers provided by Haribon. little access to roads, electricity, transportation, water, This raises the question of how long an NGO can con- or basic social services. Average annual household tinue to deliver assistance to communities without income is about P3,000 (only about one-fifth of that at creating such dependency. The project had been under St. Paul in Palawan). Few tourist attractions exist in way for three years when the DFNS program was com- the area, and visitors to Mt. Isarog are mostly re- pleted, but the local people had not become self- searchers and students, with a few climbing enthusi- reliant. It is recognized that outside help is important asts, campers, and bird watchers. and may be vital for the improvement of a given The goal of the Mt. Isarog National Park Conserva- community, but a clear need exists for a phasing-out tion Project was to develop a protected-area manage- process to be designed into such projects. ment system model, using community organizing, park management, and research as principal project components. The project was implemented by the Haribon Foundation, and under the DFNS program of References 1989-93 it received almost P2.1 million. The FPE con- tinued funding in 1994-95, but there was a six-month ADB (Asian Development Bank). 1994. Forestry Sector interruption before the foundation approved the grant Study of the Philippines. Manila. for the project in late 1994. Balagot, B. P., and N. D. Briones. 1994. Strengthening While it was supported under the DFNS program, the Environmental Impact Assessment Capacity in Asia: A project succeeded in organizing five communities and Case Study on the Philippine Em System. College, La- setting up a people's organization in the pilot area. It guna, Philippines, and Halifax, Nova Scotia, Canada: also devised a management plan for Mt. Isarog, built a Environment and Resources Management Project. training center in one of the barangays, conducted Brillantes, A. B.,Jr. 1993. ThePhilippine LocalGovernment socioeconomic surveys and biodiversity inventories, Code of 1991: Issues and Concerns in theEnvironment and administered a number of training courses on Sector. Report No. 5. College, Laguna, Philippines, and leadership and environmental education for local Halifax, Nova Scotia, Canada: Environment and Re- people. The project also helped prepare the communi- sources Management Project. ties for an active role in the area's management board. Caldecott, J. 0. 1993. Opportunities for Biodiversily Man- The project had some unique features: agement in the Makiling Forest Reserve. Report No. 10. College, Laguna, Philippines, and Halifax, Nova Scotia, * The implementer was an NGO, and it undertook the Canada: Environment and Resources Management project without DENR staff on the project team. Project. * The project strategy was based on organizing com- Collins, N. M., J. A. Sayer, and T. C. Whitmore. 1991. The munities to protect the forest rather than on direct Conservation Atlas of Tropical Forests: Asia and the enforcement. Pacific. London: Macmillan. * The site was more a source of livelihood for people Cox, C. R. 1988. The Conservation Status of Biological than a tourist attraction. Resources in the Philippines. Cambridge, U..: World Conservation Monitoring Centre. Although only five of the twenty-three barangays par- Cruikshank, B. 1985. Samar: 1768-1898. Manila: Histori- ticipated, this at least demonstrated the feasibility of cal Conservation Society. working effectively with communities to conserve FSDI (Foundation for Sustainable Development, Inc.). 1992. natural resources. Interviews with community leaders Integrated Protected Areas System (ipAs) Project, Legis- in the third quarter of 1994 (when the project was lative Study, Final Report. Manila. awaiting new funding) showed that the project had GEF (Global Environment Facility). 1994. Republic of the increased their concern for the environment. People Philippines: Conservation of Priority Protected Areas now recognized the importance of protecting the wa- Project. Washington, D.C.: GEF and World Bank. 106 Philippines . 1995. Quarterly Operational Report, August Petocz, R. G. 1988. Philippines Strategyfor Environmental 1995. Washington, D.C. Conservation. Washington, D.C.: World Wide Fund for MacDonald, A. B. 1992. File Note Re: Philippines, Local Nature. Government Code. Manila: Delegation of the Commis- Roque, C. R. 1994. Interim Measuresfor Biodiversity Con- sion of the European Communities. servation in the Philippines. Manila: World Wide Fund McNeely, Jeffrey A., Kenton R. Miller, Walter V. Reid, for Nature. Russell A. Mittermeier, and Timothy B. Werner. 1990. Schott, J. L. 1964. The Ordeal of Samar. Indianapolis: Conserving the World's Biological Diversity. Washing- Bobbs-Merrill. ton, D.C.: World Bank, World Resources Institute, In- UNDP (United Nations Development Programme). 1991. Hu- ternational Union for Conservation of Nature and man Development Report 1991. Oxford, U..: Oxford Natural Resources, Conservation International, and University Press. World Wide Fund for Nature. Vitug, M. D. 1991. Powerfrom the Forest: The Politics of Nolledo, J. N. 1993. The Local Government Code of 1991, Logging. Manila: Philippine Center for Investigative Annotated 1993 Reprint with August, 1993 Addendum. Journalism. Manila: National Book Store. 1 966 【 거〕딤01〕○ …．: 20乙gZ a거히 10 Russia Margaret D. Williams and Michael R Wells The Russian Federation comprises one-sixth of the line. One immediate effect has been to increase the world's land area and contains an enormous diversity attractiveness of turning natural resources into cash as of ecosystems on a vast scale. These include one-fifth one of the few viable economic activities with the of the world's forests as well as its deepest and oldest potential to generate short-term gain. lake (Baikal), which contains more than 20 percent of Widespread and dramatic decentralization of the world's freshwater. Russia's eight biogeographic decisionmaking has been an integral component of zones encompass fifty-four distinct ecological zones, this transformation. The ability of the central govern- each containing unique associations of species. While ment in Moscow to reach out and exert absolute providing buffers against climate change and periodic power over vast areas has been significantly eroded. natural disturbance, these vast and diverse ecosystems Many republics of the former Soviet Union (FSU) offer one of the last opportunities to keep together the have become independent countries. Even within the large blocks of contiguous habitat considered essen- Russian Federation, many regions have become in- tial for conserving representative ecosystems, viable creasingly autonomous and are often more responsive populations, and ecological processes (Dinerstein and to immediate local concerns than to edicts from Mos- others 1994; Krever and others 1994). cow. Most government functions thus have been de- An impressive network of parks and reserves has centralized. contributed to conserving much of Russia's bio- Law enforcement in Russia's protected areas has diversity. The first protected areas were established as weakened, and illegal activities within park and reserve early as the reign of Peter the Great (1672-1725), boundaries have increased sharply (mining, construc- although some royal hunting reserves were in exist- tion, hunting, fishing, and logging). As exploitation of ence even earlier (Weiner 1988). More than 2,100 natural resources has increased, the very existence of federal and regional protected areas had been estab- some sanctuaries has been threatened. Even as pressure lished by 1991, covering more than 930,000 square mounts from the outside, the protected areas have been kilometers, or 4.1 percent of the land area. This pro- losing the ability to fend for themselves. Operating tected-area network is the largest and one of the most budgets have been cut to small fractions of their former important in the world and, until recently, was one of levels. Many professional park staff have been forced the best organized. to seek other employment, often in menialJobs offering With the demise of communism, a new and peril- significantly higher earnings (Krever and others 1994). ous situation has arisen that threatens to undermine Compounding these problerns, relatively little popu- biodiversity conservation throughout Russia. This lar support for biodiversity conservation exists in Rus- new situation came about during a period of radical sia, as a consequence of an acute shortage of public economic restructuring. Its characteristics include se- information or awareness. Local support for protected vere public sector budget reductions, unprecedented areas remains limited because of the authoritarian man- levels of inflation, profound political uncertainty, and ner in which most of the parks and reserves were origi- a breakdown in law and order. As many as one-third nally established and then managed by the FSU of the population may have fallen below the poverty government. 109 110 Russia A few bright spots have begun to emerge in this - Conducting ecological monitoring and scientific dismal picture, however: research -Providing ecological education * Reacting to the formidable new challenges, some * Training scientific personnel and specialists in na- protected-area managers have succeeded in im- ture conservation. proving relations with local communities and have begun to work constructively with the recently em- Until very recently, the zapovedniki were off-lim- powered regional governments. its to the general public, and human activity within * Other managers have demonstrated entrepreneurial them was strictly limited to scientific research. Nei- skill and have begun to find alternative financial ther tourism nor any other form of economic exploita- support. tion or development was allowed. (Minor ecotourism * Outside the government sector, greater freedom of has now begun in several reserves.) speech and the increased ease of communication The first law on protected territories was passed in have helped to trigger explosive growth in the 1916, authorizing the establishment of hunting pre- number and influence of Russian NGOS, especially serves and providing the basis for creating Russia's those concerned with environmental protection. first such territory, Barguzinksi Zapovednik, on Lake * Several nongovernmental organizations (NGOS) are Baikal (Weiner 1988). The statute establishing the becoming effective in safeguarding and supporting zapovedniki system was signed by Lenin in 1921, protected areas. Some have even forged construc- formalizing the status of several large reserves that tive relationships with nature reserve directors and had existed either to protect certain species or to serve their staffs; such relationships and coalitions be- as hunting estates for the nobility before the revolu- tween NGOs and government entities would have tion. The system grew steadily until 1951, when Stalin been unthinkable only five years ago. authorized a large reduction in response to economic * Some of the new partnerships of NGOs, protected- development concerns. area managers, and regional governments have After further reductions in 1961, the system grew launched promising local conservation initiatives, steadily for three decades (Weiner 1988; Pryde 1991). which are potential models for broader application. In 1991, there were more than 150 zapovedniki in the U.S.S.R.' s fifteen republics, half of them outside Rus- This chapter examines these recent changes in Rus- sia. By 1994, after the breakup of the Fsu, there were sia, explores their relation to decentralization, and as- eighty-nine zapovedniki in the Russian Federation, sesses the implications for biodiversity conservation. covering almost 290,000 square kilometers, or 1.4 percent of Russia's land area, and employing about Russia's Protected Areas 5,500 specialists (Williams and Belov 1994). Seven- teen zapovedniki have been designated as UNEsco bio- Russia has some of the oldest and largest pro- sphere reserves (Blagavidov, Chebakova, and tected areas in the world. These parks and re- Williams 1995). Most zapovedniki are now managed serves have been the site of an extraordinary by the Department of Biological Resources and Na- scientific research effort spanning several decades, ture Reserve Management within the Ministry of En- and they represent a unique reservoir of biologi- vironmental Protection and Natural Resources cal information. (MENPR). Employees often live in small villages deep within Zapovedniki the zapovedniki. In these areas, several activities are reluctantly permitted, such as picking berries and Zapovedniki, or strict scientific nature reserves, are mushrooms, developing fruit orchards, gardening, or the Russian equivalent of IucN category I protected keeping a few head of livestock. Without these oppor- areas (scientific reserves and wilderness areas). These tunities to generate supplementary income, most em- are the most important part of the protected-area net- ployees would be unable to survive with their families work. Zapovedniki are protected scientific research in such remote areas on their meager wages. These institutions that are responsible for: settlements do, however, present problems for reserve managers. Before a 1995 law prohibited privatization * Conserving biodiversity and maintaining protected of housing in protected areas, some housing on ecosystems in their natural condition zapovednik lands was sold to non-zapovednik em- Margaret D. Williams and Michael P. Wells 111 ployees, creating problems in enforcement of the the Division of National Parks in the Federal Forest zapovednik rules, as well as housing shortages. Service. About 3,000 people are employed in the na- New rules allow for the designation of special tional parks (Krever and others 1994; Williams and zones inside zapovedniki where local people can un- Belov 1994; Williams 1995;Blagavidov,Chebakova, dertake activities such as berry picking and fishing and Williams 1995). and where tourist nature trails can be established. In contrast to international practice, most Russian Most zapovedniki are bordered by a 2-kilometer national parks permit a variety of uses. Most were buffer zone under the jurisdiction of regional adminis- created by reclassifying forestry lands (Grigoriew and trations. Visitation usually is permitted in these areas, Lopoukhine 1993), although this process often was although this is very low at present. Some forms of complicated and incomplete. Once an area of forest- hunting or fishing are allowed, but large commercial land has been designated as a national park, the park activities, such as clear-cutting, are prohibited administration is considered the land user and has the (Blagavidov, Chebakova, and Williams 1995). right to manage and uphold the conservation regime. Zapovedniki always have been managed by the Agricultural lands, under the Ministry of Agriculture, central government and have little or no history of can be included within national parks if park planners interacting with local communities, let alone provid- consider them to have special historic or cultural value ing them any benefits. Not surprisingly, few local or if they are considered to be part of the ecosystem authorities have shown any interest in protecting na- represented in the park. Control of such agricultural ture reserves on their territory. As central government land is not transferred to the park, however, and pri- support shrinks and the control of natural resources vate farms, other government agencies, and villages shifts to regional governments, local populations have often retain the right to manage the land as they proven less inclined to respect and obey the laws please. The charter for national parks requires other protecting zapovedniki. landowners to observe national park regulations, but There have been several proposals to subordinate no enforcement mechanism exists. the management of zapovedniki to regional environ- Managing national parks as natural, cultural, and mental protection agencies, but these agencies have historical resources does not come easily to the Divi- little political influence and virtually no experience in sion of National Parks in the Federal Forest Service, land management. Many observers predict that such for this agency is concerned mainly with the exploita- decentralization would not only frustrate badly tion of forests for timber. Most senior managers in the needed reform of zapovedniki policy and manage- Division of National Parks are individuals with pro- ment practice but would also lead to the natural re- fessional experience in timber and forests; some are sources within many reserves being overexploited simply bureaucrats who lack any understanding of systematically and degraded for short-term commer- park management issues or concern for them. As a cial gain. result, few effective national park management poli- cies exist, and forest and timber interests usually are National Parks favored over park management and conservation needs. National parks have a fairly short history in Russia, By virtue of their status under the Federal Forest the first having been established in 1983. These are Service, national parks compete with state forests for areas of special ecological, historical, and aesthetic federal funding. Regional management units of the value, intended for environmental, recreational, edu- Federal Forest Service often override park interests, cational, scientific, and cultural activities. They are using funding mechanisms and old alliances with lo- important in preventing the exploitation of valuable cal and regional authorities to manipulate the park and comparatively large tracts of land that tradition- administration. For example, until recently, the Fed- ally have been used for recreation and cannot or need eral Forest Service transferred funds earmarked for not be completely protected from human use. Some national parks to the regional units of that agency, national parks in regions occupied by native popula- which then disbursed the funds. Since 1994, however, tions contain traditional-use zones. these regional units have had the authority to decide By 1994, Russia had twenty-eight national parks how much of their budget should be allocated to the covering 64,000 square kilometers, or 0.4 percent of national parks. This change has ceded tremendous the land area. National parks are established by the fed- authority to local forest service management. Because eral government, and park administration falls under timber and forestry interests usually take precedence 112 Russia over conservation and park needs, this has led to re- tion, scientific forest reserves, climate-regulating for- duced funding for national parks. Compounding this ests along the southern borders of tundra and northern problem, Federal Forest Service funding for national borders of steppe, Siberian cedar nut-producing parks can be used only for forest management. Other zones, greenbelts around cities and towns, and many vital conservation or restoration activities such as edu- others. Russia's first privately funded wildlife sanctu- cation, tourism, wildlife conservation, and research ary, Moriviovka Nature Park, was established in have to be financed from other sources. 1992. This reserve, managed by an NGO, set a prece- In April 1994, President Boris Yeltsin approved dent for brokering agreements among state farms, plans to establish seventy-two new zapovedniki cover- local government, and NGOS to preserve critical habi- ing 160,000 square kilometers and forty-two new na- tats for endangered crane species. Moriviovka Nature tional parks covering 100,000 square kilometers by Park is a cooperative effort of the Amur Branch of the 2005 (Williams and Belov 1994). But no arrangement Socio-Ecological Union (Russia's preeminent na- for financing these protected areas has been announced. tional environmental NGO), the International Crane Foundation, the Audubon Society, and the Wild Bird Zakazniki and Natural Monuments Society of Japan (Blagavidov, Chebakova, and Will- iams 1995). This nature park has raised funds for an Zakazniki (special-purpose preserves) and natural educational program and a modest headquarters. The monuments are the most common protected areas in founder of the reserve is now attempting to establish a the Fsu. They can be established on regional or local model in sustainable development, teaching local levels (of which thousands exist in Russia), as well as farmers organic, low-tillage methods, as well as trans- on the federal level, which is more rarely done. forming a meat-processing plant into a soy-producing Zakazniki have no permanent staff, and land users plant. (that is, government enterprises and agencies) gener- ally retain the right to use the territory with certain Financial Resources for the Protected Areas limitations. Natural monuments typically encompass less than 5 square kilometers and include features of The budget for the entire protected-area system of the special interest such as rock formations, bird rooker- Soviet Union increased from RI5 million in 1975 to ies, or scenic landscapes. R55 million in 1990, broadly in line with inflation. Both zakazniki and nature monuments put perma- But inflation began to increase very rapidly after nent or temporary limitations on land use. They are 1990, and the real financial resources available to the categorized by function, such as ecosystem (conserv- zapovedniki system have declined dramatically since ing valuable and rare communities), zoological (valu- then. By 1992, the real value of the budget for able animal species), botanical (rare plants), Russia's zapovedniki had fallen by about 90 percent geological, and so on. Some zakazniki allow limited from its 1989 level. The budget then barely kept pace economic activity such as hunting or berry picking with inflation in 1993 and 1994. Park managers tried during prescribed seasons. Because they can be cre- to protect their employees, and about 75 percent of the ated more quickly and easily than zapovedniki, budget was being spent on wages by 1995, even zakazniki have become the most widespread form of though most employees were earning significantly protected area in Russia and often constitute the less than minimum subsistence levels (Blagavidov greater part of protected areas in regions with long and Nikolskiy 1995). The MENPR allocated the equiva- histories of settlement (Williams and Belov 1994). lent of about US$7 million to the zapovedniki system Federal zakazniki covered about 120,000 square kilo- in 1994, an average of less than US$80,000 per re- meters in 1993 (Grigoriew and Lopoukhine 1993). In serve (Daushev 1995). 1994, the enormous Franz-Josef Land Zakaznik was These severe funding cuts have left some protected established in the Arctic, covering 42,000 square kilo- areas near collapse. Activities such as ranger patrols, meters of polar bear (Ursus maritimus) habitat, of fire control, new construction, and research have been which only 15,000 square kilometers are terrestrial sharply curtailed and in some cases suspended alto- (Williams and Belov 1994). gether. After several years of poor maintenance, seri- ous deterioration has become obvious in technical and Other Protected Areas safety equipment, communications facilities, ye- hic les, research laboratories, and libraries, as well as Other protected areas include microsanctuaries for in- in offices and employee housing. Violations in pro- sects, wetlands protected under international conven- tected areas have grown rapidly as the park's law Margaret D. Williams and Michael P. Wells 113 enforcement capability declines, as local communities and concerns often were overlooked. This especially experience increasing economic hardship, and as was true in the many areas where large and extrava- commercial trade develops in protected plants and gantly expensive development projects were under- animals. taken. Such projects often were planned and carried Rangers' monthly wages in Kandalaksha out with little regard for their economic cost, let alone Zapovednik in 1991 were about one-eighth of the their environmental cost. Both natural resources and minimum salary of a worker sweeping floors at labor were treated as free goods by the communist nearby Kandalaksha Nickel Smelter (RI 8,000). More state, causing both to be squandered. than one-third of the local laborers working in For example, heavy manufacturing, especially of zapovedniki lost their jobs in 1992 (V. Stepanitsky armaments and chemicals, was conducted virtually and V. Lukarevski, personal communication to E. without consideration of the social or environmental Simonov). Kandalaksha Zapovednik, which consists consequences. Huge agricultural subsidies and the use of archipelagos covering hundreds of kilometers, had of obsolete and unsuitable technologies caused enor- to sell seven of its twelve large motorboats and lay off mous areas of agricultural land to become degraded. two-thirds of the seamen. Studies by the Department Overuse of fertilizer led to the eutrophication of river of Nature Reserves Management in 1991 indicated basins, and intensive tilling led to widespread soil that to attract workers with appropriate qualifications, erosion in areas unsuited to crop cultivation. Control zapovedniki would need to increase ranger salaries of information sources, including official statistics, tenfold while investing four or five times current allowed a succession of governments to disguise these amounts in repair and construction of living quarters negative results (Martynov and others 1995). and on equipment (E. Simonov, personal communica- The legacy of past mismanagement is evident tion). Since then, the situation has deteriorated even across all natural resource sectors of the Russian further. economy. More than 40 percent of the forests have been overharvested, and only 45 percent of the har- The Soviet Legacy of Economic vested timber ever reaches markets, where it is used and Environmental Mismanagement inefficiently by an underfinanced processing industry. For example, Russia uses an average of 32 cubic It is important to avoid the impression that environ- meters of timber to manufacture 1 metric ton of paper mental management, and conservation in particular, and cardboard, compared with 6 or 7 cubic meters in worked well under the totalitarian regime of the FSU. Sweden and the United States (Bobylev 1995). About There were certainly advantages for the protected- 30 percent of agricultural land is affected by extreme area network in being able to ignore the needs and soil erosion or surface or groundwater pollution, aspirations of park neighbors, to enforce the law rigor- whereas only 40 percent of irrigated lands are fully ously on their territories, and to rely on the govern- productive. At least 40 percent of the water used in ment as a stable source of income. But centralized manufacturing is returned to the environment un- decisionmaking under the communist regime was ac- treated, and purification of the remainder has been companied by inefficiency and corruption on a colos- relatively ineffective. sal scale. As Russia began trying to adopt a market economy Far from being a benign dictator to the parks and re- in 1989, the country's economy went into a free-fall serves, the FsU government and the communist party not seen in any other large country in many decades. leadership presented significant threats to the Production fell by at least 50 percent during 1990-95, zapovednik network. Forexample, the zapovednik sys- and by 90 percent in research-oriented and high-tech- tem underwent devastating "reorganizations" that de- nology sectors. During the same period, the energy classified 88 percent of their territories in 1951 and 35 used per unit of final production increased by one- percent in 1961. (Some of these lands were subse- third (Bobylev 1995). Unprecedented levels of infla- quently restored.) Both campaigns were initiated at the tion and the loss of formerly guaranteed employment highest levels of the government. These severe attacks devastated most of the population. The past five years on the protected-area network were unrelated to any de- also have been characterized by a race to control and mand from local people and certainly were not based on exploit land and natural resources, often with scant conservation criteria (Simonov and others 1992). regard for existing law, much of which is still ambigu- The centralized FSU government also fostered a ous concerning private property rights (Martynov and land-management system in which local conditions others 1995). 114 Russia Russia has yet to resolve how natural resource disruption of supply systems, has made rural popula- ownership should be divided among state, regional, tions more dependent on local natural resources. These and municipal bodies and authorities (Bobylev 1995). closely interrelated factors are imposing pressure on Traditional economic measures of gross national the zapovedniki system in a way never before experi- product (GNP) have not been adjusted to reflect envi- enced (Simonov and others 1992). ronmental concerns. Attempts to maximize such Typical violations in zapovedniki and national crude indices as GNP are likely to lead to even more parks have included the following (Zabelin and rapid exploitation of timber, oil, and other subsoil Simonov 1992): minerals, even though clear evidence from other countries indicates that such gains are often transient - Poaching of endangered species in many nature and illusory (Repetto and others 1989). The effects on reserves (such as the Siberian tiger in the Lazovsky biodiversity are likely to be disastrous. and Sikhote Alinski nature reserves) 0 Attempted construction of a road through a forest Changing Attitudes toward Protected Areas (n Samarskaya Luka National Park) . Livestock grazing in buffer zones (in Daurski The interaction between protected areas and local Zapovednik) communities in the FSU was limited to enforcement * Illegal fishing in lakes and streams within nature activities, paid employment of locals, and the use and reserves (as in the Magadanski and Kostomuksha maintenance of shared social services and transporta- nature reserves) tion. The communities usually respected the laws pro- Clear-cut logging in the protected buffer zones of tecting zapovedniki and rarely challenged the several reserves in European Russia. territorial integrity of reserves. Indifference, and oc- casional hostility, was the prevalent attitude toward Some violations are blatant and involve senior con- the parks and reserves. servation officials. The director of Pri-Oksky Terrasny The zapovedniki were administered by the central Zapovednik, for example, permitted dachas to be built government, and most local authorities showed little in the reserve's buffer zone. Although it was claimed interest in the parks and reserves because they gained that the cottages were for employees, their prices were no direct benefit. This situation began to change dra- affordable only to local elites. Some of the illegal matically in the late 1980s. Many of Russia's feder- activity in parks is being blatantly sponsored or con- ally protected areas now are suffering from the ducted by regional government authorities. growing influence of autonomous regional adminis- Blagavidov, Chebakova, and Williams (1995) cite trations, some of which are pushing for even greater some examples: independence from Moscow. Russian institutions, and even ethnic Russian people, often are unwelcome in * The Irkutsk Regional Soviet of Deputies in Siberia these areas. As central government support shrinks illegally took 6.25 square kilometers from and control of natural resources shifts to regional gov- Pribaikalski National Park and allocated the land to ernments, local populations are far less inclined to local agricultural committees. respect and obey the laws protecting the zapovedniki. - A state farm in the Olkhonsk region has been at- As a result, illegal activity in the protected areas has tempting to establish pastures and carry out hay- expanded dramatically. cutting in Baikalo-Lensky Zapovedniki. The reasons are political as well as economic. New - Livestock from the neighboring Tuva Republic of- local governments are exerting greater control over ten violate grazing prohibitions in Altaiski their territories, reducing the influence of Moscow's Zapovedniki. central government on all local institutions and activi- - The High Soviet of Karabdino Balkaria approved a ties, including federally administered zapovedniki. At decision of the republic's cabinet of ministers to the same time, governments now lack the law enforce- remove I1 square kilometers from Kabardinski ment capability they had under the totalitarian regime. Zapovednik in 1992, including 6.2 square kilome- New economic freedoms expand the opportunities to ters of unique high mountain forest land. turn natural resources into cash, creating a strong incentive for local people to exploit the natural re- An extreme case illustrating the poor relations be- sources protected in zapovedniki. Finally, the overall tween some zapovedniki and local people occurred in economic crisis, especially the high inflation rate and 1994, in Sayano-Shushensky Biosphere Zapovednik Margaret D. Williams and Michael P. Wells 115 in Siberia. A team of four law-enforcement rangers on and scientific data, by developing joint ecotourism patrol disappeared without a trace. Foul play was strategies, and by organizing regional campaigns for suspected because of a history of tension between the public support. This means they will constitute a reserve authorities and local Tuvintsi residents, who larger and more formidable body when dealing with are mainly sheep and cattle herders. These tensions regional political and administrative authorities. derive from conflict over property rights and access rights to grazing areas within the reserve. The dispute A Conservation Coalition in Nizhny Novgorod dates to at least 1971, when a hydroelectric dam Region flooded some of the Tuvintsi people's best grazing land as well as their ancestral burial grounds. Estab- The vacuum left by weaker direction and control from lishment of the zapovednik in 1976 compounded the center has opened the way for new actors to be- these grievances and led to open clashes between park come involved in conservation policy. A growing rangers and Tuvintsi people, culminating in the sus- number Of NGos are becoming involved in nature con- pected multiple murder of the rangers in 1994. Not servation and protected-area management. Alliances surprisingly, this incident further inflamed resentment between NGos and other stakeholders are starting to and hostility among both the park authorities and local demonstrate that they can play a significant role in people. Recent signs, however, indicate that the par- conservation at the regional level. ties to this dispute are willing to begin dialogue to In Nizhny Novgorod, a partnership between a fed- avoid further tragedy (Williams and Simonov 1995). erally protected area (Kerzhenski Zapovednik), an NGO (Dront Eco-Center), and the regional unit of the Emerging Positive Signs Ministry of Environmental Protection (Goskom- priroda) has proved exemplary, with the three groups Amid this depressing situation for conservation are working together to produce regional strategies for some notably positive developments. As an example, nature protection. The region's natural systems are some Russian regions have established broader and threatened by wetlands drainage, extensive lumber- more innovative protected-area regulations than those ing, and agricultural activity, compounded by recent at the federal level. The president of Sakha Republic changes in landownership. Only 5 percent of the (Yakutia), Russia's largest administrative unit, de- region's territory is currently protected, but local ex- creed in 1994 that at least 20 percent of the area of perts believe that 50 percent of the remaining taiga every ulus (district) in the republic should be a nature and 30 percent of the mixed broadleaf forest should be reserve or park. protected. In this case the task is less to preserve an existing nature reserve system than to work with an Regional Protected-Area Associations amenable local administration to establish a system that can be fully implemented toward the end of the Some managers of protected areas are responding di- decade. rectly to decentralized decisionmaking. As regional Critical elements of Nizhny Novgorod's conserva- administrations have become stronger and the influ- tion planning are to complete documentation on more ence of the MENPR's Department of Nature Reserve than 200 areas targeted for protection, to develop a Management has diminished, park managers have be- data base for endangered species, and to develop an gun to organize on their own initiative. During the enforcement service. A comprehensive thirty-year first-ever national meeting of managers of Russian Regional Biodiversity Conservation Programme has national parks and zapovedniki in Sochi in 1994, a been drafted by Dront, and it may serve as a model for decision was made to organize regional professional regional conservation planning efforts throughout the associations that would bring together representatives Hu. According to Bakka and others (1995), the main of protected areas with the capability to address a host elements of this plan include: of issues regionwide. Such associations have since been formed in the middle Volga region, in northwest - Development of regional legislation for species and European Russia, in the Far East, in the Urals, and at ecosystem conservation Lake Baikal. 0 Creation and strengthening of a regional agency for The charters of these regional associations vary, species and ecosystem conservation but in general, members plan to cooperate by sharing - Enhancement of the capability of regional research information and expertise, by exchanging personnel institutions to conduct biodiversity inventories, re- 116 Russia search on endangered species and ecosystems, collective farm for a buffer zone, where oak forests planning of protection measures, and the like will be planted for future harvesting by local people. * Incorporation of biodiversity surveys into standard On another border of the reserve, a now-polluted river forest surveys conducted by the Federal Forest Ser- will be restored and restocked with native fish for vice to plan and regulate logging harvest by local people. The future funding prospects * Development of public participation mechanisms for this initiative have been reduced, however, by the in protected-area planning and species conserva- regional government's recent consolidation of envi- tion ronmental funding into the general regional budget. * Dissemination of information on endangered spe- Daurski Zapovednik in south-central Siberia has cies and ecosystems and building of local constitu- been encroached on by increasing numbers of small encies to support conservation actions landowning farmers and herders, leading to conflict * Development of mechanisms to secure critical spe- between the zapovednik's staff and local farmers. cies habitats during the massive privatization of Livestock have degraded grazing areas around the land that is currently taking place reserve and now threaten the native steppe and wet- * Professional training of local conservationists land habitat within the reserve. The zapovednik pro- * Development and implementation of a viable re- poses to improve relations with its farming neighbors gional conservation plan. by developing model programs in agriculture within a buffer zone, and it plans to organize training courses Protected-Area Initiatives with Neighboring on the use of pesticides and fertilizer for those who Landowners wish to obtain pasture rights in the buffer zone. Model plots will be established and farmed using only or- Several interesting examples can be cited of new rela- ganic, ecologically sustainable methods. The tionships between protected areas and their neighbors, zapovednik also will acquire the rights to plots in the particularly where zapovedniki adjoin state farms. buffer zone that were granted to pensioners leaving Many of these farms have recently been privatized, the collective farms. In exchange, these pensioners especially in western and southern Russia, but only a will receive monthly dividends from the sale of agri- few are viable without government subsidies. Many cultural products. have closed down, but some of the new private farms are reorganizing themselves into larger cooperatives Tourism and Protected Areas to share marketing, transportation, and other costs. Les Na Vorskle Zapovednik, in Belgorod, one of Reliable data are hard to find, but tourism in pro- the most intensively cultivated regions of Russia, pro- tected areas is minute at present. Until recently, tour- tects one of the few remaining old-growth broadleaf ism would have been unthinkable in zapovedniki, forests in the southern Russian plain. Intensive tilling where human activity was strictly limited to re- and pesticide use on a neighboring collective farm search, conservation, and education. This is changing have all but destroyed the soil microfauna at the rapidly, and nature tourism is widely seen to offer zapovednik's edge. Like most state farms in the one of the few opportunities in Russia to raise money Belgorod region, this farm has dilapidated facilities for conservation. and poor-quality livestock, and employee wages are Income generation through tourism should be often several months in arrears. Hunting and firewood easier for national parks than for other protected areas collection by the impoverished residents of the farm because recreation is part of the parks' mission. But pose a constant threat to the zapovednik. Although the underinvestment in infrastructure has prevented na- farm no longer can afford the massive pesticide doses tional parks from exploiting this potential. In 1993 formerly sprayed on the fields and orchards next to the only 8 percent of their budget came from their own zapovednik's oak forests, this has not stopped stray earnings, and little of this was generated from tourism. aircraft from dumping pesticides on the edge of the But there are some signs of progress in all types of zapovednik, as well as on a local village. protected area. Some of the examples that follow may Les Na Vorskle Zapovednik is now attempting to seem small and tentative by international standards, benefit from the farm's situation with support from but in Russia they are considered dramatic and pio- the Laboratory for Ecological Designs, a Moscow- neering initiatives. based NGo. The zapovednik proposes to reduce the Tour operations are springing up throughout the pressure on the reserve by acquiring land from the Russian Far East. In some cases, these are led by Margaret D. Williams and Michael P. Wells 117 eminent scientists who no longer are able to support by a commercial firm that has a concession from the themselves by doing research. For example, in reserve. Magadan, a city that was closed until 1989 to foreign Foreign adventure tourists increasingly are visiting and Russian visitors, a leading ichthyologist, Mikhail Lake Baikal in Siberia to hike, kayak, and explore the Skopets, takes foreign anglers to fish for the area's cities of Irkutsk and Ulan-Ude. A 1993 Forum on Eco- extraordinarily large and numerous salmon. On the tourism in Nature Reserves brought together a number Kamchatka Peninsula, which also was closed until of Siberian and Far Eastern zapovednik managers 1989, bear biologist Igor Revenko supports his re- with NGOS from the United States and the United King- search by showing foreigners Kamchatka's bears and dor. This conference was one of the first attempts in volcanoes. which protected-area specialists addressed a market In Magadan, an ecotourism firm has been founded that is very new to Russian nature reserves and tour by scientists of the Institute of Biological Problems of operators. The meeting led to a proposal to create a the North, part of the Russian Academy of Sciences. center for coordination of ecotourism. The company is called Talan, after an island on which Although undoubtedly capable of providing ben- dwell some of Russia's largest seabird colonies. Its efits to nature conservation, ecotourism in developing international clients are mainly bird watchers at- regions has its shortcomings. In Siberia, for example, tracted by the Far East's diversity of seabirds. A por- visitors are enjoying and learning about spectacular tion of each visitor's US$25 fee is used to support wildernesses, but almost none of these visitors come Talan Island's biological research station and has sup- from Russia itself. Introducing Russians to wilderness ported an ecological expedition to a remote area that is recreation as a stepping-stone toward developing under consideration for inclusion within the national grass-roots awareness and concern for environmental park system. conservation has barely begun. In the southern Far East, the indigenous Udege people on the Bikin River are building traditional Expanding Roles for NGOs homes, a hotel, and a studio where crafts will be sold. This area was recently the site of a controversial at- As governmental support for protected areas, conser- tempt by Korea's Hyundai Corporation to begin ex- vation, and scientific research has eroded, conserva- tensive logging around the Bikin's headwaters. tion NGOs have emerged as a significant force in Environmental damage was feared, especially de- Russia. For the first time, such organizations have struction of Siberian tiger habitat. An international been able to lobby, campaign, raise funds, access and outcry and threats of a boycott ensued, and logging disseminate information, enter into partnerships and plans were shelved. The Udege community's partici- agreements, take risks, and generally engage in activi- pation in planning their ecotourism project is an orga- ties that previously were forbidden or limited to offi- nized attempt to find a nondestructive means of cial government bodies. Russian conservation NGOS exploiting their natural surroundings. have also successfully influenced and written legisla- The rich cultural and natural heritage of the tion governing protected areas, exposed and halted Chukotka Peninsula and Bering Strait region has be- illegal activity in protected areas, organized interna- gun to attract visitors, who travel in a variety of styles, tional conservation campaigns, developed environ- from luxury tour boats to local umiaks (kayaks). In the mental education programs, helped start building same area, tours sponsored by national conservation public support for protected areas, worked with the organizations and by smaller Alaskan ecotourism media, raised funds, conducted scientific research and companies bring large numbers of tourists ashore to environmental monitoring, and provided public ac- visit archaeological sites, native villages, and seabird cess to information through publications and elec- and walrus colonies. A new tour company founded by tronic mail. Having demonstrated their effectiveness, Russian entrepreneurs received help in marketing, particularly in comparison with most government in- pricing, and planning from an Alaskan tour operator stitutions, these NGOs have been able to recruit talented and is now cooperating with a variety of American and motivated individuals from a variety of sources, agencies. including top scientists who are frustrated with Kronotski Nature Reserve on the Kamchatka Pen- underfunded research institutes and skilled experts insula, a region once closed to protect Soviet military who are mired in ineffective bureaucracies, bases, now attracts affluent tourists, many from Japan. Although the number and diversity of conservation Those wealthy enough to afford a helicopter tour of NGOS continue to grow, several have played particu- Kamchatka's impressive active volcanoes are guided larly pivotal roles. The Socio-Ecological Union (sEU) 118 Russia has been an important forum for outspoken environ- drafted protected-area legislation, and prepared the mentalists and has spawned many other member orga- comprehensive national training component of the nizations. Although the SEU officially focuses on current GEF biodiversity conservation project. nature protection, ecosystem conservation, and pro- 5. Field programs. These include conservation initia- tected-area management, it has adopted a wide man- tives on many aspects of biodiversity in Russia, such date. Among its diverse activities, the SEU: as the protection of endangered cranes, the identifi- cation and protection of old-growth northern taiga * Has contributed to stopping several huge develop- forests, and production of an Atlas of Biodiversity ment projects (including a plan to construct more of Northern Eurasia. than ninety hydroelectric power stations on Sibe- rian rivers) The Bcc has put considerable emphasis on raising * Has participated in local and federal elections public awareness of protected areas and their role in * Has worked with the federal government to draft an society. In 1995, it initiated and organized the Russian Agreement on Environmental Protection for the "March for Parks," the first nationwide holiday for Commonwealth of Independent States national parks and zapovedniki. The March for Parks * Has planned national parks and other protected took place on Earth Day (22 April 1995) at more than areas twenty different protected areas. School programs, * Has conducted an environmental impact assess- nature walks, press conferences, a professional ment for the federal government's draft Energy roundtable, and tree plantings all helped to increase Policy and Program for Nuclear Development in public awareness of protected areas. Journalists, Russia. schoolteachers, local businesses, local government of- ficials, and families took part in the March for Parks In 1995 the SEU received a U.N. award as one of fifty events. This was the first collective effort by national "exemplary communities." parks and zapovedniki to work directly with their The Biodiversity Conservation Center (Bcc), a local communities. Although the MENPR's Department member organization of the SEU, is an NGO that pro- of Nature Reserve Management could not have orga- vides a range of services to organizations in Russia nized such an event itself (given its staff shortages, and the FSU that the central government cannot. The inadequate funding, and lack of experience in commu- Bcc is governed by a board of advisers and has a staff nity organizing), the department supported the event of twenty, ten of whom are full-time employees, and in principle and encouraged zapovedniki to partici- many volunteers. The acc was launched with a grant pate in the 1996 Russian March for Parks. from the MacArthur Foundation and subsequently re- The Laboratory for Ecological Designs (LED) is a ceived financial support from several other interna- small NGO focusing on ecosystem restoration. Run by a tional donors. The Bcc also has begun acting as a forest ecologist and a soil scientist, LED has been effec- matchmaker for donors, assisting foundations and tive in working with local and regional governments to other foreign funders in designing and implementing develop plans for the restoration of fragmented broad- grant programs for Russian conservation. Bcc pro- leaf forests and of steppe and forest-steppe communi- grams include: ties. The Druzhina Student Nature Protection Corps (Druzhina), an important training ground for young 1. Fund-raising. The Bcc has a library, consults on grant naturalists and conservationists, is one of Russia' old- writing, has published "How to Ask for Money," and est nature protection groups. Among many other activi- has analyzed Russian conservation funding support ties, Druzhina volunteers have planned protected areas, for the Global Environment Facility (GEF). conducted raids on collectors of endangered plants and 2. Publications. The Bcc produces two widely distrib- animals, and started public awareness campaigns. uted free bulletins. It has published the first compi- Another important function Of NGOs has been fund- lation of laws affecting protected areas and an analy- ing support. ISAR-International Clearinghouse for the sis of research on protected areas. Environment-with USAID funding, started a small 3. Media. The Bcc holds regular press conferences and grants program, "Seeds for Democracy," to support works with a popular wildlife television program to nongovernmental initiatives, including nature protec- introduce parks to the public. tion, ISAR grants have nursed many emerging NGOS 4. Protected-area management. The Bcc has provided through their early development phases. Working specialist legal advice and information to parks, with the BCC, ISAR also has supported the establishment Margaret D. Williams and Michael P. Wells 119 of electronic mail networks for NGOS throughout the amples are quite radical in the Russian context, even if country, helping to mitigate some formidable commu- they appear modest from the outside. nication barriers. Vodlozerski National Park, created in 1992, in- International NGOs have also been important in as- cludes a lake of 350 square kilometers, a village of sisting protected areas, including World Wide Fund 500 on the shoreline that has strong economic ties to (wwF)-Russia, the Taiga Rescue Network, and the lake (and no other local work opportunities), and a Greenpeace-Russia. fishery and fish-processing factory. Decisionmakers in the factory chose not to privatize, and the factory Alternative Funding Sources for Protected Areas was purchased by the park, which since has operated the business successfully. Of the villagers, 90 percent Inadequate financial support for biodiversity conser- now work either for the fishery or for the park itself, vation by governmental agencies has left protected and earnings from the factory have financed the park areas unable to support their basic operations. Direc- headquarters, guest quarters, an environmental educa- tors of national parks therefore are obliged to seek tion summer camp, park shelters, and camping other sources of income. Neither grants from local and grounds. regional ecological foundations nor the receipt of By contrast, local government also insisted that the fines from environmental violators are sufficient to park take on an unprofitable dairy and meat farm that supplement the small federal budget for protected ar- produced nothing of interest to villagers (who have eas. Fund-raising and development are new skills that their own animals), although it did provide a few jobs the Soviet period certainly did not encourage. at high cost. After exploring various options, the park Fund-raising possibilities outside the public authorities decided to reduce the unhealthy, poorly sector are being explored actively. Foreign private kept herd, which was a severe drain on their resources. foundations have become a significant source of This decision has caused tension with members of funding for conservation. But the success of some local government, who see the park as destroying the private sector businesses has yet to result in village's agricultural life. many corporate donations by Russian-based cor- Kenozerski National Park in the Archangelsk re- porations to support the environment. In 1995, gion of northwestern Russia is noted for its architec- however, Mezkhkombank of Russia signed a con- tural riches, including a complex of sixteenth- and tract with the international advertising agency seventeenth-century wooden churches. Federal Forest Young and Co., to use endangered species to pro- Service rules prevented the park from paying for any- mote its business through television commercials thing but forest management, so the park had to find and billboard advertising in Moscow. Images of other ways to finance the restoration and preservation the Siberian white crane and Siberian tiger now of the frescoes, panels, paintings, icons, and buildings remind the public of Russia's disappearing natural lying within the park boundaries. This problem was heritage and are helping to nurture the nation's solved when the park acquired a profitable dairy op- environmental movement. This may set a prece- eration, which has led to additional investment oppor- dent for newly formed Russian firms and foreign tunities in the local dairy sector. joint ventures to help preserve the nation's bio- logical heritage. The Role of Foreign Development Assistance Under acute pressure to replace missing central government support, protected-area managers have Given the perilous state of the Russian economy, it explored many new ways to generate income, most of would be unrealistic to expect significant government which would have been inconceivable until very re- investment in biodiversity conservation in the near cently. Some national parks have acquired commer- future. At the same time, the opportunities for funding cial enterprises to raise funds, forcing park managers from other sources within Russia are limited at to confront problems unfamiliar to park managers present. Recognizing the vulnerability of Russia's elsewhere. When reviewing the following examples, biodiversity during this painful transition period, a one should bear in mind that the concept of commer- variety of foreign and international organizations cial and business enterprises supplying goods and have provided financial assistance or plan to do so. services in response to consumer demand is still The Chicago-based MacArthur Foundation sup- viewed with considerable skepticism throughout Rus- ported a priority-setting biodiversity study undertaken sia, particularly outside the larger towns. These ex- jointly by WWF-Russia and the MENPR with the involve- 120 Russia ment of more than a hundred Russian scientific and are necessarily cautious about investing their money other experts (Krever and others 1994). Several of the in such a complex and unstable environment. initiatives prioritized in the investment portfolio de- veloped by this landmark study have since been Conclusions funded and launched. In 1994 MacArthur provided a further $680,000 and other U.S. foundations another Recent events in Russia have clearly shown that decen- $700,000 for conservation projects. Foreign organiza- tralization can have a profound, negative influence on tions provided about one-third of all financing for biodiversity conservation. But decentralization has dif- biodiversity conservation in Russia in 1994 (Daushev ferent meanings in different contexts. The top-down, 1995). Most of these funds were used for planning and authoritarian style of protected-area management in preparatory studies by the larger international devel- the FSu arguably was in needof decentralization. But opment agencies. such decentralization needed to be linked to effective Based on plans existing in 1995, Russia is expected conservation institutions, policies, and funding at both to receive about US$15 million in foreign assistance national and subnational levels. for biodiversity conservation during 1995-97, about This did not happen. Decentralization in Russia has half of which represents a USAID project in the Russian largely happened by default, the result of the crum- Far East (Daushev 1995). In addition, the Biodiversity bling of central government power and the social and Conservation Program for the Russian Federation is economic stresses of the transition. Decentralization expected to receive a US$20 million grant from the was not planned or deliberate, and it has occurred in a GEF through the World Bank, with additional financ- country that lacks functioning legal, administrative, ing from bilateral donors. and regulatory frameworks. The power vacuum at The need to counteract the negative effect of politi- subnational levels caused by the central government's cal and administrative decentralization on Russia's virtual collapse has been filled by political authorities biodiversity was an explicit justification for the GEF that lack experience and often competence. Combined project. The project includes an ambitious and wide- with the legacy of rigid, centralized mismanagement ranging set of national conservation initiatives. Short- of both the economy and the environment under the term assistance in critical areas is to be balanced with Soviet system, this lack of subnational institutional support for strategic planning and the establishment of capability has now exposed the Russian environment, more effective conservation institutions and policies especially its biodiversity, to an uncertain and highly over a longer period. Model projects will be launched dangerous future. in the Lake Baikal region. Although this project tar- gets many of the principal weaknesses in the protected-area system, it recognizes that more effec- tive biodiversity conservation ultimately depends on References changing the overall relationship between economic development and the environment in Russia. Bakka, A. L., S. V. Bakka, A. A. Kayumov, and E. N. Some cooperative efforts between Western organi- Korshunova. 1995. "The Need for an Economic Case zations and their Russian counterparts have been un- Study of Issues of Nature Protection and Sustainable satisfactory because of misunderstanding and Use in the Nizhny Novgorod Region with the Aim of misconception on both sides (Simonov 1993, 1995). Developing Natural Resources Management Mecha- More recently, as larger biodiversity conservation nisms to Ensure Sustainable Development in the Re- projects have been planned with support from interna- gion." In S. N. Bobylev, ed., Seminar on Economics of tional development agencies, frustration has been ex- Biodiversity. Report for the GEF Biodiversity Conserva- pressed at the substantial time and money consumed tion Program for the Russian Federation. by consulting studies performed during the prepara- Blagavidov, A., 1. Chebakova, and M. Williams. 1995. tory stages of projects and the comparatively small Protected Areas Immediate Action Plan. Report for the amounts of money that have reached conservation GEF Biodiversity Conservation Program for the Russian programs so far. Such frustration is understandable on Federation. both sides. Although many highly qualified and moti- Blagavidov, A., and A. Nikolskiy. 1995. "Financing State vated Russian individuals and organizations are ca- Nature Reserves: Yesterday, Today, and Tomorrow." In pable of beginning work immediately with S. N. Bobylev, ed., Seminar on Economics of comparatively little funding, development agencies Biodiversity. Report for the GEF Biodiversity Conserva- Margaret D. Williams and Michael P. Wells 121 tion Program for the Russian Federation. Simonov, E. 1993. "An Open Letter to Western Organiza- Bobylev, S. N. 1995. "Impact of Economic Reforms on tions." Surviving Together: A Quarterly on Cooperative Biodiversity Conservation." In S. N. Bobylev, ed., Semi- Efforts to Support Civil and Sustainable Societies in nar on Economics ofBiodiversity. Report for the GEF Eurasia 11(2):4-8. Washington, D.C.: ISAR. Biodiversity Conservation Program for the Russian Fed- . 1995. "Evolving Concerns of Russian Environ- eration. mentalists." In M. Williams, ed., Russian Conservation Daushev, D. 1995. Report on Financing ofBiodiversity Con- News 2(January). Moscow: Biodiversity Conservation servation in the Russian Federation. Report for the GEF Center, Socio-Ecological Union. Biodiversity Conservation Program for the Russian Fed- Simonov, E., and others. 1992. "Save the Zapovedniki." eration. Manuscript. Biodiversity Conservation Center, Socio- Dinerstein, E., V. Krever, D. Olson, and L. Williams. 1994. Ecological Union, Moscow. "An Emergency Strategy to Rescue Russia's Biological Weiner, D. 1988. Models of Nature, Ecology, Conserva- Diversity." Conservation Biology 8(4):934-38. tion, and Cultural Revolution in Soviet Russia. South Grigoriew, P., and N. Lopoukhine. 1993. Russian Protected Bend, Id.: Indiana University Press. Areas Assistance Project: A Report for the World Bank. Williams, M., ed. 1995. Russian Conservation News Ottawa: Parks Canada. 2(January). Moscow: Biodiversity Conservation Center, Krever, V., E. Dinerstein, D. Olson, and L. Williams, eds. Socio-Ecological Union. 1994. Conserving Russia's Biological Diversity. Wash- Williams, M., and I. Belov, eds. 1994. Russian Conserva- ington, D.C.: World Wildlife Fund. tion News I(October). Moscow: Biodiversity Conserva- Martynov, A. S., and others. 1995. Analysis of Social and tion Center, Socio-Ecological Union. Economic Factors Influencing the Biological Diversity Williams, M., and E. Simonov. 1995. "Crisis in One of of Russia. Report for the GEF Biodiversity Conservation Russia's Nature Reserves." In M. Williams, ed., Russian Program for the Russian Federation. Conservation News 2(January). Moscow: Biodiversity Pryde, P. 1991. Environmental Management in the Soviet Conservation Center, Socio-Ecological Union. Union. Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press. Zabelin, S., and E. Simonov. 1992. "New International Repetto, R., W. Magrath, M. Wells, C. Beer, and F. Effort to Save the Zapovedniki." Surviving Together: A Rossini. 1989. Wasting Assets: Natural Resources in Quarterly on Cooperative Efforts to Support Civil and the National Income Accounts. Washington, D.C.: Sustainable Societies in Eurasia 10(2):12-13. Washing- World Resources Institute gton, D.C.: ISAR. ZA IR E TANZANIA 28' 30° 32' Loke Cabora Bassa ANGOLA - T-" _ZAMB IA_~ "P ... . -16' MOZAMBIQUE 16'- \IMBABWE Z A M B l A NAMIBIA 'OTSWANA r-~ ,ib... $bUFN ~~~^ ~ CCA ~0~ AYLÉNTSC L yu'L- O~Eft ASOTH , SOUTH AFRICA NAMIBIA Harare ZIMBA BWE E0 PROTECTED AREAS PROTECTED AREAS .....0 (IUCN CATEGORIES I-V) -. NATIONAL CAPITAL -- -INTERNATIONAL BOUNDARIES c 0 100 200 KILOMETERS This map wsproduced by the Map Desgn Undt of The World Bank. -22° The boundaries, co1or,deoiain and any.other informt,on shown 22°- -n this map do nat impty, an lh. part of The World Bank Group, any judenan the legalstatu, of any terior or -y ,d-ement or BOTSW ANA acceptance of such boundari.s,.-... - .. S OU TH A F R ICA 2,6 2°,-8- 32'0 11 Zimbabwe Brian Child Habitat conservation historically has been the re- dude the rural district councils and the wards, vil- sponsibility of central government in most develop- lages, and households they represent. CAMPFIRE has ing countries. Natural resources in areas occupied come to be viewed globally as a model for commu- by rural people have tended to be controlled by the nity-management programs. This chapter looks at the central government through line ministries, such as process whereby this devolution was achieved and those responsible for agriculture, forestry, fisheries, how it is affecting rural development and habitat con- and wildlife conservation. Because of the failure of servation in Zimbabwe. this administrative strategy to protect resources and to develop and integrate rural economies, current The Roots of CAMPFIRE: Lessons from Game thinking is promoting the alternative of decentral- Ranching on Private Land ized, community-based natural resource manage- ment. As yet, however, little empirical evidence The government agency responsible for wildlife exists to justify this new strategy. This chapter re- conservation in Zimbabwe is the Department of Na- views Zimbabwe's experience in devolving respon- tional Parks and Wildlife Management (DNPWM). sibility for wildlife management and in increasing Throughout the 1950s, the DNPWM and its predeces- local access to the benefits arising from it. sors operated under centrally imposed laws that The central question is whether devolving manage- prohibited any commercial use of wildlife, and ment can improve the management of natural re- these remained in force until 1960. Meanwhile, sources in marginal rural economies. This issue is cattle ranching was strongly encouraged by market- explored through the example of Zimbabwe's Com- ing and pricing systems that tended to transfer capi- munal Areas Management Programme for Indigenous tal from communal to commercial cattle producers. Resources (CAMPFIRE), which was formed when the Other incentives acting in the same direction in- authority for wildlife management was devolved. This cluded the low price of land and labor, subsidies for apparently simple reform has had an important and capital inputs such as fences and for recurrent ones continuing effect in Zimbabwe on many aspects of the such as veterinary care, and government investment relationship between citizens and government, most in the elimination of tsetse and foot-and-mouth dis- of which were not previously thought to be directly ease (Child 1988). While cattle production thus was related to wildlife. As Murphree (1995) puts it, the heavily subsidized, wildlife had no commercial "khaki shorts brigade" set out to conserve wildlife and value that could offset the cost of its management, to buffer protected areas but has found itself at the and the result was rapid disappearance of wildlife center of a debate on sweeping agrarian reform, gov- populations. Wildlife was sometimes eliminated ac- ernance, and democracy. tively and through poaching, but neglect was more This process began when the authority to manage serious, for example when livestock watering places wildlife was given to private landholders. It later was were fenced to help in livestock management. extended to communal farmers-that is, to the lower- The DNPWm recognized that the cause of the decline tier elected structures of local government, which in- was not overharvesting but the inability of wildlife 123 124 Zimbabwe populations to compete economically with alternative ([CA) Act, commercial properties in Zimbabwe had land uses, such as livestock. The department saw that been grouped as ICAS, each with a legislated and the solution lay in harvesting rather than in blanket elected committee having the power to control graz- protection and that wildlife populations would survive ing, tree cutting, and poor arable practices. This sys- only outside the national parks or protected areas if tem proved to be so effective at conserving natural they were treated as a useful resource in successful resources on private land that the Parks and Wildlife competition with others. Act gave the committees additional powers to manage This analysis began a period of fundamental policy wildlife, for example by setting quotas or by protect- reform, during which two measures were taken to ing species completely. In case of a failure of manage- make wildlife financially competitive. First, private ment at the [CA committee level, the government landholders were given "appropriate-authority" sta- retained the right to intervene as a last resort. This tus, which allowed them to retain benefits derived right was used only three times in the period 1975-95, from wildlife management. Second, steps were taken in all cases to set quotas on properties neighboring to increase the magnitude of those benefits. Commer- national parks. cial use of wildlife was encouraged, but from 1960 to The system has worked well and is largely self- 1975 it was regulated through a system of permits. regulating. Wildlife-based industries have grown rap- Lessons from this period were consolidated within the idly, and the government has achieved its wildlife Parks and Wildlife Act of 1975, which introduced the conservation goals at remarkably low cost, while also principles of proprietorship and fiscal devolution. improving the economic productivity of many mar- By 1975, therefore, both policy and law had aban- ginal rangelands. By 1990, some 75 percent of doned the model of blanket protection in favor of ranches in areas too dry for rain-fed crop production using wildlife resources for maximum landholder had some form of wildlife-based enterprise, showing benefit. This created direct and transparent linkages that ranchers had recognized the comparative advan- between cost and benefit and between quality of input tage of such investments in these habitats (Child 1988; and quantity of output, and it introduced an economic Jansen, Bond, and Child 1992). The basis for this mechanism that allocated resources to wildlife. Land- comparative advantage is that wild species convert holders became in practice the real "owners" of wild- dryland grasses into products of higher value than can life, with the power to retain much of the marketing be produced by cattle, including tourist photographs margin. and hunting trophies as well as meat and hides. A second problem at the time was that the public The arrangements In place from 1975 onward perceived itself as having a right to cheap wildlife caused wildlife populations on commercial ranches products, which meant that they were underpriced. As to increase. Calculations based on economies of the largest producer, the DNPWM took steps to increase scale then led ranchers to organize themselves in the price of wildlife. To avoid undercutting wildlife "conservancies" of five to twenty properties each, producers, for example, it ended cheap hunting on with common rules and objectives. These larger state lands. Because it was a large producer and price groupings were able to reintroduce species to their leader, the DNPWM also was able slowly to raise the lands, including herds of elephants and buffalos that price of hunting. Elephant trophy fees, for example, had been eliminated only twenty years before. In increased from US$500 in 1975 to US$10,000 in the case of private land in Zimbabwe, devolution of 1995. With only an intuitive grasp of the underlying responsibility for wildlife worked dramatically. It economic concepts, the DNPWM set out to establish a allowed the ecological and economic advantages of new system of resource tenure and to remove pricing native wildlife systems to show themselves in the distortions. Given the political situation of the day, the form of increased profit, employment, and eco- focus was primarily on private land. nomic growth, in growing wildlife populations, and These principles were established in law by the in markedly improved range condition. Parks and Wildlife Act of 1975. Private landholders received rights equivalent to ownership of wildlife Transferring Lessons to Communal Areas resources: they were allowed to manage these re- sources and to benefit from disposing of products While these events were unfolding on private land, derived from them. Means also were needed, how- wildlife resources on communal land were in rapid ever, to safeguard the ecosystems supporting the re- decline. The DNPWM therefore sought to reform the sources. Using the 1942 Intensive Conservation Area pricing signals in the belief that wildlife populations Brian Child 125 would look after themselves if their economic advan- more complex than private ranches; that wild animals tages were reflected in their price. This process has are a community asset rather than a private good; that been much more complicated than for private lands, few communities had institutions or knowledge ap- but the first signs are that the effects are similarly propriate to managing wildlife; and that many com- positive. munal lands had been degraded by the demands of A prime ministerial directive in 1984, on which human population growth and inmigration. Zimbabwe's system of local government is based, divided each district into ten to thirty wards, which in CAMPFIRE's Goals turn contained four to six villages of 100-200 house- holds each. Each community had a village develop- The central intent Of CAMPFIRE is integrated resource ment committee, which was represented on the ward management that is coordinated through tenure and development committee. The chairman of the latter pricing signals. It envisages a situation in which a became the ward councillor on the district council, community has strong and defined use rights over served by a staff of five officers. A traditional leader- its resources, using mechanisms such as shares to ship coexisted with this modern structure in various guide resource use. It also recognizes that to degrees of conflict and cooperation. The chief execu- achieve this, democratic institutions need to be built tive officer of the district council was also the district and knowledge must be transferred to support the administrator, so in practice the elected system of newly devolved systems for managing resources. local government was effectively an extension of the CAMPFIRE has yet to achieve all of its goals, and the Ministry of Local Government, Rural and Urban De- program remains focused mainly on wildlife. It velopment. These arrangements were later modified; does seem to be spreading spontaneously to other rural district councils were created by fusing the resources, however, because wildlife cannot be former rural councils and district councils, which had managed in isolation from them. previously represented white and black community Wildlife management has proved to be a useful interests, respectively. Each rural district council had route into the highly politicized area of natural re- its own chief executive officer. source tenure. In sharp contrast to livestock, wildlife The village and ward boundaries of rural Zimba- systems have supported few entrenched interests and bwe provide a useful framework for allocating rights power elites. In the case of recreational ("safari") and responsibilities in wildlife management. Within hunting, large cash revenues can be generated these units, however, rights are less clear; in law, quickly, and these have few immediate opportunity communal areas are state lands managed through the costs because the wildlife populations already were elected rural district councils and the Ministry of Lo- present and often were perceived to be causing dam- cal Government, but in practice the land often is allo- age. The prospect of quick rewards encourages rural cated by traditional leaders. Thus the rules are unclear communities to experiment with new systems, which regarding who belongs to which legal community, often have low immediate transaction costs (for ex- making it hard to regulate access to resources and to ample, in the form of intracommunity conflict) and control the serious problem of inmigration. Unlike significant, often highly visible, benefits in the form private landholders, the inhabitants of communal of cash payments. lands have weak property rights. Lower-tier wards and villages are merely advisory. The Beginnings of CAMPFIRE They are not legal "bodies corporate"; they have lim- ited authority over resources, and they are expected to When drafting the 1975 Parks and Wildlife Act, the advise councils on their needs and plans rather than to DNPWM sought to devolve authority over wildlife re- implement anything themselves. This means that de- sources to local communities. This intention was volving rights to wildlife in Zimbabwe must be based thwarted by the Ministry of Internal Affairs, which on permission and persuasion, not on mandate-an wanted to maintain control over wildlife revenue and important factor that was taken into account in design- communal land in general (G. Child 1995). In 1982, ing CAMPFIRE. Arrangements for communal areas to following Zimbabwe's independence, the act was benefit from wildlife management thus had to over- amended to allow the devolution of appropriate au- come several difficulties that did not apply to private thority to district councils. The rationale was that land (Murphree 1995). As well as those just men- black communal farmers should be treated in the same tioned, these difficulties are that communities are way as their white commercial neighbors. This pro- 126 Zimbabwe vided the legal mandate for CAMPFIRE, but it was seven however, of administrative structures and institutions, years before this amendment was used. governance, social and cultural factors, and politics. Meanwhile, farming by the rapidly growing popu- In the early days Of CAMPFIRE, simply getting wildlife lation of the Sebungwe area in northern Zimbabwe revenue paid directly to district councils was per- threatened to turn the Chirisa, Chete, Matusadona, ceived as a successful end point. The DNPWm did not and Chizarira national parks into ecological islands. then anticipate addressing issues of community-coun- Based on their experience with commercial farms, the cil relationships, democracy, accountability, and gov- DNPWM's ecologists persuaded the government to re- ernance, nor did it foresee that this would propel turn to local councils the revenue from wildlife on CAMPFIRE into the forefront of fundamental agrarian communal land and in protected areas expropriated and political reform. As these factors emerged, social from communal land, such as the Chirisa Safari Area. workers and sociologists soon came to join ecologists The DNPWM continued to administer and market the and economists as integral members of the CAMPFIRE wildlife products, with revenue deriving largely from team. safari hunting and elephant culling. Revenue was paid An example of the complex issues to which to the national treasury, which was under political CAMPFIRE had to respond is provided by the pressure to pay local authorities but did so reluctantly, Nyaminyami District in the mid-I980s (NWMT slowly, and with conditions. The payments could be 1987; Metcalfe 1993). Local residents had settled used only for public works proposed by the district in this wildlife-rich area after having been dis- council and approved by both the Ministry of Local placed by the filling of Lake Kariba, and they had Government and the DNPWM. survived on food relief since 1955. Ironically, This system was badly flawed because the links hunting and photographic safari operations were between wildlife and benefits were indirect and ob- well established there and were generating signifi- scure and benefits derived from wildlife were often cant revenue for the treasury. The DNPwm began to indistinguishable from general investment by govern- work with Save the Children (an international non- ment. Revenue from wildlife was often spent where governmental organization-NGO) to arrange for the many voters lived rather than in more sparsely popu- capture of revenue derived from wildlife by the lated areas (the "producer communities") where it was Nyaminyami District Council, with the intention of generated. No responsibility or control was vested in promoting both conservation and food self-suffi- local people, who also had no reason to develop a ciency. Appropriate local institutions began to be proprietary interest in wildlife. Thus, little benefit was needed, leading to the involvement of the Zimba- obtained by the individuals who really determined bwe Trust, a national NGO with skills in institu- land-use practices; wild species such as elephants tional development. continued to cause damage and fear; and no Meanwhile, the Center for Applied Social Studies countervailing incentive was present to tolerate such (CASS) of the University of Zimbabwe, which was problems. active in the eastern Zambezi Valley, was trying to After analyzing these issues, Martin (1986) out- empower communities as a way of avoiding the mis- lined CAMPFIRE. Its core concepts included compara- takes of earlier centralized planning and resettlement tive advantage and land use, devolution, tenure and projects (Derman 1990). The potential of the amended resource pricing, flexible adaptive management, and Parks and Wildlife Act was recognized by CASS, which community involvement through natural resource co- joined the DNPWM to start CAMPFIRE in Guruve District. operatives. This provided the conceptual framework As a result of these initiatives, Nyaminyami and for implementing the amended Parks and Wildlife Act Guruve were given appropriate-authority status in in 1989 and thereafter. 1989. Summarizing the experience before and since, the implementation Of CAMPFIRE can be viewed as hay- The Learning Process ing five main steps: By 1985 a good understanding had been attained of 1. An enabling economic, legal, and political environ- the economic basis Of CAMPFIRE, including the causes ment was created. The comparative advantage of of pricing distortion and mechanisms to address them. wildlife was first demonstrated on private land; leg- The concept of grazing shares, for example, had been islation allowed fiscal devolution of wildlife revenue; described in the National Conservation Strategy and this led to a grass-roots CAMPFIRE movement. (MNRT 1985). A much weaker understanding existed, 2. Awareness of the potential for wildlife in commu- Brian Child 127 nal lands was promoted, leading to requests by coun- FIRE. They threatened an important source of commu- cils for help in starting the program. Tangible ben- nity revenue but at the same time drew participating efits and verbal advocacy were required to overcome councils together to resist the restrictions. The CCG historical antagonism toward wildlife, which was organized workshops, leading to formation of the seen as a symbol of colonial oppression and per- CAMPFIRE Association, which became the lead agency ceived as valueless, damaging, and dangerous. in 1992 after the ccG was reorganized (CAMPFIRE 3. Tangible benefits were earned, and were seen to be 1992). The DNPWM then steadily withdrew into a moni- earned, in the form of money. This involved inven- toring rather than a management role. CASS, the Zim- torying the resource and then marketing it. babwe Trust, and the WWF provided support but 4. The money earned was used effectively to generate intended eventually to become redundant. The six both development (in its broadest sense) and con- agencies (counting the Ministry of Local Govern- servation. Examples from Chipinge and Beitbridge ment) involved in CAMPFIRE have worked together very illustrate these processes. (See the case studies at effectively, considering their diverse backgrounds the end of the chapter.) and cultures. This reflects their common goals, differ- 5. Communities became aware of the value of wildlife ent but complementary roles, and good communica- resources and the need to manage them properly, tion based on many personal contacts. and systems for doing so were developed. The ex- ample of Masoka illustrates progress in this direc- The Political Backlash tion (see the case studies). One logical way in which CAMPFIRE might have been The Duplication Process introduced was through analysis of the underlying pricing problem, policy formulation, political en- The experiences of Nyaminyami and Guruve were dorsement and legislative change to support devolved shared in 1989 at a workshop in Makuti to which other proprietorship, and implementation. But this would councils were invited. This and subsequent work- not have worked, for several reasons. First, devolution shops led to a growing demand for CAMPFIRE country- would have been resisted by existing bureaucracies, wide, and by 1990 another ten districts had joined the especially had they predicted the widespread implica- program. Their applications were quickly approved tions of rural empowerment created by the devolved by the DNPWM, but bureaucratic rules made it techni- control of wildlife revenue. Second, such established cally illegal to return funds directly to the councils. groups would not have trusted the lower tiers to man- The program was implemented nevertheless; had not age wildlife resources. Third, the knowledge needed this risk been taken, it might well have suffocated. to plan the program had to be accumulated as actions This stage of CAMPFIRE was marked by instability, were tried, their effects monitored, and the actions crisis management, and risk taking and was a time of analyzed, redesigned, and tried again. rapid conceptual development and excitement as the CAMPFIRE provided an inconspicuous means of in- wider implications of the program became clear. troducing fundamental tenurial and administrative re- The DNPWM at first proposed a special unit to imple- form under the guise of technical recommendations ment CAMPFIRE (Martin 1986) and later found a suit- (Murphree 1995). Although justified on the grounds able donor to support it (G. Child 1995). The proposal that they corrected past discrimination against black failed, however, because the parent ministry refused communal farmers, the new policies had been en- to endorse it. The DNPWM therefore co-opted three dorsed at a high level and had taken firm root before NGOS to replace the proposed unit: CASS, to provide their deeper implications were fully grasped, either by sociopolitical research and monitoring; the Zimbabwe the implementers or by the government. A grass-roots Trust, to help with institutional development; and the political movement developed to defend the gains of World Wide Fund for Nature (wwF-Zimbabwe) to fiscal devolution. The reforms were logical and effec- provide economic analysis and scientific and practical tive and captured the imagination of enlightened mid- advice on wildlife management. These parties level officials. The timing also was fortunate because evolved into the CAMPFIRE Collaborative Group (CCG), the government was promoting the principle of decen- which was chaired by the DNPWM and therefore pos- tralization at the same time as a structural adjustment sessed a government mandate. program was pruning government budgets and fore- International restrictions on the sale of elephant ing a shift from a centrally planned economy toward a ivory in 1989 both challenged and strengthened CAMP- more decentralized one. The system of local govern- 128 Zimbabwe ment also was reformed, and the amalgamation of Charge 1: Money allocated to communities is abused. rural and district councils favored devolution. The program encourages communities to open bank Programs, such as CAMPFIRE, that bring about fun- accounts to promote community-based management. damental change to property rights are inherently po- (See the case studies at the end of the chapter.) Mis- litical and cannot evade central political processes appropriation is estimated to be less than 5 percent forever (Murphree 1995). In Zimbabwe, CAMPFIRE of the money allocated, and in most cases these small would have been badly damaged had not the CAMPFIRE losses are exposed by the communities themselves Association evolved to defend its underlying prin- with the help of the RDCS, showing that effective ac- ciples. The program was vulnerable at first because it counting systems are developing. Such losses are a was initiated largely by whites, whose motives often reasonable price to pay for introducing a new sys- were neither understood nor trusted. Thus, a sound tem and are considered far less wasteful than the technical basis was insufficient on its own, and the previous overloaded system whereby all projects program had to develop a grass-roots base and politi- were implemented (and appeared to be "owned") by cal legitimacy to survive. the councils. An essential function of CAMPFIRE is to develop Charge 2: People are drinking away their development. systems whereby wildlife revenue is managed by rural The idea that communities have the right to allocate communities. The communities manage bank ac- their revenue to households as cash led to fears that counts, projects, and activities and in many cases allo- funds for investment in development projects were cate some benefits as household dividends. This being wasted. Part of the motivation for this charge process produces well-managed microprojects while was that with cash goes the power to decide its use. creating a sense of proprietorship and self-confidence, The CAMPFIRE Association took the view that people teaching communities to manage their affairs, and have the right to drink wildlife revenue if they wish promoting conservation by linking wildlife to ben- (and asked pointedly whether civil servants who efits. Involvement in revenue distribution is critical. drink are also "irresponsible"). Most community rev- The same results would not be expected if the money enue was being invested anyway in projects such as were used simply to build projects for communities schools, clinics, and grinding mills, and cash was because that would create dependency while contrib- preferred only early in the program, or where the uting little to education, conservation, and sense of leadership committee was not trusted, or during ownership. drought and other uncertain times. The fact remains The CAMPFIRE process has been seriously threatened that the priorities of governments and local commu- since about 1992 by moves to recentralize the distri- nities are bound to differ at times-as, for example, bution of wildlife revenue. The underlying causes lie when a community opts for cash rather than for build- in a failure to give rural district councils (RDCs) the ing a road. In this context, the DNPWM asked why the funds with which to meet their expanded mandate small wildlife sector should be expected to finance and, ultimately, in the fear among some line ministry all public works, effectively taxing it far more than officials of losing their influence. This fear is a reac- other sectors. tion to the RDCs' having been given more autonomy Charge 3: Devolution is illegal because the RDC, not the and broader responsibility than their predecessors, the community, is the recipient of appropriate-authority rural councils and district councils. At the same time, status. The DNPWM and the CAMPFIRE Association ar- because of the structural adjustment program, the RDCS gued that the formulation of laws lagged behind were urged to become self-financing while their gov- policy, that the policy should take precedence, and ernment grants stagnated in real terms. The RDCS were that the RDCS were given appropriate-authority sta- given access to no source of independent finance be- tus on the understanding that revenue would be fur- cause all tax revenue (such as it is in remote rural ther devolved in line with the DNPWM'S own guide- areas) was still directed to the central government. lines (Child and Peterson 1991). The budgets of the line ministries also were cut, re- ducing the resources for development projects and In trying to consolidate the progress made by CAMP- prompting calls to recentralize wildlife revenue to FIRE, the DNPWM worked with RDCs and the CCG to fund the projects. These calls arose mainly among prepare guidelines and procedures (B. Child 1995a). high-level officials, not from the RDCS themselves. These include principles such as fiscal devolution, The debate over recentralization is marked by the accountability upward and downward, and democratic following arguments and counterarguments: choice regarding expenditure of wildlife-related rev- Brian Child 129 enue. The political and administrative arms of the Preliminary data and discussions with safari operators RDCs have strongly endorsed these guidelines, despite suggested that price ceilings had been reached by the bureaucratic impulse to recentralize, and this tends 1995. to support the idea that a devolutionary process must The dependence Of CAMPFIRE on trophy hunting is have strong political support, and perhaps even must partly a result of trade restrictions on ivory. Had it not become a political movement, if it is to succeed been for the ivory ban of 1989, for example, CAMPFIRE (Murphree 1995). districts might have doubled their earings by selling the ivory that is now accumulating in stockpiles. Al- CAMPFIRE's Growth: Earning Money most half of the 35 metric tons in storage is from communal areas, representing a loss to communities The preceding account and the examples in the case of more than US$5 million at an ivory price of studies at the end of the chapter illustrate the pro- US$300 a kilogram. Many Of CAMPFIRE's resources cesses underlying CAMPFIRE. Although one tends to have been diverted into efforts to keep open the inter- emphasize the most successful cases, the following national trade in trophies, and there is a continuing national data do show that the process is general and is risk that a law banning the import of trophies to a large spreading within Zimbabwe. Data on the growth of client (such as the United States) could destroy over- income in CAMPFIRE are given in table 11-1; revenue night CAMPFIRE's financial basis. increased from the equivalent of about US$550,000 in This vulnerability has encouraged the search for 1989 to more than US$1,370,000 in 1993. These data other sources of revenue. Of these, tourism is among indicate that CAMPFIRE is highly dependent on trophy the most significant, although it takes longer to de- hunting by foreigners. Elephants do contribute 64 per- velop than trophy hunting and requires a resource of cent of this income, with the result that a map of the higher natural quality than that generally found in primary CAMPFIRE districts closely corresponds to the settled communal areas. Tourism generated less than range of elephants within Zimbabwe. US$20,000 for CAMPFIRE in 1993, but it is poised for Three factors contributed to the growth of CAMPFIRE rapid growth. The Chipinge CAMPFIRE District (see the income. First, in 1990-93 the size of the quota in- case study), for example, has negotiated an agreement creased by more than half as the program expanded. whereby a large hotel chain is to build a forty-bed Once councils learned to link the price of quotas di- lodge in a community with access to the nearby rectly to the U.S. dollar, depreciation of the Zimba- Gonarezhou National Park. The payment is to be 10 bwe dollar (Z$) boosted local income from wildlife percent of gross income, with a guaranteed payment because funds were disbursed to communities in local of Z$250,000, but investments of this kind can also currency. Improved marketing also helped to improve help remote communities obtain services such as wa- the unit price of trophies fourfold in Zimbabwe dollars ter, electricity, and telephones. Another five to ten and twofold in U.S. dollars by 1993 (B. Child 1995b; sites of comparable quality are found in CAMPFIRE ar- see the first case study at the end of the chapter). eas, suggesting that future revenue from tourism Table 11-1. Marketing of Trophy Quotas in CAMPFIRE Districts in Zimbabwe, 1990-93 Item 1990 1991 1992 1993 Income (Zimbabwe dollars) 1,448,840 2,357,292 6,304,022 9,536,394 Income (U.S. dollars) 548,803 466,790 1,150,369 1,374,120 Quota value (at standard price) 1,774,135 1,901,000 2,758,417 2,724,804 Zimbabwe dollars per value 0.82 1.24 2.29 3.50 U.S. dollars per value 0.31 0.25 0.42 0.50 Source. Child 1995b. 130 Zimbabwe Table 11-2. Wildlife Income and Expenditure for the Twelve Primary CAMPFIRE Districts in Zimbabwe, 1989-93 (thousands of Zimbabwe dollars) Item 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 Income 628 1,743 2,872 7,167 9,741 Trophies 601 1,387 2,357 6,334 9,546 Other 27 356 515 833 195 Expenditure 730 1,489 2,941 7,195 10,081 Council 280 656 962 2,413 2,005 CAMPFIRE 27 183 555 1,023 1.972 Communities 423 650 1,424 3,759 6,104 might match that from hunting. It is recognized, how- reverse it, ten of the RDCs have reached a point at ever, that tourism development is expensive, com- which nearly three-quarters of their wildlife-based plex, long term, and riskier than hunting. revenue are reaching producer communities, with much smaller amounts being spent on administra- CAMPFIRE's Growth: Spending Money tion or diverted to other RDC functions. The latter is permitted by CAMPFIRE as a means of encouraging The fate of revenue derived from wildlife can be the RDCS to support the program. The share allowed divided into three categories of expenditure: that re- was at first 15 percent, hut it was later reduced to 5 tained by councils for general functions, that retained percent because of the DNPWM's reluctance to bur- by councils to manage CAMPFIRE, and that allocated to den wildlife enterprises with excessive RDC funding communities (table 11-2). The last category can also demands, relative to those made on other sectors be divided into projects done by councils on behalf of such as cattle and cotton. The RDCS themselves now communities and those projects, activities, or cash realize that it is unwise to tax wildlife too heavily payments managed by the communities themselves. because it may damage a productive and useful re- The year 1989 was unusual, with only two participat- source. Instead, they are trying to introduce taxation ing RDCS, both of which received external grants to for other marketed produce. allow funds to be released to communities. Two coun- cils failed to meet the guideline of devolving at least CAMPFIRE's Growth: Natural Resource 50 percent of gross revenue, but this was fully cor- Management rected by 1994. Leaving aside these two, from 1990 to 1993 the The number of councils applying for appropriate- share of revenue retained by councils declined from authority status increased from two in 1989 to 33 to 14 percent, that allocated to communities in- twelve in 1991 and twenty-four in 1992. The num- creased from 43 to 73 percent, and the share of rev- ber awarded that status rose from two to twelve enue managed by communities increased from 16 to during the same period. This status is the effective 65 percent. These changes were linked to others such beginning Of CAMPFIRE capability, and Child (1993) as those described for Beitbridge and Masoka. (See used a simple ranking system (table 11-3) to trace the second and third case studies at the end of the the progress Of CAMPFIRE through some of the five chapter.) In several cases, the first payment to a com- steps previously described. The ranking system munity transformed its attitude toward wildlife and shows that RDcs quickly learned how to market CAMPFIRE, helping to create a strong grass-roots politi- well and that progress toward decentralization was cal base for the program. occurring. Improved natural resource management, These data show a remarkably powerful devolu- however, takes several years to occur after a com- tionary trend-strong enough to overcome munity becomes a full participant in CAMPFIRE, and "Murphree's Law," which states that any layer of a this period is not fully covered by table 11-3. An- bureaucracy will attempt to wrest power from ecdotal evidence is beginning to accumulate to fill above while resisting any devolution of power. De- in some details. spite strong pressure to resist decentralization, or to Safari operators in ten of the twelve primary dis- Brian Child 131 Table 11-3. Percentage of the Twelve Primary CAMPFIRE Districts That Received Excellent Performance Scores in Zimbabwe, 1989-92 Step 1989 1991 1992 2: Awareness of CAMPFIRE at council level Awareness of wildlife value 50 67 79 3: Earning money Effective use of hunting 42 90 92 Quality of marketing 23 63 77 Full use of tourism 0 8 28 Marketing skills 0 15 50 4: Spending money Participation in distribution 33 65 73 5.1: Understanding and attitude toward CAMPFIRE Council 23 75 85 Communities 10 31 46 5.2: Wildlife management and institutions Monitoring safari hunting 0 53 61 Setting quotas 0 0 64 Managing problem animals 11 44 56 Antipoaching 17 61 64 Keeping financial records 22 56 58 Implementing microprojects 3 28 42 5.3: Expansion into other resources Grazing 0 8 8 Trees and woodland 6 8 8 Land-use planning 8 19 33 tricts have reported some improvement in the control plans that use irrigation to consolidate settlement and of poaching. In Hwange, for example, the safari op- to reallocate land to wildlife from unproductive agri- erator said that poaching stopped immediately after cultural use. In Binga, workshops and studies have revenue was distributed and that animals were "com- helped the council to develop land-use policy. Fences ing down out of the hills," while in southern Chiredzi have been used to protect communities from wildlife, the people have reduced poaching and have assisted to consolidate settlement, and to reduce squatting, and the DNPWM in putting out fires within the safari area. others have been built to consolidate the main wildlife Some control over the use of trees has been attempted habitats. All councils have separate wildlife accounts in at least five districts, and four have exerted some that generally are well kept, and most are now submit- control on overgrazing. Three of the six districts af- ting offtake returns, annual reports, and quota recoi- fected by serious inmigration have made strong ef- mendations. forts to solve this problem. Five of the districts have The period 1992-94 also has seen rapid improve- done some sort of land-use planning. ment in understanding of and concern about natural In Muzarabani, meanwhile, a member of the wild- resources among RDC officials. Councils have allocated life committee noted that his community had become some of their best staff to CAMPFIRE, and the chief aware of the scarcity of resources through CAMPFIRE, executive officers give CAMPFIRE a high priority, to the and wasteful use of trees was being prohibited. In extent that they regularly attend the frequent meetings Bulalimamangwe and Tsholotsho, traditional rules and workshops. governing the access of cattle to winter grazing areas have been restored. This was done to protect wildlife Can Decentralized Management Work? habitat and the local safari operation and to allow thatching grass to be collected before it is grazed or Success is hard to measure in a long-term process like burned. In Beitbridge, communities have developed CAMPFIRE, but the program has had wide-ranging posi- 132 Zimbabwe tive impact and few obvious negative effects. It has cult to enforce. Although chiefs allocate land by tradi- promoted a more decentralized style for managing tion, in law this is done by the RDC. The Liberation natural resources, and the ability of the RDCS to support War was fought largely over land, so when RDCS try to it has improved as they have become its primary control "squatting," their efforts may be overruled for implementing agents. As the program enters a con- political reasons, or undermined by chiefs willing to solidation phase, the RDCs will need support if they are "sell" land. Open-access property regimes also sug- to keep filling this role. Substantial donor funding has gest to rural people that resources are plentiful, when been offered, but it remains to be seen whether such they are in fact critically scarce. Finally, outsiders are investments will achieve a sustainable managerial ca- often welcomed because the presence of more people pability to run the newly devolved systems. may encourage the government to provide services The functioning of local institutions has also im- such as clinics, buses, and schools. These factors proved. Elections are contested more vigorously, mean that people continue to flood in, even to such more transparent systems are improving accountabil- areas as the Omay part of Sebungwe, where residents ity, and opportunities to develop project management have been receiving food relief for thirty years be- capability have come with local financial empower- cause the land cannot support them. ment. Of great importance is a change in attitude: the CAMPFIRE can help by clarifying resource tenure and perception of wildlife is shifting from negative to management responsibility and by assisting institu- positive, and communities are developing a sense of tions such as those in Masoka. The question is largely independence, self-worth, and vision for the future. one of timing, the issue being whether new arrange- Improved management of natural resources is not ments can be Introduced before the resource base is yet so clearly evident, but improved understanding overrun and destroyed. It is also partly a question of of resource issues certainly exists, and many spe- natural resources per person and the development cific problems are being tackled. At this time, there strategies adopted by the various levels of society. are cases of community effort to control poaching, The land may not be able to support the current popu- burning, grazing, and tree-cutting, but there are also lation, but perhaps the economy can develop fast places where poaching may be worsening. Poaching enough to reduce people's dependency on a dwindling tends to be associated either with a failure to de- resource base. But it must be kept in mind that volve revenue in a local and transparent forum or at Zimbabwe's population is doubling every twenty an appropriately small scale or with severe resource years and that its rural landscape is already badly pressure, where population growth is exacerbated degraded. by rapid inmigration. Solving the first problem- devolving revenue-is central to the CAMPFIRE pro- Is Fiscal Devolution Sufficient? cess and is happening steadily. But the second problem-poaching where population growth is Decentralization is a complex and political process. It rapid-is perhaps the greatest threat to CAMPFIRE and may be strongly resisted because it removes power to the communities that depend on its success. from the currently powerful. Several factors were In its most severe form, poaching is a consequence critical in initiating fiscal devolution in the case of of inmigration and the tendency of both traditional CAMPFIRE: and modern institutions to disintegrate when large numbers of people of different cultures move in. 1. The DNPVM saw the potential for devolving wildlife There are, however, cases in which CAMPFIRE has management and embodied the legal basis for helped some communities to gain the power and cohe- achieving this in legislation, at least partially. sion to exclude outsiders, as in Masoka (see the case 2. Using its strengths as a technical agency with a man- study). The RDCS have also improved their general date to conserve wildlife, DNPWM Was able to de- understanding of resource problems and tenurial is- velop policy in the form of devolutionary guidelines sues, to the extent that some have taken the difficult and to insist that these be followed. step of evicting squatters. In other places, however, 3. A grass-roots political movement developed in the CAMPFIRE remains too weak to resist inmigration. form ofthe CAMPFIRE Association, which represented As in many developing countries, this problem has almost half of the country's RDCS. The movement more than one root cause. Severe overcrowding else- was able to lobby strongly in support of these prin- where in Zimbabwe forces people to move, while ciples. The combination of a political movement and unclear rules on settlement rights make controls diffi- a technical agency proved very effective. Brian Child 133 4. The program was based on sound social, economic, encountered when wildlife revenue is given to com- and ecological principles, developed by a cohesive munity representatives, who are assumed to be hon- multidisciplinary team through a practical process est but may not be. There are two implications: of adaptive management. resource management decisions must be transparent to whole communities, and to overcome the literacy These efforts have been sufficient to start the pro- constraint, this transparency often must be achieved gram, but CAMPFIRE represents a fundamental shift through face-to-face contact. from centralized to community-based natural resource management. Wildlife management decisions are no Process of Change longer in the hands of a few skilled technicians but are now made by 600,000 people in seventy to eighty The goal of establishing a community-based manage- wards in twelve to fifteen districts. The indications are ment system should not divert attention from the pro- that community-based management is probably the cess by which this goal is achieved. CAMPFIRE shares best option for the future, but additional input is with other programs in other countries the intent of needed on at least three topics: tenurial reform, infor- community proprietorship, supported by suitable mation and knowledge systems, and the process of knowledge systems. This end point can be reached in change. A brief look at each follows. various ways, and each path will make different de- mands according to its own mix of cultural, economic, Tenurial Reform and other circumstances. Two models often are proposed to overcome tenurial Conclusions problems. The first model is based on centralized management. This was a feature of past systems and is By combining the high untapped value of wildlife resurfacing to some extent in contemporary calls for with sound principles of democracy, accountability, increased regulation to preserve the "global" wilder- transparency, and local control of resources, middle- ness. The other common model is based on private level technical officials have catalyzed fundamental ownership, which in Zimbabwe would so fragment reforms in the governance of natural resources. More- communal lands as to make the system unworkable over, it appears that the CAMPFIRE principles are widely and would provoke social disaster by driving the weak valid for community development and resource man- from the land. agement in much of the developing world, even in CAMPFIRE has devised a third option: if communities urban situations. The greatest hurdle is the quantum are to manage natural resources, they must have a shift to this decentralized community-based strategy. clear right to control those resources. The key to this In CAMPFIRE, this shift was made possible by the com- model is proprietary self-interest, with ownership be- bination of a "new" valuable resource, fortunate tim- ing exerted at the community level, represented by the ing (for example, coinciding with improving markets village development committee. For this to work, and decentralization rhetoric), and the work of dedi- however, agrarian laws must be changed toward pri- cated, innovative personnel. vate community resource ownership, and to achieve A valid question is whether this process can he this a political process is unavoidable, replicated. Community-based wildlife management is spreading through southern and central Africa, but Information and Knowledge Systems little progress has been made with other natural re- sources. Does this imply that the shift can be made To make wise management decisions, individuals only if a new and highly valuable resource such as and communities require information and knowl- wildlife provides the incentive for change or even that edge. The real challenge for CAMPFIRE is to make these circumstances must be complemented by a these available to people who are only partly liter- unique combination of people? If this is true, the ate and in such a way that the information cannot experience might not be repeatable. Alternatively, be captured and used by a few people for their own given the model provided by programs like CAMPFIRE, ends. An example of the problem is when, for prac- can this "success" be replicated under a more formal tical reasons, only three members of a wildlife com- project-type strategy? Will governments allow it, if mittee are able to attend training meetings on behalf they know the ultimate consequences? Time will tell of the community as a whole. A similar problem is whether governments are prepared to devolve and 134 Zimbabwe support community-based natural resource manage- stand that safari operators buy the quota, split it into ment or whether control is more important to them. "bags," market it overseas to foreign clients, and pro- vide quality outfitting services. Selection criteria are Case Studies in Zimbabwe debated and decided, taking into account such factors as price, trustworthiness, and what happens to the The following case studies present some successful meat. Interviews are practiced using role-playing examples of decentralized conservation in Zimbabwe: techniques. marketing in Chipinge, revenue allocation in On the second day, operators are interviewed sepa- Beitbridge, and natural resource management at rately for one to two hours until their offer is final and Masoka. clear. Offers are summarized on flip charts and then compared in matrices to make choice easier. The pri- Marketing: An Example from Chipinge mary factor in choosing operators usually is price, but personality also can be significant. In Chipinge, for Prior to CAMPFIRE, hunting quotas on communal lands example, the quota was awarded to the lower of two were sold by the DNPWM on the basis of published price bidders because of that individual's long and produc- schedules. With the rapid softening of the Zimbabwe tive relationship with this community. The interview dollar in the late 1980s and early 1990s, this system provides a means to develop relationships and adapt significantly undervalued wildlife in the global mar- contracts to the specific strengths of an operator and to ket. New methods based on open and competitive the needs of the community. marketing therefore were developed (Child and Bond Interviews also can alter dramatically the nature of 1994). In Chipinge, for example, a quota of four el- thepastrelationshipbetweentheoperatorandthecom- ephants and a few other species was sold for munityinfavorofthelatter.Spontaneousapplause US$26,515 in 1990. The same quota was remarketed may erupt among community members during inter- in 1991, using new competitive procedures, with con- views, seeming to express growing feelings of self- siderable gain. The quota was advertised nationally, worth, bargaining ability, and control overtheirown the bids were short-listed, and the two operators who affairs. When communities are trained, it is often em- offered the best bids were invited for an interview. phasized that the only differences between bargaining The bids, US$37,030 and US$50,405, were improved over a goat or over a multi million-dollar concession are on negotiation to US$59,405 and US$68,515, respec- knowledgeandconfidence,andascommunitiesgrow tively. Thus competitive marketing nearly doubled the in these qualities, their bargaining ability increases value of hunting in Chipinge, which is consistent with greatly. The DNPWM and the wwF may help this process CAMPFIRE's overall finding that competitive bidding is by providing information on the price structure of the the main means to increase prices and that interviews hunting industry (Child and Bond 1994; B. Child improve prices further. 1995b). The operators themselves regularly comment The process has other important but less tangible onhowimpressedtheyarewiththeabilityofthecom- advantages, of which the most significant is the em- munity leaders and seem to enjoy the transparency in- powerment associated with the interview stage. Bids herent in the process. The interviews are also usually are evaluated by council officials with the educational, with leaders reinforcing their knowledge assistance of the DNPWM and the wwF. Decisions based of theindustry by reviewing wide-ranging issues with on such evaluations usually are validated by council- severaloperatorsinface-to-facediscussion. lors in the relevant committees, but the technicalities of these choices are not always clear to them. In line Allocating Revenue: An Examplefrom Beitbridge with CAMPFIRE thinking, therefore, the process of choosing operators was deliberately made more par- Early in CAMPFIRE's history, wildlife revenue was ticipatory and therefore transparent to people with low not distributed so as to make the pricing and in- levels of literacy or numeracy. The result was the centive structure reflect the advantages of the marketing interview. It usually requires two days, is wildlife resource, nor was revenue used to support attended by members of village or ward wildlife com- projects that would promote local managerial capa- mittees, and is facilitated by the DNPWM and the WWF. bility. Revenue instead was managed centrally by The first day of the interview is used for knowledge councils, which usually lacked the capability to transfer and skill development. For example, safari support many small initiatives or, if they did, hunting is explained, helping participants to under- found that it undermined rather than built local Brian Child 135 self-sufficiency. The program's solution was to de- These principles were to be put into effect through vise a process for distributing revenue that was a revenue distribution process that was transparent to transparent, democratic, and educational. rural communities. This was first achieved in An important breakthrough occurred in Chikwarakwara (Child and Peterson 1991). The Beitbridge District in 1991, where, at the time, means of doing so later were formalized through na- communities were not benefiting directly from tional guidelines published by the DNPWM (B. Child wildlife (Child and Peterson 1991). There was 1995a). strong opposition to their doing so, and they were In Chikwarakwara Village, Beitbridge, the whole kept dependent on central processes by a general community gathered under their meeting tree. The feeling that it was almost unthinkable to give igno- council chairman explained the sources of wildlife rant rural communities cash or even significant re- revenue, listing the names of animals to be shot and sponsibility. This view was overturned through the their values. The village then debated rules of mem- close collaboration of a committed council and a bership and, after considerable discussion, agreed that determined technical agency (the DNPWM), which there would be 149 members. With wildlife income of together pushed through a vision that revolution- Z$60,000, each member was entitled to Z$400, a large ized CAMPFIRE and later the relationship between sum in such remote areas. The young men, in particu- central and peripheral institutions in rural Zimba- lar, wanted all the money as cash but were overruled bwe. These innovations grew out of close personal by the women and elders. The final decision was for relationships within and between the council and each household to invest Z$170 in a much-needed the DNPWM. grinding mill and Z$30 in the school, leaving Z$200 At two meetings of the Beitbridge District Council, for take-home cash. decisions were made that later became embodied in During this process, Child and Peterson (1991) the CAMPFIRE concept and in subsequent guidelines: noted a change in attitude from one of dependency to one of self-sufficiency, a "new" ability to make rea- 1. Wildlife revenue would be returned to the "producer soned decisions when tradeoffs were required, and a communities" in which the animals were shot. This reversal of attitudes toward wildlife. At an earlier created the critical economic linkage between cost meeting, when discussing the use of revenue, the and benefit and between quality of input and quan- people had produced a wish list in the hope that some tity of output. items would match donor requirements. Project vi- 2. Producer communities were defined as villages- ability was given little consideration, for which the relatively small, homogeneous communities community was strongly criticized by the DNPWM. where business could be conducted face-to-face. Once community members knew that they were deal- Social scale has emerged as an ingredient that is ing with their own money, opportunism was replaced essential for democratic, transparent, and account- by pragmatism, and sound decisions were made. able management in communities that are only Similarly, because of the close and transparent link partly literate. between wildlife shot in the village and the revenue 3. The council agreed to keep its share of the rev- received, the attitude toward wildlife changed from enue small, thereby promoting devolution and strong hostility to considerable enthusiasm. avoiding differential taxation to the disadvantage Once the money was allocated, further measures of wildlife. were debated and agreed to by the whole community 4. It was decided that the choice of how to use wildlife sitting under their tree. Committees were formed to revenue rightfully belonged to communities, in the purchase and manage the grinding mill, and functions same way that the choice of how to use income from and responsibilities were established. The process cul- agricultural and other activities was theirs. Thus, no minated in a ceremony to distribute revenue, which restrictions would be placed on their decisions, and was designed to ensure transparency and to reinforce a revenue could be paid in any form, including cash feeling of proprietorship. Each household head was dividends to households. This was vital in changing called up and paid in cash the full Z$400 to which he the perception of wildlife from that of a public or or she was entitled. Household heads then placed unowned resource to that of a private or owned re- Z$170 and Z$30 each in containers representing the source, thereby ensuring that it would be "priced" school and the grinding mill, respectively, before by individuals and communities when making land- signing the register and placing the remaining Z$200 use decisions. in their pockets. 136 Zimbabwe This technique presented a literal accounting of the tial resistance from the council, which later became community's assets, far more comprehensible to far more supportive. partly literate people than a financial statement read Before CAMPFIRE, Masoka was poor, dependent, aloud. The income statement was the Z$60,000 placed disorganized, and demoralized, and agreement to ex- on the table as cash, or the Z$400 given to each periment with the program was achieved only after member. Expenditures were Z$30,000 for a grinding much debate. Using a land-use plan developed by the mill and school improvements, again highly visible as community, a fence was constructed by WWF to en- cash in containers on a table in front of the entire circle most of the homesteads and fields. This fence community. Furthermore, the council chairman intro- delineated the community and clarified its land-use duced the grinding mill committee to the whole com- goals while also greatly reducing conflict with wild munity, described their functions and responsibilities, animals, which previously had terrorized the people and pointed out that they were responsible for using and devastated their fields. To the benefits of the fence the money. This is the essence of accountability: func- were added revenue from harvesting wildlife (be- tions and responsibilities were clearly defined and tween Z$200,000 and Z$600,000 annually), meat known to everybody. [Editors' note: in some remote from trophy animals, and employment in the safari areas, such large amounts of cash placed in plain sight camp next to the village. High benefits and low cost would invite armed robbery or worse; readers are meant the net benefit from CAMPFIRE was large, and the advised to weigh the risk before attempting the tech- local attitude toward wildlife quickly changed as nique described.] wildlife management became the focus of community The system worked at Beitbridge with wide-ranging activity. benefits. The grinding mill was soon in place and was Visits to Masokain 1993 and again in 1995 would being managed by the community. The link between have shown dramatic development in the economic, wildlife and benefit was made, encouraging commu- organizational, environmental, and human spheres. nity action to control poaching, both by social means Wildlife revenue at first was controlled tightly by and by employing a game guard. The community also Guruve District Council, which managed them in lim- began to develop managerial capability, and projects ited consultation with the community. The council has were being implemented effectively by the commu- since stepped back, and the community manages its nity. The likelihood of sustainability was improved be- own affairs, deciding, among other things, how to use cause the community understood how the projects their money. Where money is allocated to households worked and knew thatthey themselves had paid for and (usually about Z$1,000 annually), the wildlife com- implemented them. This experience also helped in mittee collects and disburses cash dividends. A mix of other projects and activities. The overall result was a cash and food may be provided if this is the choice of shift from helpless dependency to a cohesive commu- the community, as it may be in times of drought. nity that was beginning to plan and manage its own af- Money allocated to projects is transferred into com- fairs. Democracy, transparency, and accountability munity bank accounts, which are managed by relevant were all important elements in this shift and were in- committees. These committees report to the commu- corporated into the process described. nity at regular meetings and to the council, which provides training and audits their books. Financial Natural Resource Management at Masoka accounts, scruffy and tatty two years ago, are now well kept by the treasurer. The community of Masoka lies between Chewore and The community has implemented a wide range of Doma Safari areas in Guruve District in the eastern projects, and its skills in doing so are increasing rap- Zambezi Valley. It has perhaps made more progress idly. It started by building a school and then a clinic than any other CAMPFIRE district. This can be attributed and has now purchased and is operating a tractor, to the community's assertiveness, its access to a large which is a challenge but so far is working well. It also area of wildlife habitat, its small population of 127 has invested in social activities-for example, the households, and the supportive attitude of local offi- football club, which travels throughout the district and cials (Murphree 1995). As a favored location for re- is a useful vehicle for spreading the CAMPFIRE message searchers, it also has received considerable outside to other communities. help. The cohesiveness of the community and the The community employs seven game guards and close collaboration of its traditional, spiritual, and fourfence menders, and rules have been devised and modern leaders helped the community overcome ini- are enforced to regulate hunting, fishing, and the use of Brian Child 137 wood and grass. Although the members of one house- Rangelands in Zimbabwe." Ph.D. diss., University of hold that persisted in burning grass were evicted, mis- Oxford, U.K. creants usually are fined by losing a share of their . 1993. "Zimbabwe's CAMPFIRE Programme: Us- dividend or are made to do community service such as ing the High Value of Wildlife Recreation to carrying water or maintaining the fence. The commu- Revolutionise Natural Resource Management in Coi- nity uses its resources in a socially sensitive manner; munal Areas." Commonwealth Forestry Review for example, destitute families were the first to be em- 72(4):284-96. ployed as laborers in building the clinic. Visitors to . 1995a. "CAMPFIRE Guidelines for the Revenue Masoka from industrial countries often lament the loss Distribution Process." Department of National Parks and of such a sense of community in their own societies. Wildlife Management, Harare, Zimbabwe. In 1990, resources were being used at Masoka in a . 1995b. "A Summary of the Marketing of Trophy typiall opn-aces wa, bu sice henmaters Quotas in CAMPFIRE Areas (1990 to 1993)." Department typically open-access way, but since then matters o ainlPrsadWllf aaeet aae have been improved through tenure clarification, edu- oina P dMt cation, and clear rules. The community also is making imBabwe. the kind of hard tradeoff decisions that often elude Photographic Concessions in Communal Areas." In M. communities in open-access situations. Important Jones, ed., Safari Operations in Communal Areas in land-use decisions have been made, prompted espe- Matabeleland, Proceedings of the Natural Resources cially by the fence, which has consolidated settlement Management Project Seminar and Workshop, 37-55. and allocated most land to wildlife enterprises. The Harare, Zimbabwe: Department of National Parks and community decided not to have cattle, and if asked Wildlife Management. about this, members are inclined to say "buffalo are Child, B. A., andJ. H. Peterson. 1991."CAMPFIREinRural our cattle." Hauling and long-distance transport re- Development.TheBeitbridgeExperience."Universityof main important needs in this remote location, and the ZimbabweJoint Working PaperSeriesNo. 1/91.Depart- community has met them by buying and maintaining a ment of National Parks and Wildlife Management and tractor. Center for Applied Social Studies, Harare, Zimbabwe. Solidarity has allowed the community to make Child, G. 1995. "The Origin of Community Based Wild rules that tend to resolve conflict between individuals Resource Management in Zimbabwe." Forthcoming. and the community in favor of the latter. The result is Derman, B. 1990. "The Unsettling of the Zambezi Valley: a fundamental change in the system of land manage- An Examination of the Mid-Zambezi Rural Develop- ment, ending the resource free-for-all that formerly ment Project." CASS (Center for Applied Social Studies), was typical of many communal areas. Poaching and Harare, Zimbabwe. general misuse of resources by the inhabitants of scat- Jansen, D. J., 1. Bond, and B. A. Child. 1992. "Cattle, tered settlements have been replaced by community- Wildlife, Both or Neither-Results of a Financial and based management. Although "management by Economic Survey of Commercial Ranches in Southern committee" has a poor reputation in the capitalist Zimbabwe." WWF (World Wide Fund for Nature) West, in the case of community-based resource man- Multispecies Animal Production Systems Project, agement the opportunity cost of time is low, and the Project Paper No. 30. Harare, Zimbabwe. beneficial effect of democracy and consensus-build- Pramme fo Indigenou R res MPI)"e- ing is considerable. Zimbabwe's first leadership slo- Pame o nin rs ansWlde ManaEme gan was "Growth with Equity," and this is exactly Harre, Zimbawe. what CAMPFIRE has achieved in Masoka. It also has Metcalfe, S. 1993. "The Zimbabwe Communal Areas Man- achieved conservation with development. agement Programme for Indigenous Resources (CAMP- FIRE)." Presented at the Liz Claiborne Art Ortenberg Foundation Community Based Conservation Workshop, Airlie, Va. References MNRT (Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism). 1985. "Proceedings of the Conference/Workshop on the CAMPFIRE. 1992. "Workshop Report." Report presented at Implementation of a National Conservation Strategy in Programme Strategy Workshop, Hunyani Hills Hotel, Zimbabwe." Harare, Zimbabwe. 29 September-2 October, Lake Chivero, Zimbabwe. Murphree, M. W. 1993. "Communal Land Wildlife Re- Child, B. A. 1988. "The Role of Wildlife Utilization in the sources andRuralDistrictCouncilRevenues."Presented Sustainable Economic Development of Semi-Arid to the CAMHFRE Assoiation AnnualGeneralMeeting, 16 138 Zimbabwe December. Centerfor Applied Social Studies Occasional of the Natural Resource Management Programme, Paper Series No. 51/93. Harare, Zimbabwe. Chobe, Botswana. -. 1995. "Optimal Principles and Pragmatic NWMT (Nyaminyami Wildlife Management Trust). 1987. Strategies: Creating an Enabling Politico-Legal En- "The Wildlife of Nyaminyami-A Proposal for the Im- vironment for Community-Based Natural Resource proved Management, Control, and Use of the Wildlife of Management (cBNRM)." Keynote address, Conference Nyaminyami District." Nyaminyami, Zimbabwe. 12 Good Governance in Model and Real Countries Julian Caldecott A number of principles seem to be emerging as a willing to accept higher (or different) costs than the reasonable basis for visualizing what an "ideal" de- other. For example, a national government might use centralized country might be like (see also Caldecott expensive consultants and senior officials to negotiate forthcoming). First, it seems necessary that all mem- the placement of a boundary with rural people. The bers and levels of society should have sufficient rural people may value their own time quite differ- power to protect their own interests. Second, they all ently than the government team. In such cases, nego- should be able to negotiate freely with one another on tiations can be so protracted that the government may the management (such as avoidance, mitigation, or be tempted to use legal force rather than consensus to compensation) of impacts among people and within obtain a settlement. Such an asymmetry suggests that and between levels of society. And third, mediation or it may be impossible to achieve a completely efficient arbitration should be available to minimize the trans- arrangement in practice, no matter how perfect the action cost among those individuals, groups, and lev- consensus in favor of a fair and durable settlement els in achieving a settlement. (Bromley 1991). It also seems reasonable to assume some con- Many problems can be avoided, however, if local straints on bargaining. The first constraint is that ev- empowerment is accompanied by lines and proce- eryone will seek maximum bargaining power. The dures for communication, appeal, and supervision, parties therefore welcome the removal of obstacles through which each local group can continue to relate (laws, policies, regulations) that block their own em- to national authority. Good governance therefore powerment but may be less interested in the removal should be associated with arrangements that distribute of obstacles for other people. A second constraint is power according to necessary function, that promote that all will seek maximum compensation for impacts dialogue, negotiation, and mutual supervision be- on their own interests. And finally, everyone will seek tween levels of society, and that facilitate the transfer to pay minimum compensation for damage to other of compensation for negative externalities within and people's interests. These three points provide ample between them. This suggests that the way in which a scope for conflict, which suggests that a social good society avoids or settles conflicts of all kinds should can be served if everyone agrees to be bound by be a good indicator of the general quality of gover- arbitration that can result in a principled, fair, and nance within it. durable distribution of power and settlement of claims. Methods Real societies may contain no group that has a clear interest in minimizing the cost of negotiating transac- This chapter summarizes, analyzes, and compares the tions. Indeed, asymmetries in this cost can be used to ten country studies reported in this volume. It presents obtain a better deal for one side, provided that side is an idealized model country that is organized accord- 139 140 Good Governance in Model and Real Countries ing to principles of sound environmental management has created mechanisms for bargaining between lev- and "subsidiarity" (meaning that responsibility for ac- els that have been institutionalized within the power tion is taken by the least central level that can act structure. A list of fifteen attributes of this ideal efficiently for each purpose). In this ideal country, country is shown in table 12-1. The descriptions in transfer payments are made between levels of society the country chapters then were searched for these with maximum efficiency and minimum transaction attributes. cost. The factors considered most important to this In this analysis, the local level of society is sepa- country are shown in figure 12-1. rated into the community and bioregional levels, and In defining the model, my intent was to depict a the national and global levels are added, each level country that (a) has achieved a stable distribution of being defined as the sum of all units at the next lower power among social levels in proportion to the need level. By using societal levels for analysis, the aggre- for them at each level, (b) has established perma- gate role of all important actors is emphasized at each nent linking mechanisms that allow arbitration and level, whether private, governmental, or nongovern- supervision between levels when necessary, and (c) mental. The effects of local variation in culture and Figure 12-1. Relationships Modeled between Societal Levels Decentralized development r oristrctre. list Locfly a ge nture reea Inee thisard anals i,the local le l of s c ty i s pa consm iationtlayed ucand b cshe n relatios s t eationl bobares aded, mageel beingl definiosqe stesu fof aell nt ttenxoe level. Byuigsceallvlto nlyi,teage gate rol ofali p ratrco si'm ha ie te c suprvsio ibtwegin level whenl neesrylna() mntlnheefcsoflclvrainncutead Figre121.reaionshp MoeeIewenScea Ll Decetraize devlpmein n xctv omGlobal level Cone Nationalel Prpe Biforen leve Icnietopmtelocal plansaredntuereev co s rvto muta ls obligations aup r o o sr ai n d executived an ge en p consistency, and public relationsI Julian Caldecott 14/ Table 12-1. Indicators of Decentralized Development and Conservation in an Ideal Country Key indicators at the national level. These suggest the role of the country's central or federal and state or provincial laws, institu- tions, and procedures. 1. Existing policy and legal frameworks and procedures help to resolve conflicts among local people and groups when this help is requested by them. 2. Existing procedures provide guidance to local people (for example, by helping to set and achieve standards for planning, environ- mental management, and environmental education). 3. Existing procedures help to guarantee local autonomy and to defend local ecosystems and lifestyles against threats from outside. 4. Existing procedures are conducive to proper enforcement of conservation laws (for example, by managing nature reserves in a vigilant, consistent, and just manner). 5. Existing procedures apply incentives to reward conservation effort (for example, by clarifying resource tenure, by ensuring benefit sharing, by promoting investments to meet local needs, and by providing local employment). Key indicators at the bioregional level. These suggest arrangements that affect a country's bioregions, which are the main units of coordination and oversight for environmental management and rural development (see text). 6. There are enough funds and fiscal autonomy at the bioregional level to meet local development needs (for example, through guaranteed block grants, sharing local revenues, and returns on local investments). 7. There is enough operational autonomy at the bioregional level to meet local development needs (for example, authority for work plans and for hiring or firing employees). 8. There is a mandate for an inclusive and accountable bioregional organization to involve all stakeholders, with the authority to direct work to meet local development needs and to request outside help in meeting them. 9. There is a mandate for an inclusive and accountable bioregional forum to involve all stakeholders, with the authority to discuss and resolve conflicts of interest and to request outside help in resolving them. Key indicators at the community level. These permit assessment of arrangements as they affect the communities in which the country's rural population lives (see text). 10. There is a bioregional organization with balanced objectives that represents all major groups. I 1. There is opportunity for grass-roots participation in a bioregional forum. 12. There is community control of the process of setting development priorities (for example, by preparing community development plans). 13.There is community control of the process of defining microprojects by which to meet development priorities. 14.There is community control of the process of implementing and learning from microprojects. 15.There is community participation in negotiating boundaries of nature reserves relative to those of private and communal lands and water, and the terms on which those reserves may be entered and used. 142 Good Governance in Model and Real Countries ecology also are discounted, as are those of high-level tion because it affects countries in the context of the changes in government administration, such as the Convention on Biological Diversity, as well as passing of powers from officials in large cities to through the efforts of numerous donor agencies and those in smaller ones. More attention is given instead nongovernmental organizations (NGOS). The min- to what goes on in the countryside, where most natural mum standards continue to evolve and change, but ecosystems exist, and where their fates often are de- guidelines are provided by U.N. declarations, global termined by the actions of local or nonlocal people in conventions, and other forms of hard and soft interna- exploiting and selling local resources or by local tional law, including priorities identified from time to people through such day-to-day decisions as when to time by multilateral development agencies such as the set fires or where to graze goats (Caldecott and World Bank. Fameso 1991). The strategy used here gives special attention to Findings biodiversity conservation, which implies a rural set- ting and the presence of natural ecosystems that of- The real nations described in the country studies were ten are within nature reserves. A typical conservation scored according to the presence or absence of the project to protect a tropical ecosystem of viable size fifteen indicators in table 12-1. Scores depended on and global significance is likely to involve fieldwork whether each indicator seemed to be present in the in an area of 2,500 to 25,000 square kilometers with country from the information available, with 2 points 25,000 to 250,000 inhabitants, and this is adopted as awarded for a yes, I point for a partial (or unknown, the definition of a bioregion. The meaning is similar which comprised four in Nepal and two in Kenya), to that of ecoregion, which has been related closely and 0 points for a no answer. These scores were to biodiversity by Caldecott and others (1994) and to summed, first, to give a total for the country at present landscape ecology by Johnson (1993), Olson and and, second, to represent the medium-term future, Dinerstein (1994), and Saterson and others (1994). based on the country's current plans and best-practice This intends only to provide an approximate scale projects. and is equivalent, for example, to that of one or sev- This second number is intended to show what the eral municipalities in the Philippines or local govern- score is expected to be when the country's laws and ment areas in Nigeria. plans are fully implemented, and its best-practice Many rural development projects, however, work projects are replicated widely. The scores for each best at the grass-roots level, where face-to-face inter- indicator are given in table 12-2 and summarized in action and personal relationships among people are table 12-3, from which it can be seen that the countries important to achieving responsiveness, transparency, with the highest current scores are Costa Rica (19), and accountability in project planning and implemen- Zimbabwe (17), and the Philippines (16). The lowest- tation. This often means designing microprojects and scoring countries are Kenya (5), which has yet to putting them into effect by working jointly with vil- attempt systematic decentralization, and Russia (3), lages (for example, the barangay or bario in the Philip- which formerly was extremely centralized and is now pines and the desa or dusun in Indonesia). To reflect in a uniquely chaotic transitional state. The other this, the community level refers to a social unit com- countries all have current scores of 10 to 13. prising 250 to 2,500 residents, considered together The future scores in table 12-3 show that all the with the natural and artificial ecosystems that sustain countries seem to be moving in the same general them. direction, toward greater conformity with the model. The national level of this analysis represents all If current laws, plans, and projects are implemented, levels above that of the bioregion, up to and including Costa Rica, Zimbabwe, the Philippines, Nepal, India, the country. After all, from the point of view of rural and Colombia are expected to score 25 or more points people or nature reserve managers, any large adminis- out of a possible 30, and the remaining countries will trative unit is equally remote for most day-to-day score 14 to 20 points. 'Ihis seems to indicate a real purposes. trend, and one that was visible in the independent data The final level is that of global society, which has a base of World Bank and GEF projects (Banerjee and special role in working with countries to help them Lutz, chapter 13 of this volume), where projects con- achieve minimum standards of public well-being, so- ceived and implemented before 1992 achieved consis- cial justice, and environmental quality. The global tently lower decentralization scores than those role is particularly relevant to biodiversity conserva- planned after 1992. The ratio between pre-1992 and Julian Caldecott 143 Table 12-2. Scores of Real Countries Using Ideal Country Indicators In Table 12-1 Total Country 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 score Current scores for each indicator Costa Rica I 1 1 2 2 2 2 1 1 1 1 I 1 1 1 19 Zimbabwe I 1 2 1 2 I I 1 1 1 1 I 1 1 1 17 Philippines I 1 1 I I I 1 1 2 1 1 I 1 1 1 16 Nepal 0 1 1 1 ll 1 1 ? l ? I ? ? 0 13 India 0 1 1 1 1 0 0 2 2 2 2 0 0 0 1 13 Colombia 0 0 1 1 1 0 0 2 2 2 2 0 0 0 1 12 Nigeria 1 1 0 0 0 1 0 0 2 0 2 1 1 1 0 10 Indonesia 2 1 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 I 1 1 10 Kenya 0 1 0 1 1 0 0 0 ? 0 ? 0 0 0 0 5 Russia 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 3 Planned or best-practice scores for each indicator CostaRica 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 30 Zimbabwe 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 30 Philippines 2 2 2 1 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 1 1 25 Nepal 0 1 1 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 26 India 1 1 1 1 1 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 25 Colombia 2 2 2 1 2 1 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 1 2 25 Nigeria 1 1 I 1 1 1 2 0 2 0 2 2 2 2 2 20 Indonesia 2 1 1 1 2 2 1 0 0 0 0 2 2 2 2 18 Kenya 0 1 0 1 1 0 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 21 Russia 0 0 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 2 1 1 1 1 14 Note: 0 = not present; I = partly present; 2= clearly present; ? = unknown but scored as if partly present. Table 12-3. Decentralized Development and Conservation Scores of Real Countries Relative to an Ideal Country Current overall score Planned or best-practice Country (maximum 30) score (maximum 30) Costa Rica 19 30 Zimbabwe 17 30 Philippines 16 25 Nepal 13 26 India 13 25 Colombia 12 25 Nigeria 10 20 Indonesia 10 18 Kenya 5 21 Russia 3 14 Total score 118 234 144 Good Governance in Model and Real Countries post-1992 scores for administrative decentralization more formal test of the model itself would be to deter- in the project analysis was about the same as between mine how closely the resulting scores match informed the total current and future scores for all ten countries readers' independent assessments of the systems of in the model comparison, being 1:2 in both cases. governance in the same countries. The author of the India country study proposed Pending further testing, it should be noted that several amendments (S. Singh, personal communica- there are a number of uncertainties in this strategy, tion, 1995), not all of which are reflected in the scor- including assumptions about the nature of "good gov- ing outcome. Some amendments were used to fill in ernance," the choice of indicators, and subjective bias missing data, but others were left out in favor of the in assessment. It is hoped that this discussion will information contained in the country study itself. This contribute to further debate. was intended to maintain comparability with other countries, probably at some cost to accuracy. Simi- larly, observations made during a site visit to Kenya References (E. Lutz, personal communication, 1996) suggest that both the current and future or best-practice scores for Bromley, D. 1991. Environment and Economy: Property that country should be increased, in view of actions Rights and Public Policy. Oxford, U..: Blackwell. taken by the Kenya Wildlife Service since the country Caldecott, J. 0., and T. F. Fameso. 1991. "TFAP Nigeria: study was written. Again, the original scores are re- Findings of the Preliminary Conservation and Environ- tained here to preserve comparability at a particular ment Study Mission." Commission of the European time. Communities, Brussels, Belgium. _.Forthcoming. Conservation and Power. Cam- Conclusions bridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press. Caldecott, J. 0., M. Jenkins, T. Johnson, and B. The uncertainties in this procedure mean that the find- Groombridge. 1994. Priorities for Conserving Global ings should be used cautiously, even though they Species Richness and Endemism. Cambridge, U..: seem realistically to reflect significant differences be- World Conservation Press. tween countries, especially at the extremes. They also Johnson, N. C. 1993. "What to Save Next? Setting appear to show a real trend toward "better gover- Biodiversity Conservation Priorities in Principle, Prac- nance." These findings tend to confirm the impression tice, and Policy." Biodiversity Support Program, Wash- that governments are reforming themselves and par- ington, D.C. ticipating in a widespread redistribution of power. Olson, D. M., and E. Dinerstein. 1994. "Assessing the Con- These changes are in a direction consistent with a servation Potential and Degree of Threat among pattern of increasing decentralization and more wide- Ecoregions of Latin America and the Caribbean: A Pro- spread localized management of ecosystems. It is pos- posed Landscape Ecology Approach." LATEN Dissemina- sible that individual countries may experience a tion Note No. 10. World Bank, Washington, D.C. reversal of these trends because vested interests asso- Saterson, K., M. Symington, A. Forsyth, R. Mittermeier, S. ciated with existing power structures may mobilize Oliveri, K. Redford, J. Robinson, B. Weber, D. Bryant, against further change. N. Johnson, E. Dinerstein, D. M. Olson, and F. Seymour. One test of the procedure used here would be to ask 1994. "Outline of Biodiversity Conservation Priority- whether a new reader would award similar scores on Setting Framework." Biodiversity Support Program, the basis of the information in the country studies. A Washington, D.C. 13 Analysis of World Bank and GEF Projects Ajit Banerjee and Ernst Lutz The need for habitat conservation now has been ac- conservation. In doing so, we also have reviewed the cepted in principle by most countries. Large areas of policy and institutional instruments used to achieve countries have been designated to preserve natural the project objectives. ecosystems, traditional landscapes, and wild species. Our study analyzed (a) the types of decentraliza- These areas are termed national parks, wildlife sanctu- tion applicable to the habitat conservation project or aries, and heritage reserves. Although there are some component, (b) the types of instruments and incen- success stories, and our collective knowledge has tives used, and (c) the social factors significant to greatly improved on how to solve particular conserva- project implementation, including means for resolv- tion problems, many habitats and species remain un- ing conflict. Furthermore, we attempted (d) to judge der serious threat. This is the situation globally, but it the extent to which each project intervention actually is particularly so in developing countries. was effective in protecting habitats and (e) to correlate Over the past several years, the World Bank has decentralization with habitat protection. These issues grown increasingly concerned with habitat conserva- are discussed below, following a brief explanation of tion. Innovative task managers have grappled with the strategy and methods used in the study. conservation issues for an extended period, seeking ways to provide effective project support. For ex- Strategy and Methods ample, at the policy level, increased attention to con- servation is reflected in the Bank's evolving forest, The year 1992 was one of important transition for wildland, and habitat policies (Ledec and Goodland organizations, people, and policy: 1988; World Bank 1991, 1995). Habitat conservation also was facilitated by creation of the Global Environ- a For the World Bank, the new Forest Policy and GEF ment Facility (GEF) in 1991, through which grants are came into effect (see, for example, World Bank given to protect critical habitats and other components 1991, 1994). of biodiversity. - For global sustainable development policy, the The Bank has supported habitat conservation U.N. Conference on Environment and Develop- mainly by projects or project components in forestry, ment was held and Agenda 21 was agreed on (see, natural resource management, and biodiversity, as for example, UNCED 1992). well as through policy dialogue regarding individual - For global decentralization policy, new national economic sectors. We have reviewed Bank projects laws and policy initiatives appeared in many coun- from the viewpoint of decentralization to examine the tries (see Prud'homme 1994). extent to which these projects were carried out in a - For conservation practitioners, integrated conser- decentralized manner and to determine how this has vation and development projects were formally influenced their effectiveness in achieving habitat recognized (see, for example, Wells, Brandon, and 145 146 Analysis of World Bank and GEF Projects Hannah 1992); the Fourth World Parks Congress samplefromthelaterperiodisstillreasonablyrepresen- was held (see, for example, Barzetti 1993); and the tative of projects undertaken in Africa, Asia, and Latin Convention on Biological Diversity was signed America. Many European projects, however, were ap- (see, for example, de Klemm and Shine 1993). proved only during the past two years; they have very limited implementation experience and therefore were For these reasons, we divided projects in the notconsidered.InadditiontoareviewofBankdocumen- present analysis into two groups: tation (Forms 590 and staff appraisal, supervision, mid- term review, and project completion reports), we * Those approved before the end of fiscal 1992, com- interviewed many current and former task managers of prising twenty-two projects with a total cost of the projects. US$2,006.6 million and a total Bank allocation of US$1,185.5 million Decentralization of Habitat Conservation Projects * Those approved after fiscal 1992, comprising ten projects, half of which are partly or entirely fi- Theworddecentralizationrefersbothtoaprocessandto nanced by GEF, at a total cost of US$552.4 million. aconditionoforganization andembraces several aspects of both (Minis and Rondinelli 1989; Prud' homme 1994): We grouped the projects this way because we recognized that they often begin slowly, meaning - Spatial decentralization involves diffusing urban that some indication of practical conservation ef- populations and activities geographically away from fectiveness would be possible only for the earlier population centers. group and that for the later group it generally - Market decentralization creates conditions in which would be possible only to review project plans. goods and services are provided by market mecha- The cost of the conservation components of these nisms rather than by government policy and deci- projects ranged from 0.9 to 55.7 percent of total sions. project cost, with a mean of 16.3 percent. 0 Administrative decentralization involves transferring The earlier group comprised eight projects in Af- responsibility for planning, managing, taxing, and rica (approved fiscal 1985-92), nine in Asia (ap- spending from the central government to other proved fiscal 1983-92), and five in Latin America groups within the country. (approved fiscal 1989-92). The later group (all ap- proved fiscal 1993-95) comprised two projects in Af- The last is of most immediate interest here, and we rica, seven in Asia, and one in Latin America. The have sought to disaggregate it into purely administrative thirty-two projects can be categorized as follows: and fiscal forms to reflect the primacy of taxing and spending decisions in influencing events. The groups to * Projects in which habitat protection was or is the which powers are transferred can include field units of main objective, such as freestanding GEF projects government agencies, subordinate units or levels of (no earlier projects; four later projects) government (state, province, district, county, and so * Forestry projects with multiple-use or protected- on), semiautonomous public authorities or corporations area components (ten earlier projects; four later (housing authorities, river basin authorities, and so on), projects) regional or functional authorities, user groups, commu- * Projects in which rural development and protected- nities, and nongovernmental organizations (NGOS) Of area management are joint objectives (often called various kinds. natural resources management projects), consisting Administrative decentralization is of three distinct of policy-based loans or investment loans and in- types: volving different degrees of policy or institutional reform (nine earlier projects; two later projects) - Deconcentration, in which decisionmaking powers * Rural development projects with a small protected- are redistributed among different levels of central area component (three earlier projects; no later government projects). * Delegation, in which powers are transferred to orga- nizations that are not wholly controlled by central Those approved before the end of fiscal 1992 form a government but are ultimately accountable to it large sample of all World Bank projects that include * Devolution, in which powers are transferred to inde- habitat conservation among their objectives. The pendent subnational governments. Ajit Banerjee and Ernst Lutz 147 Scoring Projects ted as they were to repression, forest rangers were un- able to win the trust of the rural population. A radically Analyzing World Bank projects was a complex task differentattitudewouldhavebeenrequired."Thegov- because different government agencies in the same ement eventually abandoned the policy of state man- country may be conducting business in different ways agement of natural resources, and a new strategy of or changing their methods at different rates. Also, participatory forest and plantation management was decentralization may be limited only to a certain developed and implemented, with support from the project or component. Our analysis focused mainly on Natural Resources Management Project (Credit 2370- the types and degrees of decentralization in the MLI, Staff Appraisal ReportNo. 10370-MLI, I May projects selected for study. 1992). We used the available information and ourjudgment to make crude assessments of the degree of planned and Fiscal Decentralization actual decentralization in each case. We therefore as- signed a score of 0 where no significant decentraliza- The average score forplanned fiscal decentralization, tion existed, a score of I for partial decentralization, 0.2, was much lowerthan thatfor administrative decen- and a score of 2 for significant decentralization. We tralization, and the score for actual fiscal decentraliza- noted the government level to which the ratings applied tion was only 0.1. This is a significant problem because (region, district, village or block, users, and so on). We lack of authority over fund-raising and spending deci- applied this scoring system to project administration, sions stifles initiative and action at local levels and de- fiscal management, land-use decisionmaking, empow- presses morale. These results can be explained by an ermentof local stakeholders, NGO involvement, and ef- even greater reluctance of central decisionmakers to fectiveness of habitat protection. delegate financial decisions. It may also in part be en- couraged by the Bank's sown procedures. Administrative Decentralization An example of how central decisionmaking can affect a project is found in the Nepal Forestry III The findings, summarized in table 13-1, show an aver- Project. At one time, because of the failure of one age score for planned administrative decentralization project unit to submit accounts by the due date, the of about 1.0, indicating partial decentralization; actual central financial authority withheld funds for all the administrative decentralization was only about 0.6. project units. This produced uncertainty among the An explanation may be limited ownership by the ex- implementers and adversely affected the project. ecuting agencies of the decentralization idea, giving rise to reluctance to transfer power to lower levels. Land-Use and Stakeholder Empowerment An example is the Nepal Forestry Project III, under which the government agreed to transfer the middle- Land-use decisions were planned to be partially de- hill degraded forests to the forest users and enshrined centralized, with an average score of about 0.8; the this provision in the Forest Act. The actual transfer score for actual achievement was about 0.5. The score has been very slow, however, because the Department for planned local stakeholder empowerment was 1.7, of Forests was not sufficiently active. In India, the but the achievement score was 0.5. This large discrep- idea of joint forest management between the state and ancy between the plan and the achievement in such a the users has been supported at the policy level but has critical area reflects a number of adverse factors act- not been backed by legislation. ing together. These include, in particular, the reluc- Lack of decentralization has been identified in some tance of local government officials to refer issues to projects as a key factor hampering project implementa- higher authority, bureaucratic delays in formulating tion. The mid-term report for the Madagascar Forest orders and legislation, and the lack of political will to Management and Protection Project, for example, cites transfer power to the local people. "centralized management and control, that restricts in- dividual initiatives to conduct field activities" as one NGO Involvement reason for failure of the protection component. The June 1994 Project Completion Report (PCR) for the Sec- The score for NGO involvement was approximately ond Forestry Project (Credit 1654-MLI) concluded that 0.5, both in the project plans and in actual achieve- "The motivations and attitudes of the forest rangers ment. One explanation for the lack of any discrepancy conflicted with the component's objectives. Commit- is that once NGO involvement has been agreed on in Table 13-1. Summary of Decentralization and Habitat Conservation Scores for Projects Approved before 30 June 1992 Project information Decentralization Incentives (actual) Share of -_- conservation NGO Government Number Total project to base cost Effectiveness support Conflicts Admiistativ Fical anduse involvemtent -. of projects cost (Bank (percentage of habitat Benefit Conditional against between Region analyzed finance) of total cost) Plan Actual Plan Actual Plan Actual Plan Actual conservation sharing investments outsiders stakeholders Asia 9 983.2 18.0 11 9 2 1 5 4 6 6 12 4 2 11 6 (573.5) Africa 8 244.3 14.7 7 4 3 2 7 5 4 4 4 7 13 5 12 (109.3) Latin America 5 779.1 15.6 4 1 0 0 6 3 0 0 4 0 0 7 6 (503.0) Total 22 2006.6 16.1 22 14 5 3 18 12 10 10 20 11 15 23 24 Normalized scores 1.0 0.6 0.2 0.1 0.8 0.5 0.5 0.5 0.9 0.5 0.7 1.0 1.1 Ajit Banerjee and Ernst Lutz 149 project documents, the NGOs themselves, being by ler group. Among the newer projects, the score repre- nature pressure groups, are willing to mobilize public senting administrative decentralization was 1.2, that support against "backsliding" or evasion of commit- for fiscal decentralization was 0.9, that for local in- ment by government entities. With regard to NGO in- volvement in decisionmaking on land use was 1.1, and volvement, the PCR for the Central Visayas Regional that representing NGO involvement was 1.0. Project in the Philippines states, "Competent NGOS We conclude that decentralization, by itself, is not with a track record of community organizing could be a sufficient condition for achieving better habitat con- contracted by local government to undertake organiz- servation. We also conclude that indiscriminate and ing and associated activities at each watershed site. universal decentralization is unlikely to be desirable What remains unclear is when to phase out commu- for conservation because local decisionmakers may nity organizers and how to initially attract competent not be sufficiently concerned with regional, national, field staff to live in field sites." or global priorities. A significant degree of decentral- ization, however, does appear to be an important fac- Overview of Decentralization Scores tor in promoting conservation. Decentralization can pass management responsi- As noted, the score for planned administrative decen- bility to people or groups not well equipped to handle tralization was 1.0, whereas that for actual implemen- it, and capacity building becomes important in such tation was 0.6. Where carried out, decentralization has cases. Assistance may be needed, for example, in the been made effective at different levels in different formation of local management groups, to achieve projects, extending to districts, to management units equitable representation in stakeholder groups, or for (national parks, microcatchments, and so on), or to training on technical issues. users. Examples include the following: Some Bank projects have promoted the formation of protection committees for forest work planning and * In Indonesia, the conservation component of the management. In India, for example, the West Bengal Forestry Institution and Conservation Project Forestry Project led to the formation of about 4,000 strengthened the division in charge of national parks local forest protection committees. The project assists (PHPA), which therefore became more effective. them with planning, forest management, and distribu- * In Malaysia, the Sabah Land Settlement and Envi- tion of benefits among their members. The commit- ronmental Management Project achieved adminis- tees are helped to function by NGOS selected for their trative decentralization at the reserve level, and this expertise in group facilitation, which emphasizes that helped to improve protection of the Tabin Wildlife any group's internal social dynamic is critical to its Reserve, even though some illegal activities con- functioning. tinued there. Adding women to groups can have a significant * In Sri Lanka, the Forest Sector Development and usually highly beneficial effect. In the West Ben- Project created a new Environmental Management gal Forestry Project, it recently became mandatory for Division that not only improved conservation but each committee to accept women. Personalities also also assisted in developing information manage- are important in group dynamics, and some cases have ment systems for monitoring. occurred in which project success depended more on * In Brazil, the Land Management Project-Santa the ability of a local leader or a uniquely innovative Catarina promoted decentralization, first to the mu- government official than on the formal process of nicipal level and then to the microcatchment level, decentralization itself. with good results. * In India, a series of forestry projects extended de- Instruments and Incentives centralization to forest users and achieved remark- able improvement in habitat conservation. Decentralization is often correlated with participation, but even decentralization, capacity building, and par- It is mostly too early to assess the implementation ticipation together do not necessarily lead to better of the ten projects approved by the Bank after June habitat conservation without a conducive incentive 1992. Interestingly, however, the project plans show framework. As one task manager put it, "Decentral- higher scores than those of earlier projects. Thus, the ization is meaningless without giving rights, re- projects appear to have been formulated to promote sources, and appropriate incentives to local decentralization more strongly than those in the ear- communities." 150 Analysis of World Bank and GEF Projects Much of the cost of habitat conservation is specific to preserve critical habitat for biodiversity of national to the local or national level of society, whereas the or global importance, but they illustrate that regenera- benefits may accrue anywhere-to local communi- tion of degraded forest under these forms of manage- ties, to others in the same watershed, to other nation- ment can complement conservation efforts in various als, to people in adjacent countries, or to the global ways. One way is to help meet the needs of people community. These benefits and costs depend on the who depend on forest buffer zones around conserva- actual resources present in the particular habitat and tion areas, thus relieving pressure on such reserves the actual or potential uses and users of those re- and providing habitat outside the reserves that many sources. Other and often-connected variables include species can occupy and use to increase their popula- the identity of the stakeholders in each case and the tions or geographic range. likelihood and kind of conflict among them. Conditional investments were made in a few Thus, depending on the particular situation in ques- projects and produced an average score of 0.7. The tion, one needs to design incentives that encourage Central Visayas Regional Project PCR stated, "In the behavior in line with the protection objective. We short term, attention should be focused on activities have used a crude system to summarize the incentives which prepare and ensure community participation, and regulations applied under the projects studied. respond to more immediate quality-of-life needs and The summaries include information on whether ben- provide income first, and conservation as a secondary efits were shared with the local population, on benefit." The September 1994 Form 590 for the whether investments in rural development were con- Guinea Forestry and Fisheries Management Project ditioned on compliance with agreed-on rules concern- noted, "It has been demonstrated once again that for- ing the use of habitat, and on whether the government est conservation cannot be addressed in isolation; to would support local interests against outside ones. We ensure continued development of surrounding areas, also considered disincentives, including the nature alternatives need to be provided for the people who and degree of conflict between local stakeholders and depend on the forest for a living." outside groups that have different interests in the use In the Congo GEF Project, it was recognized that of resources. Under regulatory measures, for example, "The participation of the local population in develop- we considered whether the projects provided for the ing the necessary alternative economic activities to physical demarcation of habitats into core areas and protect biodiversity will be a critical part of the restricted-use zones. project." Unfortunately, the last project cited was un- The results, summarized in table 13-1, show that able to achieve this for various reasons, leading to a benefit-sharing scored an average 0.5, indicating its failure of the project in meeting the habitat conserva- limited use, even though its results can be positive tion objective. under certain conditions. The latter appear to include In China's Forest Resources Development and Pro- cases in which control of production forests has been tection Project, an investment fund for industrial de- decentralized to the village level (for example, in velopment was proposed to provide alternative China) or to the users (for example, in Nepal's For- employment for people whose subsistence and em- estry III Project or India's West Bengal Forestry ployment base would be adversely affected by the Project). These measures were successful when the habitat conservation component. This project also villages or users reaped a large part of the forest supports the idea of comanagement of nature reserves management benefits, meaning usually 100 percent of by providing for communities to sign a contract with the intermediate products and 25 percent of the final the government as the owner of the reserve. The con- products. In these circumstances, forest habitats tract specifies the communities' roles, responsibili- tended to improve considerably in quality and quan- ties, and benefits. tity, and levels of production tended toward apparent The concept that livelihood assistance is needed if sustainability. dependence on conservation forests is to be reduced ap- Examples of incentives used in the joint forest pears in several otherprojects. In the ecodevelopment management components of the Maharastra, West project being prepared in India, for example, invest- Bengal, and Madhya Pradesh forestry projects in India ment funds for development activities are to be pro- include a long-term conditional usufruct lease of the vided for villages in and around conservation areas, on habitat, some intermediate products to meet the sub- the condition that villagers will respect agreements sistence needs of the participants, and a share of the with regard to those conservation areas. In Indonesia, final product. These are not examples of how directly the Second Forestry Institution and Conservation Ajit Banerjee and Ernst Lutz 151 Project provides for protection of the core area of a na- An important, but of course not always sufficient, step ture reserve by creating abuffer zone that is tobe avail- for avoiding or resolving conflict is to create a forum able to local people as a source of firewood. in which all relevant stakeholders can exchange Government support for local interest groups, as views. In India, for example, the West Bengal For- opposed to outside interest groups, was partial, with estry Project is encouraging a forum to help forest an average score of 1.0. In Guinea, for example, the protection committees come together to discuss their September 1994 Form 590 of the Forestry and Fisher- conflicts and common problems. In Ghana, the ies Management Project noted that "Illegal commer- Coastal Wetlands Management Project provides for cial logging by companies from outside the local each site to have a "site committee" of ten to fifteen community was stopped, thanks to the project's per- stakeholder representatives. These include, among sistence in drawing Government's attention to this." others, the head of the district assembly, the district In five projects, no demarcation of habitat boundaries forest officer, the agricultural extension agent, the was attempted, but in seventeen there was demarca- health agent, paramount chiefs, the head of the tion into core and buffer zones or restricted-use areas. artisanal fishermen's association, and the head of the Land tenure issues were also analyzed (but without women's movement. applying our crude scoring system). In three projects, The Guinea Forestry and Fisheries Management a partial land transfer was made to the local popula- Project is another example of conflict resolution tion and in two projects, usufruct rights were specified through increased dialogue. The September 1994 for them. In the remaining sixteen projects, no such Form 590 states, "While the project has not solved all actions were taken. Without further analysis, we can- problems related to the protection and sustainable not say whether the reason for lack of action in those management of the Ziama and Dieke forests, it has sixteen cases was that tenure issues were not critical had the merit of promoting dialogue at all levels, from or that they were considered too difficult to tackle. the forest hamlet to the ministerial level, making all We can confirm, however, that clarifying land ten- concerned aware of the complexity of the issues and ure is of great importance. The process can be tedious, the need to find specific solutions." but failure to perform it can lead to project failure. In the Philippines, for example, the November 1993 PCR Effectiveness of Habitat Protection for the Central Visayas Regional Project and Natural Resources Management Project noted, "Difficulties of Baseline surveys of the habitats likely to be affected operating without a legally authorized framework ei- by the projects were not undertaken before project ther for common property management or privat- approval in most cases, but surveys and monitoring ization of public resources were underestimated." The work were often undertaken as part of the project. project suffered throughout from a lack of tenure in- Such studies, however, generally concentrate on the struments allowing access to or management of forest more easily measurable features of each environ- lands. About 70 percent of all certificate of steward- ment. Given that ecologists are not always certain ship contracts were awarded during the two years pre- as to the best variables to measure in assessing ceding the (extended) closing date of the project. The habitat health, and given the time and cost involved PcR plainly states, "Without legal access it is doubtful in careful monitoring, it is not entirely clear what that Forest Occupant Stewardship Associations have should be done in this area, other than to try harder. any incentive to protect the forest." Similarly, one les- By analogy with rapid rural appraisals, one way son from pilot work for the Burkina Faso Environ- forward might be to develop rapid habitat apprais- mental Management Project, as stated in its staff als, in which ecologists and others would quickly appraisal report, was that "the Agrarian and Land Ten- assemble and assess holistically a wide range of in- ure Reorganization Law neither guarantees the prop- formation from many sources, including remote im- erty nor the usufruct or the permanent exploitation agery, field visits, and local informants. right that would encourage individuals or communi- This study uses information from secondary or ter- ties to make long-term investments on their land." tiary sources, which are far removed from real-life habitats. We have used our judgment to classify effec- Conflict Resolution tiveness of habitat conservation into three groups: negligible, weak, and strong. For the twenty-two Conflict among stakeholders was judged negligible in projects approved before the end of fiscal 1992, five two cases, significant in thirteen, and severe in five, of the habitat protection components were judged to 152 Analysis of World Bank and GEF Projects be strongly effective, ten were judged to have a weak smooth flow of allocated funds to decentralized or partial effect, and seven appeared to have a negli- decisionmaking units. gible effect. Encourage participation. People living in and around critical habitats must be involved in making Conclusions and Recommendations decisions, in particular about land-use zoning (for example, core areas, buffer zones, multiple-use ar- One hypothesis animating this study was that a eas)andprotection. significant degree of decentralization, combined Build capacity. Capacity building and technical as- with a suitable incentive structure, would be asso- sistance are needed, aided by NGos and based on the ciated with effective habitat conservation. We results of socioeconomic surveys to identify the therefore tried to document the relationship be- constraints that need to be relieved. tween our various indicators of decentralization Establish a proper legal framework. Legislation IS and incentives and our measure of conservation ef- needed to create incentives for sustainable use, to fectiveness. No significant quantitative patterns resolve uncertainty concerning land tenure, and to emerged, however. This is not surprising, given protect local people from the depredations of out- the range of variables, the heterogeneous data siders. base, and our crude analytical tools. Create the right incentives. The incentive problem We nevertheless believe that under most condi- must be solved because otherwise one cannot ex- tions, a highly centralized strategy for habitat conser- pect local communities to behave in ways that the vation has not worked well and that highly centralized nation or global community desires. line agencies often have been part of the problem. We * Meet livelihood needs. Livelihood needs must be think that one of the preconditions for successful de- met, for example, through increased or diversified centralization is a clear government commitment to productivity or a broader rural development pro- achieve it. Without such a commitment, outside agen- cess. cies are clearly limited in what they can do. Even - Monitor and evaluate. This is important not only to where a commitment to decentralize exists at the cen- manage individual projects but also to allow les- tral government level, officials at various levels must sons to be learned reliably and applied in new be willing to carry out the policy, local institutions locations. must accept responsibility and ownership, and sup- Integrate conservation with rural development. portive legislation is necessary. The various subsectors in rural development, par- Building institutions and promoting local owner- ticularly infrastructure and planned settlement, ship, however, often take more time than is avail- must give full consideration to conservation con- able within a normal project cycle. It is therefore cerns. This may require that decentralized important to note that even where circumstances are decisionmaking units be supported with technical not conducive to decentralized development and assistance in, for example, environmental impact conservation, local initiatives (often aided by NGOS) assessment and may still require supervision by a can still achieve impressive results. These initiatives central environment agency. can help ecosystems and species to persist tempo- rarily, while contributing to the more comprehen- Case Study: Local Community Land sive reform needed to achieve permanent solutions Management (Terroir) in West Africa to conservation problems. Assuming that a country possesses an enlightened This account of the terroir strategy is adapted from the central government, and one that is willing to decen- experience of the Natural Resources Management tralize, several other conditions must be met if decen- Project in the Benin Republic. The strategy is commu- tralization is to succeed in conserving habitats. The nity-based, participatory, and holistic, Its critical ele- process is dynamic and complex, but basic recom- ment is the preparation of a land-development plan by mendations include: a community, with the help of a multidisciplinary technical team. The plan includes rules governing * Carry out fiscal decentralization. Not only should a access to and use of natural resources, including the significant degree of administrative decentraliza- necessary land-improvement works. These improve- tion occur, but the local level should be given ments must start with and be accompanied by aware- power to make fiscal decisions. This requires a ness-building measures and specific diagnostics and Ajit Banerjee and Ernst Lutz 153 should be based on the villagers' accepting the result- central authorities. The units must ensure coordina- ing management responsibility. The plan is imple- tion with local public services, NGOS, private entrepre- mented with technical and financial assistance from neurs, and credit agencies. Local management units governmental and nongovernmental sources. benefit from central government support services The terroir strategy has seven correlates: policy such as training, information, and monitoring. reform; strengthening of the planning, monitoring, Training. Training is needed by villagers, techni- and evaluation capacity of central services; decen- cians, extension workers, and local and central public tralization of field activity management; provision of servants. The training of producers along with exten- training; promotion of new farming systems and pro- sion agents creates a convergence between traditional duction methods; research and development support practices and knowledge and the possibility of accept- for community land management; and coordination able technical improvements. Training is needed on with other ongoing activities. recruitment for teams participating in pilot operations, Land tenure policy reform. The most important and for extension agents and technicians working with issue to be resolved is the definition of clear land those teams. Training should cover new methods of tenure. This requires an experimental, pragmatic, and working with rural people, including techniques for gradual effort. Land tenure problems must be ad- joint analysis and testing, and agricultural techniques dressed: in the context of natural resource development and management. By involving both pilot operation teams * At the local level, by terroir, to take account of and extension agents, training helps to build a national traditional customs and organizations capacity, ensuring the expansion and replicability of * At the regional level, through, among other activi- the method. ties, monitoring local actions Promoting new farming systems and production * At the national level, through such activities as methods. These include new agricultural, silvicul- gathering data on which to base land tenure policy. tural, and pastoral systems needed to improve tradi- tional agriculture. Under the terroir approach, The strategy must consider the specific features of promotion of new farming systems and production local land tenure conditions and must enjoy substan- methods must ensure compatibility between collec- tial political support. Environmental legislation must tive and individual interests. The strategy comprises: provide a basis for policy and action in the concerned sectors (forest, hunting, water, settlement, and re- Actions at the individual farm level-for example, settlement). anti-erosion techniques, crop rotation improve- Strengthening of planning, monitoring, and evalu- ments, use of organic fertilizers, crop and forage ation capacity of central services. Data are needed on: diversification, and integration and intensification of stockraising * The changing condition of natural resources Actions requiring the active involvement of all * The dynamics of land occupation and productivity members of the community-for example, anti- * The demographic carrying capacity of the land and erosion works and development and management the identification of zones at risk of forestry, pasture resources, bottomlands, and * The production-to-consumption balance for fuel watering points wood Other actions at the village level to improve com- * Climatic changes. munity infrastructure and services-for example, water supply, access roads, input purchases (fertil- This information will facilitate the preparation, at izer, seeds), agricultural credit, marketing, and the national and regional level, of sector policies and maintenance. plans for natural resource management. Decentralization offield activity management. Lo- The method must take into account the specific cal management units should bring together villagers circumstances of different groups within the com- and support technicians under a local manager who munity, with particular emphasis on women and oversees preparation and implementation of land-use young farmers. management plans in a partnership between the tech- Research and development to support community nicians and the community. Programs and budgets are land management. The strategy used should allow agreed to annually between the management unit and researchers, extension agents, and producers to work 154 Analysis of World Bank and GEF Projects together at all stages of the planning, execution, and serving Species and Ecosystems." Environmental Policy evaluation of the tests undertaken. Research activities and Law Paper No. 29. World Conservation Union, are refocused on the fields of rural producers, who Gland, Switzerland. work together with pilot operation teams. The goal is Ledec, George, and Robert Goodland. 1988. Wildlands. to identify constraints with better accuracy, to gener- Their Protection and Management in Economic Devel- ate a technology better suited to local needs, to im- opment. Washington, D.C.: World Bank. prove technology transfer by encouraging closer Minis, H., and D. Rondinelli. 1989. "Promoting Economic collaboration among all parties, and to ensure man- Development and Employment Generation through De- agement by rural producers themselves. centralizaticn in Senegal." U.S. Agency for International Coordination with other activities. Coordination Development, Washington, D.C. should lead to regular exchange of experiences and to Prud'homme, R. 1994. "On the Dangers of Decentraliza- transfer of skills and technologies and should enable tion." Policy Research Working Paper 1252. World practical training for technicians. This helps to ensure Bank, Transportation, Water, and Urban Development more balanced rural development and to provide in- Department, Washington, D.C. formation needed for improving management of natu- UNCED (United Nations Conference on Environment and ral resources by sensitizing and empowering local Development). 1992. Agenda 21. Nairobi, Kenya: communities. United Nations Environment Programme; New York: United Nations Secretariat. Wells, Michael, Katrina Brandon, and Lee Hannah. 1992. References People and Parks: An Analysis of Projects Linking Pro- tected Area Management with Local Communities. Barzetti, V., ed. 1993. "Parks and Progress: Protected Areas Washington, D.C.: World Bank. and Economic Development in Latin America and the World Bank. 1991. The Forest Sector. A World Bank Caribbean." World Conservation Union and Inter- Policy Paper. Washington, D.C. American Development Bank, Gland, Switzerland, and . 1994. "Review of Implementation of the Forest Washington, D.C. Sector Policy." Washington, D.C. de Klemm, C., and C. Shine. 1993. "Biological Diversity .1995. "Operational Policy on Habitats." OP Conservation and the Law: Legal Mechanisms for Con- 4.04. Washington, D.C. 14 Conclusions Julian Caldecott and Ernst Lutz The ten country studies revealed certain common fea- forts to restore central control. An example is tures of decentralization processes. Until the mid- Ogoniland in the Niger Delta region of Nigeria, where 1970s in Kenya, Nepal, and Zimbabwe, and the late local action against environmental damage caused by 1980s and early 1990s in Costa Rica and Colombia, the oil industry has been harshly suppressed by the countries had a centralized but fragmented approach Nigerian military. to environmental management and rural development In Indonesia, field projects that have been effective (table 14-1). Control over resources was divided hor- in influencing the central government seem to have zontally and vertically among line ministries and done so by cautiously going beyond the previous offi- other agencies, which competed among themselves cial interpretation of certain laws. Examples include for power and funds. It is unclear what prompted projects at Arfak in Irian Jaya and Kayan-Mentarang changes to this system in each country, but we know in East Kalimantan, where community mapping of that attempts were made to rationalize and consolidate resource boundaries and local participation in re- authority over protected-area systems, creating more source use helped create subtle but important changes integrated but still centralized arrangements. in official attitudes toward local empowerment. As these new institutions were created, it became In Zimbabwe and Costa Rica, reforms that gave possible to reform them by amending the laws under local people far greater control over and opportunity which they were established. Thus, Nepal's National to profit from the management of wild species and Parks and Wildlife Conservation Act of 1973 was natural ecosystems led to political reaction. Aggres- amended in 1989 to authorize multiple-use conserva- sive questioning Of CAMPFIRE began in Zimbabwe in tion areas and the involvement of nongovernmental about 1992, and siNAc reforms were suspended by a organizations (NGos) and again in 1993 to authorize conservative regime in Costa Rica during 1990-94.2 buffer zones and local revenue-sharing arrangements. These experiences confirm that decentralization is Meanwhile, Zimbabwe's Parks and Wildlife Act of inevitably and fundamentally a political process be- 1975 was amended in 1982 to give the district coun- cause it involves redistributing power. Because of cils responsibility for wildlife. this, an important factor in decentralizing a country is In some cases, reform was driven by events in the the presence of a body able to mediate among various field rather than by the national legislature. Thus, in interest groups and to promote smooth and effective the early 1990s the Guanacaste Conservation Area in transfer of power. Such bodies often are officially Costa Rica and the first CAMPFIRE districts in Zimba- sponsored NGOS, such as the CAMPFIRE Association in bwe had to go beyond what was then current law to Zimbabwe, the National Biodiversity Institute develop local conservation arrangements.' In these (INBio) in Costa Rica, the King Mahendra Trust for cases, leadership by inspired individuals encouraged Nature Conservation in Nepal, and the autonomous local groups to take risks that were rewarded later regional corporations in Colombia. All were created when laws were changed to authorize what had al- by government and have close formal-and espe- ready been implemented. But in other cases, local cially informal-links with government. But they also environmental activism has provoked reactionary ef- have a clear, independent role and much operational 155 156 Conclusions Table 14-1. Changes in National Conservation Institutions in Select Countries Fragmented and Integrated and Country centralized centralized Mediating body Colombia 1968-93: National Institute of 1993: Ministry of the 1993: reformed autonomous Natural Renewable Resources Environment regional corporations Costa Rica Before 1989: National Parks 1989--95: National Parks 1987: National Parks Service, Forestry Directorate, Service, National System of Foundation; 1989: National Wildlife Service Conservation Areas (SINAC) Biodiversity Institute (INBio) Kenya Before 1976: National Parks 1976-90: Wildlife 1990: Kenya Wildlife Service Board, Game Department, Conservation and (parastatal) Forestry Department Management Department Nepal Before 1973: royal hunting 1973: Department of National 1986: King Mahendra Trust for preserves Parks and Wildlife Nature Conservation Conservation Philippines Pre-1992: Protected Areas and 1992: National Integrated 1992: Foundation for the Wildlife Bureau, Tourism Protected Areas System Philippine Environment Authority, National Power (NIPAs); Department of Corporation, Department of Environment and Natural Agriculture Resources Zimbabwe 1960-75: Department of 1975: DNPWM and intensive 1989: CAMPFIRE Association National Parks and Wildlife conservation areas Management (DNPwM) and financial autonomy in fulfilling it. Other attempts Colombia before 1993 and still remain so in Kenya. at making such arrangements are represented by the Establishing a new and effective mediating body in a parastatal Kenya Wildlife Service and the national country means that existing NGos have to reposition parks boards in Nigeria, but these have tended to be themselves accordingly, and adjustments of this kind vulnerable to political interference. (which are seldom smooth) have been seen in Zimba- In the absence of an effective mediating body, bwe, Costa Rica, and elsewhere. other NGOS may adopt a less formal but analogous role. Local and international NGOs have several impor- This may involve a local NGo developing a partnership tant roles in conservation and rural development with official agencies in its area of operation. An projects (Wells, Brandon, and Hannah 1992; example is that in Nizhny Novgorod, Russia, among Castilleja, Poole, and Geister 1993). They have tended Dront Eco-Center (the NGo), the regional unit of the to be the seedbed for new concepts that are later Ministry of Environmental Protection, and the manag- adapted and used by official donors and governments. ers of the federally funded Kerzhenski reserve. Here, This role mainly arises from their ability to attract the three groups collaborate to devise and implement innovative individuals, to promote their ideas through regional conservation initiatives. advocacy, and to try out their concepts through small International conservation NGOS such as the World and highly visible pilot projects. Because the NGO Style Wide Fund for Nature (wwF) often position them- tends to be flexible, consultative, and sensitive to local selves as intermediaries between official agencies and needs, NGOS can act as buffers between large projects the public in the countries where they work. Some and small communities, helping to scale down project specialize in integrating themselves as closely as pos- activities to a more appropriate level, Local NGOs are sible with the government and can be effective in therefore often used as contractors to deliver commu- providing technical advice and policy guidance. Con- nity services on behalf of large projects. Finally, NGOS servation NGOS with close links to government are can reduce the shortfall between the local empower- evident, for example, in Indonesia and Nigeria. How- ment planned by a project and that actually achieved, ever, NGOt were kept more remote from government in as evidenced in chapter 13, by Banerjee and Lutz. This Julian Caldecott and Ernst Lutz 157 is because they are sensitive to the betrayal of ideals, Kenya, and plantation developments and logging con- will campaign in public if they see this happening, and cessions in and around the Okomu reserve and Cross therefore have an important role in keeping elite insti- River National Park in Nigeria, for example. tutions honest. Nature reserves have potential value, which can be The most potent form of decentralization is the turned into revenue if the technology and markets with transfer of authority over spending decisions, and this which to do so exist. But if the revenue is large, it may particular power is retained by elite groups far more attract the interest of powerful groups or individuals. diligently than power over other administrative func- Thus, as wildlife resources in Zimbabwe came to gen- tions. Thus, the most complete cases of decentraliza- erate local revenue for the CAMPFIRE districts, pressure tion are those in which local people collect revenue grew to use the income in ways that relieved central and decide how it will be spent. This autonomy was the government of its spending responsibility. The effect key to the strength of the CAMPFIRE districts in Zimba- was similarto that of expropriating local funds. Such a bwe and the Guanacaste Conservation Area in Costa response can be expected of central governments that Rica, and the same kind of autonomy is seen to some have limited resources when they see some groups of extent in the joint forest management areas in India, citizens becoming wealthier than others. Unless the buffer zone areas in Nepal, autonomous regions in Co- central government has a special reason not to inter- lombia, newly empowered municipalities in the Phil- vene, or the newly enriched groups have enough politi- ippines, and certain project areas in Indonesia. cal influence to defend their wealth, at least part of it Arrangements for making decisions on how to will betaken away from them. Thus, at some stage apo- spend local funds vary, and some are more transparent litical response is needed to ensure thatenough benefit than others. Zimbabwe's CAMPFIRE communities give is retained by local people to sustain the decentralized an example of full participation in a process of debate decisionmaking unit. and decision, with allocations to public works and There are two possible explanations for the appar- private pockets being made openly and in cash. At the ent tendency toward decentralization. First, rural other extreme is the Masai Mara Reserve in Kenya, people may be growing better organized, better edu- which is under the control of the district council but is cated, more aware of economic and ecological reali- affected by a serious lack of accountability and trans- ties, and hence more assertive in protecting their parency in decisionmaking. Here, the large sums of interests. Alternatively, the rapid degradation of eco- money collected from entrance fees contribute little systems in most countries may simply be making either to maintaining the wildlife and biodiversity as- those ecosystems less valuable and less interesting as sets on which nature tourism is based or to creating objects of control by powerful groups and individuals. incentives to encourage conservation among the local Virgin rain forests and unfished seas can be exploited population. profitably by corporate investors, but hacked forests Ecosystems within nature reserves contain re- and exhausted fisheries are not worth such investment sources that can contribute to local revenue under and may be passed by the elite to local control until certain circumstances. These circumstances vary ac- they recover or until new technologies or markets cording to the nature of the resource and other factors, change their value. Both processes probably are at such as the presence of markets. Selling trophies to work and will interact in a complex and patchy way, hunters (as in Zimbabwe) or biodiversity prospecting depending on many factors in each country. permits to pharmaceutical companies (as in Costa The balance emerging in each place and time re- Rica) or lodging and food to tourists (as in Nepal or flects government commitment to decentralize, but Indonesia) all require technologies and attitudes that this is not enough on its own. Appropriate laws, poli- may not have existed previously in the country. If cies, the building of human capability and institutions, arrangements allow revenue to be captured by local and time are needed as well. These requirements flow people, this tends to promote decentralization and, if from the many ways in which local autonomy can be other conditions are favorable, conservation. But the threatened and the many kinds of response needed to opposite effects are seen if most benefits are obtained overcome those threats. by nonlocal groups, such as corporations exploiting timber, fish, minerals, or tourism without the consent Links to Conservation Effectiveness of local groups. Many such cases appear in the coun- try studies-hotels in the Royal Chitwan National Some threats to communities and their environments Park in Nepal and the Amboseli National Park in are solvable locally; an example is the Masoka area of 158 Conclusions Zimbabwe, where secure land tenure allowed local Samarskaya Luka) and buildings (as in Pri-Oksky people to evict nonlocal squatters. But well-armed Terrasny), livestock grazing (as in Daurski and poaching gangs provide a challenge that local people Altaiski), fishing (as in Magadanski and Kosto- alone may be unable to meet, as happened in several muksha), and clear-cut logging in several reserves of of Kenya's national parks and reserves. This also EuropeanRussia. applies to planning failures and to cases where im- These are cases in which local groups have taken pacts on the environment were not anticipated, such as power without being able to limit resource exploita- those caused by road projects in Colombia's tion; they are unaware of the value of nature reserves Salamanca National Park and by water diversions in to themselves or they have no tradition of holding Kenya's Amboseli and Tsavo West national parks. those in power accountable, or both. Similar problems A requirement of local autonomy is therefore the have arisen elsewhere, where local elites have re- protection of local environments through proper cen- ceived new opportunities to profit by the arrival of tral planning and properly enforced laws on assessing mining or logging companies. In these cases, much and managing environmental impacts. This is one damage can be done before local awareness of envi- reason why conservation can be seen as a joint venture ronmental consequences gives birth to local opposi- between local and nonlocal levels of society. It sug- tion to the elite's actions. gests that as local actors become stronger, a need To offset such risks requires appropriate incentives exists to strengthen the willingness and capability of and policing to complement community-level motiva- nonlocal institutions to support decentralization. This tion and action. Enforcement may be welcomed by highlights the role of central government in promoting local people if it is carried outjustly and impartially, if action that local people may be unable or unwilling to the people are involved in defining its scope and ap- perform unaided, such as conserving biodiversity. proach, and if it clearly benefits them, directly or Willingness of local people to respect boundaries indirectly. An example of indirect benefit is seen in and rules to protect nature reserves should be in- northeastern Kenya, where antipoaching work by the creased by obtaining the people's agreement before Kenya Wildlife Service is welcomed locally because the controls are put in place. Government has an in- it helps protect local people against armed Somali centive to seek prior agreement because fewer re- intruders. sources are needed for policing when strong local For the government, a critical issue that guides support exists for conservation. ("Policing" here re- investment in policing is the likely cost-effectiveness fers to all forms of publicly authorized surveillance of different kinds of effort. Two factors that contribute and intervention with intent to prevent harm.) As strongly to this are the style of enforcement and the shown in the Arfak Mountains in Irian Jaya, Indone- level of local compliance (Caldecott 1996). Style is sia, for example, local consultation on reserve bound- influenced by factors such as vigilance, consistency, aries can help people accept the boundaries as public relations effort, staff quality, and legal process. permanent and inviolable. Such cooperatively devel- Compliance is influenced strongly by the style of oped boundaries are much cheaper to maintain than policing, local involvement in setting rules and aware- boundaries imposed by central authority alone. Simi- ness of why they are needed, and the economic incen- larly, from Zimbabwe we know that local participa- tives that apply to local people's use of nature reserves tion in wildlife management decisions and the and wild species. These factors interact: proper polic- associated revenue can reverse long-standing hostility ing has a positive effect on compliance, and improper toward wildlife (see also Pye-Smith and Feyerabend policing is ineffective or worse. 1994). Proper policing requires that local people view the An apparent paradox here is that local threats to na- enforcers as acting on behalf of an authority that has a ture reserves also can arise from private motives to ex- legitimate claim to their loyalty. At the community ploit resources. Examples can be drawn from the level, such social pressure is the main means by which country study on Russia, which documents the effects endogenous cultural rules are enforced in any society. of a sudden collapse of highly centralized governance Examples include hunting taboos and sacred forests, of long standing. Violations of reserves by or with the both of which are common among tribal peoples (for connivance of local people and local authorities now example, Caldecott 1988; Kiss 1990). Exogenous are common. They include poaching of endangered rules, however, such as those protecting biodiversity, species (Siberian tigers in Lazovsky and Sikhote may have no equivalent basis in people's upbringing Alinski, for example), construction of roads (as in and may be hard to enforce at the community level Julian Caldecott and Ernst Lutz 159 because of kinship ties and friendships among the conservation has seldom been effective except where people responsible. Finally, most rural communities large budgets are available for enforcement and the lack an adequate tax base to finance more than the society concerned is willing to accept a rather un- most rudimentary volunteer protection efforts, and democratic conservation process. Looking at the more these efforts will be effective only in exceptional recent experience of countries in giving new responsi- cases. bility to local government units and NGOS, we can see Conservation enforcement services have the best that this creates both opportunity and potential prob- morale and are best accepted locally when they work lems. To take advantage of the former while avoiding on behalf of a level of society higher than that of the the latter, it seems that a cluster of arrangements must community but not as remote as that of the nation- be made as a whole if conservation is to work well in a the bioregional level. This is the case in the decentralized setting. Of these arrangements, seven Guanacaste Conservation Area in Costa Rica, where merit special attention: wardens work on behalf of a regional committee of local stakeholders. The main drawback is likely to be 1. Local participation, especially in a way that allows resources, which are limited in most rural bioregions local people to understand and endorse the bound- (although not to the usual extent at Guanacaste, which aries and management plans of nature reserves and by 1992 had access to an externally financed US$12 that promotes clear tenure over land and other re- million endowment). Without adequate funds held sources in and around the reserves locally, and considering that threats can occur through 2. Capacity building, especially to increase skills and external planning failures, the national level of society accountability among local government units and must accept considerable responsibility for conserva- NGOS so they can work together to promote conser- tion policing. Such policing therefore often is best vation and rural development done on behalf of local authorities with the assistance 3. Incentive structures, especially those that allow lo- and supervision of the national level. The central gov- cal communities to retain income from the sustain- ernment should provide block grants and other forms able use of nature reserves and other biodiversity of assistance to help in monitoring and applying envi- assets ronmental impact assessment and spatial planning 4. Conditional subsidies, especially where divergent laws. costs and benefits of conservation are experienced A final issue is whether policies and decisions are by local and nonlocal groups, making it necessary scientifically sound. Conservation biologists, for ex- for global and national society to bridge the gap with ample, are trained to make judgments on the mini- livelihood investments or grants mum size of viable reserves, the location of their 5. Appropriate enforcement, especially against pow- management zones, and the likely consequence for erful local or central interests, and always in the con- wildlife of the hunting laws applied in the buffer zone. text of education and public relations Unless they possess such skills, local groups will need 6. Stakeholder forums and ecoregional executives, support from specialists if they are to make such judg- which need decisionmaking and fiscal authority to ments or set up the essential monitoring systems for fulfill their three main roles of avoiding conflict ecosystems and populations. Conservation obviously through dialogue, authorizing conservation action, requires attention to the social, managerial, and finan- and requesting help from nonlocal society to meet cial aspects of proper policing. But it also requires just local development priorities as much attention to ecology and to the economic and 7. Enabling policies, laws, and institutions, to provide psychological factors that operate through incentives a clear and supportive framework for conservation to regulate the use of resources and thereby increase on behalf of national government, thus creating in- the likelihood of conservation success. centives at the local level to harmonize development with conservation and reducing the need for enforce- Final Observations ment. The diverse experiences reported in the country stud- The country studies also illustrate many critical ies and project analyses show that decentralization issues in sustainable development, even though they and conservation are complex processes that interact report only a small sample of recent global experi- with one another in many ways. From the historical ence. A review of this material and other evidence in reviews, we can conclude that centralized, top-down this volume and elsewhere (for example, Barzetti 160 Conclusions 1993; IED and ODA 1994; Western, Wright, and Strum responsibility will be promoted and a strong force for 1994; White and others 1994; UNEP 1995; Caldecott good governance will have been created. 1996) leads to the conclusion that conservation prob- All such changes will tend to improve environmen- lems usually can be traced to one or more of the tal management and are often consistent with the key following underlying causes: elements of the conservation process (see Janzen 1991, 1992; WRI, IUCN, and UNEP 1992): * Local people who depend on an ecosystem may not be fully aware of the connection between the * The components of biodiversity must be saved to ecosystem's well-being and their own. preserve the option to use them. * Local people may be incautious in changing the * People must learn what those components are and ecosystem to make it more productive, without how they might be used. realizing that this can do more harm than good to - The components of biodiversity must be used the interest of the majority. sustainably to meet the economic, intellectual, and * Local people may have no accepted rules governing other needs of society. the use of the ecosystem, often because a tradi- * People must be taught about biodiversity and its ben- tional management system has broken down or has efits so that they will value biodiversity. been replaced by a central and ineffective one. * Local people may not have the authority or ability From this standpoint, decentralization can be im- to manage the ecosystem exclusively in their own portant in allowing biodiversity to be perceived as a interest. local resource for local husbandry, which in turn can * Important decisions that change the use of the eco- motivate local people to preserve the biodiversity in system may be made without involving all the their own environment. people affected by those decisions, including dis- Such reforms yield benefits beyond those to local tant people, who may be affected by local actions. people because the reforms also can reduce a government's cost of meeting its own conservation Weaknesses in environmental awareness, caution, goals (Caldecott, Bashir, and Mohamed 1995). The self-regulation, tenure, and accountability are typical reforms work partly by encouraging local understand- of conservation problems. They usually can be dis- ing of how better to use ecosystems (thus reducing the cerned, whether alone or in combination, obviously or need for inducements) and by prompting people to disguised, wherever the components of biodiversity insist on and assist in proper environmental policing are being eroded by human action. Decentralization (thus reducing its recurrent cost). Reforms also pro- can directly help to solve problems of self-regulation, mote dialogue and trust and may reduce the cost of tenure, and accountability, but it has a more indirect negotiating the settlement of claims that arise from role in improving environmental awareness and cau- impacts within and between local and other levels of tion. The latter depends on public understanding of society. If combined with strengthened resource ten- how ecosystems work. Decentralization can help in- ure, participation can help local people capture some crease local responsibility for environmental manage- of the economic benefits of conservation, thus further ment, making this process more relevant and rewarding local policing effort at little cost to govern- interesting to local people. Greater interest then tends ment. Finally, better environmental management to promote willingness to learn about ecology. helps governments avoid the cost of rehabilitating Self-regulation, tenure, and accountability are societies that have been blighted by environmental strongly interconnected. Some reforms that a country damage. might make will help ensure that people who decide By promoting local participation, decentraliza- how to use environments are directly affected by the tion can have an important role in all this, but it is consequences of their decisions. By shortening the not a panacea and must always be seen, judged, feedback loop between a decision and its effect, such and planned in context. This leads us to five main reforms will reward cautious decisionmaking. More- observations: over, changes that give authority specifically to people living within the managed environment en- 1. Precipitate and unplanned decentralization can neu- courage decisions that are responsive to local condi- tralize national and global influence while giving tions. If, in addition, other local stakeholders are powers to local societies that may lack adequate skill encouraged and enabled to question the decisions, and accountability to use those powers properly. The Julian Caldecott and Ernst Lutz 161 social context should be analyzed carefully before Because conservation requires permanent solutions changes are attempted. to problems of species extinction and environmental 2. Redistribution of power may affect those who were degradation, it must involve changing perceptions and formerly doing well, prompting them to resist the values among the people who control the fate of eco- change. Thus, mediating bodies are needed to systems. In decentralized circumstances, this means smooth the transfer of power. These bodies must be local people. Because their main motive for seeking trusted enough by all sides to reassure them. Such more power is likely to be to enhance their economic bodies may have to slow the process while studies position, the link between conservation and local en- and consultations occur and while people seek al- richment (or poverty avoidance) must be made very ternative livelihoods and adjust their expectations explicit. This is an important theme in modem conser- of the society in which they live. These bodies can vation projects, which have to show that real benefits take many forms, but they must be genuinely inde- can come from conservation. To do this, the definition pendent of the main parties and competent to act as of wealth may have to be expanded to include its well as be trusted and trustworthy. biological and cultural dimensions, as well as its more 3. A locality or bioregion can empower itself by uni- conventional economic aspect. People also may re- lateral action, but this can provoke efforts to reas- quire help to perceive the value of long-term and sert control by groups that feel threatened. The lat- future benefits as greater than those of temporary get- ter might seek to reclaim bioregional revenue or to rich-quick schemes. reverse events through political, administrative, or These new and demanding conditions for success- military intervention in the name of national unity. ful conservation projects imply the need to identify To prevent this, other changes in law and policy may and sustain those features of the project area that be needed to protect the newly empowered bioregion allow creation of wealth and ensure avoidance of pov- and permit it to sustain itself. erty. A goal is to neutralize forces that may damage 4. A bioregion or community no longer sheltered by local ecosystems and erode biodiversity, while pro- a national government may become vulnerable to moting the local capture of economic benefits and the groups wishing to exploit it-for example, as a more productive use of natural and artificial ecosys- source of raw materials or as a dumping ground tems. Adequate levels of environmental awareness for waste. Where national governments no longer and security of resource tenure are needed (figure 14- are able to control such threats, localities must be 1). If these are achieved in a project area, they will helped to communicate and collaborate to prevent create more favorable conditions for other forms of them from being singled out and overwhelmed investment, both by strengthening local institutions one by one. and by improving local knowledge and management 5. Uncertainties abound in any political process, in- skills. The interplay among all the above factors cluding decentralization. Thus the risk always ex- means that appropriate decentralization of relevant ists that the need to protect nature reserves may be functions is as much a necessary (albeit insufficient) forgotten for a time. condition for conservation, as conservation is for sus- tainable development. The last observation points out that the decentral- ization process in many countries is not driven by Notes public interest in biodiversity conservation but rather by a desire for better access to the fruits of economic .Under CAMPFIRE (Communal Areas Management development through democratic participation. Con- Programme for Indigenous Resources), local people own the servation will benefit from this only to the extent that rights to manage and profit from wildlife resources in their ecosystems and the biodiversity they contain are seen communal lands. This gives them a strong incentive to keep as resources to sustain development-in other words, wildlife populations as productive assets rather than allow as valuable resources that some may wish to control them to be overharvested or lost through habitat destruction. for their own benefit. If no such perception exists, 2. Sistema Nacional de Areas de Conservaci6n (SINAC), then conservation benefits will accrue from decen- Costa Rica's National System of Conservation Areas, tralization only accidentally and, if biodiversity con- incorporates a number of reserves, each managed by a locally tinues to be perceived as valueless by newly appointed and locally accountable committee with a high empowered local groups, only temporarily, degree of autonomy in all areas of decisionmaking. 162 Conclusions Figure 14-1. Pathways to Poverty Avoidance in a Typical Humid Tropical Conservation Project Area Global, national, local society responds to ecological, socioeconomic, historical, and political weaknesses and risks in project area, targeting: Public I Environmental I II Self-esteem euc Land reform roeta Agriculture Infrastructure J education protection Better environmental Stronger tenure education and awareness over resources Reduced Retained or reclaimed "brain drain" history and culture More productive use of Retained cultural Local cultivars used to agricultural ecosystems, trade, richness improve agrnculture and manufacturing More exclusive use of terrestrial, coastal and Better control of More local capture of marine ecosystems environmental impacts diverse economic benefits Less damage to terrestrial, ecosystems Biological richness Ecological services retained or improved retained or improved Forms of poverty avoided in project area: CULTURAL BIOLOGICALECONOMIC Source: Caldecott and others 1996. 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"The National Biodiversity Institute of Biotic Wealth Sustainably and Equitably. Washington, Costa Rica: How to Save Tropical Biodiversity." Ameri- D.C.: WI; Gland, Switzerland: IUCN; Nairobi, Kenya: can Entomologist (fall): 159-7 1. UNEP.  Index Abia (Nigeria), 79 Audubon Society, 112 ACAP. See Annapurna Conservation Area Project Autonomous regional corporations (ARCs, Colombia): cre- Administrative decentralization: scoring of planned and ac- ation of. 7; funding sources for, 10; local participation in, tual, 147, 148 table, 149; as transferred responsibility, 11; management of national parks by, 8-9, 14 146; types of, 146. See also Fiscal decentralization Baikalo-Lensky Zapovedniki (Russia), 114 Afi River Forest Reserve (Nigeria), 84 Bakka, A. L., 115 African Wildlife Foundation, 61 Bamboo, 37, 38 Agricultural lands: degradation of Russian, 113, 116; Barguzinksi Zapovednik (Russia), 110 India's privately-held, 33; in Russian national parks, Beitbridge District (Zimbabwe), 131; innovative revenue 11; zapovedniki's acquisition of, 116 allocation in, 135-36 Agriculture programs: as focus of rural development, 33; Benefits: biological/cultural dimension of, 161; societal ac- lacking biodiversity emphasis, 25; Nigeria's federal crual of, 2,148 table, 150; World Bank projects' sharing funding of, 85; as threat to natural habitat, 56, 58-60, 61, of, 148 table, 150. See also Incentives; Revenues 66, 85, 88 Benin Republic (West Africa): case study in, 152-54 Air Pollution Act (1981, India), 31 Bhutan, 73 Akwa Ibom State (Nigeria), 83-84 Biafra, 80 Altaiski Zapovedniki (Russia), 114 Bicol region (Philippines), 104-5 Amboseli National Park (Kenya), 59, 157, 158 Binga District (Zimbabwe), 131 Amisconde Conservation and Development Project (Costa Biodiversity: agricultural threat to, 56, 58-60, 61, 66, 85, Rica), 21, 25 88; Costa Rica's national inventory of, 20-21, 22-23; Amistad Conservation Area (Costa Rica), 21, 26 n2 economic and intellectual value of, 20, 23, 45, 160,161; Analisis Mengenai Dampak Lingkungan (AMDAL) pro- education's promotion of, 20, 86-87, 88, 104,105,126- cess: spatial planning and, 47 2T as local resource, 160, 161; tourism's threat to, 59, Anambra (Nigeria), 79 67, 72, 74; transmigration consequences for, 11, 13, 45, Andean region (Colombia), 8-9 51, 59, 66: two classes of threats to, 46. See also Ecosys- Angkatan Bersenjata Republik Indonesia (ABRI), 43 tems Annapurna Conservation Area (Nepal), 66, 72, 74-75 Biodiversity conservation: central government's role in, 2, Annapurna Conservation Area Project (ACAP, Nepal): de- 30-31, 36, 55. 58, 66, 109, 123; decentralization's role sign and establishment of, 69-70: NGO management of, in. ix, 145-46. 149, 152, 158-59; defined, 1; 68; participatory initiatives of, 74. 75; types of zones in, development's conflict with, 11-12. 34-35, 59-60, 69, 70 84-85, 101-2, 113;- diverse costs and benefits of, ix, 1-2, Arabari (West Bengal), 36 65. 69, 149-50; global role in, 2-3, 142, 145; impact Aravalli Hills (India), 34 zone management and, 70; as joint venture, 46,49, 158; ARCs. See Autonomous regional corporations local indifference to, 36, 81, 84; as middle-class cause, Arfak Strict Nature Reserve (Irian Jaya), 50, 158 81; and poverty avoidance, 161, 162 fig.; reasons for Associations of Fishermen (Kenya), 61. 62 n I problems in, 1, 160; regional management role in, 8, 9, Atlas of Biodiversity of Northern Eurasia (Biodiversity 14, 111, 114, 115-16, 159; rural development's integra- Conservation Center), 118 tion with, 62, 152; Russian decentralization's impact on, 165 166 Index 109, 111, 120, 158; self-regulation/accountability weak- Zimbabwe), 126,127 nesses in, 160; social mapping and, 49-50; spatial plan- Central government: biodiversity conservation role of, 2, ning and, 47; stabilization of boundaries and, 48-49; 30-31, 36, 55, 58, 66, 109, 123; conservation results state governments' neglect of, 30, 31, 35; technical as- under, ix, 1; control of India's forests by, 29, 30-31, 36; sistance needs for, 56-57, 58, 60, 95, 159; typical project decentralization resistance by, 29-30, 55, 56-57, 157; size for, 142; as World Bank concern, 145. See also Case environmental mismanagement by Russian, 113; studies Indonesia's subnational tiers of, 43; national park fund- Biodiversity Conservation Center (BCC, Russia): GEF ing by, 9-10, 12, 15 nn6-9, 83-84; in Nigerian power funding of, 120; programs of, 118; public awareness role struggle, 80-81, 85-86; Nigerian rural development of, 118 funding by, 85; Philippine protected-areas funding by, Birdwing butterflies, 50 99; protection of India's WPAs by, 30-31 Birendra, King (Nepal), 66 Central Pollution Control Board (India), 31 Birnin-Gwari Game Reserve (Nigeria), 84 Chad Basin National Park (Nigeria), 83 Black communities (Colombia), 7; land tenure rights for, 9, Chebakova, 1., 114 13-14 Chikwarakwara Village (Beitbridge, Zimbabwe): at rev- Blagavidov, A., 114 enue distribution meeting, 135-36 Boundaries: cooperative setting/maintenance of, 20, 48-49, Child, B. A., 130, 135 158, 159; determining factors of, 70; and development- Chipinge CAMPFIRE District: competitive marketing in, conservation conflicts, 102; elephants and, 61, 62; Indo- 134; tourism revenue in, 129 nesian reserves' mapping of, 49-50; stabilization of, Chiredzi District(Zimbabwe), 131 48-49. See also Fence projects Chiribiquete National Park (Colombia), 13, 15 n6 Brazil, 149 Chirisa Safari Area (Zimbabwe), 126 British High Commission, 86 Chirrip6 National Park (Costa Rica), 25 British Overseas Development Administration (ODA), 86 Christian Social Unity Party (Partido de Unidad Social British Voluntary Service Overseas (VSO), 84, 86 Cristiana, PUSC), 21 Brunca region (Costa Rica), 21 Coastal regulation zone (India), 30-31 Buffer zones: determination of boundaries of, 70; Nepal's Coastal Wetlands Management Project (Ghana), 151 legislation on, 67-68, 69, 70-71, 155; Nepal's provi- Coffee production, 14 sional rules on, 71; in Nigerian national parks, 83; for Colombia: case studies in, 13-15; coffee economy in, 14; Okomu Forest Reserve, 89; participatory designation of, environmental issues in, 10-12; idealized decentraliza- 39; revenue provisions of, 70-71; violations in, 114; tion score of, 142, 143 tables; land-conversion projects zapovedniki's initiatives on, 116. See also Boundaries; of, 11; land tenure rights in, 9, 13-14; NGO participation Fence projects in, 7, 8,9-10, 15 n3; private natural reserves network of, Bulalimamangwe District (Zimbabwe), 131 14-15; resource management background of, 7. See also Burkino Faso Environmental Management Project, 151 Colombian National Park System; National Institute of Natural Renewable Resources Cahuinarf National Park (Colombia), 15 n3, 15 n5 Colombian Constitution (1991), 11, 13 CAMPFIRE Association (Zimbabwe), 127, 128, 132-33, Colombian National Park System: case study of, 14; cen- 155 tralized funding of, 9-10, 12, 15 nn6-9; colonization and CAMPFIRE Collaborative Group (CCG, Zimbabwe), 127, deforestation in, 11; conflicts on land use in, 8; creation 128 of new parks in, 12-13; criteria for inclusion in, 7; CAMPFIRE (Zimbabwe). See Communal Areas Manage- decentralized funding of, 10, 13, 15 n1O; enforcement ment Programme for Indigenous Resources difficulties in, 13; INDERENA's limited institutional Capacity building: CAMPFIRE's initiatives on, 126-27; to presence in, 8, 12, 15 n2; indigenous communities in, 9, increase skills/accountability, ix-x, 149, 152, 159; tech- 13, 15 n5; local occupation problems in, 8, 9, 11, 12, 13, nical support element of, 56-57, 58, 60, 61-62, 95. See 15 nl, 15 n5; under Ministry of the Environment, 8-9, also Education 10, 12-13; NGO participation in, 8, 15 n3; 1993 budget Caribbean region (Colombia), 8-9 for, 9, 15 nn6-9; regional management of, 14; university Case studies: in Benin Republic, 152-54; in Colombia, 13- participation in, 8,15 n4 15; in Costa Rica, 24-26; in India, 36-40; in Indonesia, Communal Areas Management Programme for Indigenous 49-51; in Kenya, 61-62; in Nepal, 73-75; in Nigeria, Resources (CAMPFIRE, Zimbabwe): core concepts of, 86-89; in Philippines, 102-5; in Zimbabwe, 134-37 126; extralegislative reform of, 127-28, 155; fiscal de- Catatumbo-Bari National Park (Colombia), 15 nn5-6 centralization by, 127, 128, 132-33, 157; flawed incen- Center for Applied Social Studies (CASS, University of tive structure of, 126, 134-35; implementation steps of, 167 126-27; marketing interview strategy of, 134; Masoka 149, 152, 159; centralized resistance to, 29-30, 55, 56- case study of, 136-37; as model of community-based 57, 157; of Colombia's conservation system, 7, 8-9, 10, management, 123; NGOs supporting, 127; political pro- 11, 14-15; of Costa Rica's natural reserve system, 20- cesses underlying, 126, 127-29, 132-33; ranking of dis- 22; for economic benefit, 161; habitat conservation role tricts in, 130, 131 table; RDC applications to, 127, 130; of, 145-46, 149, 152; and increased funding sources, 9- replication possibilities for, 133-34; revenue allocation 10; to India's community institutions, 31, 35; of India's innovations of, 135-36; sectoral impact of, 123; tenurial rural development programs, 33; Indonesia's evolved model of, 125, 133, 161 n1; tourism revenues of, 129; policy of, 49; internal processes causing, 157; of transparent information systems for, 133, 157; wide- Kenya's rural development responsibility, 55, 60; by ranging impact of, 131-32; wildlife revenue increases Kenya Wildlife Service, 57; land-use planning policy for, 129, 129 table and, 60; legislative/extralegislative reform and, 155; lo- Community-based management. See Communal Areas cal participation benefits of, 160; managed pluralism Management Programme for Indigenous Resources and, 43-44; as middle-class cause, 81; negative conse- Community Development Programme (India), 33,35 quences of, 109, 111, 120, 158, 160-61; in Nepal's Community forestry officer (CFO), 86-87 tourism sector, 72; NGOs' role in, 155-56; to Philippine Community Wildlife Program (Kenya), 56 local government units, 93-95, 103; to Philippine Pro- Conditional subsidies: to maximize decentralization ben- tected-Area Management Board, 96, 9 recommenda- efits, x, 159; World Bank projects scored on, 148 table, tions to maximize benefits of, ix-x, 152, 158-59; 150 redistribution processes of, 2;1 scoring of planned and Conflicts: between development and conservation, 11-12, actual, 147, 148 table, 149; sectoral impact of, ix, 2; 34, 58-60, 85, 88, 101-2, 113; dialogue's resolution of, structural adjustment programs and, 127, 128; and tech- x, 2, 11-12, 61-62, 151; environmental impact assess- nical personnel needs, 56-57, 58, 60, 95, 159; and tradi- ments and, 13, 14, 47, 102; incentives for resolution of, tional local power structures, 35-36; types of, 146; of 34-35; integrated planning's resolution of, 35; over use Zimbabwe wildlife management, 123-25, See also De- of park's resources, 8, 67, 68-69, 72, 73-74; between centralized ideal model; Fiscal decentralization park authorities and locals. 8, 61-62, 68-69, 74, 83, "Decentralization, Fiscal Systems, and Rural Develop- 114-15, 119; regulatory management of, 34, 46; spatial ment" research project (World Bank), ix planning's resolution of, 46-47; between tourism's ben- Decentralized ideal model: bargaining constraints of, 139, efits and costs, 65; between wildlife and locals, 59, 60, 140; fifteen attributes of, 141 table; mediation mecha- 62, 69; World Bank projects scored on, 148 table, 151 nism of, 139, 140; power distribution of, 139, 140; real Congo GEF Project, 150 countries scored against, 142, 143 tables, 144; societal Consensus classification of forest function (Tata Guna analysis of, 140, 140 fig., 142 Hutan Kesepakatan, TGHK), 46. 47 Decree 1753 (1994, Colombia), 11 Conservancies (Zimbabwe), 124 Deforestation: in Colombia, 11; in Costa Rica, 19, 25, 26; Conservation International (United States), 25 educational response to, 25, 26; in India, 36, 37; in Convention on Biological Diversity (1992), 23, 45, 142 Kenya, 56; in Nigeria, 79, 82, 88; in Philippines, 93; Cordillera Volcinica Central Conservation Area (Costa timber industry and, 82, 88, 89, 113; tourism and, 72, 74 Rica), 21 Department of Environment and Natural Resources Coron Island (Philippines), 101 (DENR, Philippines): El Nido project under, 104; envi- Costa Rica: biodiversity education in, 20; case studies in, ronmental impact review by, 101: funding for, 98-99; 24-26; decentralized conservation management in, 20, limited institutional presence of, 95; protected-area man- 21; deforestation process in, 19; idealized decentraliza- agement role of, 96, 98; St. Paul project under, 103; tion score of, 142, 143 tables; location and description sustainable development strategy of, 94 of, 19; national biodiversity inventory of, 20-21, 22-23; Department of Forests (Nepal), 68 national reserve system of, 19-20. See also Guanacaste Department of Immigration (Nepal), 72 Conservation Area; Sistema Nacional de Areas de Department of Interior Local Government (Philippines), 94 Conservaci6n Department of National Parks and Wildlife Conservation Craven, Ian, 51 (DNPWC, Nepal): decentralized resource-management Cross River National Park (CRNP, Nigeria), 83, 86, 157 by, 69; King Mahendra Trust and, 68; protected-area Crushed Rock Industries, 86 management sphere of, 65, 66; reduced staffing of, 68; restricted tourism role of, 72-73, 74 Debt-for-nature swaps: for Costa Rican projects, 20; for Department of National Parks and Wildlife Management Philippine projects, 99-100, 103, 104, 105 (DNPWM, Zimbabwe): and competitive marketing in- Decentralization: capacity building's importance to, ix-x, terviews, 134; early CAMPFIRE role of, 125-27; fiscal 168 Index decentralization role of, 128, 132; revenue allocation Enugu (Nigeria), 79 innovations of, 135-36; wildlife management reform Environmental impact assessments (EIAs): conflict resolu- under, 123-25. See also Communal Areas Management tion role of, 13, 14, 47, 102; legislation on, x, 11, 13; Programme for Indigenous Resources local participation in, 14, 101; Nepal's requirement of, Department of Tourism (Nepal), 72 67; spatial planning and, 47. See also Analisis Mengenai Directorate General of Forest Protection and Nature Con- Dampak Lingkungan (AMDAL) servation (PHPA, Indonesia), 48, 49, 51 Environmental Rights Action (ERA, Nigeria), 88 District Focus for Rural Development (Kenya), 55, 60. See Environment (Protection) Act (1986, India), 30-31, 34 also Kenyan districts Esoit-Pus Swamp (Kenya), 59-60 DNPWC (Nepal). See Department of National Parks and European Union (EU), 84, 100-101 Wildlife Conservation DNPWM (Zimbabwe). See Department of National Parks Farallones de Cali National Park (Colombia), 10,15 nI and Wildlife Management Fauna and Flora International, 84 Doon Valley (India), 34 Federal Environmental Protection Agency (FEPA, Nige- Dront Eco-Center (Russia), 115, 156 ria), 82 Druzhina Student Nature Protection Corps (Russia), 118 Federal Forest Service (Russia), 111-12 Federal National Parks Service (Nigeria), 83, 84 Eastern Bulkcem Co. Ltd., 86 Fence projects, 59, 62, 131, 136, 137 Ecodevelopment: as decentralized management, 31; Harda Fiscal decentralization: autonomy element of, 157; case study of, 37-38; incentive strategy of, 35, 36-38; CAMPFIRE's introduction of, 127-28; in ecode- Rathambhore case study of, 38-39; three basic prin- velopment programs, 35, 37-38; factors critical to initia- ciples of, 37; village microplans for, 37 tion of, 132-33; local participation and, 147, 152; ECOFONDO, 10, 15 political timing of, 127; scoring of planned and actual, Ecoregion: defined, 142 147, 148 table. See also Incentives; Revenues Ecosystems: of Arfak Strict Nature Reserve, 50; Colombian Food for the Hungry International (FHI), 62 legislation on preservation of, 14-15; Costa Rica's di- Foreign exchange earnings, 72 versity of, 22; Indonesia's diversity of, 45; of Kayan- Forest (Conservation) Act (1980, India), 30 Mentarang Nature Reserve, 49; Nigergia's diversity of, Forest Reserves and Protection Zones (Costa Rica), 19 79; Philippine degradation of, 93; Russia's diversity of, Forest Resources Development and Protection Project 109; of Wasur National Park, 50-51; zapovedniki's re- (China), 150 sponsibility for, 110 Forestry Department (Cross River State, Nigeria), 86, 87 Ecotourism. See Tourism Forestry Department (Edo State, Nigeria), 87, 89 Education: to avoid externalities, 3; directed at local self- Forestry Department (Kenya), 56, 57 reliance, 26, 87; at El Nido project, 104; at Mt. Isarog Forestry Department (Nigeria), 81 project, 105; at Nigerian forestry projects, 86-87, 88; to Forestry Department (Ondo State, Nigeria), 82 support biodiversity consensus, 20, 86-87, 88, 104, 105, Forestry Directorate (Costa Rica), 19 126-27; terroir correlate of, 153; at Wilson Botanical Forestry Institution and Conservation Project (Indonesia), Garden, 26 149 EIAs. See Environmental impact assessments Forestry Law (Costa Rica), 19 Eighth Plan (1992-97, India), 32, 36 Forests: agricultural threat to, 56, 58-59, 66, 85, 88; enforc- Ekuri Community Forestry Project (Nigeria), 86, 89 nI ing protected status of, 20; infrastructural impact on, 85; Elephants: competitive marketing of, 134; forest regenera- joint forest management of, 31, 34-35, 36, 39-40, 57, tion and, 40; and ivory restrictions, 127, 129; reserve 147, 150; Kenya's centralized control of, 56; local com- boundaries and, 61, 62; trophy hunting of, 129 munities occupying, 87, 88; local participation in man- El Nido Reserve (Philippines), 99, 100, 101; debt-for-na- agement of, 86-89; marketable products from, 86; ture funding of, 104; enforcement in, 104; jurisdictional open-access exploitation of, 89; rural development's in- confusion in, 104; location and description of, 103-4 tegration with, 62; spatial planning for, 46-47; state- Emali pipeline (Kenya), 59-60 level governmental management of, 81-82, 89. See also Endangered species, 87-88, 93, 114 Deforestation; India's forests Enforcement: in Colombia's national parks, 13; in Costa Former Soviet Union (FSU), 1, 113. See also Russia Rica's nature reserves, 20; at El Nido project, 104; to Forrest, T., 81 maximize decentralization benefits, x, 158-59; at re- Foundation for the Philippine Environment (FPE), 104, gional level, 111, 114, 159; in Russia's protected areas, 105; funding operations of, 100 109, 111, 112-13, 114. See also Law enforcement Fourth World Parks Congress (1992), 146 169 Franz-Josef Land Zakaznik (Russia), 112 Iguowan village (Edo State, Nigeria), 88 Freire, P., 2 Imo (Nigeria), 79 Fundaci6 Herencia Verde (Colombia), 8, 10 Impact zone management, 70 Fundaci6 Natura (Colombia), 8, 10, 15 n3 INBio (Costa Rica). See National Biodiversity Institute Fundaci6n Iriria Tsochok (FIT, Costa Rica), 26 Incentives: CAMPFIRE's guidelines on, 130, 135-36; of Fundaci6 Pro-Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta (Colombia), 8, Costa Rican conservation area system, 20, 21, 24-25; of 10, 15 n3 India's ecodevelopment programs, 34-35, 36-38, 39; of Fundaci6 Puerto Rastrojo (Colombia), 8, 15 n3 India's joint forest management, 31, 34-35, 39-40, 150; Funding: through Colombian central transfers, 9-10; under livelihood assistance element of, 150-51, 152, 159, 161, Colombia's decentralized park system, 10, 13, 15 n10; 162 fig.; to maximize decentralization benefits, x, 152, through debt-for-nature swaps, 20, 99-100, 103, 104, 159; of Nepal's buffer zones, 70-71; of Nepal's conser- 105; of India's ecodevelopment microplans, 37-38; of vation areas, 70, 75; of Nepal's impact zones, 70; rev- India's rural development projects, 33; of Kenya's wild- enue sharing as, 57-58, 61-62, 67; and sustainability life programs, 56, 61; by NGOs, 10, 48-49, 56, 57, 67, implications, 69; World Bank projects scored on, 148 84, 86, 100, 119-20; of Nigerian forest reserves, 82; of table, 150-51; World Wide Fund guidelines on, 50. See Nigerian national parks, 83; of Philippine DENR, 98- also Land tenure 99; through revenue sharing, 57-58, 61-62, 67; of Rus- INDERENA (Colombia). See National Institute of Natural sian national parks, 111-12; of Russian zapovedniki Renewable Resources system, 112-13 India: case studies in, 36-40; central government's conser- vation role in, 30-3 1, 36; community-based manage- Game reserves. See Wildlife protected areas ment in, 31; decentralization resistance in, 29-30; Gashaka-Gumti National Park (Nigeria), 83 ecodevelopment strategy in, 36-37; economic incen- GCA (Costa Rica). See Guanacaste Conservation Area tives in, 31, 34-35, 36; elephant population in, 40; ideal- GEF. See Global Environment Facility ized decentralization score of, 142, 143 tables, 144; Geographic information system (GIS): social mapping and, non-integrated centralized planning in, 35; regulatory 50 strategies in, 34, 35; rural development programs in, 33- Global community: conservation role of, 2-3, 142, 145; 34; states' environmental indifference in, 30, 31, 35; focused on INBio, 23-24 traditional local power groups of, 35-36; World Bank Global Environment Facility (GEF), 1, 21, 39, 100, 118, project in, 149. See also India's forests; Wildlife pro- 120, 145 tected areas Global positioning system (GPS): social mapping and, 50 Indian Board For Wildlife (India), 31-32 Gopalpura (India), 38, 39 Indian communities (Colombia), 7, 9 Gorgona National Park (Colombia), 11-12 Indian Forest Act (1865), 29 Grazing, 39, 114, 131 Indian Forest Act (1927), 29 Greenpeace-Russia, 119 India's forests: centralized control of, 29, 30-31, 36; defor- Guanacaste Conservation Area (GCA, Costa Rica): estation of, 36, 37; ecodevelopment programs for, 37- biodiversity inventory plans for, 24; decentralized man- 39; joint forest management of, 31, 34-35, 36, 39-40, agement of, 21, 24-25, 157; funding of, 24, 155; re- 147, 150; land conversion of, 30; regulated activities in, gional level enforcement at, 159 34; and state's management role, 29, 30; successful re- Guinea Forestry and Fisheries Management Project, 150, generation of, 39, 40 151 Indigenous communities: conservation participation by, 9; Guruve District (Zimbabwe), 126 land tenure rights of, 9, 13-14, 51, 95; park authorities' conflict with, 8, 9, 12, 15 n 1; park colonization pressures Habitat conservation. See Biodiversity conservation from, 11, 13, 15 n5; Wilson Botanical Garden's ties to, Handia Range (India), 37, 38 26 Harda (India): ecodevelopment program in, 37-38, 40 n1 Indonesia: biodiversity perspective in, 45; case studies in, Haribon Foundation, 99, 100, 105 49-51; decentralized NGO projects in, 48-49; diverse High Soviet of Karabdino Balkaria (Russia), 114 ecosystems of, 45; extralegislative reform in, 155; forest "How to Ask for Money" (Biodiversity Conservation Cen- management policies of, 44; idealized decentralization ter), 118 score of, 143 tables; integrated conservation and devel- Hunting, 124, 129, 134 opment projects in, 47-48; legally protected areas in, 47; Hwange District (Zimbabwe), 131 managed pluralism of, 43-44; mass education in, 45; Hyundai Corporation (Korea), 117 political background of, 43; promotion of rural de IDEADE-Javeriana (Colombia), 15 n4 velopment in, 44-45; regulated economy of, 46; spatial 170 Index planning process in, 46-47; unitary government organi- 158; forest management role of, 57, 60; in Marsabit zation in, 43, 44 table; World Bank project in, 149 fence project, 62; NGO donations to, 56, 57; political Indonesian Biodiversity Foundation, 45 interference with, 57-58, 60; technical assistance needs Indonesian Institute of Sciences, 23 of, 56-57, 58, 60; Wildlife Development Fund of, 61 Indonesian New Guinea. See Irian Jaya Kerzhenski Zapovednik (Russia), 115 Infrastructural projects, 10-11, 34, 35, 59-60, 85 King Mahendra Trust for Nature Conservation (KMTNC, Integrated conservation and development projects (ICDPs): Nepal), 66, 68, 75, 155 to address local needs, 2, 47-48; at Cross River State, Kreditanstalt fur Wiederaufbau (KfW), 56 84; as unsustainable, 49 Kronotski Nature Reserve (Kamchatka Peninsula). 117 Integrated Protected Areas (IPA) Fund (Philippines), 99 Intensive Conservation Area (ICA) Act (Zimbabwe), 124 Laboratory for Ecological Designs (LED, Moscow), 116, Intensive Conservation Areas (ICAs, Zimbabwe), 124 118 Intergraph Corporation, 23 Lake Baikal region (Russia), 120 International Clearinghouse for the Environment (ISAR). Landholders: as wildlife proprietors, 123, 124 118-19 Land Management Project-Santa Catarina (Brazil), 149 International Crane Foundation, 112 Land tenure: buffer zones and, 70; CAMPFIRE's model of, International Development Association (IDA), 56 125, 133, 161 n1; conservation area concept and, 69-70; International Monetary Fund (IMF), 56 to gain local participation, ix, 20, 39, 48-49, 50, 51, 84, Irian Jaya (Indonesia), 47, 49; Arfak Project in, 50; Wasur 93-94, 125, 133; legislation on, 9, 13-14, 95, 124, 125; Project in, 50-51 in Nigeria, 85; park management's denial of, 68, 83, 95; Irkutsk Regional Soviet of Deputies (Siberia), 114 and self-regulation, 160: significance of, 151; terroir cor Irrigation pipelines, 59-60 relate of, 153; Zimbabwe's rules on. 132. See also Buffer zones Japanese government, 100 Land use: conflicts over, 8, 67, 68-69, 72, 73-74, 85; fence Java, 44 project's delineation of. 136, 137; under former Soviet Joint forest management (JFM): in Harda division, 38; in- Union, H13; India's policy on, 30, 33; Indonesian policy centive structure of, 31, 34-35, 39-40, 150; of Kenya's on, 45; Kenyan policy on. 60; Okomu forest policy on, forests, 57; origins of, 36; policy-level support of, 147; 88-89; Russia's atypical policy on, Ill; World Bank stakeholding element of, 36; in West Bengal, 40 projects scored on, 147, 148 table: zapovedniki's initia- Joint venturing, 46, 49, 158. See also Joint forest manage- tiVeS On, 116. See also Land tenure ment Langtang National Park (Nepal). 72 Kabardinski Zapovednik (Russia), 114 La Paya National Park (Colombia), 10, 15 nI Kailashpuri (India), 38 Las Hermosas National Park (Colombia). 10 Kainji Lake National Park (Nigeria), 83 Law enforcement: by Royal Nepalese Army, 66, 67, 73-74 Kamchatka Peninsula, 117 Law 99 (December 1993, Colombia): decentralized re- Kamuku Game Reserves (Nigeria), 84 source management under, 7, 8-9; on environmental Kandalaksha Zapovednik (Russia), 113 impact process, 11; on financial resources, 10; on private Kathmandu (Nepal), 72 natural reserves, 14-15 Kayan-Mentarang Nature Reserve (Indonesia): biological Law of the Black People (Colombia), 13-14 and cultural importance of, 49; social mapping of, 49-50 Legislation: on buffer zones, 67-68, 69. 70-71, 155; on Kenozerski National Park (Russia), 119 community-based management, 125; on Costa Rican Kenya: agricultural encroachment in, 56, 58-59, 61; case conservation areas, 20-21; to decentralize Colombian studies in, 61-62; central government's conservation conservation, 7,8-9. 10, 11, 14-15; to decentralize Phil- role in, 55, 58; decentralization resistance in, 55, 56-57; ippine conservation. 94, 96; on environmental impact district-level local government of, 55: forest degradation assessments, x, 11. 13; on India's forest land, 29, 30; on in, 56, 58-59; habitat conservation in, 58; idealized de- India's wildlife protected areas, 30-31; on land tenure, centralization score of. 142, 143 tables, 144; NGOs' 9, 13-14, 95, 124, 125; to maximize decentralization capacity-building in, 57; rural development funding in, benefits, 152. 159; on multiple-use conservation areas, 55; tourism threats in, 59; unguided land-use policy of, 69, 155; to nationalize Nigeria's parks, 81, 83; on 60. See also Kenyan districts; Kenyan Wildlife Service Nepal's protected-area system, 66; on NGO participa- Kenyan districts: management of national reserves by, 56, ton, 94-95; outdated Philippine, 95-96; to regulate 57, 59; political interference by, 57-58; rural develop- pollution, 31, 34 ment role of, 55, 60 Lembuya, Peter, 61 Kenya Wildlife Service (KWS), 156; antipoaching work by, Lenin, Vladimir, t10 171 Les Na Vorskle Zapovednik (Russia), 116 133, 158, 159; at Wilson Botanical Garden, 26. See also LGAs. See Local government areas Incentives LGUs. See Local government units Lok Sabha (House of the People, India), 29 Liberation War (Zimbabwe), 132 Los Flamenkos National Park (Colombia), 15 n5 Livestock value, 123-24 Los Nevados National Park (Colombia), 8, 10, 14 Local communities: in competitive marketing process, 134; costs/benefits of decentralized conservation to, ix, 2, MacArthur Foundation (Chicago), 21, 118, 119-20 149-50; environmental indifference by, 36, 81, 84; ex- McDonald's Corporation, 25 ploitation of natural resources by, 36, 68-69, 73-74, 82, Macuira National Park (Colombia), 15 n5 85, 89, 114, 158; forced resettlement of, 68; impact of Madagascar Forest Management and Protection Project, unplanned decentralization on, 160-61; in joint venture 147 management, 31, 34-35, 36, 39-40, 46, 158; national Mahendra, King (Nepal), 66 park proposals by, 83-84; occupation problems with, 8, Makalu-Barun Conservation Area and National Park 9, 11, 12, 13, 15 nl, 110-11; park authorities' conflict (Nepal), 69 with, 8, 9, 61-62, 68-69, 74, 83, 114-15, 119; power Malaysia, 149 structures within, 35-36, 79-80, 158, 161; proprietary Mara Game Reserve (Kenya), 59 needs of, ix, 20, 36, 50, 51, 84, 93-94, 125, 133, 158, March for Parks (Russia), 118 159; in revenue distribution meeting, 135-36; tourism Marine Turtle Foundation, 104 benefits for, 72, 74, 75; wildlife's conflict with, 59, 60, Market decentralization: defined, 146 62, 69. See also Indigenous communities; Local partici- Marsabit National Park (Kenya), 59, 62, 63 n3 pation Martin, R. B., 126 Local government areas (LGAs, Nigeria): forestry manage- Masai Mara Reserve (Kenya), 157 ment by, 81; national parks' relations with, 83; in power Masoka (Guruve District, Zimbabwe), 157-58; commu- struggle with states, 80-81, 85-86 nity-based management in, 136-37 Local Government Code (1991, Philippines): on central Mau forest (Kenya), 60 government's powers, 101; on local government respon- MENPR (Russia). See Ministry of Environmental Protec- sibilities/powers, 94; on NGO participation, 94-95 tion and Natural Resources Local government units (LGUs, Philippines): park tourism Mezkhombank of Russia, 119 management by, 103; project planning/implementation Michelin Rubber (France), 85, 88 by, 94-95, 101; protected-area management role of, 96, Midnapore District (India), 40 97 table, 98; responsibilities and powers of, 94; in rural Mindoro National Park (Philippines), 101 development conflict, 102 Mining conflicts, 59 Local participation: activity guidelines for, 50; in Ministry for Environment and Forests (India), 30 Amisconde project, 25; in Annapurna project, 69-70, Ministry of Agriculture (Colombia), 7 74, 75; in Colombian ARCs, 7, 11-12; in Colombian Ministry of Environmental Protection and Natural Re- national parks, 8-9, 13-14; and conflict resolution, x, 2, sources (MENPR, Russia), 110, 112, 118,119 11-12, 61-62, 151; in Costa Rican conservation area Ministry of Environmental Protection (Russia), 115 system, 21, 22; directed at self-reliance, 26, 70, 87, 128, Ministry of Environment and Natural Resources (MENR, 135-36, 160; enforcement and, 158-59; in environmen- Kenya), 56 tal impact process, 14, 101; in Guanacaste Conservation Ministry of Forestry (Indonesia), 48-49, 50 Area, 24-25; in INBio's inventory program, 22-23; in Ministry of Forests and Soil Conservation (Nepal), 65, 66 India's ecodevelopment programs, 36-37, 37-39; in Ministry of Local Government (Kenya), 56 India's rural development programs, 33; in India's wild- Ministry of Local Government (Zimbabwe), 126 life protection areas, 31, 32; in Indonesia's conservation Ministry of Natural Resources, Energy, and Mines, Minis- projects, 47-51; in Kenya's habitat conservation try of (MIRENEM, Costa Rica), 19,26 nI projects, 58, 61-62; in Kenya's rural development Ministry of Public Works (Indonesia), 46-47 projects, 55; to maximize decentralization benefits, ix-x, Ministry of the Environment (Colombia): decentralized ad- 152, 159; in Nigerian forest reserves, 86-87, 88-89; ministration/management by, 8-9; environmental au- nonlocal impact of, 2-3; under Philippine Local Govern- thority of, 11; financial resources of, 10, 15 nI1; Law ment Code of 1991, 94-95; on Philippine protected-area 99's creation of, 7; in park development process, 12-13. management boards, 96, 97 table, 98, 105; to support Seealso Colombian National Park System biodiversity consensus, 20, 61-62, 86-87, 88, 104, 105, Ministry of Tourism and Wildlife (Kenya), 56 118, 128, 132, 136, 152, 158, 160, 161 nl; tenurial Ministry of Transmigration (Indonesia), 46 component of, ix, 20, 36, 489, 50, 51, 84, 93-94, 125, Moriviovka Nature Park (Russia), 112 172 Index Mt. Apo National Park (Philippines), 102 development's threat to, 59-60, 61; environmental au- Mt. Canlaon (Philippines), 102 thorities' participation in, 14; federal funding of, 9-10, Mt. Isarog National Park (Philippines), 101; debt-for-nature 12, 15 nn6-9, 83-84, 111-12; India's regulated activi- funding of, 99, 100, 105; location and description of, ties in, 34; indigenous communities in, 9, 15 n5, 51; 104-5; unique features of, 105 Kenya's centralized control of, 56; limited institutional Mt. Malindang (Philippines), 101 presence in, 8,12, 15 n2, 95; local occupation problems Mt. Pulog National Park (Philippines), 99, 100, 101 in, 8, 9,11, 12, 13, 15 n1, 59; NGO funding of, 10, 15 Murphree, M. W., 123, 130 n1O; Nigerian states' proposals for, 83-84; Philippine Muzarabani District (Zimbabwe), 131 outdated legislation on, 95-96; Philippine sectoral man- agement of, 96, 97 table, 98, 101; Russia's land-use for, Nairobi National Park (Kenya), 60 111; stakeholder conflicts in, 8, 61-62, 6-9, 74, 83, Namche Bazaar (Sagarmatha National Park, Nepal), 74 114-15, 119; tourism revenues of, 72, 73, 116; viola- Narok County Council (Kenya), 59 tions in Russian, 114. See also Colombian National Park National Biodiversity Institute (INBio, Costa Rica), 155; System creation of, 21; four divisions of, 22; global interest in, National Parks and Biological Reserves (Costa Rica), 19 23-24; national biodiversity inventory by, 20-21, 22- National Parks and Wildlife Conservation Act (1973, 23; in prospecting contracts, 23 Nepal), 66; on buffer zones, 67-68, 69, 70-71, 155; on National Biodiversity Planning Commission (Costa Rica), multiple-use conservation areas, 69 20-21 National Parks Decree (1991, Nigeria), 81, 83, 84 National Conservation Strategy (1988, Nepal), 67 National Parks Foundation (FPN, Costa Rica), 20 National Conservation Strategy and Policy Statement on National Parks Governing Board (Nigeria), 83 Environment and Development (1992, India), 35 National Parks Service (Costa Rica), 19 National Conservation Strategy (MNRT, Zimbabwe), 126 National Planning Commission (India), 29, 35 National Council of Churches of Kenya (NCCK), 62 National Planning Council (Colombia), I1 National Development Planning Agency (BAPPENAS, In- National Royalties Fund (Colombia), 10, 15 nlO donesia), 48 National System for the Environment (Colombia), 7 National Environmental Fund (Colombia), 9 National University (Colombia), 15 n4 National Environmental Impact Management Agency National Wastelands Development Board (NWDB, India), (BAPEDAL, Indonesia), 46 30 National Fund for the Environment (Colombia), 10, 15 nO Natural monuments, 112 National Institute of Natural Renewable Resources Natural Resources Conservation Council (Nigeria), 81 (INDERENA, Colombia): centralized management by, Natural Resources Management Project (Benin Republic): 7; funding policies of, 9-10, 12, 15 nn6-9; limited insti- case study of, 152-54 tutional presence of, 8, 12, 15 n2; local communities' Nature Conservancy (TNC), 10 conflict with, 8, 9, 151 nl; rural development projects Nepal: buffer zone legislation in, 67-68, 70-71, 155; case under, 10-11. See also Colombian National Park System studies in, 73-75; central government's conservation National Integrated Protected-Area Project (NIPAP, Euro- role in, 66; conservation area concept in, 69-70; decen- pean Union), 102 tralization initiatives in, 69; diverse habitats of, 65; ide- National Integrated Protected Areas System (NIPAS, Phil- alized decentralization score of, 142, 143 tables; impact ippines): administration of, 96; areas included under, 96; zone concept in, 70; incentive structures in, 67, 70-71, centralized/decentralized structure of, 100; debt-for-na- 75; institutionalized biodiversity framework in, 67-68; ture funding of, 99-100; endowment fund's financing political background of, 66-67; protected areas in, 66 of, 100; environmental impact assessment requirement table; resource demands by locals in, 67, 68-69, 72, 73- of, 101-2; Integrated Protected Areas funding of, 99; 74; stakeholders' conflict in, 65, 68-69, 74; tourism in, NGOs' role in, 100; sectoral management of, 96, 97 67, 71 fig., 71-73, 74, 75 table, 98, 101; status and suitability requirements of, 96 Nepal Environmental Policy and Action Plan, 67 National Integrated Protected Areas System (NIPAS) Law Nepal Forestry Project 111, 147, 150 (1992, Philippines), 94-95, 96, 99, 104 Nepal Gazette, 67 National Land-Use Board (India), 35 New Order government (Indonesia), 43 National Liberation Party (PLN, Costa Rica), 20 NGOs. See Nongovernmental organizations National Network of Private Natural Reserves (Colombia), Nigeria: case studies in, 86-89; decentralized game-reserve 14-15 management in, 82-83; diverse ecosystems of, 79; envi- National parks: buffer zones for, 67-68, 69, 70-71, 83; ronmental degradation in, 79, 85; factional tribal groups debt-for-nature funding of, 99-100, 103, 105; of, 79-80; federal ly-fu nded national parks of, 83-84; 173 federally-funded rural development in, 84-85; govern- Panchayat era (1961-90), 66-67 ment administration in, 80; idealized decentralization Pandrillus (Nigeria), 84 score of, 143 tables; location and description of, 79; Paper processing industry, 113 NGO conservation management in, 84; state-managed Parataxonomists, 22-23 forest reserves of, 81-82, 89; urban development in, 44- Parks and People Project (Nepal), 69 45. See also Local government areas Parks and Wildlife Act (1975, Zimbabwe), 124, 125, 155 Nigerian Conservation Foundation (NCF), 81, 83, 84, 87, Peace Corps, 103 88 Pereira-Nuqui highway (Colombia), 14 Nigerian Forest Elephant Wildlife Survey and Protection Peterson, J. H., 135 Group (NFEWSPG), 84 Philippines: case studies in, 102-5; debt-for-nature swap Nizhny Novgorod Region (Russia), 115 programs in, 99-100; decentralized conservation reform Nongovernmental organizations (NGOs): as CAMPFIRE in, 94-95, 102; development-conservation conflict in, supporters, 127; capacity building emphasis of, 57; as 101-2; environmental impact assessment program in, Colombian conservation participants, 7, 8, 9-10, 15 n3; 101-2; grant-making foundation of, 100; habitat degra- conservation/rural development role of, 156-58; and dation in, 93; idealized decentralization score of, 142, debt-for-nature programs, 20, 99-100; decentralization 143 tables; legally defined national parks in, 95; location role of, 155-56; donations from foreign, 10, 56, 57, 67, and description of, 93; NGO participation in, 94-95, 97 84, 86. 100, 119-20; effectiveness of Russian, 110, 112, table, 98, 99-101. 105; outdated national park policy of, 115, 117-18; fund-raising role of, 10, 20, 55, 57, 118- 95-96; political background of. 93; rural development 19; Indonesian projects of, 48-49; Nigerian conserva- projects of, 100-101. See also Local government units; tion-area management by, 84, 88; NIPAS imple- National Integrated Protected Areas System mentation role of, 100; in Philippine planning process, Philippine Strategy for Sustainable Development, 94 94-95; Philippine protected-area management by, 97 Picachos National Park (Colombia), 15 n6 table, 98, 105; Philippine rural development projects of, Plantation development schemes, 85, 88. See also Agricul- 100-101; with unique autonomy, 68; Wilson Botanical ture programs Garden's ties to, 26; in World Bank projects, 147, 148 Poaching, 58, 114, 130-31, 132. 157-58 table, 149 Political processes: CAMPFIRE's interaction with, 126, Nontimber forest products (NTFPs), 40 127-29,132-33 Nukak National Park (Colombia), 15 n5 Pollution, 31, 34, 113 Nyaminyami District (Zimbabwe), 126 Pribaikalski National Park (Russia), 114 Pri-Oksky Terrasny Zapovednik (Russia), 114 Ogoniland (Nigeria), 79, 81, 155 Private land: Colombian network of, 14-15; Costa Rica's Oil pipelines, 59, 60 deforestation of, 19; India's agricultural lands as, 33; Oil revenues, 80 zapovedniki's acquisition of, 116; Zimbabwe's wildlife Okomu Forest Project (Nigeria), 87, 89 n2 management on, 124 Okomu Forest Reserve (Nigeria), 85, 157; land-use plan Project Completion Report (PCR) for the Central Visayas for, 88-89; Michelin Rubber's threat to, 88 Regional Project, 149, 150, 151 Okomu Wildlife Sanctuary (Nigeria): endangered species Project Completion Report (PCR) for the Madagascar Sec- of, 87-88; natural forest area of, 88; NGO management ond Forestry Project, 147 of, 84, 88 Pro-Natura International, 87 01 Choro Oiroua Wildlife Association (Kenya), 57-58 Property rights. See Land tenure Old Oyo National Park (Nigeria), 83 Protected-Area Management Board (PAMB, Philippines): Omo Forest Elephant Biosphere Reserve (Nigeria), 84, 85 decentralized structure of, 98; members of, 96, 98; re- Ondo State Wildlife Division (Nigeria), 82 sponsibilities/powers of, 97 table, 98 Open-access exploitation, 89, 132 Protected areas: Costa Rica's administration of, 19; Costa's Organization of Iberoamerican States, 10 Rica's biodiversity inventory of, 20-21, 22-23; debt- Osa Conservation Area (Costa Rica), 21 for-nature funding of, 20, 99-100, 103, 104, 105; inter- Overseas Development Administration (ODA, Britain), 56, national guidelines for, 68; in Nepal, 65, 66 table; 86, 87 Nepal's legal designation of, 69-70; Nepal's military Pacifico Central Conservation Area (Costa Rica), 21 enforcement in, 67, 68, 73-74; Nigerian NGOs' man- Palawan Council for Sustainable Development (PCSD), agement of, 84, 86-87, 88; Nigeria's governmental man- 104 agement of, 81-84; Panchayat policies for, 66-67; PAMB (Philippines). See Protected-Area Management Philippine legal designation of, 96; Philippine sectoral Board management of, 96, 97 table, 98, 101; Russia's network 174 Index of, 109, 110-12; Russia's tourism revenues from, 116- 67, 101-2; focused on agriculture, 33; as habitat threat, 17; SINAC's decentralized system of, 20, 21. See also 10-11,45,56,58-60,61,66,85,88; underINDERENA, Forests; National parks; Wildlife management; Wildlife 10-11; India's centralized/decentralized control of, 33- protected areas; Zapovedniki system 34; Indonesia's promotion of, 44-45; Kenya's district- Protected Areas and Wildlife Bureau (PAWB, Philippines), level role in, 55, 60; Nepal's buffer zone strategy of, 71; 96 Nepal's conservation area strategy of, 70; Nepal's im- Protected Areas and Wildlife Services (PAWS) Project pact zone strategy of, 70; Nigeria's federally funded, (Kenya), 56 84-85 Puerto Princesa (Palawan Province, Philippines), 102-3 Rural district councils (RDCs, Zimbabwe): as CAMPFIRE Puinawai National Park (Colombia), 15 nn5-6 applicants, 127, 130; fiscal devolution by, 130, 130 table, 135; improved resource management by, 130-3 1; Rajya Sabha (Council of the States, India), 29 in local government structure, 125; performance ranking Ramsar Convention, 59 of, 130. 131 table; recentralization debate and, 128-29 Rana regime (1846-1951), 66 Russia: atypical land-use policy in, Ill; commercial enter- Ranthambhore National Park (India), 38 prise funding in, 119; diverse ecosystems of, 109; eco- Ranthambhore Tiger Reserve (India): ecodevelopment nomic restructuring in, 109, 113; ecotourism in, 116-17; project in, 38-39 foreign/international funding in, 119-20; government RDCs (Zimbabwe). See Rural district councils decentralization in, 109, 111; idealized decentralization Regional Biodiversity Conservation Programme (Nizhny score of, 142, 143 tables; influence of NGOs in, 110, Novgorod, Russia), 115-16 112, 115, 117-18; national park management in, 111- Regional development corporations (ASRDCs), 7. See also 12; natural resource mismanagement in, 113-14; private Autonomous regional corporations foundation funding in, 119; privatization of farms in, Regional management: of conservation enforcement, 111, 116; protected-area network of, 109; regional conserva- 114, 159; funding manipulation by, 111-12; organized tion planning model for, 115-16; regional protected-area as protected-area associations, 115; Russian NGOs' in- associations in, 115; zakazniki and natural monuments volvement in, 115, 116; violations by, 114. See also of, 112; zapovedniki system of, 110-12. See also Autonomous regional corporations Zapovedniki system Regional Physical Planning Program for Transmigration Russian Federation, 109, 110 (RePPProT, Indonesia), 46-47 Regulatory management: India's strategies of, 34; of Sabah Land Settlement and Environmental Management infrastructural pressures, 35; of pollution, 31, 34; of Project (Malaysia), 149 subsistence activities, 34, 46; of wildlife resources, 124 Safari hunting. See Hunting Revenko, Igor, 117 Sagarmatha (Mount Everest) National Park (Nepal), 65, 72; Revenues: CAMPFIRE's flawed allocation of, 126, 134- tourism's impact on, 74 35; of Colombian national parks, 10; Guanacaste St. Paul Subterranean River National Park (Philippines), 99, project's allocation of, 24-25; from India's forests, 29, 100; decentralized management of, 103; location and 30, 31; from India's wildlife protected areas, 31; of description of, 102 Kenya's wildlife programs, 57-58; of Nepal's buffer Sakha Republic (Russia), 115 zones, 70-71; of Nepal's DNPWC, 68; from Nigerian Salamanca National Park (Colombia), 10-11, 15 n1, 158 forest reserves, 82; Philippine local government's gen- Sal forests, 39, 40 eration of, 94; from tourism, 57, 65, 72, 73, 116-17, Salim, E., 44 129-30; wildlife as source of, 123-24, 125, 157. See Sanquianga National Park (Colombia), 14, 15 nI also Funding; Incentives; Wildlife revenues Santuarios National Park (Colombia), 15 n8 Revenue sharing, 57-58, 61-62, 67 Save the Children, 126 Rhino populations, 58, 66 Sayano-Shushensky Biosphere Zapovednik (Siberia), 114- Rice production, 45 15 Royal Bardia National Park (Nepal), 66 Second Forestry Institution and Conservation Project (In- Royal Chitwan National Park (Nepal), 65, 66, 72, 73, 157 dia), 150-51 Royal Nepalese Army, 66, 67, 73-74 Servicio de Parques Nacionales (SPN, Costa Rica), 20 Royal Suklaphanta Wildlife Reserve (Nepal), 66 Seventh Plan (1985-90, India), 36 Rural development: conservation's conflict with, 11-12, Sharma, U. R., 67, 69 34-35, 69, 84-85, 101-2, 113; conservation's integra- Shaw, W. W., 69 tion with, 62, 152; decentralized administration of, ix-x; Sherpas, 74 environmental impact assessments and, 11, 13, 14, 47, Shivapuri Watershed and Wildlife Reserve (Nepal), 66 175 Siberia. 117 ment of, 75, 103; in Nepal, 71 tig., 71-73; revenues Sibuyan Island (Philippines), 101 from, 57, 65, 72, 73, 116-17, 129-30; in Royal Chitwan Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta National Park (Colombia), 8. National Park, 73-74; in Sagarmatha National Park, 74 15 n , 15 n5 Trans-Irian highway (Indonesia), 51 Sistema Nacional de Areas de Conservaci6n (SINAC, Transmigration: biodiversity consequences of, 11, 13, 45, Costa Rica), 161 n2; decentralized administration of, 20; 51, 59, 66; inadequate physical protection and, 101; and incentive structure for, 21; national application of, 21- poaching, 132 22; regional components of, 21; suspended reforms of, Trophy hunting, 129 155; transfer of authority to, 21 Tropical Science Centre (San Jos6 Costa Rica), 25 Skopets, Mikhail, 117 Tropical species: global management of, 2-3 Socfinco (Belgium), 85 Tsavo West National Park (Kenya), 59, 60, 61-62, 63 n2, Social mapping strategy, 49-50 158 Socio-Ecological Union (SEU. Russia), 112, 118 Tsholotsho District (Zimbabwe), 131 Soeharto, 43 Tubbataha Reef National Marine Park (Philippines), 99, Southern Mindanao Agriculture Programme (Philippines), 100 100 Tuvintsi people, 115 Spatial decentralization: defined, 146 Spatial planning: conservation's link to, 47; to define re- Udege people, t17 source base, 46; and environmental impact analysis, 47 UNESCO biosphere reserves, 110 Sri Lanka, 149 U.N. Conference on Environment and Development Stalin, Joseph, 110 (1992), 45, 145 State government: environmental indifference of, 30, 31, U.N. Development Programme (UNDP), 14, 69 35; management of India's forests by, 29, 30; manage- U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID), 10, ment of Nigerian forest reserves by, 81-82, 89; manage- 56.99,100,120 ment of Nigerian wildlife reserves by, 82-83; Nigerian Universidad de Antioquia (Colombia), 15 n4 national park proposals by, 83-84; in Nigerian power Universidad del Valle (Colombia), 15 n4 struggle, 80-81, 85-86; protection of India's WPAs by, University of Los Andes (Colombia), 15 n4 31-32 University of Narino Colombia), 15 n4 STRABAG, 86 University of the Philippines, 23-24 Structural adjustment program: decentralization and, 127, USAID. See U.S. Agency for International Development 128 Use rights. See Land tenure; Land use Subsistence activities: economic incentives and. 34-35; im- Utrfa National Park (Colombia), 8, 10, 15 n3, 15 n5 pact zone concept and, 70; regulatory management of, 34, 46 Vodlozerski National Park (Russia), 119 Sukarno, 43 Sumapaz National Park (Colombia), 15 n6 Wasur National Park (Irian Jaya), 50, 51 Water Pollution Act (1974, India), 31 Taiga Rescue Network, 119 Watershed development program, 39 Talan (Russia). 117 West Bengal Forestry Project: benefit-sharing in, 150; joint Tana Delta (Kenya), 59 forest management of, 39-40; protection committees of, Tarai lowlands (Nepal), 66 149,151 Technical personnel, 56-57, 58. 60, 95, 159 Western Samar Agricultural Resources Development Tennessee Valley Authority (TVA), 7 Programme, 100 Terroir strategy: decentralization feature of, 153; descrip- Wild Bird Society of Japan, 112 tion and implementation of, 152-53; and new farming Wildlife Conservation and Management Department systems, 153; research/development goals of, 153-54; (WCMD, Kenya). 56, 57. See also Kenya Wildlife Ser- tenurial reform correlate of, 153; training provision of, vice 153 Wildlife Development Fund (WDF, Kenya), 57; funding of Timber industry, 82, 88, 89, 113 fisherman associations by, 61, 62 nI; revenue sharing Tinigua National Park (Colombia), 15 n6 promotion by, 61 Tortuguero Conservation Area (Costa Rica), 21 Wildlife management: CAMPFIRE's strategy for, 123; de- Tourism: in Annapurna Conservation Area Project, 75; ben- volved to Zimbabwe local communities, 125-26, 133; efits vs. costs of, 65, 67, 74; as biodiversity threat, 59, 67, devolved to Zimbabwe private landholders, 124; 72, 74; international guidelines on, 68; local manage- Kenya's centralized, 55, 56-57; by Nigerian NGOs, 84, 176 Index 88; by Nigerian states, 82-83; revenue prospects of, 123- holder conflicts in, 148 table, 151 24, 125. See also Communal Areas Management World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF), 10, 84, 86, 87; Arfak Programme for Indigenous Resources; Wildlife revenues Project of, 50; and competitive marketing interviews, Wildlife protected areas (WPAs): ecodevelopment stragegy 134; intermediary role of, 156; Kayan-Mentarang for, 36-37; India's centralized/decentralized manage- Project of, 49-50; local participation guidelines of, 50; ment of, 31-32, 32-33 table, 36; India's legal protection Wasur Project of, 50-51 of, 30-31; infrastructural impact on, 85; regulated activi- World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF-India), 39 ties in, 34, 35; rubber plantations' threat to, 85, 88; World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF-Russia), 119 Russia's private funding of, 112 World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF-US), 99, 100 Wild Life (Protection) Act (1972, India), 31 World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF-Zimbabwe), 127 Wildlife Refuges (Costa Rica), 19 World Wide Fund International, 39 Wildlife revenues (Zimbabwe): Beitbridge District's inno- WPAs. See Wildlife protected areas vations for, 135-36; centralized expropriation of, 157; communal management of, 128; DNPWM's prospects Yankari Game Reserve (Nigeria), 82 for, 123-24, 125; flawed allocation of, 126, 134-35; Yankari Initiative (Nigeria), 84 growth in CAMPFIRE of, 129, 129 table; and Yankari National Park (Nigeria), 84 recentralization debate, 128-29; rural district councils' Yeltsin, Boris, 112 devolution of, 130; from trophy hunting, 129 Young and Co. (advertising agency), 119 Wildlife sector: central/district-level interference in, 57-58; Zakazniki (special-purpose preserves): land-use limitations as commercial resource, 123-24, 125, 157; communities' in, 112 competitive marketing of, 134; consequences of decen- Zapovedniki system (strict scientific nature reserves): Cen- tralization in, 58; local people's conflict with, 59, 60, 62, tral management of, Ill; establishment and growth of, 69; promotion of tangible benefits of, 126-27. See also 110; landowners' relations with, 116; local occupation Wildlife management; Wildlife protected areas; Wildlife within, 110-11; reduced funding for, 112-13; regional revenues administration of, 114; responsibilities of, 110; viola- Wildlife Service (Costa Rica), 19 tions in, 114, 158; wages paid in, 112, 113 Williams, M., 114 Zimbabwe: case studies in, 134-37; central government's Wilson Botanical Garden (Costa Rica), 25-26 conservation role in, 123; depreciated dollar in, 129, Women's role, 149 134; idealized decentralization score of, 142, 143 tables; World Bank, 79, 100, 120,145 local government structure in, 125; reformed wildlife World Bank projects: capacity building in, 149; categories management in, 123-25; transmigration problems in, of, 146; components of analysis of, 145; examples of 132. See also Communal Areas Management decentralization in, 149; habitat monitoring of, 151-52; Programme for Indigenous Resources; Rural district incentive structures of, 148 table, 150-51; land tenure councils; Wildlife revenues issues and, 151; land-use decisions in, 147, 148 table; Zimbabwe district councils: in local government structure, NGO involvement in, 147, 148 table, 149; planned and 125; wildlife management role of, 126-27. See also actual decentralization in, 147, 148 table; post-1992 Rural district councils grouping of, 146, 149; pre-1992 grouping of, 146; stake- Zimbabwe Trust, 126, 127 Distributors of World CANADA FINLAND Ketab Sara Co. Publishers Bank Publications Renouf Publishing Co. Ltd. Akateeminen Kirjakauppa Khaled Eslamboli Ave., Prices and credit terms 1294 Algoma Road PO. Box 23 6th Street vary om country to coun- Ottawa, Ontario K1B 3W8 FIN-00371 Helsinki Kusheh Delafrooz No.8 vayrloaldi-Tel: 613-741-4333 Tel: (0)121141 Tehran tr. 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