WORLD t3ANK TECHNICAL PAP-F NUMBER 242) VAO |q q\ EFNEG' SEC 51 ES What Makes People Cook with Improved Biomass Stoves? A Comparative International Review of Stove Programs Douglas F. Barnes, Keith Openshaw, Kirk R. Smith, and Robert van der Plas t 4a ''d 14" S1~a- RECENT WORLD BANK TECHNICAL PAPERS No. 172 Thomas and Shaw, Issues in the Development of Multigrade Schools No. 173 Byrnes, Water Users Association in World Bank-Assisted Irrigation Projects in Pakistan No. 174 Constant and Sheldrick, World Nitrogen Survey No. 175 Le Moigne and others, editors, Country Experiences with Water Resources Management: Economic, Instituitional, Technological and Environmental Issues No. 176 The World Bank/FAO/UNIDO/Industry Fertilizer Working Group, World and Regional SUpply and Demand Balancesfor Nitrogen, Phosphate, and Potash, 1990/91-1996/97 No. 177 Adams, The World Bank's Treatment of Employment and Labor Market Issues No. 178 Le Moigne, Barghouti, and Garbus, editors, Developing and Improving Irrigation and Drainage Systems: Selected Papersfrom World Bank Seminars No. 179 Speirs and Olsen, Indigeniouis Integrated Farming Systems in the Sahel No. 180 Barghouti, Garbus, and Umali, editors, Trends in Agricultural Diversification: Regional Perspectives No. 181 Mining Unit, Industry and Energy Division, Strategyfor African Mininlg No. 182 Land Resources Unit, Asia Technical Department, Strategy for Forest Sector Development in Asia No. 183 Najera, Liese, and Hammer, Malaria: New Patterns and Perspectives No. 184 Crosson and Anderson, Resources and Global Food Prospects: Supply and Demandfor Cereals to 2030 No. 185 Frederiksen, Drought Planning and Water Efficiency Implications in Water Resources Management No. 186 Guislain, Divestiture of State Enterprises: An Overview oftthe l.egal Framework No. 187 De Geyndt, Zhao, and Liu, From Barefoot Doctor to Village Doctor in Rural China No. 188 Silverman, Public Sector Decentralization: Economic Policy and Sector Investment Programs No. 189 Frederick, Balancing Water Demands with Supplies: The Role of Management in a World of Increasing Scarcity No. 190 Macklin, Agricultural Extension in India No.191 Frederiksen, Water Resources Instititions: Some Principles and Practices No. 192 McMillan, Painter, and Scudder, Settlement and Development in the River Blindness Control Zonie No. 193 Braatz, Conserving Biological Diversity: A Strategyfor Protected Areas in the Asia-Pacific Region No. 194 Saint, Universities in Africa: Strategiesfor Stabilization and Revitalization No. 195 Ochs and Bishay, Drainage Guidelines No. 196 Mabogunje, Perspective on Urban Land and Land Management Policies in Sub-Saharan Africa No. 197 Zymelman, editor, Assessing Engineering Education in Sub-Saharant Africa No. 198 Teerink and Nakashima, Water Allocation, Rights, and Pricing: Examplesfrom Japan and the United States No. 199 Hussi, Murphy, Lindberg, and Brenneman, The Development of Cooperatives and Other Rural Organizations: The Role of the World Bank No. 200 McMillan, Nana, and Savadogo, Settlement and Development in the River Blindness Control Zonie: Case Study Burkina Faso No. 201 Van Tuiji, Improving Water Use in Agricultuire: Experiences in the Middle East and North Africa No. 202 Vergara, The Materials Revolution: What Does It Mean for Developing Asia? 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All rights reserved Manufactured in the United States of America First printing May 1994 Technical Papers are published to communicate the results of the Bank's work to the development community with the least possible delay. The typescript of this paper therefore has not been prepared in accordance with the procedures appropriate to formal printed texts, and the World Bank accepts no responsibility for errors. Some sources cited in this paper may be informal documents that are not readily available. The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed in this paper are entirely those of the author(s) and should not be attributed in any manner to the World Bank, to its affiliated organizations, or to members of its Board of Executive Directors or the countries they represent. The World Bank does not guarantee the accuracy of the data included in this publication and accepts no responsibility whatsoever for any consequence of their use. 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The complete backlist of publications from the World Bank is shown in the annual Index of Publications, which contains an alphabetical title list (with full ordering information) and indexes of subjects, authors, and countries and regions. The latest edition is available free of charge from the Distribution Unit, Office of the Publisher, The World Bank, 1818 H Street, N.W., Washington, D.C. 20433, U.S.A., or from Publications, The World Bank, 66, avenue d'1ena, 75116 Paris, France. Cover photo caption: Woman prepares to, a sorghum dish, in West African trial of improved cookstove during the mid-1980s. ISSN: 0253-7494 Douglas F. Bames and Robert van der Plas are energy planners in the Power Development, Efficiency and Household Fuels Division of the Industry and Energy Department at the World Bank. Keith Openshaw is with Alternative Energy Development, Inc. in Silver Spring, Maryland. Kirk R. Smith is with the East-West Center in Honolulu, Hawaii. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data What makes people cook with improved biomass stoves?: a comparative international review of stove programs / Douglas F. Barnes ... [et al.]. p. cm. - (World Bank technical paper, ISSN 0253-7494 ; no. 242. Energy series) Includes bibliographical references (p. ). ISBN 0-8213-2800-X 1. Biomass stoves-Developing countries. I. Barnes, Douglas F. H. Series: World Bank technical paper ; no. 242. Elf. Series: World Bank technical paper. Energy series. TS425.W43 1994 333.95'39152'091724-dc2O 94-10830 CIP Contents Foreword .............................................v Abstract ............................................ . vii Acknowledgments ............................................ ix 1. Introduction .............................................1 2. The Emergence of Stove Programs ............................................. 3 3. Reasons for Promoting Improved Stove Programs ......................................... 5 4. General Lessons from Stove Programs .................. .......................... 13 The Stove Market and Consumer Preferences ....................................... 15 Stove Design and Manufacture .................. ......................... 17 The Role of Governments and Donor Agencies ..................................... 20 Is There a Role for Subsidies? ................. .......................... 24 5. Summary and Conclusions ............................................ 27 Bibliography ............................................ . 31 Annex 1. Evaluations of Improved Cookstoves ............................................ 37 Annex 2. Projects Surveyed for Study ................... ......................... 39 iii I Foreword Technical advances in energy efficiency are crucial for developing countries, especially for the many countries whose populations depend primarily on biomass fuels such as wood, charcoal, and agricultural residues. Overuse of these fuels depletes resources and degrades local environments, multiplies the time needed to collect fuel, and creates indoor pollution that threatens the well-being of the most vulnerable members of households. Transition toward widespread use of modern energy sources such as petroleum products and electricity has begun in many developing countries, but the sheer increase in the size of their populations, combined with limitations on resources and investments, means that many people in developing countries will remain dependent for some time on biomass fuels. Hence, the introduction of improved biomass stoves can be of immediate and significant benefit. These relatively simple and cost-efficient technologies can double the energy efficiency of their "traditional" counterparts and reduce indoor pollution as well. Yet however promising such improved technologies may be, experience at many levels of energy sector restructuring has shown that enduring change cannot be achieved solely by technological means. This comprehensive review of the successes and failures of stove programs provides a case in point: no matter how efficient or cheap the stove, individual households have proved reluctant to adopt it if it is difficult to install and maintain or less convenient and less adaptable to local preferences than its traditional counterpart. On the other hand, households have been most receptive when the dissemination process takes full account of the capacities and needs of local stove producers and consumers. The review thus adds weight to a conclusion we have made repeatedly in our work: technical improvements in efficiency must be complemented by appropriate project design and implementation, perceptibly superior services, and proper institutional support, if they are truly to take root. The review also shows that the best stove programs yield economic as well as environmental and social benefits. For example, in urban areas, where most people purchase woodfuels, the payback time of an improved stove in fuel savings for consumers is sometimes only a few months; because the stoves last considerably longer, cash flow is improved for people even if they cannot not yet make the transition to modern fuels. Likewise, in rural areas, more efficient stoves can reduce the time spent collecting fuel for cooking, freeing time for child care and income-producing activities. Of course, biomass stove programs are not the only answer to energy efficiency problems in developing countries: benefits of other energy efficiency programs will be treated in later technical papers. This report summarizes a large-scale evaluation of improved-stove programs funded by the United Nations Development Programme, managed by the Energy Sector Management Assistance Programme (ESMAP), and conducted by East-West Center and ESMAP staff. ESMAP will issue a report accompanied by case studies in the near future. Richard Stern Director Industry and Energy Department v Abstract Hundreds of millions of people rely on woodfuels for most of their energy needs, despite the problems associated with traditional use of woodfuels-including energy inefficiency, deforestation, increasing use of time for collection of fuel, and deleterious health and environmental effects. Modem, efficient biomass stoves can alleviate some of these problems by reducing some householders' cash outlays for fuel, diminishing the time others must spend to collect fuel, reducing air pollution, and relieving local pressure on wood resources. Yet despite the apparent benefits of improved stoves and a recent spate of "dissemination" programs, many developing-country households have failed to adopt them. This study explores the successes and failures of stove programs and suggests how adoption rates can be improved more consistently. Programs have been most effective where householders pay relatively high prices for woodfuels; in such cases, the improved stoves can pay for themselves in fuel savings very rapidly, even though they are usually more expensive to produce and buy than traditional stoves. Overall, improved stoves are most popular when they are easily and locally manufactured and have clear advantages in fuel economy, durability, ease of use, and cleanliness. Under the right conditions, the social, economic, and environmental benefits of promoting improved stoves are large. Programs must be targeted carefully, however, to situations in which people pay high prices for fuel or walk long distances to collect fuelwood or other biomass materials. Subsidies may aid in the distribution of stoves but may not result in actual stove use. External support from donors and international organizations can be helpful, especially if focused on testing or consumer surveys. Ultimately, however, dissemination programs are most effective when they allow for interaction and feedback between stove designers, producers, and users. vii Acknowledgments The authors are listed in alphabetical order; all contributed equally to the report. The project on evaluation of improved stoves, on which most of this report was based, was funded by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), managed by the Energy Sector Management Assistance Programme (ESMAP), and contracted to the East-West Center (EWC), Honolulu, Hawaii, where the work was conducted and supervised by Kirk Smith. The ideas presented in the paper are based largely on material from the project at the East-West Center and on the ideas and experiences of the staff of ESMAP. In addition, for their useful comments, the authors wish to thank Anthony Churchill, Robert Saunders, Joseph Gilling, Gunter Schramm, Maurizia Tovo, Willem Floor, and Ernesto Terrado of the World Bank. The authors also thank all those listed in Annex 1, who contributed cookstove program evaluation papers to the project. Finally, we thank our colleagues at the Foundation for Woodstove Dissemination, Nairobi (Stephen Karekezi and Catherine Gathoga); the Association Bois de Feu, Paris (Marie-Jo Demante); and the Center for Mesoamerican Studies on Appropriate Technology (Edgardo Caceres), who assisted in conducting the global survey. Note that ESMAP, which managed the work, is issuing a report that includes the main text and case studies of India, China, and Sri Lanka. ix 1 Introduction About half of the world's population cook with biomass for all or some of their meals (Scurlock and Hall 1989). The general pattern in developing countries is that with increasing income people generally move up the energy ladder from firewood to charcoal or kerosene and then to liquefied petroleum gas (LPG), natural gas, or electricity for cooking (Alam and others 1975; Barnes and Qian 1992; Leach 1986, 1988; Jones 1988; Reddy and Reddy 1983; Natarajan 1985). This upward shift occurs most often in urban areas, because in rural areas, scarce cash income, combined with freely available biomass resources, leads people to continue to rely on biomass for cooking. Indeed, when firewood is scarce in rural areas, residents typically move down the ladder to crop residues and dung (a phenomenon commonly seen in Asia), and occasionally they even turn to grass and roots for cooking energy. Another factor impeding the movement toward more modern fuels, in both rural and urban settings, is declining incomes. In many parts of Africa, the increase in national income has barely-or not even-kept pace with population over the last decade, so some households have had to switch back from modern to biomass fuels. In addition, poor distribution systems for modern fuels, especially in smaller cities and towns, have prevented many families from switching to modern fuels. Even though some movement up the energy ladder can be expected over the next few decades, hundreds of millions of people clearly will continue to rely on biomass as their main source of energy, mostly for the basic needs of cooking and space heating. This continued reliance poses some significant problems with regard to energy and economic efficiency. Most traditional biomass stoves are very inefficient. In controlled tests they use up to six or seven times more energy than non-biomass-burning stoves (Openshaw 1979). Because poor people often cannot afford or obtain modern stoves and fuels, the development of more efficient, energy-saving, and inexpensive biomass stoves can help alleviate local pressure on wood resources, shorten the walking time required to collect fuel, reduce cash outlays necessary for purchased fuelwood or charcoal, and diminish the pollution released into the environment. Yet although the potential benefits of modern, efficient biomass stoves have been obvious since the first discussions of the "fuelwood crisis," and many programs have been undertaken to make improved biomass stoves available to potential users, the stoves have been disseminated far less widely than expected. Two crucial questions thus arise: 1 2 What Makes People Cook with Improved Biomass Stoves? * Why, in the face of all of the benefits, have so many potential beneficiaries of improved stoves decided not to purchase or use the stoves when given the opportunity? * How can stove programs be better organized and targeted to increase the likelihood of bringing these benefits to more people? This review is an attempt to answer these questions. The study on which it is based attempts to assess the very diverse and mixed success of the hundreds of stove programs that have been implemented worldwide. Failure of relatively new programs is not unusual, of course, but the biggest mistake can be to keep repeating the errors of past programs. The review thus sought to determine whether common threads could be found among the successful programs and among the failed programs that could guide the design of better programs. The study consists of a review of experiences in stove dissemination, including case studies in Asia and Africa (see Annexes A and B for listings of evaluation documents and projects surveyed, respectively). The components of the review include a description of the importance of stoves for people in developing countries, an assessment of progress and problems encountered in stove programs, experience from field trips to review programs in many developing countries, a global survey of 137 programs, and four in- depth case studies. This paper is based primarily on 12 reports produced under the project (listed in Annex 1). Some background on the emergence of stove programs may provide a context for a discussion of the findings. 2 The Emergence of Stove Programs The development of wood-burning stoves is not a recent phenomenon. Within the last one hundred years, wood-burning stoves were adopted by middle- and upper-income families when access to petroleum-based fuels was a problem. Among the industrialized countries, enclosed wood or charcoal stoves were used both to cut down on indoor air pollution and to facilitate cooking. In some developed countries, sheet metal was the material of choice for making stoves for the urban poor; in others, it was brick or clay. These designs were developed largely by trial and error. Woodfuels were relatively cheap during most of the past century, so efficiency was not an important factor. As urban populations increased, however, woodfuel supplies became relatively more distant from the markets, prices increased, and some stove makers began more intensive efforts to improve their models and make them more efficient. In the industrialized countries, the development of woodstoves transpired without outside assistance or intervention, and private companies still market efficient woodstoves for heating without much intervention. Is intervention in promoting improved stoves in developing countries necessary, then? The answer is yes, because incomes today are much lower than they were in developed countries during the transition from wood to coal and other fuels. Concomitantly, indigenous development of efficient and convenient biomass stoves does not appear to be occurring spontaneously in many developing countries, even when woodfuel prices are high, because the population's generally low income inhibits them from investing in stoves. Yet the motivation for dissemination of improved stoves is much greater from the national perspective of today's developing countries, because the population pressure on the biomass resources base is much higher. The recent spate of improved stove programs focusing on energy efficiency began in the 1970s after the large rise in oil prices. Before the oil shocks, households in many countries were able to shift up the energy ladder to the modern fuels when biomass fuels became more expensive and difficult to obtain. This occurred in South Korea in the 1960s, for example. But because of the increased prices and supply uncertainties of fossil fuels following the oil shocks, developing-country households became less able to make the 3 4 What Makes People Cook with Improved Biomass Stoves? shift, and some had to fall back on biomass fuels. Thus, it seems that people may have to rely on biomass fuels longer than was typical in the past. In addition to a desire to rationalize the continuing reliance on biomass fuels, a desire to prevent or mitigate deforestation contributed to the growth of stove programs. A further motivation was that the increasing pressure on biomass resources often results in the burning of crop residues and dung, thus reducing their return to maintain the fertility of the soil (Anderson and Fishwick 1985; Barnes 1990; Digernes 1977; Gorse and Steeds 1987; Hosier and Dowd 1987; Myers 1980; Repetto and Holmes 1983). Although expansion of agricultural lands and poor forestry practices, rather than fuel gathering as such, are more often the leading causes of deforestation, fuel gathering is becoming more difficult for households. Most developing countries now have regions where existing biomass use patterns are unsustainable (Bajracharya 1983). In effect, because it was understood that deforestation problems were often location-specific (i.e., more so than had been assumed), improved cooking end-use efficiency and increased supply programs are seen as viable options for helping to restore local supplies to sustainable levels. With higher oil prices, increasing deforestation, and talk of an impending "fuelwood crisis," governments, donors, and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) started to finance and develop stove programs. The principal justification for intervention was that the relatively rapid changes in fossil fuel prices, urbanization, economic conditions, and population densities were such that the natural innovative and entrepreneurial processes for stove development and dissemination were not receiving the proper price signals and other information and resources necessary to keep up with the changes. Conventional wisdom at the time considered existing traditional, "three stone," biomass stoves to have energy efficiencies of only 5 to 10 percent. Of course, these stoves have other benefits, including space heating, protection from insects, and the flexibility to use a wide variety of fuels in different seasons. Initial efforts seemed to show that fairly simple design changes could create biomass stoves with three to six times the efficiency of the simple traditional stoves. Believing that this seemingly huge efficiency benefit would serve as an adequate incentive for adoption of new stoves, a number of organizations launched stove programs around 1980. These efforts yielded or suggested a mixed array of lessons and further reasons for promoting the adoption of improved stoves. 3 Reasons for Promoting Improved Stove Programs In addition to supply strategies such as improved tree management and tree planting, two basic demand-side strategies can be applied to the problems of deforestation and fuel affordability mentioned in the previous section. The first is to take steps to accelerate the natural tendency for households to move up the energy ladder to the modern fuels. This might be done by making modern fuels more accessible or by subsidizing modern fuels such as kerosene and LPG. Subsidies, however, create other problems by encouraging wasteful use of these fuels elsewhere in the economy. Thus, to work, fuel substitution schemes must be targeted at households that are still using biomass but that would move to modern fuels if they had the proper incentives. Note that this is not simply a matter of making modern fuels cheaper to the consumer than biomass: In many urban situations, kerosene or LPG costs actually are less than daily biomass fuel costs (Alam and others 1985). Here, it is often the larger lump-sum cash investment needed to purchase petroleum-based fuels and stoves that inhibits fuel switching.' In such cases, loans or subsidies for appliances and bulk fuel purchases may be an answer. The second demand-side approach is to introduce improved stove technology as a new step in the energy ladder between traditional biomass stoves and the modern fuels and appliances. This approach is appropriate in the many parts of the developing world where modern fuels are not available or will not be affordable in the near future, so that people will have to continue to rely on traditional fuels. If improved biomass stoves were adopted on a large enough scale in such settings, they would reduce the pressure on biomass resources. In addition, a deliberate slowing of the transition to modern fuels may sometimes be warranted. In China, for example, many rural households have been moving up the energy ladder to coal, which, because of the recent opening up of the rural economy, is widely available in many areas that do not have official supplies (ESMAP/Univ. Pennsylvania 1991). This in turn has contributed to severe problems in coal supply, so the 1. The prices of cooking fuels vary significantly among countries. In some, the price of woodfuels is competitive with modern fuels; in others, it is below the alternatives (see Barnes 1991 for a review of woodfuel pricing issues). The situation is complicated by government policies. For example, in Zambia (ESMAP 1991c), subsidized electricity is cheaper than charcoal for cooking, and in Burkina Faso, where LPG is taxed, wood is cheaper (ESMAP 1986). 5 6 What Makes People Cook with Improved Biomass Stoves? Chinese government would like to slow or even reverse the movement of households to coal (Smith and others 1993). The government has included improved biomass stoves as a part of the strategy. The two classes of benefits that are at the core of most improved stoves programs are their environmental/health and socioeconomic impacts. As indicated, the main justifications given by sponsors for promoting improved stoves have been to alleviate pressure on the natural resource base, to use energy in a cost-effective and efficient way, and to provide a means for the poor to reduce their high expenditures on energy. The main beneficiaries of improved stove programs are women and those in the middle- and lower-income levels of society (Eckholm 1983). Recent surveys in urban areas indicate that the lowest 20 percent of the population spend close to 20 percent of their cash income for energy-most of it woodfuel (see Figure 1). More efficient stoves would free some of this cash for other uses and would constitute a substantial benefit for the urban poor. In rural areas, where most people collect rather than purchase fuelwood, the use of more efficient stoves can reduce the time allocated to collection, which can be significant, especially for women (see Box 1). The time saved, in turn, can be freed to earn cash or produce other goods and services. The economic and environmental impacts of adopting improved stoves also can be quite significant for communities. Where wood is being harvested faster than it is being grown, the use of more efficient stoves to reduce demand for wood to sustainable levels is usually more economically viable than planting new trees, at least initially. It must be cautioned, however, that if wood-fired cooking is made more affordable through improved stove efficiency, people may cook longer than before-for example to boil water more often, as observed in Sri Lanka (Bialy 1991b)-and hence the actual savings of wood may be less than the difference in efficiencies between the traditional and improved stoves. Moreover, benefits of improved stoves are diluted in cases such as Kenya, where some households that were using other fuels switched back to charcoal when efficient stoves were introduced (Jones 1989, p. 42). It should be emphasized, however, that even when the overall savings in wood or charcoal are small, there can be a significant improvement in welfare because people are more productive with the same amount of fuel. Thus, in designing monitoring and evaluation systems for improved stove programs, it may not be enough to look at fuel savings alone. For people who cook indoors with wood in an unventilated or partially ventilated kitchen, the introduction of improved stoves with chimneys or other means to reduce exposure to the health-threatening pollutants found in biomass smoke is a significant benefit. Studies in recent years have associated a number of health problems with smoke exposure (see Box 2). The World Development Report has classified indoor air pollution as one of the four most critical global environmental problems (World Bank 1992, p. 2). More research is needed, however, before quantitative estimates can be made of the amount of ill-health that can be reduced by improved stoves. In any case, because of their greater insulation, most improved stoves are less hot to the touch and hence safer for the cooks and their children. A healthier and safer environment-particularly for women and children- Reasons for Promoting Stove Programs 7 may be one of the most important potential contributions of improved stoves to ameliorating the cramped living conditions of many poor people. Figure 1. Average Household Energy Consumption and Fuel Expenditures in 45 Cities A. Energy Consumption Electric Wood (17%) (23%) LPG (13%) Charcoal Kerosene (21%) (11 %) Coal (15%) B. Fuel Expenditures Wood (14%) Electric (42%) Charcoal ~ (19%) Coal (1 %) LPG Kerosene (16%) (9%) Note: The 45 cities are located in countries including Bolivia, Haiti, Yemen, Indonesia, the Philippines, Thailand, Cape Verde, Mauritania, Burkina Faso, Zambia, and China. Source: ESMAP Household Energy Surveys. 8 What Makes People Cook with Improved Biomass Stoves? Box 1. Some Benefits of Improved Stoves for Women and their Families Many of the benefits of stove programs directly as opposed to the 0.57 kg per person per day affect the lives of women, especially those in the consumed by the typical traditional stove used lower and lower middle classes who cook with in Niger. Total family savings for a year amount woodfuels. The cases presented below illustrate to about 335 kg of wood, valued at 5,360 CFA some of these benefits for rural and urban areas, ($15.3). respectively. * In Rwanda, the savings with improved char- Rural Nepal coal stoves are even greater. There, con- For rural areas, the benefits of improved stoves sumption of charcoal dropped to 0.33 kg per consist mostly in the saving of time spent collect- person per day from 0.51 kg per person per ing fuel. A recent survey on the hill areas of Nepal, day. This means that in a year a family could for example, estimated that women there spend save about 394 kg of charcoal worth 6,310 about 2.5 hours per day collecting fuelwood, fod- Rwanda Francs ($84.1). der, and grass. In high-deforestation areas, the * In Kenya, average daily charcoal consumption time required to collect a standard headload of with an improved stove fell to 0.39 kg per wood increased by 1.1 hours per day, and time person per day from the 0.67 kg per person per devoted to agriculture fell by about 1 hour. The day devoured by the traditional stove. This burdens fell mostly on women. adds up to a total yearly savings of 613 kg per The Nepal results represent a severe case, but it family, with a value of about 1,170 Kenya is evident that adoption of improved stoves can shillings ($64.7). reduce time spent collecting fuel, lighten the labor Savings on the order of $15 to $84 are substantial burden on women, and free time for productive for families in countries such as Niger, Rwanda, farming. and Kenya, where average incomes per person are only $300 to $370 per year. In addition to their Urban Sub-Saharan Africa overall economy of use, the improved stoves are Households in urban areas are more likely to affordable to purchase. They are also attractive, purchase biomass fuels. Improved stoves help convenient, and less polluting. urban families both save money and cook more conveniently. In Niamey, Niger, an improved stove uses Sources: Jones (1989); Kumar and Hotchkiss about 0.42 kilograms (kg) per person per day, (1988); ESMAP (1991a, b). In addition to its localized social and environmental effects, biomass energy use also has implications for greenhouse gas emissions and the consequent chance for global warming. Here, the benefits of improved stoves are several. To begin with, the improved biomass stoves reduce emissions of carbon dioxide to the atmosphere. Moreover, as explained in Box 3, the potential benefits are even greater than indicated by an examination of carbon dioxide emissions alone. Because traditional biomass stoves often have low combustion efficiencies, they can release large amounts of the products of incomplete combustion. Like carbon dioxide, most of these products are also greenhouse gases, but with even higher global warming potentials. Thus, the potential benefit of stoves that increase combustion efficiency is likely to be substantially greater than has been recognized. Finally, combining high-efficiency combustion techniques with sustainable biomass harvesting practices represents one of the most "greenhouse friendly" energy strategies presently available. Reasons for Promoting Improved Stove Programs 9 Box 2. Health Effects of Biomass Smoke Biomass fuels such as wood, crop residues, and * A study of 500 children under 5 years of age in dung release large amounts of air pollutants when The Gambia found that girls who were carried burned in simple household stoves. Hundreds of on their mothers' backs as they cooked in different substances are involved, including respi- smoky huts had a risk of acute respiratory rable particulates, carbon monoxide, nitrogen illness 6 times that of other children, a risk oxides, formaldehyde, and other simple and com- substantially higher than that from parental plex hydrocarbons. In many parts of the world, smoking. these pollutants accumulate in poorly ventilated At present, these findings are only suggestive, homes or enclosed courtyards. The resulting because so many other risk factors are involved. human exposures may exceed recommended World Health Organization levels by factors of 10, Chronic Lung Disease and Cancer 20, or more. 20. or more. Chronic lung disease and cancer, for which to- Several recent studies have identified prolonged bacco smoking is the major risk factor in devel- exposure to biomass smoke as a significant cause oped countries, are known to be outcomes of of human health problems. Some key findings are excessive exposure to air pollution. presented below. * Studies in Papua New Guinea and India show Acute Respiratory Infections in Children that nonsmoking women who have cooked on Studies in developed countries indicate that acute biomass stoves for many years exhibit a higher respiratory infections can be caused by urban prevalence of chronic lung disease than might respiator infctios ca be ause by rban be expected or than that found among similar environmental pollution and indoor tobacco smoke womed o han hat found amof similur at levels 10 to 30 times less than levels typically to coo smoe. found in village homes. It is hardly surprising, to cooking smoke. then, that after diarrhea, acute respiratory infec- * In rural Nepal, about 15 percent of nonsmok- tions are the chief killers of children in developing ing women had chronic bronchitis-a high rate countres and cause more episodes of illness than for nonsmokers. any other disease. * A study in Japan found high rates of cancer in Direct studies of the health effects of biomass in women who had previously used wood as a developing countries were completed recently in fuel. However, the results are mixed with Nepal, Zimbabwe, and The Gambia: regard to cancer: women's lung cancer rates * Investigators in Nepal found a strong relation- in rural areas of developing countries are low. ship between the reported number of hours The risk factors for both diseases are difficult to per day children stayed by the fire and the measure precisely because the exposures that incidence of moderate and severe acute respi- cause the ill health occur years before symptoms ratory infections. The work involved about 240 appear. More research is thus necessary. rural children under 2 years of age who were Other Problems and Challenges examined each week for six months. * In Zimbabwe, 244 children less than 3 years In addition to contributing to the respiratory dis- old who were taken to a hospital with acute eases discussed above, exposure to cooking respiratory problems were compared with 500 smoke seems to cause or exacerbate eye prob- young children who were seen at a Well Baby lems and to harm newborns. Clinic. Presence of an open wood fire in the Research is still needed on how much ill health home was found to be a significant factor could be reduced by pollution-control measures among the hospitalized children. such as installing improved stove systems. Sources: Smith (1987, 1991a). 10 What Makes People Cook with Improved Biomass Stoves? Apart from the benefits described above, improved stoves can have many important social benefits (see Jones 1989, pp. 39-41, for a list). They may save cooking time because of their higher power output and thermal efficiency or because they are easier to light. They may reach desired cooking temperatures more quickly than conventional stoves and maintain them longer, enabling the cook to save time and effort in preparing the meal and tending the fire. An enhanced quality of life may also derive from use of improved stoves. For example, traditional stoves often release smoke and soot that discolor walls and clothing. Improved stoves do so to much less an extent. Improved stoves also often are more attractive and convenient; for example, they may have two burners, a mechanism to control the power output, spare parts for quick repairs, and a handle for carrying. In several countries, improved stoves have become status symbols as well as better cooking devices. Finally, stove programs that encourage the participation of local women have been an effective way to enhance women's social status in general. Offsetting some of their benefits, improved stoves are sometimes more temperamental than traditional stoves. A common reason for this problem is that stove designers, in their desire to reduce heat loss, provide too small a hole for adding fuel, requiring the cook to spend much time in cutting the wood into small bits that fit in the hole (Openshaw 1982). In addition, some design changes intended to increase heat transfer efficiency by decreasing air flow can actually increase smoke emissions. Conversely, efforts to reduce smoke exposure by introducing chimneys can reduce efficiency. Clearly a balance must be sought among the perceived and real social benefits, which depend both on the stove and on the cooking customs of the people who use it. In some areas, there just may not be a balance between these factors that will permit the production of affordable stoves. The main justifications for improved stove programs are economic, social, and environmental. The stoves save money and time for householders; help alleviate the environmental problems and economic externalities of overharvesting of trees; and have social and health benefits, especially for women and children. As suggested, each program will face a distinctive set of challenges and benefits, depending on local conditions. Planners thus should strive to anticipate the particular circumstances of each program so that it can be tailored to increase the probability of stove adoption.2 But if each program is distinctive and none universal, are there yet common elements that provide some general lessons for maximizing the success of a program? 2. During the period of the study, two other international groups have been engaged in efforts to improve the monitoring and evaluation (M&E) approaches used for improved cookstove programs. The Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) has sponsored the development of guidelines for M&E (Joseph 1990), which have been reviewed and may be revised. With funding from the German government, the Gesellschaft fur Technische Zusammenarbeit (GTZ) and the Intermediate Technology Development Group (ITDG) have undertaken to develop a draft of M&E guidelines (Crewe 1991) and test them within a number of ongoing stove dissemination programs in developing countries (Klingshirn 1991). These guidelines are to be tailored to specific economic, social, and environmental objectives, such that each stove program can choose a mix of objectives to suit their needs. The principal investigator's three projects (ESMAP/EWC/ UNDP, FAO, and GTZ/ITDG) have attempted to avoid excessive overlap. Reasons for Promoting Improved Stove Programs 11 Box 3. Total Global Warming Potential of Biomass Combustion Carbon dioxide is the principal and best-known a greenhouse benefit can derive from shifting up greenhouse gas produced by biomass combus- the energy ladder to kerosene or LPG or from tion, but it is by no means the only one. Biomass improving the sustainability of fuelwood use. Third, fires also create products of incomplete combus- the typical, inefficient charcoal kilns used in devel- tion (PlC) that are even more powerful green- oping countries give off substantial emissions of house gases per gram of carbon emitted. Among PlC; the total greenhouse impact of the charcoal the PICs are methane, carbon monoxide, and fuel cycle thus may be much greater than that of higher hydrocarbons. a comparable fuelwood cycle. This argues for Traditional biomass stoves, because of their poor efforts to improve kiln efficiencies and to encour- combustion efficiencies, may emit more than 10 age fuel switching by charcoal users. percent of their carbon as PlC, whereas improved The general impact of these findings is that the stoves emit mainly carbon dioxide and water GWP of traditional biomass stoves may be larger vapor. Hence, because PlCs on average have than has been recognized because of the poten- higher Global Warming Potentials (GWPs) than tial higher PIC emissions. In addition, the incom- carbon dioxide, the total impact of introducing plete combustion in traditional stoves robs some improved stoves can be substantially higher than of the energy contained in the fuel and imposes indicated by an evaluation based on the traditional health problems on the households. Although and improved stoves' comparative emissions of most of the overall GWP is offset by the fact that carbon dioxide alone. much of the fuelwood used in households comes This finding has several tentative but potentially from a renewable resource, the high levels of PICs important policy implications. First, the larger- emitted by traditional stoves still provide strong than-anticipated greenhouse gas benefit of chang- incentives to introduce stoves with high combus- ing from a traditional to a clean-burning biomass tion efficiencies. stove provides an additional incentive for interna- tional support of improved stove programs. Sec- Sources:Smith (1991b); Floor and van der Plas ond, where fuelwood is not harvested sustainably, (1992). 4 General Lessons from Stove Programs The diversity of stove programs is an outgrowth of the participation of many governments and donors in funding projects or components of other projects (see Annex 2 for a partial list). In effect, stove interventions took many forms, some directed toward rural areas, where biomass is collected, and others toward urban areas, where woodfuel is traded commercially. In addition, programs for stoves that conserve wood and other biomass can be different from those that conserve charcoal. The early programs assumed that people would adopt the improved stoves quickly and that an initial intervention would lead to a self-sustaining program. Indeed, the work on stoves continually refers to "stove dissemination," which seems to imply that the improved stove need only be distributed to be adopted and that it is intrinsically and obviously superior to the traditional stove just because it has greater energy efficiency. As a consequence of this perhaps naive thinking-oblivious to the influence of custom, setting, and circumstance-many programs failed. (For critical reviews of early efforts, see Agarwal 1983; Foley and Moss 1983; Manibog 1984; Baldwin and others 1985; Gill 1987; and Krugmann 1987.) The clearest of the lessons learned from early experience is that the chances of success are enhanced when people have an explicit need to save fuel, when the new stoves are a significant improvement over the local traditional stoves, and when stoves can be made readily available by local industries or artisans at affordable prices (see Box 4). A lesson from the early failures was the fallacy of expecting gains in stove efficiencies that were "proven" in laboratory or other controlled settings. Too many programs started with unrealistic expectations that a successful improved stove should decrease fuel consumption by 75 percent or more. Such claims are still heard sometimes, but it has become clear that stoves used in real households never perform as well as those in controlled test settings. Most people in the stove community now agree that a50 percent decrease in fuel consumption should be considered a major achievement and that programs should be content with savings of 25 percent or even less. Profound changes in perception have resulted from examinations of early programs. First, planners are now applying more consistent measures of efficiency. 13 14 What Makes People Cook with Improved Biomass Stoves? Second, it is now understood that women in fuel-short areas often are able to achieve efficiencies in their traditional stoves substantially greater than the 6 percent assumed in many analyses. Finally, planners have shed expectations that huge improvements in efficiency alone would make stoves irresistible and that they would need to do little monitoring, sampling, or statistical work to assess programs' efficacy. Box 4. Possible Reasons for Success or Failure of Stove Programs Reasons for success Reasons for failure • Program targets region where traditional fuel and * Program targets region where traditional fuel or stove are purchased or fuel is hard to collect, stove are not purchased or fuel is easy to collect. • People cook in environments where smoke * People cook in the open, and smoke is not really causes health problems and is annoying. a problem. • Market surveys are undertaken to assess * Outside "experts" determine that improved potential market for improved stoves. stoves are required. * Stoves are designed according to consumer * Stove is designed as a technical package in the preferences, including testing under actual use. laboratory, ignoring customers' preferences. * Stoves are designed with assistance from local * Local artisans are told or even contracted to artisans. build stoves according to specifications. • Local or scrap materials are used in production * Imported materials are used in the production of of the stove, making it relatively inexpensive. the stove, making it expensive. * The production of the stove by artisans or * The production of the stove by artisans or manufacturers is not subsidized. manufacturers is subsidized. • Stove or critical components are mass * Critical stove components are custom built. produced. • Similar to traditional stove. * Dissimilar to traditional stove. • The stove is easy to light and accepts different- * The stove is difficult to light and requires the use sized wood. of small pieces of wood. * Power output of stove can be adjusted. * Power output cannot be easily controlled. • The government assists only in dissemination, * The government is involved in production. technical advice, and quality control. • The stove saves fuel, time, and effort. * The stove does not live up to promised economy or convenience under real cooking conditions. • Donor or government support extended over at * Major achievements expected in less than 3 least 5 years and designed to build local years, all analysis, planning, and management institutions and develop local expertise. done by outsiders. * Monitoring and evaluation criteria and * Monitoring and evaluation needs are not planned responsibilities chosen during planning stages and budgeted, or criteria are taken uncritically according to specific goals of project. from other projects or not explicitly addressed. • Consumer payback of 1 to 3 months. Consumer payback of more than 1 year. General Lessons from Stove Programs 15 It would not be easy or fruitful to assign blame for this situation, because it resulted from actions of many different people, all with the best of intentions. Indeed, perhaps the failures were inevitable steps in the progress of stove programs, necessary to entice a sufficient number of people into the field to bring success. In any case, the definition of success itself now has a substantially different color than in the early 1980s. Its quantifiable goals, such as changes in fuel use, are more modest, and its qualitative indicators, such as improvement in convenience, have more legitimacy (see Clark 1985; Caceres and others 1989; and Viklund 1989). The Stove Market and Consumer Preferences One specific lesson of importance is that programs have a better chance of succeeding in areas where people already buy both the fuel and the stove (see Box 4 and the matrix in Box 8), generally in urban and periurban areas. In many rural areas, fuelwood is not difficult to gather, and there is little pressure to conserve fuel. In some rural areas that have few remaining trees, however-for example, where fuelwood has already been harvested for urban consumption or in arid regions where trees grow back very slowly-rural people may be interested in saving fuel because it is not readily available from the local woodlands. A sure sign of fuelwood shortage is when people, especially women, spend increasing amounts of time collecting fuelwood or have switched to crop residues or dung. The latter two fuels, in addition to being less convenient, efficient, and clean, have better alternative uses as soil conditioners. In short, many programs have failed because the target groups have no shortage of wood or do not perceive shortages and thus see no pressing reason to adopt improved stoves. Another market or consumer-preference problem involves stove design and production. Some stoves are designed in the laboratory and then manufactured without prior field testing to verify that they actually perform the necessary tasks for persons who prepare meals. In an early stove program in East Africa, for example (Openshaw 1982, 1986), the laboratory-designed stove had a large, insulated collar. This, in turn, required the manufacture of various sizes of stoves to fit the different sizes of pans people used. In addition, the insulation and extended collar made the stove heavy and difficult to move, while the insulation, though a boon to efficient combustion, allowed the inside of the stove to become too hot and to fail rapidly from metal fatigue. Some programs have had difficulty because they assumed that if a stove is adopted in one part of a country it will be acceptable in other areas despite significant regional differences in cooking habits and needs. A good example of this was a Nepalese stove that was distributed in all areas without being adapted technically to the various environments present in Nepal, although the extension component of the stove programs was good (Pandey 1991). Another problem was that over a nine-year period about 18 different projects undertook stove dissemination; coordination has since improved (Shrestha and others 1991). People seldom adopt innovations without good reason. Because it is women who most often use stoves, the stoves should be marketed to give them good reason to prefer improved to traditional stoves. In some cases, stoves that are similar to traditional stoves in 16 What Makes People Cook with Improved Biomass Stoves? appearance and function but are more attractive and at least equally easy to use have been adopted quickly by consumers. Similarity is not a universal requirement, of course, but ease of use may be. Improved stoves that have complicated features or require extra work may not get any use at all. This was clearly the case in a program in Kenya, where a custom-made improved woodstove that took about 2 to 3 days to install failed because women had neither the time nor the tools to cut the wood to the small size required by the stove's restricted firebox (Openshaw 1982). In fact, many of the people who did adopt that stove ended by enlarging its firebox, knowingly sacrificing energy efficiency for convenience. On the other hand, a new Kenyan charcoal stove, although a distinct improvement over the traditional model, was similar in function to the existing stove and was quickly adopted (Karekezi and Walubengo 1989). The price of stoves can be a significant barrier to their adoption. Improved woodfuel stoves are typically about twice as expensive as the local traditional stoves. Although in the long run improved stoves save money, the initial cash outlay required may prevent poorer people from affording the stove. Surveys reveal that in most of Africa, middle-income families have adopted improved stoves far more quickly than poor families (Jones 1989). Governments and donors could assist by subsidizing stoves for poor families, but, generally, subsidizing stoves is risky as a promotion strategy. To be authentically attractive to low-income households and to have the greatest chance of being put to sustained use, improved stoves should have a quick payback period. In urban Rwanda-where the price of charcoal is quite high-the payback period for improved stoves is less than a month (see Box 5), and the stoves have been widely adopted without subsidies. High wood prices or scarce supplies of wood increase the likelihood of stove adoption. For the same reason, the improved stoves should be as durable as the traditional stoves, with replacement parts (such as grates) readily available and inexpensive. For assessing consumer needs and program viability, surveys, consumer panels, and other techniques should be undertaken to determine the existing patterns of stove use, the factors people consider when purchasing new stoves, the person who makes the decision to purchase a stove, and whether income and fuel savings will provide adequate incentives for stove adoption (Baldwin 1987). The improved stoves should be designed around the utensils used and food dishes typically prepared. Stoves must be field tested to make sure that they are acceptable to the prospective consumers, especially women. They should also be modified or redesigned to meet regional requirements (Stewart and others 1987). In the development stage, the stoves should be monitored to determine how best to meet the needs of those using them. These objectives are only met by enlisting the active participation of the users (Cecelski 1984; Tinker 1985; Agarwal 1986; Sarin 1989). Differences among programs have proved even more important than differences in local conditions in explaining the relative successes of stove dissemination (Fraser 1987). Improved efficiency has been the main goal of many programs, but it is not the only goal. Other improvements may incorporate heat control, a door to modify air inflow, removal of smoke through a chimney, safety features such as insulation to cool outer surfaces, and a more attractive finish. This raises the key question of the processes by which improved stoves are designed, manufactured, and marketed. General Lessons from Stove Programs 17 Box 5. Financial Benefits of Improved Stoves in Urban Rwanda Because of extensive use of fuelwood in rural areas, charcoal accounts for only a small percentage of total energy consumption in the country. However, it is the main urban cooking fuel, accounting for 80 to 85 percent of total energy demand. Urban households use charcoal because existing wood resources are distant, and charcoal is perceived to be a more modern fuel. Rwanda's charcoal price is high compared with prices in many other countries in Africa. As a consequence, the potential savings for adopting an improved stove are dramatic. The fuel savings during the first month's use of an improved stove actually pay for the stove. With the incremental investment of about US$2 for improved rather than traditional stoves, a family saves US$113 over 18 months (present value of the investment and savings). The figures presented below are based on surveys of existing stoves under actual use by families in urban areas in Rwanda. A traditional stove in Rwanda lasts about 9 months, and an improved stove lasts about 18 months, with some maintenance. The cost savings were calculated over an 18-month period, the useful life of one improved stove. Because most urban families in Rwanda use two stoves, the calculations for both the improved and traditional stoves are based on two stoves. Financial Comparison of Costs of Traditional and Improved Stoves for an Average Urban Family in Rwanda, 1991 Present value of costs Imbabura Rondereza Cost savings of the over 18-month lifetime (traditional stove) (improved stove) improved stoves of two stoves Francs US$ Francs US$ Francs US$ Cost of two stoves 777 10 891 12 -114 -2 Cost of fuel 25,591 332 16,694 217 8,896 115 Total costs 26,368 342 17,585 229 8,782 113 Note: The discount rate used in the analysis is 12 percent. The dollar figures are somewhat high because a short time after the surveys the currency was devalued from 77 francs to 125 francs per U.S. dollar, and the price of charcoal did not change during this perod. In addition, the survey involves average fuel savings between households using either improved or traditional stoves rather than before-and-after testing. Stove Design and Manufacture Even though use of biomass energy is nearly as old as the human race and has been the subject of scientific attention for many years, much remains to be learned about biomass combustion. In particular, reliably achieving high fuel efficiency and low emissions with low-cost devices that meet local cooking needs has turned out to be a much more challenging technical goal than originally thought. Despite the relatively small amount of research and development funding that has been available (Chomcharn and Gujral 1991), however, significant progress has been made in understanding the most important technical design principles (see Prasad and others 1985; Baldwin 1987; Stewart and others 1987; Nijaguna and Uppin 1989; and Bussmann 1990). 18 What Makes People Cook with Improved Biomass Stoves? In the first part of this section, the process of designing the stove is discussed. This is followed by an analysis of the manufacturing process. Good engineering principles must be matched by effective involvement of local artisans and users if efficient stoves are to be put into widespread use. The stove maker should be involved in the design because efficiency and construction standards conceived in the laboratory may make the stove too complicated to produce profitably. The improved Zambian charcoal stove, for example, was designed originally with a straight sliding door that took eight different pieces of metal to make. A hinged door, albeit with not as good air control, has four metal pieces and is much more practical to assemble (Walubengo 1989; Zambia, Department of Energy 1988). Also, the ash box of the original Zambian stove occupied two-thirds of the stove-a pointless feature given the negligible quantities of ash produced by charcoal combustion. A small ash box built on legs would save a third of the metal. This stove was designed without inputs from the artisans. Now, in anticipation of production, local artisans are modifying the designs. The fuel savings that can be attained in a laboratory often have little relationship to savings possible under field conditions. A 10 to 20 percent efficiency improvement in controlled settings is likely to turn out to be a negligible improvement when the stoves are used under normal household conditions. Also, some initial efficiency improvements may come from better and more careful cooking practices, often a result of the stove dissemination programs rather than of the stoves themselves. It may take a 30 to 50 percent improvement in controlled settings to be sure of a substantial energy saving in the home. The first "energy-efficient" Lorena-type stoves introduced into Central America, for example, did not save much fuel and were mostly abandoned, although a few were retained because of their convenience and smoke reduction. Improved stoves have to compete with traditional stoves, which are invariably made of local or scrap material (Baldwin 1987). Clay stoves often use local material, but they sometimes require machines in the manufacturing process. If scrap metal is used, the stove's appearance can be improved by painting. Stove makers in Thailand make the outer metal cladding from misprinted cola can sheets that are imported very cheaply (Openshaw 1979). The improved Gambian stove, however, was made from heavy-gauge imported sheet steel and thus was too expensive for most people to buy. In designing stoves, it is crucial to consider the needs of the main consumers- women. The different styles of cooking in various countries dictate different stove designs. It is a good idea to introduce an improved stove design into a selected set of households on a trial basis early in the program. Over time, this design can be modified and improved (Hyman 1987), avoiding the problem of, for example, the Kenya stove that required wood to be cut into very small pieces-a task for which the users had neither time nor tools (Jones 1989). Stoves that are mass-produced by a group of artisans or a small factory will be disseminated far more quickly than custom-built models whose construction and installation may depend on the availability of trained technicians or installers. A metalsmith in an artisanal or factory setting can make many more stoves per day than an on-site stove maker, and a potter working in a mass-production setting can produce batches of 50 to 100 General Lessons from Stove Programs 19 items such as ceramic inserts. Thus, 2 or 3 workers could turn out approximately 2,500 to 5,000 mass-produced stoves each year, whereas 20 to 40 trained installers would be required to produce the same number of custom-made stoves. China's program was slowed initially by such a custom-built approach, although the program is now moving to mass-produced inserts and parts (Smith and others 1993). Another advantage of centralized production is that it facilitates the quality control necessary to ensure reliable improvements in fuel savings. Quality control is certainly difficult to ensure when householders themselves build the stoves, and it is probably quite uneven even when trained builders/installers perform the work on site, because small variations in the specified dimensions of the stove's interior ceramic or metal parts can cause critical decrements in the stove's efficiency. Recognizing this, administrators of most stove programs (including the two largest, in China and India) are now moving toward centralized, artisanal production for the interior parts of improved stoves (Qiu and others 1990; Ramakrishna 1991a; Tata Energy Research Institute 1987, 1989; Operations Research Group 1989). Installers and householders still can have important roles in building the rest of the stove around the critical parts. A factor that planners also must consider if they wish dissemination programs to succeed is that the artisans or stove producers must make at least the same profit from an improved stove as they do from a traditional one. If more effort is required to make an improved stove, more profit is required. The profit motive is often critical to a successful stove program, even in China, where many stoves are made in locally organized companies. The benefits of the profit motive can extend to the involvement of artisans in the sale or distribution of the stoves. For example, artisans are already involved in distribution or marketing of stoves in many countries by extending credit to make the purchase of stoves possible or by demonstrating the stoves as a way to sell them. In Tanzania, the stove makers were involved in the sale of stoves, and the program has been quite successful (Kinyanjui 1991). In Botswana, on the other hand, the stove producers were paid by the government on a piecework basis, and the government is now storing many of the stoves that were produced (Openshaw 1986). The common theme in many successful programs is that the stove makers have been independent entrepreneurs actively participating in the design and even sale of stoves. Although not requiring great subsidies, they generally need technical assistance, both in designing the stoves and in marketing them to local people. A principal role of governments and donor agencies in successful programs thus has been in technical support and assistance in determining where demand is strongest. 20 What Makes People Cook with Improved Biomass Stoves? The Role of Governments and Donor Agencies The levels of financial support that stove programs require from governments and donors are generally modest. Programs do, however, require a long-term commitment for project continuity. A global survey of stove programs outside of India and China revealed that the total amount spent on 137 programs was about US$20 million spread over five years (Ramakrishna 1991b). Even the huge Chinese program, with 120 million improved stoves, and the greatly subsidized Indian program, with 8 million improved stoves, have not spent large amounts by most standards. Program costs per stove in use run from less than $2 for the Chinese program to just over $4 per stove in India. This might be compared with the typical cost to utilities of hundreds of dollars per rural household for installing a minimal electrical capacity (100 watts). From an institutional point of view, the programs that have had the greatest success are those in which the government was not involved in the production or sale of the improved stove. China and India, which have the largest stove programs by far, illustrate this point dramatically (see Box 6). Central planning and reliance on numerous layers of bureaucracy have hindered many programs in India (Ramakrishna 1991 a), whereas small inputs for vital technical and management support combined with local stove production in China have brought much success (Smith and others 1993 in press). India, however, has been able to learn from its experience and has been modifying its program accordingly. Such experiences suggest that the objective of any improved stoves program should be the promotion of a self-sustained dissemination of improved stoves, where possible, using existing commercial distribution and retail marketing channels. Governments and donors can assist in formulating a policy framework that provides incentives to private sector operators to engage in the production, distribution, and sale of improved stoves. The elements of such a policy framework would include criteria for approving stove projects, credit facilities for stove makers, facilitation of availability of raw materials, and promotional support. In Rwanda, the government provides promotional support to stove programs and is preparing a household energy sector policy that will include quality criteria for stoves that may be sold (ESMAP 1991b). Authorities also can monitor the implementation of the policy framework (see Box 7). The monitoring would include fuelwood consumption impact surveys and stove quality control tests. Governments and donors also can provide stove makers or stove sellers with technical and managerial assistance. This could include support for applied stove research and testing of clay and insulation materials. In China and India, both governments provided stove programs with extensive applied research inputs on stoves and on stove- making materials. A major part of the difficulty in the Nepal program, in contrast, has resulted from the scarcity of resources for technical assistance to the programs (Shrestha and others 1991). General Lessons from Stove Programs 21 Box 6. A Comparison of Stove Programs in India and China Between 1982 and 1990, the Chinese National Improved Stoves Program reported the installation of improved stoves in more than 120 million rural households. These are mainly biomass stoves used for cooking, but they included dual-use stoves for cooking and heating in the Northern States, where temperatures are very low during the winter. Perhaps 90 percent of improved stoves installed worldwide were in China. Improved stoves are affordable, and the government contribution is very low compared with some other programs. An improved stove in China costs about 45 yuan ($9), and the government contribution to the program averages about 4.2 yuan per stove ($0.84). Although early programs experienced problems, the benefits of more recent programs in China have been substantial. The Indian program, initiated in 1983, is called the National Programme on Improved Chulhas. So far, about 8 million improved stoves have been disseminated to rural households; the target for this year is 1.8 million. The stoves have a minimum 50 percent government subsidy of about 70 rupees ($4.30) per stove. Although the dissemination levels have been impressive, follow-up surveys suggest that only about half of the improved stoves are still in use. Some reasons for discontinuing their use are that the stoves did not really save energy, did not eliminate smoke, and were incompatible with cooking habits. Other surveys found that adopters felt that their stoves were consuming less energy and producing less smoke. Obviously, these mixed perceptions indicate a diversity of results in implementation. Several lessons can be learned from the two stove programs. The greater success in China can be attributed to program design and implementation, including the factors shown below. China India * The program concentrated efforts on areas * The program was implemented of greatest need and selected pilot countrywide, resulting in dispersion of counties with biomass fuel deficits. effort and dilution of financial resources. * Direct contracts between the central * The program administration is government and the county bypassed cumbersome, moving from the center to much bureaucracy. This arrangement six regional offices, state, district, and generated self-sustaining rural energy finally the taluka, where the stove companies that manufacture, install, and program is just one of many national service stoves and other energy efforts being implemented locally by the technologies. same people. * Local rural energy offices are in charge of * Monitoring was a weakness in early technical training, service, imple- programs; responsibility fell on local mentation, and monitoring for the officials who had many other concerns. programs. Corrective actions have been taken recently. * Recent Chinese improved stoves are not * India has made a wide variety of attempts only suitable for fuel savings but are to integrate efficiency and convenience, designed for convenience and attractive- but all have suffered from the top-down ness, highlighting the lessons learned from structure of the stove program. problems in early programs that stressed fuel savings. * Stove adopters pay the full cost of * Stove adopters pay for about half of the materials and labor. The government helps cost of stoves; the government pays the producers through stove construction rest. As a consequence, the producer's training, administration, and promotion incentive to construct stoves is oriented support. toward the government. Sources: Ramakrishna (1991 a), Smith and others (1993). 22 What Makes People Cook with Improved Biomass Stoves? Box 7. Why Was the Rwanda Stoves Program a Success? The Rwanda improved stoves project has been supermarkets, and even lower-priced copies of successful by almost any measure. Three years the stove are widespread. The cheaper materials after the project started, about 25 percent of used in the copied stoves reduce their lifebme, but households in the capital now use improved stoves. charcoal savings are similar to those obtained The stoves can be purchased in nearly every with the original model. market outlet and in many department stores- The entire project was managed by a very dy- More than 90 percent of the people who adopted namic Rwandese team composed mostly of an improved stove say they will buy one again, women, along with short-term outside technical Householders like the stove for its fuel economy, support from expatriates and Rwandese special- its longer lifetime, its ease of use, and its cleanli- ists. Government involvement was limited to ness. Tests in stove adopters' kitchens indicate informing consumers of the economic and envi- the fuel savings compared with traditional stoves ronmental benefits resulting from improved stove amounted to about 35 percent. In fact, the people use for the country as a whole. A systematic adopting the stove decided to name it Rondereza, publicity campaign was launched to inform char- which means "to save" or "to economize." coal users about the existence of charcoal-saving The Rondereza stove was initially developed in a stoves. In addition, the government provided laboratory, but its design was later altered in support for training of stove makers and market response to user and consumer feedback. At the surveys regarding consumer satisfaction with the beginning of the project, several models were design of the selected stove. tested extensively by households. The Improved Three main factors were important for the success Ceramic Jiko, a popular Kenyan stove, was ex- of the Rwanda program: pected to do very well during these initial tests, but . Extensive participation of stove users, produc- it was not preferred by the householders. The * Etaile duripation of the project model selected was then tested more extensively ers, and retailers during all phases of the project in a 500-household sample. Many changes were assured that the stove would be acceptable to the made following suggestions by householders and P stove makers, including alteration of the stove's * The high charcoal prices and relatively low size, quality, color, type/construction of door, and cost of stoves were great incentives for house- portability. The price negotiated allows an accept- holds to adopt stoves. The price for the stove able payback time for households and gives stove struck the right balance between ensuring a short makers higher profit margins than on traditional payback period for consumers and allowing pri- stoves. vate stove makers to make a good profit. Private entrepreneurs were responsible for pro- * Government agencies were involved only in duction, distribution, and retailing of the stoves technical support, promotion, and advertising, and without any subsidies. However, assistance was much of this work was done by a Rwandese team provided to selected stove makers for moderniz- composed mainly of women. The production, ing their facilities. The project initially provided a distribution, and retailing of the stoves was done liaison between these producers and retailers of by private entrepreneurs without govemment stoves, but gradually this assistance was phased assistance. out. This is why Rondereza stoves are now for sale at all marketplaces and in several shops and Source: ESMAP (1991b). General Lessons from Stove Programs 23 In sum, donor or government support may be required to assist in the following areas: * Surveys and interviews to determine the groups that would find the greatest need for improved stoves * Designing improved stoves with the collaboration of the artisans and users * Testing materials for stove makers, especially clay and stove insulation * Giving advice to stove makers, particularly about budgeting, marketing, and quality control, with the possibility of issuing seals of approval for efficiency * Providing or facilitating loans to stove makers if necessary * Promoting stoves through demonstrations, rallies, radio, and TV * Undertaking field surveys before and after stoves have been introduced to determine energy savings * Organizing training programs in stove manufacture * Keeping the stove makers abreast with developments within the country and in other countries and distributing this information freely to all interested parties * Promoting research to make further improvements of stoves, pots, and pans. In parallel, advice can be given to producers, transporters, and traders in biomass fuels to improve their productivity. Perhaps the most important role for governments and donors is in institution building and training. The most important objective of outside assistance should be in creating the institutions and training the people necessary to sustain the stove promotion efforts. All the skills once needed from the outside, including economic analysis, technical research, stove and promotion design, market evaluation, and training should be in place. In addition, international donors can serve an important role in facilitating information exchange on the technical and managerial aspects of stove programs. A common complaint about past donor assistance, for example, has been that survey and other research done in the context of a particular stove program has never been put into a form that makes it easily available and useful for other programs. This has resulted in the frustrating paradox that senior management of donor organizations feel that they have already funded enough research, but program managers and stove designers feel a strong need for more information. Every donor-assisted program thus should have funding available and staff designated for collecting information in a timely and accessible manner. The final issue for organizations involves the advantages of NGOs in implementing stove programs compared with those of governments. Stove programs generally involve small amounts of money, and consequently many stove programs have tended to implement small projects through NGOs. The advantages of this approach are that NGOs are not dominated by large bureaucracies, are quick to react to problems, are committed to energy conservation, and are sympathetic to the main woodstove users, including rural women and the urban poor and middle class. However, these very strengths have caused 24 What Makes People Cook with Improved Biomass Stoves? some problems. In Nepal, the involvement of as many as seven different institutions has led to a fragmentation of effort, a problem now being remedied (Shrestha and others 1991). Yet, the NGOs have had many successes in India, where their involvement has generally been focused on small, local programs. In China, the stoves program has functioned well without any involvement of NGOs. Finally, in Kenya, a rural woodstove program became successful in forging close links with an existing government extension agent network of home economists (Klingshirn 1991). These are a few examples of ways that governments and donors can support stove programs without resorting to massive subsidies of the stoves themselves. Past programs indicate that this support can be at modest levels but that the effort must be sustained over a long period (at least five years and probably more) to reap maximum benefit from the financing. The conclusion is that the form of organization may not be as important as the long-term, integrated commitment of funds rather than the short-term bursts of aid from many different donors that have characterized many programs. Is There a Role for Subsidies? Regarding subsidies to stove programs, donors face a dilemma. On the one hand, they want to promote projects that make economic sense and can be operated through private markets. But, on the other, they want to address the needs of the poorest groups that would not otherwise be helped. To use potential for commercialization as the only major criterion for locating stove programs, however, would seem to lead to the rather illogical conclusion that the best projects to fund would be those in areas where self- initiated improved stove development and marketing was just about to occur. The donor then steps in with a bit of up-front funding but basically only slightly accelerates what was about to happen anyway. Although it is certainly easier to initiate a self-sustaining stove program in areas where people buy stoves and fuels, there are strategies for dealing with other circumstances as well, as Box 8 shows. Indeed, despite the relative difficulty of working in places where people gather fuels and build their own stoves, it could be argued that donors should be concerned mainly with them, because in such areas people will not likely be developing or adapting improved stoves on their own for many years. However, it should be emphasized that treating all areas where fuel is collected as equal is not a wise policy. The type of area in which stove programs are more likely to succeed would be regions in which people spend a considerable amount of time collecting fuel, where they have already moved down the energy ladder to straw and dung, and where they have already begun to show interest in improving traditional stove efficiency. Certainly the challenges and failure rates will be higher in such areas, but the potential human benefits will be greater as well. The real challenge therefore is to address the many hundreds of millions of households that would not otherwise be able to change their position on the energy ladder for many decades. This would seem inevitably to involve more outside investment than just for the programmatic elements discussed above. It is important, however, to recognize the importance of using the term "investment" and not "subsidy." Donor funds should be well used in such circumstances, even though there may be few transactions in the market General Lessons from Stove Programs 25 place. They should produce benefits at least as great as alternative approaches to the same problems (cost-effectiveness) and, where possible, show net overall benefits. The real problem with subsidies is perhaps not so much their magnitude as that in so many cases they seem to "sour" stove projects. In almost every case, for example, programs initially offering stoves at no cost have found that use and maintenance rates were unacceptably low. This accounts for the global survey result that shows less than 10 percent of programs now offer full subsidies. People just do not value things that are given to them. Nonetheless, some programs-for example in parts of India-have been able to reach significant numbers of poor people with nearly free stoves, so there is clearly more to be learned about this difficult problem. Part of the problem is just that such groups often have other much more pressing priorities than improved stoves, priorities that might have to be addressed as part of any successful improved stove program. Ways are needed to initiate stove programs that benefit from some of the important lessons that have been learned-for example, the importance of centralized production of critical components- and yet can reach local people who do not have significant cash resources and suffer from having to spend a significant amount of time collecting fuel. Even the most successful stove program, that of China, which has generally relied on user purchase to date, is worried about this problem as it begins to face the task of reaching its poorer and more remote populations. Finally, it should be recognized that taxes or subsidies to fuels that compete with biomass fuels also may have a significant impact on the success of stove programs. There is recent evidence that people are quite willing to switch to modem or transition fuels such as kerosene or coal, especially if they are subsidized and made readily available to consumers. The desirability of subsidies or taxes for alternative fuels is a somewhat complicated issue, that has been examined more in detail in another context (see Barnes 1993). To conclude, although the goal of any stove program must be to reach self- sustainability eventually, there is a need to continue the search for ways to reach areas in which sustainability may be many decades off as well as those where it is just around the corner. In both cases, however, stove programs are obliged to plot a course that leads to eventual self-reliance (Jones 1989). Indeed, as the global survey revealed, some programs have even seen "the extent to which people buy their second improved stove," as the most practical definition of sustainability (Ramakrishna 1991b). Indeed, that purchase would seem unlikely to be greatly influenced by factors other than the householders' frank judgment of the stove's relative costs and benefits. 26 What Makes People Cook with Improved Biomass Stoves? Box 8. Matrix of Conditions Favorable and Unfavorable for Adoption of Improved Cookstoves and Recommended Program Strategies Unfavorable Favorable Source of fuel Source of stove Fuel gathered Fuelpurchased Most unfavorable Somewhat favorable Costructed (unless fuel deficit is perceived) Strategy by family Strategy * Offer incentives or * Subsidies for stove purchase partial subsidies may be necessary Unfavorable * Fuel price should reflect * Long-term effort and extended full value of biomass external involvement is resources necessary * Assess potential for fuel * Favorable short-term results substitution should not be expected Somewhat favorable Most favorable Purchased Strategy Strategy cEncourage conseNation of * Commercialization of 0biofues through education improved stove should Favorable about environmental benefits be possible * Determine altemative uses of * No subsidies should be biofuels resources congidired for stoves or fuels Assess potential for fuel substitution Source: Data originally from Kirk R. Smith and Jamuna Ramakrishna, "Improved Cookstove Programs: Where Are We Now?" ESMAP Draft Report, Washington, D.C. 5 Summary and Conclusions The estimate of current worldwide trade in woodfuel is about $7 billion, and about two million people are employed full time in woodfuel production and marketing (for a discussion of the value of traditional fuel production, see Peskin and others 1991). Although people will probably switch to cooking with modem fuels in the very long term, many hundreds of millions will be using biomass stoves for decades. It seems inevitable that an increasing amount of biomass fuel will be bought and burned in purchased stoves. It is also clear that not all of the many millions who burn biomass can or should be reached with improved stove programs. Some are better encouraged to move up the energy ladder. Others may not be subjected to fuel shortages or high indoor smoke levels that would justify the expense of a new stove. To decide whether an improved stove program is a good idea in a particular area, one must return to the two main questions posed in the introduction: First, are the potential economic, social, and environmental benefits sufficient to be worth pursuing? Second, given the problems encountered in the past, is it likely that viable strategies for adoption can be implemented in this area? This review of economic, social, and environmental factors affecting improved stoves has shown that the potential benefits of stove programs are considerable. This is so even though fuel savings are less than once thought, because of the other benefits that come as well. For example, even leaving aside the large direct benefits of fuel savings, rough estimates of the economic value of the environmental and health benefits of improved stoves typically show potential savings for each stove of about $25 to $100 per year, a payback to society of only a few months for most stove programs of any duration, even at modest acceptance and use rates. Given the problems encountered in many stove programs, the second question is much more difficult to answer. Stove programs have pursued a variety of different goals and in some cases have been implemented in regions that may not be well suited for promoting stoves and among populations that may have little interest in the stoves. In short, some programs have not shown an understanding of the distinctive role of the improved stove in the energy transition: The improved biomass stove should be considered a new stepping stone between the traditional biomass stoves used by rural and urban poor 27 28 What Makes People Cook with Improved Biomass Stoves? families and the modernfuels and appliances mainly used by urban, better-off households. At present, the market niche for such stoves is substantial, and the potential for and benefits of adoption of improved stoves are commensurately large. In answering the second question it also may be helpful to put stove programs in perspective. Most of the major investments in stove programs have come from the countries concerned and without much involvement of donors. For example, in the two largest programs, in India and China, essentially all the investments have been generated internally. In Thailand, improved stoves development started in the private sector; this is true of other countries in Asia as well. The participation of donors in stove programs has been modest, with funding spread over a large number of small programs. Because of the fragmentation of efforts, planners have not been able to learn from mistakes. A review of many project documents indicates a tendency to "reinvent the wheel." This is partly because of the many different institutional settings and country contexts, but it also stems from a lack of cooperation and communication among programs. Failure of new and innovative programs is not unusual when they are in their beginning stages, but programs whose problems become persistent and irremediable obviously should be terminated. This is not the case for most stove programs, however. Moreover, among the failures, some consistent themes are emerging that have informed and helped ongoing efforts to evolve. That is, what often started as a purely engineering approach to improved stoves now is evolving into the combination of engineering, production, and marketing that is common to most successful product development cycles. In sum, most successful programs have shared the following characteristics: * The programs have focused efforts on a group of users that would most likely benefit from and consequently adopt improved stove. This group generally, but not always, involves those who purchase biomass fuels or have difficulty in collecting their fuels. The people who first adopt improved biomass stoves are usually not the very poorest groups in society but rather are those who have limited cash income and spend a substantial portion of it on cooking fuel. * In the most successful stove programs, the stove itself is not heavily subsidized. This ensures that the program can be self-sustaining without extensive government support and that people are willing to pay for the benefits of the improved stove compared with the traditional stove. * The best programs incorporate significant interactions between those who design, produce, and use the stoves. This interaction can come in several different forms, including formal surveys, focus groups to identify problems and prospects for a particular stove design, and actual household testing of stove designs. * Programs that rely on mass production of the stoves or stove parts seem to be more successful than programs that custom build stoves. * External support for programs should be limited to factors that support the development, production, and distribution of stoves, and subsidies for the stoves themselves should be zero or minimal. The support does not have to be large, but it Summary and Conclusions 29 must be sustained and can include support for stove design, laboratory testing, consumer surveys, quality control, training, information access, publicity campaigns, and perhaps credit. * Stoves that are not valued very highly by the consumers simply will not be purchased. The onus is thus on the stove producers and designers to assess and meet the needs of consumers for efficient and useful stoves. * Finally, stove programs that receive short bursts of funding are less likely to succeed than those that are given a longer time to develop. From an institutional perspective, stove programs have been successfully implemented by a wide range of agencies. Given the various conditions within individual countries, it is hard to argue that one form of project or program organization is better than another. Although governments tend to be bureaucratic and cumbersome, several have managed highly successful programs. In contrast, NGO-run programs may be more flexible, more committed, and closer to the users than programs run by governments, yet they may suffer from short-term bursts of money and support and have little long-term direction. The lesson here is that programs can be successfully implemented in a variety of institutional settings if they are both sustainable and carefully attuned to local conditions. The modem improved stove can be considered an important bridge technology for the millions of people who have access to low-cost, readily available biomass from local woodlands and who are not able to afford the more expensive modern fuels, along with their necessary equipment and appliances. The checkered history of stove programs is fairly predictable, given their diversity and the diversity of conditions under which they have been implemented; the limited, intermittent levels of donor support for most projects; and the wide range of institutions implementing them. 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"Evaluation Criteria for Improved Cookstove Programmes: The Assessment of Fuel Savings." Draft ESMAP Report, November 4. Bialy, Jan. 1991. "Improved Cookstove Programs in Sri Lanka: Perceptions of Success." Draft ESMAP Report, November 4. Gu, Shuhua, Huang Kun, Qiu Daxiong, and Kirk Smith. 1991. "One Hundred Million Improved Cookstoves in China: How Was It Done?" Draft ESMAP Report, November 8. Hitzhusen, Fred. 1991. "The Economics of Improved Cookstove Programs," Draft ESMAP Report, July 29. Pandey, Shanta. 1991. "Criteria and Indicators for Monitoring and Evaluation of the Social and Administrative Aspects of Improved Cookstove Programs." Draft ESMAP Report, June 13. Ramakrishna, Jamuna. 1991. "The Indian National Improved Stoves Program." Draft ESMAP Report, July 10. Ramakrishna, Jamuna. 1991. "Results and Analysis of Global Survey of Improved Cookstove Programs." Draft ESMAP Report, November 15. Shrestha, Ganesh Ram, Hari Gorkhali, and Kirk Smith. 1991. "The Status of Improved Cookstove Programs in Nepal." Draft ESMAP Report, July 10. Smith, Kirk. 1991. "The Health Effects of Biomass Smoke: A Brief Survey of Current Knowledge." Draft ESMAP Report, November 6. Smith, Kirk. 1991. "The Hearth as System Central." Draft ESMAP Report, July 10. Smith, Kirk, and Jamuna Ramakrishna. 1991. "Improved Cookstove Programs: Where Are We Now?" Draft ESMAP Report, July 10. Wickramagamage, Piyansena. 1991. "Improved Cookstove Programs in East and Central Africa." Draft ESMAP Report, December 26. These reports were supervised by Kirk Smith of the Risk and Development Program, Environment and Policy Institute, East-West Center, Honolulu, Hawaii 96848. 37 Annex 2 Projects Surveyed for Study Begin End Cost per Percent Country Project name date date year subsidy Angola Introducao de fogareiros melhorados 1/01/90 12/31/92 27,500 Bangladesh Fuel Efficient Chulha Energy Saving Project 30,000 17.50 Bangladesh Fuel Saving Project 7/01/87 6/30/91 140,700 Brazil Smoke-Eliminating Woodstoves w/ Ovens 1/01/83 Burundi Burundi Community Stove Programme Burundi Ziganya Amakara Implementation: 8/01/86 12/31/90 Bujumbura Chile Programma de Investigacion y Desarrollo 1/01/89 Chile Estufas de Lena 2/01/80 2,000 Domin. Rep. Lorena Stoves 1/01/87 21,670 Ecuador NRG Conservation in Rural Areas 3/01/85 6/01/87 17,830 Ethiopia Estab. of Electrically Heated Mitad 1/01/80 1/01/95 100,000 50.00 Ethiopia Estab. of Electrically Heated Geber Mitad 1/01/85 1/01/95 100,000 Ethiopia Stove Project No. I (Akaki) 6/01/83 Ethiopia Addis Ababa REWA Closed-stove 4/01/85 Dissemination Centre Ethiopia Cooking Efficiency Programme Planning 10/01/84 Ethiopia Cooking Efficiency Improvement and New 12/01/89 3/30/92 Fuels Marketing Project (CE1NFMP) Ethiopia Dissem. of Improved Charcoal Stove 1/01/87 21,000 Ethiopia Dissemination of Improved Wood Stoves 1/01/90 18,000 Fiji Pilot Communal Kitchen 1/01/85 8/01/86 7,000 Fiji Village Stoves Project 1/01/86 4,000 Guatemala National Improved Cookstoves Program 60,000 40.60 Guatemala Programas de Estufas Mejoradas Guatemala Evaluacion ORNL 12/01/88 12/01/90 Guatemala PNUD/DIGEBOS/CEMAT 4/01/89 8/30/90 Guatemala Improvement of Housing: Ceramic Stoves 7(01/88 6/30/91 3,500 55.00 (continued on next page) 39 40 What Makes People Cook with Improved Biomass Stoves? Begin End Cost per Percent Country Project name date date year subsidy Haiti Rechauds Ameliores 12/01/89 11/01/92 Haiti Bonjan Recho: Implementation, Port au 1/01/89 5/01/92 Prince India Development Field Testing and Impact of 1/01/83 60.00 Wood Stoves India Dissemination of cookstove (TARA- 8/01/86 1/01/88 50.00 Metal) in village India Dissemination of improved cookstoves 10/01/86 1/01/89 27,000 75.00 (NADA-mud) in villages India Efficient Wood Burning Stove (Priagni 45.00 Portable) India Development of metallic woodstove 5/01/81 30.00 India Improved Cook Stove 11/01/83 390,000 55.00 India National Programme of Improved Chulha 52.00 India Dissemination of Improved Smokeless 1/01/85 52.00 Stoves in K.K. District India Dissemination of Improved Cook Stoves, 1/01/88 12/01/90 2,400 Phase 1 India Development of Cookstoves for 1/01/86 3/31/91 24,150 55.00 Household Use India Development of Energy Efficient Chulhas 1/01/89 3/01/91 15,900 30.00 (Individual Family and Community Use) India Kallupatti Chulha 12,500 52.00 India Pragati Smokeless Chulha 6/01/85 7/01/87 550 40.00 India Improved stove development for efficient 3/01/90 39,460 utilization of coal/biomass India Technical Backup Unit 12/01/84 40,000 45.00 India Technical Backup Unit, Karnataka 1/01/85 20,000 India National Program, Improved Chulhas 4/01/86 4,030 (NPIC) Indonesia Sae stoves 10,000 Kenya Bura Fuelwood Project 3/01/86 12/01/92 12,000 75.00 Kenya Rural Stoves, West Kenya 5/01/87 1/01/91 Kenya Institutional Fuelwood Savings (IFSP) 1/01/83 Kenya Domestic Fuelwood Savings Programme 1/01/81 Kenya GTZ/SEP Women and Energy 1,500,000 Annex 2. Projects Surveyed for Study 41 Begin End Cost per Percent Country Project name date date year subsidy Kenya Urban/ Rural Charcoal and Wood Project Kenya Machakos Renewable Energy Programme 400 Lebanon Improved stove design dissemination Madagascar MADA Faritany 2 Implementation 11/01/88 8/30/89 Madagascar MADA Faritany I Implementation 5/01/89 Madagascar MADA HV 101 Implementation: 10/01/88 6/01/89 Antananarivo Madagascar MADA Tanika and MADA Mailaka 3/01/89 Implementation: Antananarivo Malawi Stoves Programme for Mozambican 8/01/89 5/30/90 250,000 Refugees (Pilot Phase) Malawi Stoves Programme for Mozambican 6/01/90 Refugees (Expansion Phase) Malawi Malawi Stoves Programme 2/01/87 12/31/94 39,000 Malawi Refugees Stove Project 10/01/89 41,300 Mali Community Environment, Tominian 4/01/89 311,025 Mali Projet Energie Renouvelable 1/01/80 12/31/85 85,710 Mali FAMP and Louga: Implementation, Kayes 10/01/87 Mali Teliman Implementation: Bamako/ Segou/ 1/01/88 12/31/92 Mopti Mauritania Implementation: Nouakchott 8/01/88 12/31/90 Mexico Rocket Stove and Oven 1/01/83 2.00 Mozambique Maputo Coal Stove Project 2/01/86 Myanmar Development of Improved Stoves 1,000 30.00 (fuelwood/charcoal) Nepal Improved Stove Installations in 11/01/86 12/01/90 2,300 Households Nepal Improved Stove Dissemination and 11/01/86 3/01/87 5,000 Exposure Assessment Study, Rural Nepal Nepal Dissemination of "Tamang" Stoves 5/01/90 4/01/91 500 Nepal Stove programme within community 12/31/81 62,300 forestry project Nepal Save the Children Stove Project 3,000 15.00 (continued on next page) 42 What Makes People Cook with Improved Biomass Stoves? Begin End Cost per Percent Country Project name date date year subsidy Nepal Andhi Khola Project 766 Nepal Domestic Cooking Nepal Improvement of Traditional Stoves for Household Conservation Nepal Shivapuri Watershed Management and 7/01/85 Fuelwood Plantations Nicaragua Kitchen and Stove Project, El Limon 3/01/90 71,430 Nicaragua Cocinas and Fogones Mejorados 5/01/89 2/01/91 15,300 Niger Vulgarization Foyer Ameliore "Albarka" 5/01/90 Niger Projet Energie II, Niamey, Niger Niger World Bank/GTZ Stove Project in Niger Niger Projet Foyers Ameliores It 12/01/88 200,000 Niger Gazaoua Mai Sauki and Albarka 11/01/82 8/01/91 implementation Pakistan Pak-German Fuel Efficient Cooking 1/01/90 653,300 2.50 Technologies Pakistan Development of Improved Cookstove 25,000 Pakistan Domestic Energy Saving (GTZ) 1/01/90 Pakistan Pak-German Fuel Efficiency Cooking 5/01/90 743,000 Technologies Paraguay Diffusion of Compressed Block Stoves 2/01/87 3/31/91 1,500 Paraguay Diffusion of Foblocos in San Pedro 6/01/89 4,000 Philippines Silkalan Stove Dissemination 7/01/88 6/01/89 7,846 Philippines Establishment of improved stove 1/01/88 12/31/88 1,000 development and testing lab Rwanda Rwanda Improved Charcoal Stove Rwanda Rondereza Implementation, Kigali 2/01/88 3/01/91 Rwanda 3P Ameliores: Implementation, Rwanda 7/01/87 12/31/92 Rwanda Metal Improved Stove Implementation: 7/01/87 12/31/92 Rwanda Rwanda Pilot project, Kigali, Rwanda 7/01/90 9/30/90 Senegal Foyers ameliores Senegal Diffusion de foyers ameliores a Dakar 4/01/90 8,000 Senegal Ban ak suuf implementation-Louga 10/01/84 10/01/85 Senegal Sakkanal implementation-Louga 7/01/87 6/30/90 Annex 2. Projects Surveyed for Study 43 Begin End Cost per Percent Country Project name date date year subsidy Sierra Leone Renewable Energy, Njala Univ. (urban) 3/01/84 12/12/89 60,000 Sierra Leone Yoni Seed and Claystove (rural) 6/01/87 2,053 South Pacific Institute of Rural Development, USP 5,000 Sri Lanka Sarvodaya Stove 8/01/79 6/01/82 Sri Lanka Improved Cookstoves For Sri Lanka Tea 1/01/85 Estates Line Houses Sri Lanka Rural Stoves Programme (NFCP) 12/31/90 95,000 45.00 Sri Lanka Urban Stove Programme 4/01/87 7/30/89 88,800 Sri Lanka Stove Marketing Programme 4/01/91 3/31/96 64,750 Sudan Improved Charcoal Stove Marketing 1/01/83 1/01/92 130,000 Sudan Kanun El Sirur (KCJ) 6/01/89 Sudan Fuelwood Development for Energy in 1/01/83 116,670 Sudan Tanzania Dar-Es Salaam Improved Charcoal Stoves 5/01/88 12/01/90 89,200 Tanzania UTAFITI Rural Energy 1/01/83 7/01/86 Tanzania GTZ/Camartec Stove 11/01/87 400,000 Tanzania Morogoro Fuelwood Stove Project, CCT 1/01/85 15,000 Tanzania Dodoma Stove Project 1/01/83 12/31/85 Thailand KKU/BRI Institutional Linkage 6/01/88 12/01/91 6,000 45.00 Thailand KKU/BRI Institutional Linkage (Rural 6/01/90 12/01/91 40.00 users) Thailand Improved Biomass Cooking Stove for 61,600 Household Use Thailand Extension of Improved Cooking Stove Thailand Improved Biomass Cooking Stove for 1,000,000 70.00 Household Use Thailand Accelerated Dissemination Program for 6/01/87 9/30/91 80.00 Improved Charcoal Stoves Thailand High Efficiency Stove Production The Gambia Household, Commercial, Institutional 11/01/82 9/30/92 200,000 Togo Introduction of Improved Charcoal Metal 3/01/88 9/01/90 74,750 Stoves Uganda Improved Woodstove 1/01/86 6,000 Uganda Improved Charcoal Stove 1/01/87 6,000 (continued on next page) 44 What Makes People Cook with Improved Biomass Stoves? Begin End Cost per Percent Country Project name date date year subsidy Uganda Usika Stove Project (Ceramic) 1/01/86 12/31/96 33,000 Uganda Usika All-Ceramic Stove 2/01/91 12/31/96 5,000 Zambia Improved Charcoal Stove Evaluation 1/01/90 12/01/90 20,000 Zimbabwe Tsotso Stove 1/01/81 Zimbabwe Woodstove Project 1/01/82 1/01/95 5,000 10.00 Zimbabwe Integrated Domestic Energy Project 4/01/87 35,385 Zimbabwe Stove dissemination programme 27,690 Zimbabwe Chiweshe Woodstove Project 8/01/90 1,300 10.00 Note: The cost per year for some cases is for the entire project, so the cost for the stoves component may be overstated. Source: East-West Center Mail Survey, 1990. Distributors of World Bank Publications ARGENTINA TheMiddle EastOObsrver ITALY PORTUCAL Caros Hirxch SRL 41. 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ARAB REPUBLIC OF 02-916 Wazawa Alton Hampshire CU34 2PC Al Ahram England Al Galaa Street Cairo RECENT WORLD BANK TECHNICAL PAPERS (continued) No. 207 Narayan, Participatory Evaluation: Toolsfor Managiing Clhatnge in Water and Sanitation No. 208 Bindlish and Evenson, Evaluation of the Performance of T&V Extension in Kenya No. 209 Keith, Property Tax: A Practical Manualfor Anglophone Africa No. 210 Bradley and McNamara, editors, Living with Trees: Policiesffor Forestry Manragemtenit in Zimbabwe No. 211 Wiebers, Integrated Pest Management and Pesticide Reguilation in Developing Asia No. 212 Frederiksen, Berkoff, and Barber, Water Resources Managemenit itn Asia, Voluime I: Main Report No. 213 Srivastava and Jaffee, Best Practicesfor Moving Seed Technology: New Approaclhes to Doing Business No. 214 Bonfiglioli, Agro-pastoralism in Chiad as a Strategyifor Survival: Anr Essay on the Relationship between Anthropology and Statistics No. 215 Umali, Irrigation-Induced Salinity: A Growing Problemfor Developmenit antd the Environment No. 216 Carr, Improving Cash Crops in Africa: Factors Influienicing the Productivity of Cotton, Coffee, and Tea Grown by Smallholders No. 217 Antholt, GettingReadyfor the Twenty-First Century: Technlical Chanlge aild Institlutional Modernization in Agriculture No. 218 Mohan, editor, Bibliographiy of Publications: Technical Department Africa Region, Jiuly 1987 to December 1992 No. 219 Cercone, Alcohol-Related Problems as an Obstacle to the Developmenit of Hiunmana Capital: Issues and Policy Options No. 220 Ferguson, Kingsley, Bower, and Dice, Managing Urban Environmental Qllality in Asia No. 221 Srivastava, Tamboli, English, Lal, and Stewart, Conserving Soil Moisture anid Fertility in thle Warmn Seasonally Dry Tropics No. 222 Selvaratnam, Innovations in Highzer Education: Singapore at tlle Competitive Edge No. 223 Piotrow, Treiman, Rimon, Yun, and Lozare, Strategiesffor Famrlily Plannirinig Promotion No. 224 Midgley, Urban Transport in Asia: AII Operational Agendafor tlle 1990s No. 225 Dia, A Governance Approach to Civil Service Reform in Sub-Salharanl Africa No. 226 Bindlish, Evenson, and Gbetibouo, Evaluation of T&V-Based Extensiont in Biurkinla Faso No. 227 Cook, editor, Involuntary Resettlement in Africa: Selected Papersfromti a Conference on Environment anid Settlement Issues in Africa No. 228 Webster and Charap, The Emergenice of Private Scctor Manufacturing in St. Petersburg: A Sutrvey of Firms No. 229 Webster, The Emergence of Private Sector Manulfactuirinig in Hungary: A Surveey of Firrms No. 230 Webster and Swanson, The Emergence of Private Sector Manufacturing in thie Former Czechl and Slovak Federal Republic: A Survey of Firms No. 231 Eisa, Barghouti, Gillham, and Al-Saffy, Cottont Production Prospects Afr thle Decade to 2005: A Global Overview No. 232 Creightney, Transport and Economic Performance: A Survey of Developing Countries No. 233 Frederiksen, Berkoff, and Barber, Principles and Practicesfor Dealing woith Water Resouirces Issuxes No. 234 Archondo-Callao and Faiz, Estimating Vehicle Operating Costs No. 235 Claessens, Risk Management in Developing Countries No. 236 Bennett and Goldberg, Providinig Enterprise Development anid 'irinancial Services to Wormen: A Decade of Bank Experience in Asia No. 237 Webster, The Emergence of Private Sector Manufacturing in Polanid: A Survey of Firms No. 238 Heath, Land Rights in Cote d'Ivoire: Survey and Prospectsfor Project Intervention No. 239 Kirmani and Rangeley, International Inlanid Waters: Conceptsfor a More Active World Bank Role No. 240 Ahmed, Renewable Energy Techntologies: A Review of thle Status and Costs of Selected Technologies No. 241 Cernea and Adams, Development, Sociology, and Anthiropology: An Alnnotated Bibliography of World Bank Publications and Documeints in Sociology and Anth1ropology The World Bank Headquarters European Office Tokyo Office U 1818 H Street, N.W. 66, avenue d'Iena Kokusai Building Washington, D.C. 20433, U.S.A. 75116 Paris, France 1-1 Marunouchi 3-chome Chiyoda-ku, Tokyo 100, Japan Telephone: (202) 477-1234 Telephone: (1) 40.69.30.00 Facsimile: (202) 477-6391 Facsimile: (1) 40.69.30.66 Telephone: (3) 3214-5001 Telex: wLu 64145 WORLDBANK Telex: 640651 Facsimile: (3) 3214-3657 RCA 248423 WORLDBK Telex: 26838 Cable Address: INTBAFRAD WASHINGTONDC 1E et WP c C ci 12800 EGY 100 0-821.3-2800 -X WHAT MAKES PEOPLE COOK 400000011554 $6.9 95 Cover photograph courtesy of Willem Floor ISBN 0-8213-2800-X