37966 v2 UNEQUAL CITIZENS Gender, Caste and Ethnic Exclusion in Nepal EXECUTIVE SUMMARY A Kathmandu businessman gets his shoes shined by a Sarki. The Sarkis belong to the leatherworker subcaste of Nepal’s Dalit or “low caste” community. Although caste distinctions and the age-old practices of “untouchability” are less rigid in urban areas, the deeply entrenched caste hierarchy still limits the life chances of the 13 percent of Nepal’s population who belong to the Dalit caste group. The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed here are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Board of Executive Directors of the World Bank or the governments they represent, or that of DFID. Photo credits Kishor Kayastha (Cover) Naresh Shrestha (Back Cover) DESIGNED & PROCESSED BY WordScape, Kathmandu Printed in Nepal UNEQUAL CITIZENS Gender, Caste and Ethnic Exclusion in Nepal EXECUTIVE SUMMARY THE DFID Department For Department International Development WORLD BANK Contents Acknowledgements 3 Background and framework 6 The GSEA framework 8 Poverty outcomes 9 Legal exclusion 11 Public discourse and actions 11 Government policy and institutional framework 12 Responses to gender discrimination 12 Responses to caste discrimination 14 Responses to ethnic discrimination 16 Inclusive service delivery 17 Improving access to health 17 Improving access to education 18 Inclusive governance 20 Local development groups and coalitions 20 Affirmative action 22 Conclusions 23 Key action points 24 Acronyms and abbreviations 33 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 3 Acknowledgements The GSEA study (Unequal Citizens: Nepal Gender and Social Exclusion Assess- ment) is the outcome of a collaborative effort by the Department for Interna- tional Development (DFID) of the Government of the United Kingdom and the World Bank in close collaboration with the National Planning Commission (NPC). In addition, DFID, the World Bank and the Danish government sup- ported a wide range of background studies and consultations whose find- ings have been incorporated in the report. The research was undertaken by a team of Nepali and international scholars and development workers. Thanks go to all the many people who contributed to this study, in- cluding the GSEA team members and all the men and women of Nepal who took part in the multi-level consultations. The members of the GSEA team included: 1) Mukta Lama Tamang, Dr. Pratyoush Onta and Dr. Seira Tamang on Janajati issues; 2) Dharma Swarnakar and Manjushree Thapa on Dalit Is- sues; 3) Dr. Seira Tamang and Manjushree Thapa on gender issues; 4) Dr. Sapana Malla and Sabin Shrestha on legal issues; 5) Dr. Meena Acharya, Chaitanya Subba, Harihar Regmi, Shankar Aryal and Dr. Kishor Gajurel on the statistical profile; 6) Kiran Bhatia, Dr. Mark Turin and Chhaya Jha on education and health; 7) Dr. Stephen Biggs, Dr. Sumitra Gurung and Dr. Don Messerschmidt on group-based approaches, which was worked upon further by Dr. Saubhagya Shah; and 8) Dr. Aruna Rao and Dr. David Kelleher on affirmative action. Dr. Lynn Bennett served as team leader and contributed the con- ceptual framework and the chapter on social-cultural and historical founda- tions of exclusion. She also wrote the chapters on poverty outcomes and the chapter on local level power relations, which was based on primary data col- lected and analysed by Dr. Kishor Gajurel, in collaboration with Dr. Sondra Hausner and Kim Armstrong. Under the guidance of Dr. Shankar Sharma as Vice Chair, the NPC invited a number of distinguished scholars and activists working on gender, caste and ethnic issues to form an informal Advisory Group for the study. These individuals deserve recognition and thanks for their contributions: Dr. Santa 4 UNEQUAL CITIZENS Gender, Caste and Ethnic Exclusion in Nepal Bahadur Gurung, Director of the National Foundation for the Development of Indigenous Nationalities (NFDIN), Dr. Om Gurung, President of the Nepal Federation of Indigenous Nationalities (NEFIN), Dr. Pushpa Shrestha, Mem- ber, NPC; Durga Sob, President of the Feminist Dalit Organization (FEDO) and former member of the Nepal Women’s Commission; Hira Bishwakarma, Dalit Empowerment and Inclusion Project (DEIP); Dr. Durga Pokhrel, former Chairperson of the Nepal Women’s Commission and currently Minister for Women, Children and Social Welfare; Dr. Bina Pradhan and Dr. Meena Acharya. The core writing team for the full report included Dr. Pratyoush Onta, Dr. Seira Tamang, Manjushree Thapa and Dr. Lynn Bennett. Dr. Isabella Khadka, Binod Bhattarai, Judith Amtzis, Zamila Bunglawala and Bela Malik served as editors. Team support was provided by Krishna Thapa, Wangmu Sherpa, Sanjiv Shrestha and Tara Shrestha from the World Bank. Binod Bhattarai deserves special thanks for his work on refining and distilling the GSEA findings into this Executive Summary Thanks also go to Kishor Kayastha and Naresh Shrestha for the front and back cover photographs; to Harka Gurung for the ethnographic map and to the UNICEF office in Kathmandu for sharing their photographs, as well as to WordScape, Kathmandu for their work on designing and processing this publication. Photo Credits: Chandra Shekher Karki: page 32; Min Bajracharya: page 5 bottom row left; Mohan Mainali: page 5 bottom row center; Naresh Shrestha: page 5 top row left, page 5 middle row right. UNICEF Library photos by Kiran Panday: pages 5 top row middle & right, page 10, 13, 21; Hugues Laurenge: page 5 middle row left; Mani Lama: page 5 middle row center & bottom row right, page 6. INTRODUCTION 5 6 UNEQUAL CITIZENS Gender, Caste and Ethnic Exclusion in Nepal Background and framework The Gender and Social Exclusion Assessment (GSEA) examines old hierarchies that continue to structure access to political influence and economic oppor- tunities. Democracy was established in Nepal in 1990. Even in the demo- cratic polity, however, women, the formerly “ untouchable” castes who now call themselves Dalits, the ethnic groups or Janajatis, the Muslims and the plains dwellers or Madhesis remain on the margins. The GSEA has examined gender, caste and ethnicity as three inter- locking institutions that determine individual and group access to assets, ca- pabilities and voice based on socially-defined identity. Almost half of all Dalits Inclusion is one of the four pillars of Nepal’s Poverty Reduction Strat- fall below the poverty egy Paper (2003). However, attaining its inclusion goal will require funda- line and poverty among Hill Janajatis and Muslims mental shifts not only in the structure of governance and access to economic is significantly higher opportunity but also in the underlying hierarchical norms, values and than the national average. behaviours that govern social interaction. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 7 FIGURE 1 Dimensions of exclusion in Nepal Social Category Gender Caste Ethnicity/Race Language Religion Geo-political Status Dominant Men/Boys Tagadhari: Caucasoid Nepali Hindu Parbatiya (Hill dweller) Brahman, Chhetri Subordinate Women/Girls Dalit Janajati/ Other Non-Hindu Madhesi (Plains dweller) Mongoloid In Nepal political and economic power was consolidated by interlinking it with the Hindu caste system. The priestly Brahmans were at the top of the ritual order, with the Kshatriya (kings and warriors) just beneath them and in command of the political order; next came the Vaishya (mer- chants) and the Sudra (peasants and labourers). Beneath everyone were oc- cupational groups, considered “ impure” , and “ untouchable” or acchut. In the Hills, in-migrating Hindus of Caucasoid stock made up the priests and war- riors and the lowest “ untouchable” groups. The middle rank was accorded to indigenous groups, the Janajatis, generally of Mongoloid racial stock. Offi- cially abolished in 1963, caste-based discrimination, while diluted, remains even today. During the Panchayat period (1962-1990) – although directly ruled by a king – Nepalis for the first time began to think of themselves as citizens rather than subjects. The transformation from subjects to citizens remains incomplete. Nepal’s new Constitution (1990) established a more inclusive state. It describes Nepal as “ multi-ethnic, multi-lingual and democratic” and de- clares that all citizens are “equal irrespective of religion, race, gender, caste, tribe or ideology”. However, it also retained some ambiguities – by declaring Empowerment Nepal a Hindu Kingdom, denying women the right to pass their citizenship to and social their children and explicitly protecting “ traditional practices”. inclusion play On February 1, 2005 the King suspended democracy and began di- complementary rect rule. The parliamentary parties have continued to protest against the roles in promoting new order and demand the restoration of democracy. The suspension of equity of agency democratic rule could delay the advancement of the rights of all Nepalis, es- and sustainable pecially the most excluded populations, mainly women, Dalits and Janajatis. prosperity for all. 8 UNEQUAL CITIZENS Gender, Caste and Ethnic Exclusion in Nepal FIGURE 2 The Nepal caste pyramid according to the Muluki Ain of 1854 The GSEA framework The GSEA analyses relationships between people and the institutions or “ rules of the game” that shape the opportunity structure of their social, political and economic world. Empowerment and social inclusion are means to shift these relationships and the institutions that embody them towards greater equity. There are three domains of change where the state, civil society and donor organizations can intervene to ensure the following for the poor and excluded: n access to livelihood assets and services; Certain groups pay n the ability to exercise voice, influence and agency; and a “penalty” in terms n a more equitable opportunity structure with “ rules of the game” that of lower household allow all citizens to participate on the same terms in the life of the state per capita and larger society as well as in their access to livelihood opportunities consumption and political influence. because of their “Access to assets and services” and “ voice, influence and agency” are caste, ethnic or part of the empowerment processes. The other domain of change, the “ rules religious identity. of the game” , is where social inclusion does, or does not, take place. Empow- EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 9 erment and social inclusion play complementary roles in promoting equity of agency and sustainable prosperity for all. Poverty outcomes The GSEA examines poverty outcomes using indicators of economic well be- ing, human development levels, and voice and political influence. Nepal began generating data on caste and ethnicity only in 1991. The 2001 census listed 103 social groups. Numerically no single group is predominant and the population can be broadly divided into Hindu caste groups, Janajatis and the religious minorities (mostly Muslim). In 2001, caste groups constituted 57.5 percent of the population, Janajatis 37.2 percent and the religious minorities 4.3 percent. The Nepal Living Standards Survey, 2003/04 estimated that 31 per- cent of Nepalis were living below the poverty line. The Brahman/Chhetri group and the Newars have the fewest households in poverty and the Tarai Middle Castes also have low proportions under the poverty line. In contrast, FIGURE 3 GSEA Conceptual Framework The three major social movements remain independent of each other, despite their many common demands. 10 UNEQUAL CITIZENS Gender, Caste and Ethnic Exclusion in Nepal For poor and almost half of all Dalits live in poverty, and poverty incidence among Hill excluded people to gain greater access to Janajatis and Muslims is significantly higher than the national average. How- assets and services, the rules of the game ever, this data must be approached with some caution because Janajati pov- must change in their erty aggregates mask intra group differentials. The analysis also reveals that favour. certain groups pay a “ penalty” in terms of lower household per capita con- sumption because of their caste, ethnic or religious identity. A gender dimension of poverty affects health and education out- comes and leads to greater economic insecurity for women. Political poverty is manifested in the main political parties’ failure to increase participation of women, Dalits and Janajatis in governance institutions. Dalits were almost totally absent from parliament during the entire multiparty period. The GSEA carried out a separate study to measure and analyse the rela- tive empowerment and social inclusion levels of a sample of one man and one woman from 1000 households in 60 villages. Members of the Brahman/Chhetri/ Newar (BCN) groups scored the highest on both empowerment and social inclu- sion and the Dalits were at the bottom. Janajatis were intermediate between the EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 11 two groups – closer to the BCN group in some measures of livelihood empower- ment but closer to Dalits with respect to other measures. In all groups men scored higher than women, but BCN and Middle Caste and Janajati women all scored higher than Dalit men. Statistical analysis revealed the following: n Caste and gender together account for a third of the variation in empowerment and inclusion levels. n Caste is a more powerful predictor of empowerment/inclusion than gender. n Membership in local groups was associated with higher empowerment and inclusion. Legal exclusion The lack of laws is not the main issue in Nepal. The Constitution and the Civil Rights Act of 1955 prohibit discrimination on the grounds of “ religion, race, sex, caste, tribe, ideological conviction or any of these”. The laws also prohibit untouchability, denial of access to any public place or depriving citizens of the use of public utilities. Enforcement is lax, however. Discriminatory provi- sions also exist, such as the declaration of Nepal as a Hindu kingdom and of Nepali as the only official language – and the protection of “ traditional prac- tices”, which has been used to bar Dalits from temples and to permit contin- ued caste discrimination. The law denies women equal inheritance rights and the right to pass citizenship to their children. Existing laws are inadequate to deal with sexual offences and Nepal has no law to deal with sexual harassment. Public discourse and actions This section examines how the “ rules of the game” have influenced Nepal’s excluded groups in terms of government policies and institutional structures. Nepal needs to Until April 1990, Nepal’s movements for women, Dalit and Janajati rights re- change about 85 mained subsumed within the larger struggle for democracy. laws and 137 legal The women’s movement has succeeded in placing questions of gen- der equality and justice on the national agenda, and the Dalit movement has provisions that are begun to challenge Nepal’s caste society. The Janajati movement, once de- discriminatory, a scribed by many Brahmans and Chhetris as a “divisive” phenomenon, has now task which remains to be done. 12 UNEQUAL CITIZENS Gender, Caste and Ethnic Exclusion in Nepal succeeded in bringing fundamental issues of fair ethnic representation to the fore. Exclusion and hierarchy within excluded groups is also being questioned. The three major social movements remain independent of each other, despite their many common demands. Because little dialogue has taken place between them, the demands of some groups contradict those of others. This has given the state space to delay fulfilment, and in turn has resulted in the growth of radical or revolutionary offshoots. Government policy and institutional framework Nepal’s Eighth Plan (1992-1997), the first formulated by a democratic govern- ment, introduced poverty alleviation as one of its three objectives. It was also the first public document to address the caste/ethnic issue, albeit indirectly and incompletely. The Ninth Plan (1997-2002) addressed Dalits and Janajatis by name – for the first time – and had a separate chapter subsection dealing with Adivasi Janajatis in development. The government began allotting some public funds to programmes for Janajatis. Planned efforts to improve the situation of women began in the Sixth Plan (1981-1985) but the approach was welfare driven. The Eighth Plan raised the issue of women’s representation in decision-making and acknowledged the existence of gender-based discrimination – but failed to define either term. The Tenth Plan (2002-2007), the PRSP, recognises that lack of voice, political representation and empowerment are as important dimensions of poverty as are the economic and human development dimensions, and pro- poses “affirmative action” to level the playing field. However, it too fails to present a realistic strategy and concrete mechanisms to mainstream inclusion. Responses to gender discrimination Before 1990 women’s issues were cast in the framework of development and welfare – not rights. Nepal’s Constitution does not permit discrimination on the basis of The Dalits have sex and advocates special legal provisions to protect and advance the inter- essentially ests of women. The Local Self Governance Act (LSGA), 1999 introduced man- been left to datory representation of women in local government. However, similar inter- fend for ventions are lacking at higher levels. themselves. Nepal has ratified the Convention on Elimination of all forms of Dis- crimination Against Women (CEDAW). The CEDAW requires Nepal to change EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 13 about 85 laws and 137 legal provisions that are discriminatory, a task which The Janajatis remains to be done. want a wholly The Ministry of Women, Children and Social Welfare (MWCSW) lacks reformed adequate financial and human resources to carry out its numerous responsi- contract with bilities effectively. It has also largely failed to consider the priorities and needs the state. of women from traditionally excluded castes and ethnic groups. Nepal set up the National Women’s Commission (NWC) in 2002. How- ever, it lacked a legal basis and its mandate remained unclear. Its members retired in March 2004 and replacements had not been appointed by Febru- ary 2006. Brahman and Chhetri women – appointed mainly on the basis of their political affiliation – dominated the NWC membership. Despite various efforts, the kind of structural change implied by the term “gender mainstreaming” has not occurred. Tension also exists between technocratic “ fixes” and those advocating longer-term socio-political change. Inclusion alone can The latter is more likely to occur, as a process of democratic trial and error – break the transfer of deprivation from often led by ordinary people – tends to be “ messier” and less amenable to generation to donor timetables and budget cycles. generation. 14 UNEQUAL CITIZENS Gender, Caste and Ethnic Exclusion in Nepal FIGURE 4 Caste/ethnic groupings – simplified for analysis % Total GSEA / NLSS II 2001 Census population (10 groups) (103 groups) Hindu 1. BC (Hill) Brahman, Chhetri, Thakuri, Sanyasi, caste 2. BC (Tarai) Kayashta, Rajput, Baniya, Marwadi, Jaine, Nurang, Bengali groups 3. Tarai Middle Castes Yadev,Teli, Kalwar, Sudi, Sonar, Lohar, Koiri, Kurmi, Kanu, Haluwai, (57.5%) Hajam/Thakur, Badhe, Rajbhar, Kewat Mallah, Numhar, Kahar, Lodha, Bing/Banda, Bhediyar, Mali, Kamar Dhunia 4. Dalits (Hill) Kami, Damai, Sarki, Gaine, Badi 5. Dalits (Tarai) Chamar, Musahar, Tatma, Bantar, Dhusadadh/Paswan, Khatway, Dom, Chidimar, Dhobi, Halkhor, Unidentified Dalit Janajatis 6. Newar All Newari Castes (37.2%) 7. Janajatis (Hill) Magar,Tamang, Rai, Gurung, Limbu, Sherpa, Bhote, Walung, Buansi, Hyolmo, Gharti/Bhujel, Kumal, Sunuwar, Baramu, Pahari, Adivasi Janajati, Yakkha, Shantal, Jirel, Darai, Dura, Majhi, Dunuwar, Thami, Lepcha, Chepang, Bote, Raji, Hayu,Raute, Kasunda 8. Janajatis (Tarai) Tharu, Dhanuk, Rajbanshi, Tajpuriya, Gangai, Dhimal, Meche, Kisan, Munda, Santhal/Satar/Dhangad/Jhangad, Koche, Pattarkatta/Kusbadiya Muslims 9. Muslims Muslim, Churoute (4.3%) Others 10. Others (1%) Representation of women in political parties is low, especially at the higher echelons of power. Non-representation remains a major obstacle to the mainstreaming of policies and programmes that focus on women and other excluded groups. Responses to caste discrimination Dalits remain at the very bottom of Nepal’s caste hierarchy. Even now, the gov- ernment and many development/aid organizations use euphemisms such as“oc- cupational castes”, “ backward classes”, “marginalised”, and“disadvantaged groups”, instead of referring to them as Dalits. The hesitation to use the term Dalit deflects Brahmans, attention from the everyday reality of caste-based discrimination in Nepal. Chhetris and Over 200 forms of caste-based discrimination have been identified Newars have in Nepal. Discrimination is more entrenched in the country’s less-developed the best health areas, especially in the Mid- and Far-western regions, but caste continues to indicators for influence inter-personal behaviours throughout the country. women and No consensus has been reached on exactly which communities fall also the lowest into the category of Dalit or on the actual population size. According to the infant 2001 Census, Dalits comprised 13 percent of the population but the figure is mortality rates. contested. The Dalits can broadly be categorised as either Hill Dalits (who FIGURE 5 Ethnographic map of Nepal Source: Harka Gurung 16 UNEQUAL CITIZENS Gender, Caste and Ethnic Exclusion in Nepal make up 61 percent of the Dalit population) or Tarai Dalits. Ironically, among themselves the Dalits have traditionally practiced Hindu type stratification. Unlike many Janajatis, the Dalits have no geographical centre or “ traditional homeland” where they are numerically predominant. Nepal established the National Dalit Commission (NDC) in March 2002 with an all-Dalit membership. Its members were chosen based on party affili- ations; its functions were not legally mandated and funding was inadequate. The NDC did draft a bill for itself but it had not yet become law by early 2006. Dalit representation in the executive bodies of political parties re- mains very low. The only Dalit member of the House of Representatives was The idealised elected in 1991. notion of The Dalits have essentially been left to fend for themselves. With a “community” few exceptions, Nepal’s non-Dalit actors have left it to Dalit leaders, activists fails to recognise and organizations to “ fight their own battle”, which has not helped the Dalit factional movement. interests within FIGURE 6 Trend in the incidence of poverty communities: Responses to ethnic dis- by caste/ethnicity '95/'96 and '03/'04 class, caste and crimination gender-related The demands of Nepal’s conflicts can and Adivasi Janajati movement do occur even centre mainly on issues of gov- within ernance and political repre- community sentation. One is the need for forestry groups, constitutional reform to re- which are said to move discriminatory provi- be the most sions. Another is for equitable successful of the representation. The Janajatis local groups. also seek greater equality in linguistic rights, and guaran- teed access to common prop- erties/resources. Nepal originally pre- pared a schedule listing 61 Source: NLSS I,II, 2004, Gajurel. The comparison of poverty Janajati groups, which was incidence for Tarai Middle Castes and Tarai Janajatis between NLSS I and II should be treated with caution since for NLSS I the Tarai Middle later reduced to 59 in the law. Castes group were represented only by the Yadavs and the Tarai Janajatis only by the Tharus. (Figures have been rounded off.) Various complexities are in- EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 17 volved in compiling a definitive list. Among the groups in the current list 18 are from Mountain regions, 24 from the Hills, 7 from the Inner Tarai and 10 from the Tarai. The 2001 Census enumerated only 43 of 59 Janajati groups and reported a population of 8.27 million or 37 percent of Nepal’s population. Members of 16 “ missing” groups were apparently not counted. Many disparities are found among the different Janajati groups. The Nepal Federation of Indigenous Nationalities (NEFIN) reports that 10 of the 59 Janajati groups are “ endangered” , 12 “ highly marginalised” , 20 “ marginalised” , 15 “disadvantaged” and two “ advanced” or better off. The GSEA recommends a fresh classification to identify all Janajati groups based on poverty incidence, educational levels and key health indicators to serve as basis for eligibility to special state initiatives, including reservations and schol- arships for those most disadvantaged. Nepal’s Constitution explicitly uses the term Janajatis and acknowl- edges both their presence and their relative social and economic deprivation. The use of Nepali as the only official language is discriminatory, however. Constitutional reform is both an overarching demand related to many other issues, and an affirmation that the Janajatis want a wholly reformed contract with the state. The movement wants Nepal to be declared a secular state, and all Janajati languages recognised for use in state affairs alongside Nepali. Equitable representation through different methods including “ re- structuring the Nepali state” by changing the electoral system and affirma- An effective “road tive action measures are other key demands, as is access to common prop- map” to erty resources once communally owned by certain Janajati groups. affirmative action needs to address this Inclusive service delivery dimension – perhaps through Improving access to health a special Nepal has started to put a greater emphasis on preventing diseases that af- programme to flict the poor and has begun reaching out to those with the greatest health develop a burden. However, the effort to reorient policy and health services along a “pipeline” of rights-based approach remains ad-hoc and immature. qualified Many interrelated factors – cultural, religious and social beliefs and candidates. norms (especially those that reflect the entrenched gender, caste and ethnic hierarchies) as well as economic, institutional and location-related specificities 18 UNEQUAL CITIZENS Gender, Caste and Ethnic Exclusion in Nepal – lie behind these differential health outcomes. Because of their reproductive role and their low social status, outcomes for women are the worst. Many determinants of health outcomes operate indirectly by reduc- ing certain people's access to healthcare and influencing the kind of care they receive. Institutional and political factors are important and are a major fo- cus for policy intervention. These include government budgetary allocation and policy attention to rural healthcare and the diseases of the poor and women. Although many professionals in the government health care service are dedicated to caring for the poor and disadvantaged, others have little motivation to serve those who are beneath them in the socio-economic hier- archy. Generally, most healthcare facilities, including trained personnel, are concentrated in urban areas. Men mostly staff the higher service positions – a major obstacle to proper healthcare for women. Women’s health outcomes are directly affected by their subordinate status vis-à-vis the men and the senior women in the family. The preference for male children varies from group to group and is reflected in poorer female performance on all indicators, especially education and health. When healthcare usage and outcomes are better for women, they are better for children as well. Brahmans, Chhetris and Newars have the best health indicators for women and also the lowest infant mortality rates. The government has acknowledged and tried to address the prob- lem of gender discrimination as a barrier to healthcare. But very little atten- tion has been given to how the legacy of caste and ethnicity – and particu- Just as having larly the practice of untouchability – affects the interface between health ser- a woman vice providers and patients of both sexes. For Janajatis and members of lin- teacher tends guistic minorities in the Tarai, language is also an inhibiting factor. to attract girl Some of the determinants of high morbidity and mortality among ex- students, cluded groups require actions beyond the health system. Improved transpor- having Janajati tation and sanitation infrastructure, reduced income and consumption poverty or Dalit staff and increased education levels are all associated with better health outcomes. has a positive Meeting the objectives of the current health sector reform programme will re- impact on quire patient development of detailed formal modalities and mechanisms to those groups. overcome the barriers to inclusion. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 19 FIGURE 7 Percentage of school participation of Improving access to age 6-10 year olds by gender, caste education and ethnicity 2003-04 The state assumed respon- sibility for the education system in the 1970s; previ- ously locally run schools were turned over to a centralised educational ad- ministration. Public educa- tion expanded rapidly thereafter. Quality did not Overcoming the keep up with the expansion legacy of past in numbers, however. inequality involves To help poor and more than Source: NLSS II socially excluded children allotting some access the kind of education that will open opportunities for them, simply get- reserved seats in ting them into Nepal’s public schools as they currently operate will not be elected, enough. The Nepal Education for All (NEFA) programme sets out three pri- administrative mary objectives: (i) ensuring access and equity in primary education, (ii) en- government, or in hancing quality and relevance of primary education, (iii) improving efficiency university and institutional capacity. For the first objective the government has specifi- admissions. cally committed to provide equal access to educational resources for all ex- cluded groups – girls, linguistic minorities, Dalits and Janajatis. In an effort to reform the system and shift the incentives, in 2001 the parliament passed the Seventh Amendment of the Education Act, allowing management of local public schools to be handed over to School Manage- ment Committees (SMCs). The rules require at least one woman member but does not mandate Dalit or Janajati representation. Participation of both Dalits and women in the SMCs is low. Preventing elite capture and undue politicisation of SMCs is vital for their success, and is only possible through proper representation. Schools with female teachers tend to attract more female students. For that reason the policy of having at least one female teacher per school in multi-teacher schools was established over a decade ago, and the NEFA re- quires at least two female teachers in such schools. However, neither policy has 20 UNEQUAL CITIZENS Gender, Caste and Ethnic Exclusion in Nepal yet been fully implemented. Just as having a woman teacher tends to attract girl students, having Janajati or Dalit staff has a positive impact on those groups. For most Janajati children Nepali is not their mother tongue so they are introduced to school and to a new language at the same time. Success in Nepali medium primary schools is also difficult for many people from the Tarai who speak Maithili, Bhojpuri or Hindi as their mother tongues. Primary education is the foundation for ensuring educational parity among various groups, the first step towards effective social inclusion. The Instead of excluded groups are under represented in higher education – with Dalits be- patronage, (the ing less than one percent of those with BA and above – and this is largely due excluded) want to exclusion at the lower levels. Reforming education from below must be rights – the matched with affirmative action initiatives from above to support the higher same rights education of members of excluded groups. accorded to every citizen by law. Inclusive governance Governance is at the core of the GSEA – focusing as it does on equal citizen- ship. It also proposes two promising approaches for realising the equal citi- zenship goal – group-based development and affirmative action. Local development groups and coalitions Some grassroots groups have begun to replicate themselves and have orga- nized into larger federations. These higher-level associations give voice and added political representation to their constituents. Local level groups are an important mechanism through which bottom-up empowerment has been taking place in Nepal. This is especially important in the current situation where the elected local bodies that were to be the pillars of grassroots de- mocracy and the institutional anchors for decentralisation have remained in- operative since July 2002. However, the roles and responsibilities of grassroots community groups vis-à-vis local elected government remain to be clarified. Some GSEA findings relating to groups include the following: n Nepal has about 400,000 local-level sponsored groups that are being monitored by development agencies. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 21 n The idealised notion of “community” fails to recognise factional interests within communities: class, caste and gender-related conflicts can and do occur even within community forestry groups, which are said to be the most successful of the local groups. Stratification and elite capture occur in women’s groups as well. n Although women are fairly well-represented as group members, they continue to play a less prominent role on the executive committees. Data on group membership and leadership disaggregated by caste and ethnicity is almost non-existent. n Often homogenous groups – in terms of gender, caste and ethnicity – are best suited for serving the interests of disadvantaged groups. By definition, “elite capture” is more likely to occur in mixed groups. The development response to The quiet revolution underway in Nepal is the expansion of the im- women's claim for petus for group-based collective action from the village level to district, na- equal rights still hinges largely on tional (and sometimes international) arenas through the formation of federa- the welfare model. 22 UNEQUAL CITIZENS Gender, Caste and Ethnic Exclusion in Nepal tions and associations of grassroots groups. These actions can only succeed in an environment that promotes freedom to form associations to pursue col- lective goals as well as government support – not restrictions. Affirmative action Affirmative action seeks to correct historical disadvantages and unfair dis- crimination by enabling access to full opportunity and benefits to groups that have been excluded. Overcoming the legacy of past inequality involves more than allotting some reserved seats in elected, administrative government, or in university admissions, etc. Affirmative action as debated in Nepal relates not only to the civil service, but also to elected government and to the education, employment and health sectors. Affirmative action can also encompass changes in the electoral system in order to ensure proportional representation of different groups. This may be part of the answer in Nepal as well. The government’s views on affirmative action are unclear. While The Tenth Plan the need for some sort of affirmative action for excluded groups is not dis- (2002-2007), the puted, the modality has been the source of some contention – as has the PRSP, recognises issue of which groups should be included. that lack of voice, A major challenge to the affirmative action agenda is the low num- political ber of qualified candidates in certain groups such as the Dalits. An effective representation and “ road map” to affirmative ac- empowerment are tion needs to address this di- FIGURE 8 Composite empowerment and inclusion mension – perhaps through a index by gender/caste/ethnicity as important dimensions of special programme to de- poverty as are velop a “ pipeline” of qualified economic and candidates. human Probably the most development contentious sphere for affir- dimensions, and mative action is in elected government, and this is an proposes area where the political par- “affirmative ties have failed. The power action” to level the structures of the main politi- Source: Bennett and Gajurel et al. 2006. Empowerment in Practice from playing field. Analysis to Implementation. Ruth Alsop, Mette Bertelsen, and Jeremy cal parties have never been Holland, eds. Washington D.C.: The World Bank EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 23 representative in terms of the gender, caste or ethnicity of the diverse citizens they claim to represent. Affirmative action as a lever for social inclusion is necessary but not sufficient to bring about significant and sustainable positive outcomes for socially excluded groups. In order to be truly effective and sustainable, affir- mative action requires the broad social and political commitment to equality and human rights articulated by Nepal's Constitution, laws and policies. Ulti- mately, it requires changes in people’s beliefs and values. Conclusions After centuries of thinking about themselves as subjects of feudal rulers, more and more Nepalis are beginning to see themselves as citizens of a democratic state. Although the pace of this fundamental change in self-perception is uneven among groups at different levels on the social hierarchy, it is now be- ing embraced even by those traditionally at the lowest echelons – especially women, Dalits and Janajatis. This change in self-perception has also altered expectations: people do not want favours from the powerful. Instead of pa- tronage, they want rights – the same rights accorded to every citizen by law. They want uniform “ rules of the game” to apply to all social players across the board. Social inclusion and empowerment are the interrelated processes that can bring this about. The GSEA ends with a set of recommendations on the long overdue policy and actions for addressing the various dimensions of social exclusion in Nepal. 24 UNEQUAL CITIZENS Gender, Caste and Ethnic Exclusion in Nepal KEY ACTION POINTS BASIS FOR ACTION RESPONSIBLE ACTION ACTORS * Incorporate an inclusion lens into the government To date the government has only proposed piecemeal n GOVERNMENT 1. planning, budget allocation and monitoring solutions to the problem of social inclusion in the form n donors process to ensure full access for women, Dalits of "targeted programmes". Currently funds earmarked and Janajatis in all core government services and under the inclusion pillar of the PRSP amount to just development programmes. This approach to public over 6% of the budget. This is clearly inadequate to expenditure would expand the concept of "gender create a level playing field for excluded groups and to budgeting/auditing" that has been increasingly adopted meet the PRSP inclusion goals. In order to be by HMG/N. effective, inclusion needs to be adequately funded and fully embraced by all government programmes. Steps towards inclusive budgeting would entail: n Conducting a systematic analysis of all mainstream Structural change towards social inclusion as programmes to identify barriers to access for envisaged by the PRSP is possible only with 1) women, Dalits and Janajatis; increased, focused investment by both government n Developing specific mechanisms and incentives to and donors to assure inclusion across all core services overcome the barriers; and development programmes and 2) systematic n Assigning clear accountability for achieving the monitoring of results. inclusion objectives in all sectors; n Developing clear outcome indicators disaggregated by caste, ethnicity and gender; and n Tracking indicators in real time sectoral monitoring and evaluation systems linked to the PMAS to ensure effective corrective policy actions. 2. Make organizational changes for effective The government's efforts at inclusion have not been n GOVERNMENT implementation of the inclusion pillar: translated into coordinated action at the sectoral n donors n Establish a national inclusion task force in the ministry level, where both formal and informal barriers n civil society National Planning Commission to coordinate and still seem to be entrenched. Effective coordination of monitor inclusion initiatives by government policies and actions under the inclusion pillar can ministries, with appropriate linkages to the central greatly increase impact, reduce duplication and lead to PRSP monitoring system. greater impact at all levels. n This task force could lead a review of inclusion results in the 10th Plan and propose revisions for The concept of inclusive programming and budgeting the 11th Plan. recommended in (1) above necessitates that trained n Empower the Gender Focal Points in all line professionals in each major sectoral ministry examine ministries by making them part of a sectoral social the ministry's major policies and programmes for the inclusion unit responsible for vetting all ministry impact that they are likely to have on excluded groups. programmes and policies from an inclusion Furthermore, to fully ensure inclusive programming, perspective. A senior government official empow- each ministry needs to recommend specific mecha- ered to hire experts on gender, Dalit and Janajati nisms to ensure that its sectoral policies are inclusive issues should head this unit. and that they deliver equal benefits to excluded groups. * Actors depicted in upper case are to take the lead; actors depicted in lower case are to support. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 25 ACTION BASIS FOR ACTION RESPONSIBLE ACTORS 2. n Build on the strength of the existing district-level Commitments to ensure that DDC and VDC budget Contd. Women Development Offices to establish District allocations and programmes are responsive to women, Gender and Social Inclusion Offices and link Dalits and Janajatis through a "watchdog" committee them with the sectoral ministries and representative have not been implemented. One possibility that has national organizations - as well as with been suggested by many groups is to enlarge the decentralised representatives of the National mandate of the WDO to encompass all dimensions of Women's Commission (NWC), the National Dalit social inclusion by adding staff whose responsibility it Commission (NDC) and the National Foundation would be to ensure that Dalit and Janajati groups also for the Development of Indigenous Nationalities benefit from local government spending. This office (NFDIN) to ensure coordination. would have increased accountability to the various national commissions (such as NWC, NDC and NFDIN) and to the DDCs and VDCs. As more and more resources are devolved to the elected DDC and VDC governments they would be expected to allocate matching funds to the work of the District Gender and Social Inclusion Offices. Both the increased responsi- bility of this office and the devolution of funding would help lay the foundation for the realisation of the LSGA's commitment to social inclusion. 3. Improve the governance structure of the national The commissions set up under an executive order do n GOVERNMENT commissions for women and Dalits: not have the legal authority to function independently n donors n Re-establish the National Women's Commission of government and political influence. Legal n civil society and the National Dalit Commission through recognition and autonomy would enable them to legislation. function effectively and independently, using n Enable the commissions to function as semi- professional help where needed. autonomous constitutional bodies, with authority to receive a regular budget directly from the MOF and support from donors. n Ensure that these commissions are aware of the changing situation on the ground for excluded groups by encouraging them to have a "listening relationship" with civil society organizations as well as with the proposed gender and social inclusion units at the district level (see recommendation 2 above). 26 UNEQUAL CITIZENS Gender, Caste and Ethnic Exclusion in Nepal BASIS FOR ACTION RESPONSIBLE ACTION ACTORS 4. Revive the stalled decentralisation process with While decentralisation on its own does not guarantee n GOVERNMENT safeguards and incentives to promote inclusion at all social inclusion, it can provide more inclusive and n donors levels. accountable governance by delegating funds and n civil societ decision-making authority closer to the local level, where ordinary people are more likely to be able to take part in and influence decisions – and monitor outcomes. In particular, it provides a possible governance framework within which diverse ethnic and language groups can have greater autonomy in certain key areas and still remain citizens of a unified Nepali nation. Nepal has the necessary framework for decentralisation in the LSGA, which even includes a number of provisions to ensure voice for women, Dalits and Janajatis (e.g. through the district "Watchdog Committees" and other provisions). But implementa- tion on overall decentralisation – and on the provisions to promote inclusion – has been slow for lack of political commitment. Decentralisation has particularly suffered after July 2002, when the government allowed the terms of elected local governments to lapse. 5. Enact critical legal changes to ensure equal rights The definition of who has the right to citizenship was n GOVERNMENT for all citizens – and equal access to citizenship: greatly curtailed in the 1990 Constitution, and those n donors most notably affected are the most excluded. n civil society On Citizenship n Reinstate the language of the Interim Constitution of Existing informal practices effectively deny citizenship 1953 that guarantees citizenship to "every person to many segments of excluded society, especially to who had been permanently residing within the those who do not own land and to those whose territory of Nepal with their family". Carry out a language and social customs mark them as being social audit of informal government practices and historically “of Indian origin”. requirements for obtaining citizenship papers. For women: n Ensure equal citizenship rights to women, their children An analysis of Nepali laws, including the Constitution and their spouses. and Country Code, conducted for the GSEA found: n Ensure equal rights to ancestral property for women and n 83 pieces of legislation that discriminate against married daughters. women and n Repeal the provision that allows a man to enter a bigamous marriage under certain conditions. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 27 ACTION BASIS FOR ACTION RESPONSIBLE ACTORS 5. For Janajatis: Contd. n Remove the word "Hindu" from Article 4 of the n 32 provisions that discriminate on the basis of Constitution. religion, caste and ethnicity. n Amend Article 19 (1) to permit the right to religion. n Amend Article 6 (1) to permit alternate official languages in addition to Nepali. For Dalits: Allowing discrimination as a social custom reinforces n Remove the ambiguity about the right to practice the traditional institutions based on inequality. untouchability/caste-based discrimination as a Increasing punishment for caste-based discrimination social custom. can serve as an effective deterrent, but long-term n Ensure enforcement of punishment for caste-based social change can come only through changes in discrimination in the public and private spheres. values and practices. 6. Enhance Poverty Monitoring and Analysis System Previously, the large number of social groups (103) n GOVERNMENT (PMAS) by standardising social categories and covered by the Census made meaningful analysis of n donors improving monitoring capacity of key sectoral outcomes by social groups difficult and limited the n civil society ministries to track social inclusion: extent to which HMG/N could track progress in poverty n At the national level, a common classification of reduction along social dimensions. In NLSS I (1995/6) the main social groups has been used by the GSEA more than 20 percent of the population belonging to and the CBS for data collection and analysis in the smaller groups remained unaccounted for in the NLSS II and other national surveys that contribute to "other" category. The adoption by the Central Bureau the PMAS. There are six major social categories of Statistics of the broad categories developed by the (BC, Tarai Middle Castes, Dalits, Newars, Janajatis GSEA for NLSS II has overcome this limitation and and Muslims) but when separated by Hill and Tarai paved the way for better PMAS tracking of progress on there are the following 10 categories: the social inclusion pillar of the PRSP through national 1. Hill Brahman/Chhetris Census and Survey data. The "other" category in the 2. Tarai Brahman/Chhetris 2003/4 NLSS II now accounts for only about one 3. Tarai Middle Castes percent of the population. 4. Hill Dalits 5. Tarai Dalits 6. Newars 7. Hill Janajatis 8. Tarai Janajatis 9. Religious Minorities (Muslim) 10. Other 28 UNEQUAL CITIZENS Gender, Caste and Ethnic Exclusion in Nepal ACTION BASIS FOR ACTION RESPONSIBLE ACTORS 6. n At sectoral level the PMAS tracks performance Despite the progress made for national datasets, the n GOVERNMENT Contd. using the Management Information Systems of the existing monitoring and information systems of the n donors various sectoral ministries. Sectoral performance various sectoral ministries still do not permit the n civil society data also need to be disaggregated by gender, government to track progress on the social inclusion caste and ethnicity for all monitoring purposes – pillar. MOES Flash Reports have made a start at this, preferably using the 10 categories listed above. but are still not reliable. Disaggregated data are essential to learning about which policies and n When it is not possible to acquire such detailed data programmes work to improve inclusion and which do for sectoral monitoring, then the interested parties not. It is also an important element in HMG/N's move should be encouraged to at least adopt four main towards results-based budgeting and part of the categories into which all caste/ethnic groups could budget release conditions for the pooled donor support be sorted – plus gender, since women are to the government's health and education disadvantaged across all groups. The four programmes. categories would be: 1. Dalits There are large differences even among Janajati and 2. Disadvantaged Janajatis, including those Tarai Middle Caste groups that could mean that the Janajati groups who fall a set percentage (to most disadvantaged might not be reached by be determined) below the national average on supportive programming. To ensure transparency and consumption poverty, health and education accountability as well as effective targeting, the NPC's indicators based on the Census, NLSS and Poverty Monitoring Unit needs to lead an exercise DHS. where the NLSS and other national data sets can be 3. Other excluded/disadvantaged groups, used to accurately identify the truely disadvantaged on including Muslims and certain Tarai Middle a scientific bases. This effort would need to involve Caste groups based on the data mentioned representative women, Dalit and Janajati groups (such above. as the Women's Commission, the Dalit Commission, 4. Non-excluded groups such as Brahmans the Dalit NGO Federation, the National Foundation for and Chhetris, Newars, Thakalis, Gurungs and Development of Indigenous Nationalities and the those Tarai Middle Caste groups whose National Federation for Indigenous Nationalities) along poverty indicators are a certain percentage (to with CBS. be determined) above the national average. n Identifying the disadvantaged: Effective annual monitoring of inclusion outcomes in l Ensure that this categorisation is done on a each sector is a potentially powerful tool in support of scientific basis and ask the NPC Poverty affirmative action in the areas of health, education and Monitoring Unit to lead it with support from CBS other critical services. (and participation from NFDIN and other concerned groups). It would be based on statistical analysis of NLSS, DHS and Census data to identify the truly disadvantaged among the Janajati and other groups. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 29 BASIS FOR ACTION RESPONSIBLE ACTION ACTORS 6. l Develop a system to periodically update the Contd. status of different groups as new data become available in order to help keep targeted programmes and affirmative action policies from becoming identity-based entitlements and to ensure that government resources go to those most in need. n Continue income-based tracking and targeting to ensure that the poor within the privileged caste/ ethnic groups are not missed. n Include social accountability mechanisms in the sectoral monitoring processes to create incentives for inclusion. 7. Develop a holistic strategy for reservation and A more diverse civil service can improve service n GOVERNMENT affirmative action: delivery based on better understanding of the needs n donors and perspectives of diverse clients. Similarly, n civil society n Appoint a broad-based task force to develop a road greater representation of excluded groups in elected map for increasing diversity and representation of government at all levels will increase the legitimacy disadvantaged groups in politics, civil society and and accountability of Nepali democracy. academia. Nepali society and government now accept n Build a pipeline of qualified women, Dalits and reservation/affirmative action as a means to level Janajatis by establishing a fast-track scholarship/ the playing field and increase diversity. However, internship programme for the most promising girls, modalities to achieve this objective have not been Dalits and Janajatis completing school level finalised, despite efforts to do so. education in the public system. This will help ensure that "meritocracy" is not It is important to ensure there is a “pipeline” of compromised while reserving positions for women, qualified candidates from under represented groups Dalit and Janajatis candidates in the civil service. who can compete for reserved positions. n Explore alternative electoral systems as part of the Full implementation of decentralisation can also be affirmative action policy to help ensure greater an important mechanism for affirmative action. representation and voice for Nepal's diverse groups. 30 UNEQUAL CITIZENS Gender, Caste and Ethnic Exclusion in Nepal BASIS FOR ACTION RESPONSIBLE ACTION ACTORS 8. Make donor agencies and NGOs more inclusive: Recent reports have shown that donors and NGOs n DONORS n Both sets of actors should undertake inclusion have alarmingly poor inclusion levels of women, n CIVIL SOCIETY audits and inclusion reviews of their organizations Dalits and Janajatis and that current donor and portfolios to identify exclusion and make programming still tends to be largely based on information from the traditional "elite" sources. corrections. Greater internal diversity could help deliver more n Donors should require the NGOs they support to effective programmes. conduct similar audits and share findings with government. n Donor agencies should be encouraged to expand their “circle” of contacts and deepen their under- standing of inclusion by seeking information from and interacting with diverse groups that ordinarily do not have access to donor ears. 9. Strengthen the power of local development groups: A level playing field within local development groups n GOVERNMENT is necessary to ensure that members from n CIVIL SOCIETY n Establish governance rules for local develop- disadvantaged backgrounds benefit equally from n DONORS ment groups to help them better deliver inclusion shared group activities and that group-based and prevent elite capture by implementing effective approaches live up to their potential for delivering governance rules, and transparent monitoring and inclusion, sustainability and empowerment for all. evaluation mechanisms. Many local groups that form federations to increase their economic efficiency and their political voice n Create a supportive environment for federations of face bureaucratic delays and barriers when they local level groups: seek to register either as a cooperative under the l Review and amend existing cooperative laws to Cooperative Laws or as an NGO under the CDO or permit more than one of a given type of the SWC. One such barrier for cooperative cooperative to be registered in a single district federations is the outmoded rule that there can be and to remove other regulations and procedural only one of any particular type of cooperative (e.g. barriers to the registration and operation of dairy, credit, multipurpose cooperative) per district. cooperative federations. This is particularly counterproductive for women's groups whose members practice a variety of l Encourage wide consultations, between the livelihoods and need the multipurpose designation to government and NGO and donor stakeholders, allow this. Another emerging barrier for any aimed at revising the new NGO code to make it federated groups seeking to become an NGO is the less restrictive. restrictive new NGO code. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 31 ACTION BASIS FOR ACTION RESPONSIBLE ACTORS 10. Develop a knowledge base to inform policy debate Practical proposals for inclusion that are economically n CIVIL SOCIETY on inclusion: and politically feasible require conceptual clarity, and n DONORS Encourage civil society groups to consistently collective thinking and debate at all levels. Thinking n government generate and share knowledge and understanding on through policy choices and developing the mecha- diversity and related issues, by encouraging nisms through which these policies will be imple- participation from members of traditionally excluded mented on the ground requires representative groups. participation. 11. Support strategic coalitions between women, The women, Dalit and Janajati movements are n CIVIL SOCIETY Dalits and Janajatis: currently fractured and almost independent of each Build alliances for collective equal citizenship goals other, even though they often seek to attain similar between the individual social movements. citizenship goals. There is strength in numbers, and alliances can help them forcefully advocate and achieve their collective goals. 12. Encourage internal reform of the main political The success of democracy hinges largely on the n CIVIL SOCIETY parties to make them more democratic and extent to which the political parties, once in power, n government broadly representative: can articulate and respond to the demands of n donors The parties need to be encouraged to adopt more every segment of society. In Nepal's emerging democratic and transparent procedures and to be held democracy the parties have been less than accountable to implement the many inclusive promises successful in implementing democratic norms and made in their manifestos. procedures within the context of their own organizations. They have also delayed imple- mentation of their own pledges to be inclusive to women, Janajatis and Dalits. Women, Janajatis and Dalits have not been elected in numbers that match their share of the population. Acronyms and abbreviations BA Bachelor of Arts B/C Brahman/Chhetri CBS Central Bureau of Statistics CDO Chief District Officer CEDAW Convention on Eliminating all forms of Discrimination Against Women DDC District Development Committee DFID Department for International Development DHS Department of Health Services GSEA Gender and Social Exclusion Assessment HMG/N His Majesty’s Government/Nepal LSGA Local Self-Governance Act MOES Ministry of Education and Sports MOF Ministry of Finance NDC National Dalit Commission NEFA Nepal Education for All NEFIN Nepal Federation of Indigenous Nationalities NFDIN National Foundation for Development of Indigenous Nationalities NGO Non Government Organization NLSS Nepal Living Standard Survey NPC National Planning Commission NWC National Women’s Commission PMAS Poverty Monitoring Analysis System PRSP Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper SMC School Management Committee SWC Social Welfare Council UNICEF United Nations Childrens' Fund VDC Village Development Committee WDO Women Development Officer DFID THE Department For International WORLD Development BANK The World Bank DFID Nepal Nepal Office P.O. Box 106 P.O. Box 798 Kathmandu, Nepal Yak and Yeti Hotel Tel.: 5542980 Complex Fax: 5542979 Durbar Marg Kathmandu, Nepal Tel.: 4226792, 4226793 E-mail Fax: 4225112 enquiry@dfid.gov.uk Websites www.worldbank.org.np, Website www.bishwabank.org.np www.dfid.gov.uk