89273 Gender at Work A Companion to the World Development Report on Jobs In the World of Work Cover photos from top to bottom: Construction worker checking progress and quality of dam under construction, Sri Lanka. Photographer Lakshman Nadaraja Woman attends her produce post in a market, Guatemala City, Guatemala. Photographer Maria Fleischmann Young woman tending her peppers in the marketplace, Lagos, Nigeria. Photographer Women’s World Banking Stall owner, Thimphu weekend market, Bhutan. Photographer Michael Foley Teacher in action, Rajasthan, India. Photographer Michael Foley Page 1: Women repairing a road, Hanoi. Photographer Tran Thi Hoa Page 5: Woman works at weaving a carpet, Herat, Afghanistan. Photographer Graham Crouch Page 17: Woman tends to plants in a nursery, Sri Lanka. Photographer Lakshman Nadaraja Page 33: Woman works on her farm, Tanzania. Photographer Scott Wallace Page 53: Woman cutting bamboo to weave into baskets, Vientiane, Lao PDR. Photographer Stanislas Fradelizi This work is a product of the staff of The World Bank Group with external contributions. The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed in this work do not necessarily reflect the views of The World Bank, its Board of Executive Directors, or the governments they represent. The World Bank does not guarantee the accuracy of the data included in this work. The boundaries, colors, denominations, and other information shown on any map in this work do not imply any judgment on the part of The World Bank concerning the legal status of any territory or the endorsement or acceptance of such boundaries. Nothing herein shall constitute or be considered to be a limitation upon or waiver of the privileges and immunities of The World Bank, all of which are specifically reserved. Gender at Work A Companion to the World Development Report on Jobs In the World of Work Table of Contents Acknowledgments vii Foreword ix Executive Summary 1 Gender Equality in the World of Work Matters 1 Where Do We Stand? 1 Overlapping Disadvantages and Gender Equality at Work 2 Igniting Gender Equality in the World of Work 3 Notes 4 1. Introduction: Engendering Jobs 5 Context: Gender and the Jobs Challenge 5 Motivation: Inadequate Progress and Missed Dividends for Development 6 Report Scope, Approach, and Value Added 8 Two Paradoxes Surrounding Equality at Work 10 A Note on Male Disadvantage 11 Context Matters 12 Notes 13 2. Taking Stock: Stylized Facts About Gender at Work 17 Employment Status and Quality 18 Earnings 22 Differences in Entrepreneurship and Farming 24 Labor Force Participation 25 Notes 28 3. Overlapping Constraints Across the Lifecycle 33 Bundled Constraints: Norms, Agency, and Economic Opportunities 34 Childhood and Youth: The Start of Unequal Trajectories 38 Productive Age: Constraints at Work 40 Elderly Years: The Culmination of Lifelong Disadvantage 45 Notes 46 4. Igniting Gender Equality in the World of Work 53 Diagnostics 54 Three Levels of Action 55 Conclusions 72 Notes 72 iv   Gender at Work Boxes Box 1.1. How gender equality in the world of work contributes to development 7 Box 1.2. Regional perspectives on challenges and opportunities for gender equality at work 12 Box 2.1. To better understand gender at work 19 Box 2.2. Gender and informality: nuanced perspectives are needed 21 Box 3.1. Norms favor men’s economic opportunities, but can policies change them? 36 Box 3.2. Fragility, gender, and jobs 39 Box 4.1. Beyond having a job: gender and the Decent Work Agenda 55 Box 4.2. Navigating the many policy options for childcare services and financing 61 Box 4.3. Companies can help level the playing field for women’s work through corporate philanthropy 66 Box 4.4. Starting from within: The World Bank Group and gender equality at work 68 Resource Box 2.1. Where do countries stand? Global and regional rankings on gender equality and women’s economic empowerment 28 Resource Box 3.1. Data sources on deprivations and constraints 47 Resource Box 4.1. Using ADePT Gender to support country diagnostics 57 Resource Box 4.2. Identifying what works 65 Resource Box 4.3. Resources for private sector engagement and leadership 69 Figures Figure 1.1. Female labor force participation has increased dramatically in Latin America and the Caribbean 8 Figure 1.2. Gender outcomes result from interactions among markets, institutions, and households 9 Figure 1.3. Countries range widely in the extent of gender gaps in economic opportunities despite levels of development 10 Figure 1.4. In the Middle East and North Africa, not much improvement in female labor force participation despite gains in schooling 11 Figure 2.1. A multidimensional perspective to gender equality in the world of work is needed 18 Figure 2.2. Women are underrepresented in every type of employment, with greater gaps in developing countries 19 Figure 2.3. Women are generally less likely to be full-time employed for an employer 20 Figure 2.4. Women’s employment is more likely to be part-time 20 Figure 2.5. Employment status by sex and income level 22 Figure 2.6. Women are underrepresented in firms’ top management 23 Figure 2.7. Country differences exceed gender differences in attitudes toward women’s leadership ability 23 Figure 2.8. Distribution of self-employed jobs in 97 developing countries 24 Figure 2.9. Women are less likely than men to have formal accounts and credit 26 Figure 2.10. Gender gaps in labor force participation for different age groups 27 Figure 3.1. Biased norms and lack of agency across the lifecycle affect equality at work 34 Figure 3.2. Main reasons given by young women in Morocco for not wanting to work, 2010 35 Figure 3.3. Women face overlapping constraints (percentages of women facing constraints) 37 Figure 3.4. Women are doubly disadvantaged by gender and ethnicity 39 Figure 3.5. Even where gender parity is reached in higher education, segregation persists 41 Figure 3.6. There is little evidence of female underperformance in subjects often dominated by men 41 Figure 3.7. Gender-based time allocations have changed in industrialized countries, signaling shifting norms 42 Figure 3.8. The share of elderly people is growing rapidly in developing countries 43 Figure 3.9. Percentage of countries with different numbers of sex-based legal differentiations by regions, and regional averages across countries 44 Table of Contents   v Figure 3.10. Elderly women in India are less independent than elderly men 46 Figure 4.1. Igniting equality at work: World Bank Group entry points 54 Figure 4.2. Both broad-based and targeted actions across the lifecycle can contribute to gender equality in the world of work 58 Figure 4.3. Implementing STEP as an integrated set of programs across workers’ lifecycles 59 Figure 4.4. Enrollment of children in preprimary education remains very low in low-income countries 62 Figure Box 3.1A. Share of the population agreeing that when jobs are scarce, a man should have more of a right to a job than a woman 36 Figure Box 3.1B. Discriminating norms are associated with few women working 36 Tables Table 4.1. Diagnosing constraints across the lifecycle 56 Table 4.2. Indicators where urgent action is needed to close data gaps 70 Acknowledgments This report has been the work of the World Bank Group’s The team would also like to acknowledge Kathleen Beegle, Gender and Development unit. The task was led by Matthew Sarah Iqbal, Leora Klapper, and Claudio Montenegro for their co- Morton. The report was prepared under the guidance of Jeni operation; Henriette Kolb, Martin Rama, and Carolina Sanchez- Klugman (Director, Gender and Development). The main con- Paramo for their work in conducting peer reviews; and the World tributors to the writing and analyses were Jeni Klugman, Lucia Bank Group Gender and Development Board members and Hanmer, and Dorothe Singer. The team is also grateful to several others for useful review comments and input. Communications other individuals—including Julieth Andrea Santamaria Bonilla, coordination has been led by Sarah Jackson-Han and administra- Alicia Samantha Hammond, Sveinung Kiplesund, Josefina Posa- tive support has been provided by Ngozi Kalu-Mba. das, Emma Samman, and Sarah Twigg—for important contribu- tions to specific sections and analyses. Foreword Today, many more girls are going to school and living longer, Public and private policies and actions can promote equality healthier lives than 30 or even 10 years ago. That was the good over a lifetime. This includes education and training during youth news in our flagship 2012 World Development Report on gender. and creating opportunities for women to participate in paid work But this has not translated into broader gains. Too many women during their economically productive years. It extends to imple- still lack basic freedoms and opportunities and face huge inequali- menting equitable old-age labor regulations combined with ap- ties in the world of work. Globally, fewer than half of women have propriate social protection later in life. We need leadership and jobs, compared with almost four-fifths of men. Girls and women innovation as well as scaled-up efforts to fill critical gaps in knowl- still learn less, earn less, and have far fewer assets and opportuni- edge and evidence, from the private sector, governments, science, ties. They farm smaller plots, work in less profitable sectors, and and media—and individuals. This agenda is urgent. Failure to act face discriminatory laws and norms that constrain their time and represents a huge missed opportunity. We know that reducing choices, as well as their ability to own or inherit property, open a gender gaps in the world of work can yield broad development bank account, or take out a loan—to buy fertilizer, for example, dividends: improving child health and education, enhancing pov- that would boost food production for whole communities. erty reduction, and catalyzing productivity. Gender at Work looks closely at existing constraints as well as Empowering women and girls is vital in order to achieve our twin policies and practices that show promise in closing the gaps. A goals: ending extreme poverty by 2030 and boosting shared pros- companion to the 2013 World Development Report on jobs, the perity. The World Bank Group is fully committed to this agenda. report advocates investing more in women’s capabilities and elim- inating structural barriers such as laws that bar women from own- ing property, accessing financing, or working without permission Jim Yong Kim from a male relative. President, The World Bank Group Executive Summary Gender Equality in the World of Work Matters Jobs can bring gains for women, their families, businesses, and communities. Jobs boost self-esteem and pull families out of poverty. Yet gender disparities persist in the world of work. Closing these gaps, while working to stimulate job creation more broadly, is a prerequisite for ending extreme poverty and boosting shared prosperity. Gender equality in the world of work is a win-win on many fronts. A large and growing body of evidence demonstrates both the business and the development case. Booz & Company estimates that raising female employment to male levels could have a direct impact on GDP, increasing it by 34 percent in Egypt, 12 percent in the United Arab Emirates, 10 percent in South Africa, and 9 percent in Japan, taking into account losses in economy-wide labor productivity that could occur as new workers entered the labor force.1 Yet almost half of women’s productive poten- tial globally is unutilized, compared to 22 percent of men’s, according to the Inter- national Labour Organization.2 In places where women’s paid work has increased, as in Latin America and the Caribbean, gains have made significant contributions to overall poverty reduction. Both the World Development Report 2013 on Jobs (WDR 2013) and the World Development Report 2012 on Gender Equality and Development (WDR 2012) provide valuable and complementary frameworks to help policy makers advance gender equality in the world of work. The WDR 2013 approach helps us to under- stand how and when promoting gender equality in the world of work adds significant development value. The WDR 2012, meanwhile, offers an important framework for diagnosing and addressing gender-specific constraints. An important link between the two WDRs is the notion of agency—women’s ability to make choices they value and to act on those choices. Jobs can increase women’s agency by expanding their life choices and their capacity to better support their families and more actively partici- pate in communities and societies. Conversely, significant constraints on agency pose major barriers to women’s work and help explain the persistence of gender gaps. Following the WDR 2013, “jobs” are broadly defined to include various forms of wage and non-wage work, formal and informal. Informal work is the largest source of employment throughout Africa, Asia, and the Middle East, and working women are more likely than working men to be self-employed or farming. The jobs that are best for women’s economic empowerment—and development goals more broadly—depend on country-specific jobs challenges. Where Do We Stand? Gender equality in the world of work is multidimensional. Broadly, key dimensions include labor force participation, employment, firm and farming 2   Gender at Work characteristics, earnings, and job quality. The last is the most valuable framework for understanding the challenges. It high- difficult to measure and varies by context. However, full-time lights key outcome areas—agency, endowments, and economic wage employment is a strong predictor of subjective well-be- opportunities—and underscores the fact that disparities are ing, and jobs that provide higher earnings, benefits, rights, and driven by multiple constraints that arise in formal and infor- opportunities for skills development are more likely to expand mal institutions, markets, and households. The constraints are women’s agency. most severe among women who face other disadvantages, such On virtually every global measure, women are more eco- as being a member of an ethnic minority, having a disability, or nomically excluded than men. Trends suggest that women’s la- being poor. bor force participation (ages 15–64) worldwide over the last two Social norms are a key factor underlying deprivations and decades has stagnated, declining from 57 to 55 percent globally. constraints throughout the lifecycle. Norms affect women’s Participation is as low as 25 percent in the Middle East and North work by dictating the way they spend their time and underval- Africa. Globally, Gallup estimates that men are nearly twice as uing their potential. Housework, child-rearing, and elderly care likely as women to have full-time jobs—and, in South Asia, they are often considered primarily women’s responsibility. Further, are more than three times as likely.3 nearly four in 10 people globally (close to one-half in developing Gender gaps are evident among farmers, entrepreneurs, and countries) agree that, when jobs are scarce, men should have more employees alike. Because of gender-specific constraints, female right to jobs than women.9 Research shows that women are fre- farmers tend to have lower output per unit of land and are less quently disadvantaged by gender biases in performance and hiring likely to be active in commercial farming than men. In the Cen- evaluations.10 tral Highlands of Ethiopia, the value of output per hectare of fe- Jobs can increase women’s agency, but a lack of agency also male-headed households has been estimated to be 35 percent lower restricts women’s job opportunities. In most developing coun- than that of male-headed households, a disparity stemming mainly tries, women have fewer choices in fundamental areas of day-to- from unequal access to productive inputs.4 Female entrepreneurs day life, including their own movements, sexual and reproductive typically operate smaller firms and in less profitable sectors. In health decisions, ability to use household assets, and whether and Latin America and the Caribbean, half of established businesses when to go to school, work, or participate in other economic-re- owned by women have no employees, compared to 38 percent of lated activities. Further, a large proportion of women in the world businesses owned by men.5 Female employees are more likely to lack freedom from violence. The World Health Organization es- work in temporary and part-time jobs, are less likely to be pro- timates that more than 35 percent of women have experienced moted, and are concentrated in occupations and sectors with lower gender-based violence.11 Without addressing these critical con- barriers to entry. Women and girls also do the vast majority of straints on agency, women cannot take full advantage of potential unpaid care and housework. economic opportunities. Women generally earn less than men. ILO analysis of 83 Inequalities in endowments and assets contribute to gaps countries shows that women in paid work earn on average be- in the world of work. While there has been important progress tween 10 and 30 percent less than men.6 Gaps are particularly globally, in some countries fundamental deprivations persist. In acute in the Middle East and North Africa, but also persist in 2010–12, female-to-male enrollment ratios for primary school high-income OECD countries. were less than 90 percent in 16 countries, mainly in Africa, Gender sorting into different jobs, industries, and firm types and some 57 million primary school age children were not en- explains much of the pay gap. Throughout the world, women rolled.12 Many women lack access to land and financial capital. are concentrated in less-productive jobs and run enterprises in Other deep-seated differences also persist. For example, young less-productive sectors, with fewer opportunities for business women and men often follow different educational streams and scale-up or career advancement. The latest Grant Thornton In- develop differences in aspirations and skills that underlie occu- ternational Business Report indicates that the share of women in pational segregations later in life. A wider account of productive senior management roles globally is only 24 percent.7 Across de- inputs shows women disadvantaged in areas such as access to veloping countries, 18 percent of non-agricultural self-employed financial services, technology, training, information, and social males work in business-oriented services, compared to only 5 per- networks. cent of females; women are more heavily concentrated in retail Legal discrimination is a remarkably common barrier to services, often in the informal sector.8 women’s work. Of 143 economies, 128 had at least one legal dif- ferentiation in 2013.13 These barriers include restricting women’s ability to access institutions (such as obtaining an ID card or con- Overlapping Disadvantages and Gender ducting official transactions), own or use property, build credit, Equality at Work or get a job. In 15 countries, women still require their husbands’ Gender-smart jobs strategies need to identify and address consent to work. In many economies, especially in the Middle multiple deprivations and constraints that underlie gender East and North Africa, women face the cumulative effects of mul- inequality in the world of work. The WDR 2012 provides a tiple legal constraints. Executive Summary   3 Igniting Gender Equality in the World of barriers to women’s work is Agency is the ability to Work key to leveling the playing field. Reforms should focus make one’s own choices While there are no “magic formulas,” effectively tackling gen- on removing restrictions to and act upon them. der inequality at work is likely to be an integral part of addressing women’s work in labor and country jobs challenges. Overcoming gender inequality involves employment; removing un- understanding local specificities and developing bold, coordinated equal status provisions, such as head-of-household provisions, in actions to address multiple constraints. It requires investments in family law; allowing and encouraging women’s ownership and people’s skills and capabilities, and supporting their abilities to joint-titling of land; enforcing equitable inheritance laws; and contribute to higher productivity activities and economy-wide applying nondiscrimination principles to customary laws. Most competitiveness over their life cycles. Four broad areas are likely countries have made significant progress toward more equita- to be important. ble laws over recent decades, but there has been less progress in 1. Integrate gender into jobs diagnostics. Growth and labor some regions, notably in the Middle East and North Africa and market country diagnostics can identify the gender-specific con- in South Asia. straints that women face in accessing productive jobs. A joint World Beyond addressing legal discrimination, targeted policies can Bank and Asian Development Bank gender assessment for Lao PDR address more subtle constraints. Strategies can include family- found persistent wage gaps and self-employed women running friendly leave and flexibility policies, extending affordable child- smaller businesses. These diagnostics led to growth strategy recom- care and early child development programs, and developing tech- mendations focused on improving access to finance and business nology and infrastructure to reduce burdens on women’s time for training for women entrepreneurs. A gender assessment in Vietnam household chores and care work. The World Bank estimates that identified adverse impacts of gender differences in statutory retire- adding one year of preschool education in Turkey, for example, ment ages and outlined policy options for addressing the problem. could increase female labor force participation by 9 percent.17 Fa- 2. Level the playing field through government actions across ther-friendly leave policies in the UK and Nordic countries have the lifecycle. Biases can begin very early in life, sometimes in sub- strengthened opportunities and incentives for men to share in tle ways, and start trajectories of inequality that become increas- domestic responsibilities. A World Bank-supported program in ingly difficult and costly to resolve. Policy actions across the lifecy- Cambodia reduced women’s time devoted to collecting firewood cle to advance gender equality in the world of work will typically and increased their incomes by selling low-cost, fuel-efficient include both (a) broad-based actions that, while benefiting every- cookstoves through local female vendors.18 one, may have an even greater impact on women’s economic op- During elderly years, governments can support equitable portunities (such as early childhood development programming old-age labor regulations combined with appropriate social or reducing inefficiencies to business registration) as well as (b) protection. The importance of this demographic cannot be ig- targeted actions to remove or offset gender-specific constraints. nored. In developing countries, the old-age dependency ratio is The report discusses evidence behind a wider range of targeted expected to increase by 144 percent from 2010 to 2050, whereas actions, but selected examples are highlighted here. the child dependency ratio is projected to fall by 20 percent during During childhood and youth, policy actions can tackle in- the same period. This translates to increased elderly care responsi- equalities through education and training. A growing body of bilities for productive age women, as well as potential challenges evidence demonstrates the value of cash transfers with special in- for elderly people themselves. Many governments have removed centives as a demand-side tool for boosting equality in schooling. differences in retirement and pension ages, but gaps remain in Examples of supply-side strategies that have shown positive results 49 countries. World Bank analysis showed that mandatory earlier by addressing gender-specific constraints include increasing the retirement causes early labor force withdrawal of urban women proximity of schools to homes in Afghanistan and building “girl- in China.19 In developing countries, many elderly women are friendly” schools in Burkina Faso that improve facilities and in- outside the scope of formal social protection—although studies centives for girls’ education while engaging parents and teachers.14 in Brazil and South Africa have shown that pensions received by Education systems can challenge stereotypes through curricula. elderly women significantly increased granddaughters’ education Tanzania’s national curriculum includes substantial gender-related and health.20 More policy experimentation is needed on interven- material in its secondary school civics syllabus and examinations.15 tions for updating older women’s and men’s skills and increasing Multicomponent skills-development programs can also make a connections to the labor market. difference. A World Bank-supported youth employment program 3. Proactive private sector leadership and innovation for in Liberia that included vocational and life skills training, along gender equality. The private sector accounts for about three out with job placement help, boosted young women’s employment by of four jobs in countries like Egypt, Finland, and France and nine 47 percent and average weekly earnings by 80 percent.16 out of 10 jobs in countries such as Brazil, Chile, Japan, and South For women of productive age, actions can focus on remov- Africa. With International Finance Corporation (IFC) support, ing barriers to getting paid work. Eliminating legal and formal commercial banks in Cambodia, Nigeria, and Romania, among 4   Gender at Work other countries, are increasing their female clientele,21 and com- 7. Grant Thornton. 2013. Women in senior management: Setting the stage panies in male-dominated sectors, such as chemicals and con- for growth. Washington, DC: Grant Thornton. struction, are increasing women’s access to jobs through more 8. Authors’ calculations based on World Values Survey data. concerted recruitment and family-friendly work arrangements. 9. Gender at Work team analyses of World Values Survey data. Multinational firms have increased profitability in South Korea by 10. Bohnet, I., van Geen A., Bazerman M. When performance trumps gender actively recruiting women for local managerial positions.22 While bias: joint versus separate evaluations. Cambridge. success stories are encouraging, a focus on gender equality is still 11. World Health Organization (WHO). 2013. Global and regional esti- all too rare. ManpowerGroup surveys report that only 2 percent mates of violence against women: Prevalence and health effects of intimate part- of employers across 42 countries have adopted strategies to recruit ner violence and non-partner sexual violence. Geneva: WHO. more women.23 12. World Development Indicators. Countries include Afghanistan, An- Private and public sector actors can form powerful partnerships gola, Benin, Cameroon, Central African Republic, Chad, Comoros, Cote to support women’s entrepreneurship, which in turn contributes d’Ivoire, Democratic Republic of Congo, Djibouti, Eritrea, Guinea, Mali, Niger, Pakistan, and Yemen. to growth and a dynamic private sector. Women’s entrepreneur- ship can be fostered through a combination of increased access to 13. World Bank Group. Women, Business and the Law 2014. Washington, capital, networks, and new markets; high-quality business skills DC: World Bank. and development training; and access to broader services that off- 14. Burde, D. and L. Linden. 2009. The effect of proximity on school set gender-specific constraints. enrolment: evidence from a randomized controlled trial in Afghanistan; Ka- zianga, H., D. Levy, et al. 2013. “The Effects of “Girl-Friendly” Schools: Ev- 4. Global action is needed to fill knowledge gaps about both idence from the BRIGHT School Construction Program in Burkina Faso.” the problems of, and the solutions to, gender inequality in the American Economic Journal: Applied Economics 5 (3): 41. world of work. This involves addressing data gaps in such areas as 15. Levtov, R. Forthcoming. “Addressing Gender Inequalities in Curric- earnings disparities, control over assets, and gender-based violence ulum and Education: Review of Literature and Promising Practices.” Back- in homes and workplaces. But it also means contributing to stron- ground paper to the World Bank’s report on Women’s Voice, Agency & Par- ger evidence on what works for increasing gender equality in the ticipation. Washington, DC: World Bank. world of work. The World Bank recently launched enGENDER 16. Adoho, S. C., D. T. Korkoyah, et al. Forthcoming. “The Impact of IMPACT, a gateway to its gender-related impact evaluations. This an Adolescent Girls Employment Program: The EPAG project in Liberia.” effort complements gender innovation and evaluation initiatives Washington, DC: World Bank. in Sub-Saharan Africa and Latin America and the Caribbean, and 17. World Bank. 2013. Programmatic Concept Note: Turkey: Women’s Access efforts by the IFC to highlight good business practices. to Economic Opportunities in Turkey Trust Fund (P146215): Supplementary Description. Washington, DC: World Bank. 18. World Bank. 2009. “Building on Tradition as the Way to Women’s Em- Notes powerment in Cambodia.” East Asia and Pacific Region Social Development 1. Aguirre, D., L. Hoteit, et al. 2012. Empowering the Third Billion: Notes. Washington, DC: World Bank. Women and the World of Work in 2012. New York: Booz & Co. 19. Giles, J., et al. 2011. “The Labor Supply and Retirement Behavior of 2. International Labour Office (ILO). 2010. “Women in labour mar- China’s Older Workers and Elderly in Comparative Perspective.” Policy Re- kets: Measuring progress and identifying challenges.” Geneva: ILO. search Working Paper 5853. Washington, DC: World Bank. http://www.ilocarib.org.tt/images/stories/contenido/pdf/Gender/WD 20. Filho, I. E. 2012. “Household Income as a Determinant of Child Labor -Women2010_123835.pdf. and School Enrollment in Brazil: Evidence from a Social Security Reform.” 3. Marlar, J. and E. Mendes. 2013. “Globally, Men Twice as Likely as Economic Development and Cultural Change 60 (2): 399–435.; Duflo, E. Women to Have a Good Job.” Retrieved October 10, 2013, from http:// 2003. “Grandmothers and Granddaughters: Old‐Age Pensions and Intra- www.gallup.com/poll/164666/globally-men-twice-likely-women-good-job. household Allocation in South Africa.” World Bank Economic Review 17 (1): aspx; Clifton, J., and J. Marlar. 2011. “Worldwide, Good Jobs Linked to 1–25; Case, A. and A. Menendez. 2007. “Does money empower the elderly? Higher Wellbeing.” Retrieved June 1, 2013, from http://www.gallup.com Evidence from the Agincourt demographic surveillance site, South Africa.” /poll/146639/worldwide-good-jobs-linked-higher-wellbeing.aspx. Scandinavian Journal of Public Health 35 (69 suppl.): 157–64. 4. Tiruneh, A., T. Tesfaye, W. Mwangi, and H. Verkuijl. 2001. Gender 21. IFC. 2013. Banking on Women: Changing the Face of the Global Econ- Differentials in Agricultural Production and Decision-Making Among Small- omy. Washington, DC: IFC. holders in Ada, Lume and Gimbichu Woredas of the Central Highlands of Ethio- 22. Siegel, J., L. Pyun, et al. 2013. Multinational Firms, Labor Market pia. El Baton, Mexico: International Maize and Wheat Improvement Center Discrimination, and the Capture of Competitive Advantage by Exploiting (CIMMYT) and Ethiopian Research Organization (EARO). the Social Divide. Working Paper No. 11-011. Cambridge, MA: Harvard 5. Kelley, D. J., et al. 2013. Global Entrepreneurship Monitor’s 2012 Women’s Business School. Report.http://www.gemconsortium.org/docs/2825/gem-2012-womens-report. 23. ManpowerGroup. 2013. 2013 Talent Shortage Survey: Research Results. 6. ILO. 2008. Global Wage Report 2008–09: Minimum Wages and Col- ManpowerGroup. lective Bargaining, Towards Policy Coherence. Geneva: ILO. Introduction Engendering Jobs Key messages ▶▶ Gender inequality is a major part of the global jobs challenge. Appro- priate responses require leveling the playing field and creating the types of jobs that can empower women. ▶▶ Reducing gender gaps in the world of work can yield big development payoffs. These extend beyond benefits to the women themselves, including spillover effects on children, enhanced poverty reduction, catalyzing business productivity, and broader social cohesion. ▶▶ Policy strategies geared toward economic growth or increasing general education levels, although necessary, are generally insufficient to close gender gaps. Targeted, gender-specific, and multi-sectoral solutions are also needed to respond to country-specific constraints. ▶▶ Connecting women’s agency with economic opportunities and taking a lifecycle approach lead to better, more comprehensive policy actions. Context: Gender and the Jobs Challenge Today, as ever, the global spotlight remains squarely on jobs. As the World De- velopment Report 2013: Jobs1 (WDR 2013) underscores, good jobs are not just the engine of poverty reduction or a derivative of growth—they are transformative in and of themselves and can help drive development. Yet the challenge is daunting. Globally, 200 million people—disproportionately youth—are unemployed and ac- tively looking for work.2 Solving the jobs challenge is critical to achieving the World Bank Group’s twin goals of ending extreme poverty and boosting shared prosperity. Underlying this immense task is the challenge of equitable access to economic opportunities. This has many aspects, including income, racial and ethnic dispari- ties. This report focuses on one dimension of inequality that is often related to other aspects of disadvantage. The starting point is the recognition that women are dis- advantaged globally on virtually every indicator in the world of work3—earnings, quality of employment, employment status, participation—and that these differ- ences matter for development. The global jobs challenge is also about fostering the types of jobs that add the greatest development value. In many low-income countries, unemployment is low but underemployment is high, and the available jobs often lack basic rights and pro- tections, not to mention opportunities for advancement. Only about one in four of the world’s adult population was employed full-time by an employer in 2012.4 6   Gender at Work Motivation: Inadequate Progress and agency increase their spectrum of choices and strengthen women’s Missed Dividends for Development capabilities to act on those choices. Even informal and self-em- ployed jobs can have positive effects such as increasing aspira- Gender inequality in the world of work has been stubbornly tions, household decision-making, and control over assets.26 Jobs persistent across multiple dimensions, despite relatively large can also teach skills, build networks, and change attitudes and gains in recent decades in women’s health and education.5 The behaviors,27 all of which can improve women’s ability to act on the evidence presented in chapter 2 shows the persistence of these things they value in life. gender disparities. For example, women’s labor force participation has stagnated around 55 percent, and actually fell by two percent- Which jobs are good for women’s agency will vary. For some age points since 1990. Women remain heavily concentrated into women, a part-time job or small household enterprise close to home lower-paying jobs, including less-productive and less-profitable are ideal arrangements that provide the flexibility to earn income while tending to household responsibilities; for other women, they entrepreneurship and farming, than men. Occupational segrega- represent poor sources of protection, earnings, and skills-develop- tion is enduring, as are wage gaps. This lack of progress in eco- ment and an inadequate range of options. A “good job” can also nomic opportunities is puzzling. It raises several questions, such change within a person’s lifetime. A low-wage job without fringe as: why do these gaps persist? Do gaps simply reflect differences in benefits, for example, may be desirable as a career entry point and free choices and preferences between women and men, or are they opportunity to develop skills, while it may be demoralizing and better explained by market failures and formal and informal insti- add little value beyond basic subsistence at a later stage. tutional biases that constrain women’s choices? Are there examples at the policy or country levels that stand out as outliers by having Nonetheless, the fact women are disproportionately concen- made greater progress, and what can we learn from them to en- trated into jobs that offer lower earnings, fewer rights and ben- courage broader change? These questions are explored in chapters efits, and less opportunity for skill-building and enhancement 3 and 4. means that women are not deriving as much agency from jobs as men. Jobs among the working poor can even diminish agency This inequality is costly on multiple levels. It is clear that jobs when they are exploitative or demeaning, because facilities are un- can add value to people’s lives. They increase people’s incomes, safe, or because they expose workers to harassment and violence. allowing them to purchase the goods and services they Catalyzing business “Happiness and equality value; and jobs can contrib- are related. If the husband ute to self-esteem and happi- Companies are increasingly recognizing the business case for understands that happiness ness.6 One’s ability to choose investing in women’s economic inclusion.28 Gender equality in is supporting and helping whether to seek a paid job, the world of work generates a broader consumer base. Diversity his wife in housework and in and what type of work to do, also translates to a bigger and richer talent pool for driving firm taking care of children, the is itself an important expres- innovation and productivity. Women can additionally bring par- happiness of the family will be ticular strengths to firms. For instance, some research suggests that sion of agency (the ability to reinforced.” women are generally more advanced in negotiating, empathizing, make choices that one values and to act on those choices).7 and working behind the scenes to facilitate better cooperation in —Adult male, Ba Dinh district, the workplace.29 Hanoi, Vietnam, On Norms and Jobs can also be instrumental Agency in fostering broader empow- Firms can reap significant business payoffs from investments in erment for women.8 They women and gender diversity: can teach skills and change ◆◆ Women-friendly work policies have been shown to boost attitudes, behaviors, and aspirations.9 Even basic informal and firm profitability.30 Channels through which women’s partic- self-employed jobs, such as microenterprise and casual work with- ipation benefits firms include broadening the talent pool and out a contract, can advance decision-making power at home and contributing to more diverse—and therefore more innova- control over assets.10 Women’s economic empowerment is also tive—exchange of ideas.31 smart economics, as it is associated with reduced poverty, faster ◆◆ Gender diversity in senior leadership has been associated growth, and better economic, health, and educational outcomes with higher company profits.32 A 2012 Credit Suisse study for the next generation.11 The WDR 2013 framework for analyz- of nearly 2,400 companies across the world found that the ing “good jobs for development” helps us to understand the ways share prices of companies that have at least one woman on in which greater gender equality in the world of work can drive their boards perform 26 percent better than companies that development (see Box 1.1). do not. Analysts attribute the better performance of boards with women to higher risk aversion and lower debt, which Boosting women’s agency paid off during the global economic downturn.33 Expanding agency is an important way in which jobs contrib- ◆◆ The International Finance Corporation (IFC) recently high- ute to social cohesion.25 By definition, jobs that expand women’s lighted several cases in which companies profited from en- Introduction   7 Box 1.1. How gender equality in the world of work contributes to development The extent to which gender-specific jobs strategies have de- more informal, can also have multiplier effects on job creation velopment payoffs, and the focus of those strategies, depends for women. Research in India has found agglomeration effects, on country circumstances. Broadly, the WDR 2013 defines with women-owned firms benefitting from lower production three areas in which jobs contribute to development: living costs arising from urban proximity and, in the Middle East and standards, productivity, and social cohesion. Gender equality North Africa, tending to hire more women.18 In Africa, non-tar- is important for all three. iff barriers disproportionately push women traders and pro- ducers into the informal economy, where a lack of access to Living standards: Jobs can boost living standards through finance, information, and networks jeopardizes their capacity earnings opportunities that lift people out of poverty, raise to grow and develop businesses.19 Reducing occupational their consumption levels, and contribute to their broader segregation can also help drive productivity: women are less well-being. Jobs for women can have especially positive spill- present in many high-growth fields like science, technology, over effects on poverty reduction through greater spending on and engineering, which are important to countries’ innova- children’s health and education. A review of 15 studies found tion, connectedness, and competiveness in global markets.20 that increases in women’s earnings and bargaining power typ- ically12 translate into greater spending on, and results for, chil- Social cohesion: Jobs contribute to social cohesion by shap- dren’s education and health.13 In India, the National Rural Em- ing values and behaviors, and encouraging trust and civic en- ployment Guarantee Scheme increased children’s—especially gagement. Fairness, equity, and social inclusion are elements girls’—time in school as a byproduct of increasing mothers’, considered constitutive of social cohesion.21 In this sense, but not fathers’, days of employment.14 Women who migrate gender equality is an end in itself. Further, when jobs redefine for work have also been shown to send larger amounts of re- women’s roles in society, they contribute to a new and more mittances home, and over a longer time period, compared to inclusive sense of social cohesion. In some societies, basic male migrants.15 In terms of broader well-being, research has wage-earning jobs can remold women’s image and status in also found that jobs can increase women’s self-esteem.16 society.22 In the United States, people with exposure to female management are more likely to prefer a female boss.23 Jobs Productivity: Low use of women’s potential resulting from can also expand social networks, which tend to be smaller for gender gaps in entrepreneurship and labor force participation women. In high-crime and conflict-affected situations, high can pose sizeable drags on aggregate productivity.17 Investing unemployment and underemployment among young men is in women-owned enterprises, which are typically smaller and a liability for further violence and fragility.24 Closing gender gaps in high- Closing Increasing growth jobs gender productivity women’s roles in gaps in firms value chains Development Increasing women’s More equitable wellbeing norms LIVING SOCIAL STANDARDS PRODUCTIVITY COHESION Spillover effects Expanding women’s on children networks Women’s remittances Boosting rights to families and agency Jobs Source: Adapted from the WDR 2013. 8   Gender at Work hanced measures to recruit and support women employees. Figure 1.1. Female labor force participation has increased Finlays Horticulture Kenya, for instance, strengthened poli- dramatically in Latin America and the Caribbean cies to prevent workplace harassment and introduced wom- 60 58 en’s committees to increase voice. Internal promotion of 57 57 57 57 women resulted in major savings related to advertising costs, 55 55 women in the workforce (%) 55 training and lost productivity, while gender-sensitive policies slashed absenteeism by 75 percent. In Vietnam, Nalt Textile 51 reduced staff turnover by 10 percent by improving its health 50 49 programs and childcare facilities.34 Given emerging evidence on the business case, the pursuit of 45 gender equality by private sector firms is increasingly understood 43 as a win-win for women, companies, and their communities. The payoffs imply that companies’ involvement in this agenda is about 40 more than philanthropy or corporate social responsibility. Por- 1990 1995 2000 2005 2012 ter and Kramer (2011) describe investments in gender equality year as “creating shared value.” When companies help train, prepare, World LAC and support vulnerable women and men to thrive in the world of work, they foster a kind of economic value that can promote both Source: World Development Indicators. LAC = Latin America and the Caribbean. company success and social progress simultaneously.35 Strengthening development tial can dramatically reduce poverty levels. Women’s labor force The business case applies more broadly. The ILO estimates that participation in the region has risen by 35 percent since 1990 almost half (48 percent) of women’s productive potential globally (Figure 1.1), which presents a clear outlier to the lack of progress is unutilized, compared to about one-fifth (22 percent) of men.36 mentioned above: No other region has enjoyed such a steep in- As governments struggle to stimulate economic growth, better crease as this in recent decades, and increased participation rates utilizing this enormous pool of untapped talent is crucial. Al- were highest among low-income women. In 2010, extreme pov- though aggregate estimates should be interpreted cautiously and erty in the region would have been 30 percent higher and average in light of their underlying assumptions, a series of studies point income inequality (measured by the Gini coefficient) would have to significant potential gains: been 28 percent higher were it not for women’s increased income ◆◆ Labor force participation: Booz & Company estimates that through a combination of increased labor earnings, access to pen- raising female employment to male levels could have a direct sions, and labor force participation between 2000 and 2010.42 net impact on GDP of 34 percent in Egypt, 12 percent in Major drivers of women’s increased labor force participation and the United Arab Emirates, 10 percent in South Africa, and 9 earnings in the region include increased investments in education percent in Japan as a result of an increased labor force.37 The alongside the decline of fertility and delays in marriage. potential gains are highest where female labor force participa- Gaps do remain, including in terms of wages, occupational seg- tion is relatively low and women are relatively well-educated. regation, and profitability of enterprises. Policies to expand wom- ◆◆ Entrepreneurship: Using a theoretical framework, Cuberes and en’s agency, develop aspirations and marketable skills, increase Teignier (2012) show that gender gaps in entrepreneurship38 time for market activities, and connect women with productive can have significant effects on aggregate productivity and re- inputs will be critical to extend progress. Nonetheless, women’s source allocation. Their model predicts that these effects can contribution to poverty reduction in the region is a powerful illus- amount to an income loss (in GDP per capita) of between tration of how gender equality in the world of work can influence 4 and 7 percent across geographic regions—the highest loss the development process. being in the Middle East and North Africa.39 ◆◆ Farming: The Food and Agriculture Organization estimates Report Scope, Approach, and Value Added that developing countries could boost their agricultural out- This report was initiated as a companion to the WDR 2013 on put between 2.5 and 4 percent by removing the constraints Jobs and builds on key findings and frameworks from both that that prevent equal yields of land farmed by women and men.40 report and the preceding WDR 2012 on Gender Equality and World Bank research indicates that reducing time burdens on Development. 43 The value added of this report is to revisit the key women in Tanzania could increase cash incomes for small- constraints to gender equality in the world of work in light of new holder coffee and banana growers by 10 percent.41 evidence, and go more deeply into the importance of women’s The Latin America and the Caribbean region provides a com- agency for boosting their participation in the world of work (and pelling illustration of how unleashing women’s labor-force poten- vice versa) using a lifecycle perspective. Introduction   9 Building on the WDR 2012 and 2013 Frameworks WDR 2012. This report reinforces these connections and reviews new evidence that connects agency to both endowments and eco- The WDR 2013 framework helps us to understand how, when, nomic opportunities. The lifecycle approach helps to illustrate the and under what circumstances jobs can boost a country’s devel- connections between agency and equality in the world of work opment prospects. It emphasizes that the types of jobs that con- more fully. tribute most to development will depend on country context, outlining three “pillars”—living standards, productivity, and so- cial cohesion—for assessing the development value. It focuses on Sharpening the focus on equality in the world of work the benefits of women’s work for living standards, drawing on the through agency and the lifecycle significant body of evidence demonstrating the positive spillover As well as being fundamental to human rights, key aspects of effects of women’s increased incomes, although all three pillars women’s agency—such as the ability to move freely and freedom have important gender dimensions. from violence—have direct economic implications. A randomized The WDR 2012 provides a basis for analyzing the constraints to evaluation, for example, of ProJoven, a youth employment pro- and corresponding policy entry points to promote gender equal- gram in Peru, showed that incentives to overcome constraints on ity, including in the world of work. It emphasizes that households women’s time and mobility, and promoting women’s participation do not always act as unitary decision-makers. Women’s (and in male-dominated vocations significantly improved young wom- men’s) individual bargaining power is influenced by markets and en’s (but not men’s) employment outcomes and reduced occupa- institutions. Intra-household bargaining perspectives help us to tional segregation.44 understand why jobs for women can have especially positive de- An agency perspective underpins the phrase “gender equality in velopment value, and why women and girls’ lack of agency, and the world of work.” The ability to choose whether or not to seek therefore bargaining power, within the household can pose a bar- paid jobs, and what type of work to do, is itself an important ex- rier to jobs. This report builds on this framework. As the “cogs pression of agency.45 Agency in the world of work does not mean and wheels” image in Figure 1.2 illustrates, interactions between that every woman, or every man, should be in paid employment markets, institutions, and households influence outcomes in eco- or that they should all have particular jobs. The goal is not to re­ nomic opportunities, endowments, and agency. As the framework create the male labor market with women.46 An agency perspec- suggests, the subcomponents of equality also interact. The con- tive means that women and men enjoy an equal range of choices tribution of endowments—such as education, land, and financial in the world of work and an equal ability to act on those choices capital—to economic opportunities was well established in the to realize their own goals. Figure 1.2. Gender outcomes result from interactions among markets, institutions, and households Gender Equality Data & MARKETS evidence Buyers and sellers exchange goods and services. Items evaluated and ECONOMIC priced. OPPORTUNITIES FORMAL HOUSEHOLDS INSTITUTIONS Intra-household Laws, public AGENCY ENDOWMENTS bargaining systems INFORMAL INSTITUTIONS Gender roles, norms, social networks Source: WDR 2012. 10   Gender at Work Our approach identifies constraints that arise at different life jobs can be necessary but insufficient. Indeed fundamentals such stages. The patterns that foster low labor force participation, earnings as economic growth and education can increase even as women’s gaps, and occupational segregation begin early in life and accumulate economic opportunities stagnate. over time. If girls marry early and drop out of school, they will have a harder time catching up to their male counterparts in adulthood, Economic growth does not guarantee gender equality even with increased access to capital or progressive labor regulations. If social norms and educational streaming limit girls’ opportunities Because jobs tend to improve with development, and gender in- and aspirations to become engineers, doctors, or business executives equality is sometimes seen as a symptom of low development, it is early in life, then the female talent pool for these occupations will sometimes assumed that policy makers should focus on economic automatically be smaller in the next generation of workers. Although growth and gender equality in work will inevitably improve. Some framing gender equality in the context of a lifecycle approach is not theoretical arguments suggest that market competition can drive new,47 it merits renewed attention here in light of findings related out discrimination against women by firms as it is inefficient and to norms and agency. Both the agency and lifecycle perspectives hence costly.48 reinforce the message that overcoming gender inequality will not The WDR 2012 showed that “economic development is posi- result from specific, isolated programs, but from a comprehensive tively correlated with the share of female workers in wage employ- approach that involves multiple sectors and stakeholders. ment and negatively correlated with the share of women in un- The rest of this chapter helps frame the need for addressing paid work, self-employment, and entrepreneurship.”49 However, overlapping constraints by illustrating how the fundamentals for the direction of cause-and-effect is difficult to untangle. As more women enter wage jobs that are more stable and higher paying, jobs, such as economic growth and education, are insufficient to they can help to fuel economic growth, while growth brings more facilitate gender equality in the world of work. It then presents urbanization and wage jobs that move women out of unpaid and the business and development motivation for prioritizing wom- less productive work. en’s empowerment and gender equality in the world of work. Figure 1.3 plots GDP per capita against the World Economic Forum’s Gender Gaps in Economic Participation and Opportu- Two Paradoxes Surrounding nity subindex—a composite measure reflecting inequality in out- Equality at Work comes related to labor force participation, wages, earned income, To help illustrate the importance of a broader approach to un- and high-level and professional jobs (with zero representing total derstanding gender-specific constraints to gender equality in the inequality). A number of high-income countries, including Japan, world of work, this section explores how obvious fundamentals for Kuwait and Qatar, have high gender inequality, while, at low lev- Figure 1.3. Countries range widely in the extent of gender gaps in economic opportunities despite levels of per capita GDP 1.0 (0 = perfect inequality, 1 = perfect equality) Burundi Mongolia USA Norway Lesotho Barbados Economic participation and 0.8 Switzerland opportunity index score Uganda Ukraine Spain Ethiopia Cape Verde 0.6 Japan Qatar Mexico Kuwait Bangladesh Suriname UAE India Jordan Turkey 0.4 Iran Pakistan Saudi Arabia Syria 0.2 2.0 2.5 3.0 3.5 4.0 4.5 5.0 log of per capita GDP Sources: Hausmann et al. 2013 (y-axis data) and World Development Indicators (x-axis data, latest year available [2011–12]). Introduction   11 els of per capita GDP, the variation in the size of gender gaps is Figure 1.4. In the Middle East and North Africa, little huge. This variance is important. improvement in female labor force participation despite gains in schooling Two recent global reviews investigated directions of influence be- tween economic growth and gender equality. Duflo (2011) found 100 that, although economic development and women’s empowerment are closely correlated, the connections between the two are too weak 80 to expect that pulling one lever will automatically pull the other.50 percentage Kabeer and Natali (2013) found that increased gender equality, es- 60 pecially in education and employment status, contributes signifi- cantly to economic growth, but that evidence on the effects of eco- 40 nomic growth on gender equality was less consistent.51 The type of growth matters, as do the policies (or lack thereof ) 20 for more inclusive growth. In urbanizing countries, for instance, women tend to benefit more from growth in light manufactur- 0 ing.52 In East Asia, growth in the manufacturing sector—particu- female primary school enrollment female secondary school enrollment female working age labor force participation larly in textile and food services industries—has increased women’s 1990 2011 wage work and improved female and child health and education outcomes.53 At the same time, the drive for global competitiveness Source: World Development Indicators. reinforced occupational segregation and downward pressure on women’s wages.54 Natural resource–driven growth has had few or mixed results for gender equality. In Kazakhstan, a country gender assessment con- a range of countries, including Japan, Mexico and Saudi Arabia, ducted by the Asian Development Bank found that women had significant educational achievements have not closed significant benefited relatively little from robust oil-driven economic growth. gender gaps in the workforce.58 In Qatar, there are more than five In Egypt, oil-driven and market-oriented growth starting in the women enrolled in higher education for every man, yet there are 1970s and extending through the early 2000s involved transitions twice as many men as women in the labor force.59 to non-trade sectors (such as construction and transport) and de- The Middle East and North Africa region illustrates how size- regulated private sector jobs where women faced greater barriers able gains in girls’ education can be necessary but insufficient to to entry and higher levels of discrimination, though the expansion closing gender gaps in the world of work.60 Girls’ net primary of social services and public sector jobs benefited women. World and secondary school enrollment in the region rose by 16 and 23 Bank analysis of labor market data from 1998 to 2006 similarly percentage points, respectively, over the last two decades, while found that growth had little impact on women’s labor force par- female labor force participation for the working age population ticipation in Egypt. These findings reinforce the complex relation- (15–64) rose by only three percentage points (Figure 1.4).61 This ships between growth and women’s empowerment, and the need is not to suggest that education is unimportant for women’s eco- for gender-informed growth and jobs strategies. nomic opportunities. In the case of Jordan, analyses show that women’s economic activity increases significantly with education, Education does not guarantee gender equality particularly with university attendance.62 But the very slow prog- ress in women’s economic activity, despite the gains in education, Education is critical for increasing girls’ opportunities. School- reinforces the fact that other constraints are at play. ing is one of the most powerful determinants of young women’s avoidance of early marriage and childrearing.55 Progress in school Some have argued that political commitments to invest in girls’ enrollment, particularly at the primary level, has helped advance education were not matched by similar actions for women’s eco- gender equality and women’s empowerment—though gaps persist. nomic empowerment.63 Norms in some cultures may see women’s From 2010 to 2012 (the latest year for which data are available), 16 education as a valuable family resource, rather than as a means to in- countries, mostly in Africa, reported fewer than nine girls enrolled dividual economic empowerment.64 As girls transition to adulthood, for every 10 boys in primary school.56 School progression and com- additional constraints emerge—including pressures to marry and pletion at upper levels is also problematic. Twenty-nine countries limits on women’s time and mobility.65 Addressing a broader range during the same time period reported fewer than nine girls enrolled of constraints can help to reap the full dividends of investments in for every 10 boys in secondary school, while 13 countries (mainly education and enable the expansion of choice and opportunities. in the Caribbean and the Middle East) have fewer boys enrolled.57 Yet schooling per se does not guarantee equality in the world of A Note on Male Disadvantage work. As the chapters that follow show, stereotypes and stream- In some contexts, gender-informed jobs strategies appropri- ing in education can reinforce occupational segregation, and in ately prioritize men’s work, along with women’s, as good for de- 12   Gender at Work velopment. In many high-in- it can make sense to include male-specific priorities and programs “I want to work; it is very come societies, for example, within jobs strategies.69 Gender-informed jobs strategies require important in my life. I young men are more likely diagnostics and priority-setting which take both sexes into ac- cannot stay home watching than young women to be count, as we suggest in chapter 4. television.” “NEET”—not in education, Broadly, however, women are much more systematically disad- employment, or training.66 —Adult female, rural Morocco, vantaged in terms of economic opportunities. Women lag on vir- As discussed above, in high- Jobs for Shared Prosperity tually every measure, including labor force participation, earnings, crime and conflict-affected situations, higher young productivity, job quality, experience, and career mobility, among males’ employment is often others. We document these gaps in the next chapter. Against this requisite for security, stability, backdrop, this report focuses largely on addressing constraints to and growth.67 Men may be hard hit by structural changes. For women’s economic opportunities in increase gender equality. example, in Europe and Central Asia, contractions in manufac- turing sectors have had more adverse effects on men’s work than Context Matters on women’s, while recent expansion of the service industry has increased jobs more for women.68 These examples illustrate that Ultimately, jobs priorities and actions must respond to the there are some cases of at least short-term male disadvantage, and circumstances faced by each region, country, and community. Box 1.2. Regional perspectives on challenges and opportunities for gender equality at work East Asia and the Pacific: Gender gaps have narrowed in labor tor jobs. Clustering into certain degree programs at university force participation, but intraregional differences remain. Al- reflects this segregation. Well-intended subsidies have the per- though female access to basic education is no longer a first-or- verse effect of encouraging women to stay home. der issue in most countries, gender “streaming” in education OECD: School enrollment is nearly universal in OECD coun- and persistent gender stereotypes in school curricula are a tries, where education up to age 15 or 16 is generally com- concern. Gender disparities in the ownership and control of pulsory. Yet although boys are more likely to drop out of productive assets persist and appear to be less responsive to secondary school, leaving girls increasingly better educated, economic growth than investments in human capital. high-growth fields such as science, technology, and engineer- Europe and Central Asia: Whereas the contraction of the man- ing remain male-dominated. Gender wage gaps persist, and ufacturing sector has had a disproportionate and adverse im- women are underrepresented in corporate leadership. Wider pact on men, the growth in the service sector has opened up provision of affordable childcare and family-friendly policies relatively more opportunities for women. However, women’s that include paid paternal leave are needed to address wom- wages are much less than men’s and women participate less in en’s time constraints. entrepreneurship. Also, a dramatically aging population means South Asia: Labor force participation for women is low, espe- there will be more elderly, especially women, vulnerable to old cially in urban areas, and women earn 20–40 percent of what age poverty, stretching caring needs. men earn, even after controlling for factors such as education Latin America and the Caribbean: Major progress has been and employment type. Most rural working women are em- made in female labor force participation, thanks largely to ployed in traditional agriculture, and self-employed women higher female education and lower fertility. However, conflicting are more likely than men to be classified as family (rather than gender roles and constraints on time persist. Within countries, own-account) enterprise workers. Women and girls remain poorer women face greater constraints. For example, whereas significantly constrained in levels of education, contributing marriage predicts lower labor force participation for low-income to occupational segregation. women, for high-income women it predicts higher participa- Sub-Saharan Africa: Although women’s labor force participa- tion. Especially among women in poverty, expanding agency tion is high in many Sub-Saharan African countries, most of can strengthen equality in economic opportunities. the work is subsistence-based and confined to farming and Middle East and North Africa: Progress in female labor force household enterprises. Gender earnings gaps persist and are participation has been slow. Beyond factors that drive women’s largely explained by differences in human capital variables, work worldwide, such as decreased fertility and increased ed- such as education, training, and experience. Women and girls ucation, rigid social norms concerning gender roles and wom- have fewer educational opportunities and more domestic re- en’s decision-making are especially influential. Occupational sponsibilities. Lack of access to infrastructure for water and segregation runs deep, for instance with women in Egypt are electricity compounds cultural constraints on women’s time more concentrated into education, agriculture, and public sec- by adding inefficiencies to household work. Introduction   13 We have distilled stylized facts, key constraints, and promising possible expenditures, such as a tin roof to keep rain out of the home, con- solutions from a large body of established and emerging evidence struction of a toilet, or investment goods like business machinery or a motor- spanning a wide range of jobs challenges and contexts. To avoid cycle to increase access to markets. If men’s income is used disproportionately on items such as cigarettes, alcohol, or recreation, then increased earnings overgeneralization, we seek to be explicit about the context in among women can have higher impacts on living standards and poverty re- which evidence is cited and to recognize regional differences as duction. In contexts, however, in which men consume greater investment much as possible. Fuller regional perspectives on gender equal- goods, the case for women’s increased earnings and expenditures having ity in the world of work have been captured in several recent re- greater effects than men’s on poverty reduction may be less clear. There is ports.70 Some highlights are summarized in Box 1.2. also relatively little empirical evidence documenting differences in spending between female-headed and male-headed households. See Doepke, M. and M. Tertilt (2011), Does female empowerment promote economic development? Notes CEPR Discussion Paper No. DP8441. 1 World Bank. 2012. World Development Report 2013: Jobs. Washington, 13. Yoong, J., et al. (2012). The impact of economic resource transfers to DC: World Bank. doi: 10.1596/978-0-8213-9575-2. Henceforth WDR women versus men: a systematic review. London: EPPI-Centre, Social Science 2013. http://go.worldbank.org/TM7GTEB8U0. Research Unit, Institute of Education, University of London. 2 Ibid., 48. 14. Afridi, F., A. Mukhopadhyay, et al. 2012. “Female Labour Force Par- 3. In line with International Labour Organization (ILO) usage, we fre- ticipation and Child Education in India: The Effect of the National Rural quently use the term world of work to capture a fuller continuum of paid Employment Guarantee Scheme.” IZA DP No. 6593. and unpaid, formal and informal work that best reflects the range of people’s 15. Docquier, F., B. L. Lowell, et al. 2009. “A gender assessment of highly economic activities—especially women’s. skilled emigration.” Population and Development Review 35(2): 297-321. 4. Marlar, J. 2012. “Global Payroll to Population Employment Rate at 16. Elliott, M. 1996. “Impact of Work, Family, and Welfare Receipt on 27% for 2011.” Retrieved June 1, 2013, from http://www.gallup.com Women’s Self-Esteem in Young Adulthood.” Social Psychology Quarterly /poll/156944/global-payroll-population-employment-rate-2011.aspx. 59(1): 80-95. 5. Hausman, R., L. D. Tyson, et al. 2013. The Global Gender Gap Index 17. Cuberes, D. and M. Teignier. 2012. Gender gaps in the labor market and 2013 Report. Davis, World Economic Forum. aggregate productivity. Sheffield Economic Research Paper Series. Sheffield, 6. WDR 2013. UK: University of Sheffield. 7. Alkire, S., and R. Black. 1997. “A practical reasoning theory of de- 18. Ghani, E., et al. 2013. “Promoting Women’s Economic Participation velopment ethhics: furthering the capabilities approach.” Journal of In- in India.” Economic Premise (World Bank) 107; Chamlou, N. 2007. The En- ternational Development 9 (2): 263–79. doi: 10.1002/(sici)1099-1328 vironment for Women’s Entrepreneurship in the Middle East and North Africa (199703)9:2<263::aid-jid439>3.0.co;2-d; I. Robeyns, I. 2003. “Sen’s capa- Region. Washington, DC: World Bank. bility approach and gender inequality: selecting relevant capabilities.” Femi- 19. Brenton, P., et al. 2013. Women and Trade in Africa: Realizing the Po- nist Economics 9 (2–3), 61–92. doi: 10.1080/1354570022000078024. tential. Washington, DC: World Bank. 8. Speer, P. W., C.B. Jackson, and N.A. Peterson. 2001. “The Relation- 20. Dahlman, C. 2007. “Technology, globalization, and international com- ship between Social Cohesion and Empowerment: Support and New Im- petitiveness: Challenges for developing countries.” In: United Nations De- plications for Theory.” Health Education & Behavior 28 (6): 716–32. doi: partment of Economic and Social Affairs (ed.), Industrial Development in the 10.1177/109019810102800605. 21st Century: Sustainable Development Perspectives (New York: United Na- 9. Raheim, S. and J. Bolden. 1995. “Economic Empowerment of Low-In- tions), 29-83. http://www.un.org/esa/sustdev/publications/industrial_devel- come Women Through Self-Employment Programs.” Affilia 10 (2): 138–54. opment/full_report.pdf (27.08.2012); Dutta, S. 2011. The Global Innovation doi: 10.1177/088610999501000204. Index, 2011: Accelerating Growth and Development. INSEAD. 10. Kabeer, N. 2005. “Gender equality and women’s empowerment: A crit- 21. Norton, A. and A. de Haan. 2012. “Social cohesion: theoretical debates ical analysis of the third millennium development goal” Gender & Develop- and practical applications with respect to jobs.” Background Paper for the ment 13 (1): 13–24. doi: 10.1080/13552070512331332273. World Development Report 2013. Washington, DC: World Bank. 11. World Bank. 2007. Gender Action Plan: Gender Equality as Smart Eco- 22. Ibid. nomics. Washington DC: The World Bank. 23. Newport, F. and J. Wilke (2013). “Americans Still Prefer a Male 12. It is important to distinguish the circumstances under which increased Boss.”http://www.gallup.com/poll/165791/americans-prefer-male-boss income to women versus men translates to greater expenditures on children, .aspx, retrieved December 8, 2013. as, despite conventional wisdom, this is not universally the case. Econometric modelling by Doepke and Tertilt suggests that female and male differences 24. WDR 2013. in spending better reflect differences in constraints than in innate preferences 25. Norton, A. and A. de Haan. 2012. Social cohesion: theoretical debates between women and men to invest in children. When women’s agency is and practical applications with respect to jobs. Background Paper for the more restricted than men’s—for example, in driving, recreation, or access- World Development Report 2013. Washington, DC: World Bank. ing markets—their range of consumption choices is also more limited. The 26. Kabeer, N. (2005). Gender equality and women’s empowerment: A crit- results suggest that the impacts of women’s jobs relative to men’s on living ical analysis of the third millennium development goal.” Gender & Develop- standards through increased investments in children will be larger in contexts ment 13 (1): 13–24. doi: 10.1080/13552070512331332273. where women’s agency is more heavily constrained. As countries develop and constraints on women diminish, spending behaviors between sexes within 27. Raheim, S., and J. Bolden. 1995. “Economic Empowerment of Low- households may look more similar. In assessing the impacts of gender-specific Income Women Through Self-Employment Programs.” Affilia 10 (2): 138– jobs on living standards, research also needs to account for a broader range of 54. doi: 10.1177/088610999501000204 14   Gender at Work 28. IFC Corporate Relations. 2011. Women and Business: Drivers of De- powerment and Inclusive Growth: Transforming the Structures of Constraint. velopment: Telling Our Story. Vol. 5, Issue 2. http://www.ifc.org/wps/wcm/ New York: UN Women. http://www.unwomen.org/~/media/Headquarters connect/e6d87700484e76dda3f5af5f4fc3f18b/TOSwomen_Sep2011.pdf /Attachments/Sections/Library/Publications/2013/1/Paid-work-womens ?MOD=AJPERES (Accessed April 14, 2013). -empowerment-and-inclusive-growth2%20pdf.pdf. 29. Guy, M. E. and M. A. Newman. 2004. “Women’s Jobs, Men’s Jobs: 49. World Bank. 2011. World Development Report 2012: Gender Equality Sex Segregation and Emotional Labor.” Public Administration Review 64 (3): and Development (Washington, DC: World Bank), 212. http://go.world- 289–98. bank.org/CQCTMSFI40. 30. OECD. 2012. “The Business Case for Women’s Economic Empower- 50. Esther Duflo. 2011. “Women’s Empowerment and Economic Devel- ment.” Background Paper. Paris: OECD. opment.” Working Paper No. 17702. Cambridge, Mass.: National Bureau of Economic Research. 31. Ibid. 51. Naila Kabeer and Luisa Natali, “Gender Equality and Economic 32. Herring, C.. 2009. “Does Diversity Pay? Race, Gender, and the Busi- Growth: Is there a Win-Win?” (Working Paper 417, Institute of Develop- ness Case for Diversity.” American Sociological Review 74 (2): 208–24. ment Studies, Brighton, UK: 2013); Naila Kabeer, et al. 2013. Paid Work, 33. Credit Suisse. 2012. Gender diversity and corporate performance. Zurich: Women’s Empowerment and Inclusive Growth: Transforming the Structures of Credit Suisse. Constraint. New York: UN Women. http://www.unwomen.org/~/media 34. IFC. 2013. Investing in Women’s Employment: Good for Business, Good for /Headquarters/Attachments/Sections/Library/Publications/2013/1/Paid Development. Washington, DC: International Finance Corporation. -work-womens-empowerment-and-inclusive-growth2%20pdf.pdf. 35. Porter, M. E. and M. R. Kramer. 2011. “Creating Shared Value.” Har- 52. WDR 2013. vard Business Review, January 2011. 53. World Bank. 2012. Toward Gender Equality in East Asia and the Pacific. 36. International Labour Office (ILO). 2010. “Women in labour markets: Washington, DC: World Bank. Measuring progress and identifying challenges.” Geneva: ILO. http://www 54. Rodgers, Y. and J. E. Zveglich. 2012. “Inclusive growth and gender .ilocarib.org.tt/images/stories/contenido/pdf/Gender/WD-Women2010 inequality in Asia’s labor markets.” ADB Economics Working Paper Series _123835.pdf. No. 321. Manila: Asian Development Bank. 37. Aguirre, D., L. Hoteit, et al. 2012. Empowering the Third Billion: Women 55. Singh, S. and R. Samara. 1996. “Early Marriage Among Women in and the World of Work in 2012. New York: Booz & Co. Developing Countries.” International Family Planning Perspectives 22 (4): 38. The entrepreneurship gender gap is defined as the gap between males 148–175; Jain, S. and Kurz, K. (2007). New Insights on Preventing Child and females in the fraction of entrepreneurs in the working age population. Marriage: A Global Analysis of Factors and Programs. Washington, DC: Inter- national Center for Research on Women. 39. Cuberes, D. and M. Teignier. 2012. Gender gaps in the labor market and 56. World Development Indicators (Ratio of female to male primary enroll- aggregate productivity. Sheffield Economic Research Paper Series. Sheffield, ment (%)). Countries include: Afghanistan, Angola, Benin, Cameroon, Cen- UK: University of Sheffield. tral African Republic, Chad, Comoros, Cote d’Ivoire, Democratic Republic 40. UN Food and Agriculture Organization (2011). The State of Food and of Congo, Djibouti, Eritrea, Guinea, Mali, Niger, Pakistan, and Yemen. Agriculture 2010-2011. Rome: FAO. 57. World Development Indicators (Ratio of female to male secondary en- 41. World Bank. 2009. Gender in Agriculture Sourcebook. Washington, DC: rollment [%]). Countries with gaps disadvantaging girls include: Afghanistan, World Bank. Angola, Benin, Burkina Faso, Burundi, Cameroon, Central African Republic, 42. World Bank. 2012. The Effect of Women’s Economic Power in Latin Amer- Chad, Democratic Republic of Congo, Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Guinea, ica and the Caribbean. Washington, DC: World Bank. https://openknowledge Lao People’s Democratic Republic, Liberia, Liechtenstein, Mali, Malta, Mau- .worldbank.org/bitstream/handle/10986/11867/9780821397701.pdf. ritania, Morocco, Mozambique, Niger, Nigeria, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, Sol- omon Islands, Tajikistan, Tanzania, and the Republic of Yemen. Countries 43. WDR 2012 215; WDR 2013 300. with gaps disadvantaging boys include: Bangladesh, Barbados, Bermuda, 44. Ñopo, Hugo, Miguel Robles, and Jaime Saavedra. 2007. “Occupational Cape Verde, Dominican Republic, Honduras, Lebanon, Lesotho, Samoa, Sao Training to Reduce Gender Segregation: The Impacts of ProJoven.” Research Tome and Principe, Seychelles, Suriname, and West Bank and Gaza. Department Working Paper #623. Washington, DC: Inter-American Devel- 58. Hausman, R., L. D. Tyson, et al. 2012. The Global Gender Gap Index opment Bank. 2012 Report. Davos: World Economic Forum. 45. Alkire, S., and R. Black. 1997. “A practical reasoning theory of de- 59. World Development Indicators, 2011 data. velopment ethics: furthering the capabilities approach.” Journal of In- ternational Development 9 (2): 263–79. doi: 10.1002/(sici)1099-1328 60. World Bank. 2013. Opening Doors: Gender Equality and Development (199703)9:2<263::aid-jid439>3.0.co;2-d; Obeyns, I. 2003. “Sen’s capability in the Middle East and North Africa. Washington, DC: World Bank. https:// approach and gender inequality: selecting relevant capabilities.” Feminist Eco- openknowledge.worldbank.org/handle/10986/12552. nomics 9 (2–3), 61–92. doi: 10.1080/1354570022000078024. 61. World Development Indicators. 46. ILO 2010. Women in labor markets: Measuring progress and identifying 62. Mryyan, N.. 2012. “Demographics, labor force participation and un- challenges. Geneva, ILO. employment in Jordan.” Working Paper No. 670. Giza, Egypt: Economic 47. For example, see: UNICEF. 2007. The State of the World’s Children 2007: Research Forum. Gender and the Life Cycle. New York: UNICEF; McKinsey & Company. 63. World Bank. 2005. The Economic Advancement of Women in Jordan: 2010. The Business of Empowering Women. London: McKinsey & Company. A Country Gender Assessment. Washington, DC: World Bank. 48. Naila Kabeer and Luisa Natali. 2013. “Gender Equality and Economic 64. Read, J. N. G. and S. Oselin. 2008. “Gender and the Education- Growth: Is there a Win-Win?” Working Paper 417. Brighton, UK: Institute Employment Paradox in Ethnic and Religious Contexts: The Case of Arab of Development Studies; Naila Kabeer et al. 2013. Paid Work, Women’s Em- Americans.” American Sociological Review 73 (2): 296–313. Introduction   15 65. World Bank. 2013. Opening Doors: Gender Equality and Development portunities for Men and Women in Emerging Europe and Central Asia. in the Middle East and North Africa. Washington, DC: World Bank; World Washington, DC: World Bank; LCR: Chioda, L. 2011. Work & Fam- Bank. 2005. The Economic Advancement of Women in Jordan: A Country Gen- ily: Latin American and Caribbean Women in Search of a New Balance. der Assessment. Washington, DC: World Bank. Washington, DC: World Bank; World Bank. 2012. The Effect of Women’s Economic Power in Latin America and the Caribbean. Washington, DC: 66. The Economist. 2013. “Generation Joblessness.” World Bank. MNA: Gatti, R., M. Morgandi, et al. 2013. Jobs for Shared 67. World Bank. 2012. Creating Jobs Good for Development: Policy Directions Prosperity: Time for Action in the Middle East and North Africa. Wash- from the 2013 World Development Report on Jobs. Washington, DC: World Bank. ington, DC: World Bank; World Bank. 2013. Opening Doors: Gender 68. Sattar, S. 2012. Opportunities for Men and Women in Emerging Eu- Equality and Development in the Middle East and North Africa. Washing- rope and Central Asia. Washington, DC: World Bank. ton, DC: World Bank; OECD. 2012. Closing the Gender Gap: Act Now. OECD Publishing. SAR: Nayar, R., P. Gottret, et al. 2012. More and Bet- 69. Heinrich, C. J. and H. Holzer. 2010. Improving Education and Em- ter Jobs in South Asia. Washington, DC: World Bank. SSA: Arbache, J. S., ployment for Disadvantaged Young Men: Proven and Promising Strategies. E. Filipiak, et al. 2010. Overview: Why Study Gender Disparities in Africa’s Washington, DC: Urban Institute. Labor Markets? Gender Disparities in Africa’s Labor Market. Washington, 70. EAP: World Bank. 2012. Toward Gender Equality in East Asia and DC: World Bank, 1–20. the Pacific. Washington, DC: World Bank. ECA: Sattar, S. 2012. Op- Taking Stock Stylized Facts About Gender at Work Key messages ▶▶ Gender gaps in the world of work arise in multiple forms, including types of jobs, firms, and farming; earnings; and rates of participation. Diagnostics examine multiple dimensions together for a fuller picture. ▶▶ Women and men sort into different types of economic activity, includ- ing different occupations, sectors, industries, and types of firms. ▶▶ Women consistently earn less than men, with gaps largely traced to sorting. ▶▶ Women’s farming and entrepreneurship is generally less productive and profitable than men’s because of gender differences in firm characteris- tics and access to productive inputs rather than differences in ability. ▶▶ Women’s labor force participation globally has stagnated, falling slightly from 57 percent in 1990 to 55 percent in 2012. The gender differences in the world of work are striking, extensive and enduring. They exist in multiple dimensions. Although the most obvious gap is in labor force participation rates, there are other persistent gender gaps—in earnings and types of jobs, particularly—that affect the extent to which paid work expands well-being, agency, and future economic opportunities. One-dimensional pictures are limited, if not misleading. Often the focus is too narrowly on labor force participation, for example. In some of the world’s poorest countries, such as Rwanda and Tanzania, women’s rate of labor force participation is close to 90 percent.1 However, this does not mean that women are employed in good jobs, farming productive crops, running profitable enterprises, or earning as much as their male counterparts. On the contrary, much of the work done by the world’s poor is subsistence-based, insecure, and lacking in basic protections. Figure 2.1 illustrates the importance of a multidimensional perspective for the 10 most populous developing countries for which we have data, representing one-third of the world’s population. In all cases, women are less likely to be in the labor force, earn less than men, and, in all but Brazil, working women are less likely than work- ing men to be employed in wage jobs. In Turkey, while gender wage gaps appear to be small, there are large disparities in labor force participation and employment in wage jobs. And a deeper analysis of Turkey’s wage differences reveals that the gap 18   Gender at Work Figure 2.1. A multidimensional perspective to gender equality in the world of work is needed 100 80 60 percentage 40 20 0 India Indonesia Brazil Pakistan Bangladesh Mexico Vietnam Philippines Egypt Turkey (bar) Female Male Labor force participation Wage and salary workers Gender wage gap Source: World Development Indicators and WDR 2013 statistical annex (for wage gaps, except Mexico’s, which comes from UN Statistics). widens when one controls for basic characteristics such as age, career mobility.7 Notably, part-time work among women is high- education, and tenure.2 This underscores the importance of mul- est in the Netherlands, who benefit from policies that extend so- tidimensional appraisals of gender equality in the world of work. cial protection and entitlements to part-time workers.8 Box 2.1 offers an empirical picture, highlighting some key facts Gender inequality is perpetuated in the informal economy. that are not widely known. The informal economy includes workers in informal sectors—all jobs in unregistered and small-scale private unincorporated en- Employment Status and Quality terprises—as well as informal jobs in formal sector firms—such as unpaid family enterprise workers and casual, short-term, and Women are less likely than men to have full-time wage jobs seasonal workers without contracts or legal status.9 Although men with an employer. Women in developing countries are underrep- outnumber women in absolute terms in the informal economy in resented in every type of employment and are more than twice as all regions but Sub-Saharan Africa, in developing countries work- likely to be out of the labor force altogether (Figure 2.2). Signif- ing women tend to be more concentrated into informal work.10 icant, though less extreme, gaps persist in high income countries Recent analysis of 41 developing countries with gender-disaggre- as well. Globally, Gallup finds that men are nearly twice as likely gated data found that women were more likely than male counter- as women to be in full-time employment for an employer, and parts to be in non-agricultural informal employment in 30 coun- people in this type of work report the highest levels of well-being.4 tries,11 including 56 versus 48 percent in Peru, and 62 versus 55 These jobs are more likely to come with a higher and more de- percent in Uganda.12 pendable wage, benefits, and protections. There are also regional As informal workers, women generally earn less than men differences between men and women that work full time for an and sort into different types of jobs.13 Women are particularly employer (Figure 2.3). In the Middle East and North Africa and concentrated into the more “invisible” activities, such as domestic South Asia for example, among the entire working age popula- labor and unpaid work.14 Recent data indicate that over a quar- tion, men are about four times as likely as women to have full- ter (27 percent) of all female wage workers in Latin America and time jobs for an employer.5 the Caribbean, and 14 percent in Africa are domestic workers.15 Women’s jobs are consistently more likely than men’s to be Women represent an estimated 83 percent of domestic workers part-time (Figure 2.4).6 Part-time work can provide increased worldwide.16 Many of these workers are not covered by labor laws, flexibility and bring more women into the labor force. But it tends including those guaranteeing maximum weekly working hours, to involve lower earnings, fewer benefits and protections, and less minimum wages, and maternity leave. Taking Stock   19 Box 2.1. To better understand gender at work3 Ten global facts everyone should know ◆◆ One in three girls in developing countries is married ◆◆ Women’s labor force participation has stagnated, in fact before reaching her 18th birthday. decreasing from 57 percent in 1990 to 55 percent in 2012. …and some signs of progress ◆◆ Women on average earn between 10 and 30 percent less ◆◆ Women’s labor force participation in Latin America and than working men. the Caribbean rose by 33 percent since 1990. ◆◆ Women are only half as likely as men to have full-time ◆◆ Half of the legal constraints documented in 100 coun- wage jobs for an employer. tries in 1960 on access to and control over assets, ability ◆◆ In only five of the 114 countries for which data are to sign legal documents, and fair treatment under the available have women reached or surpassed gender constitution had been removed by 2010. parity with men in such occupations as legislators, senior ◆◆ Seventy-five countries have enacted domestic violence officials, and managers; namely, Colombia, Fiji, Jamaica, legislation since the adoption of CEDAW in 1979. Lesotho, and the Philippines. ◆◆ The global ratio of female to male primary education en- ◆◆ Women spend at least twice as much time as men on rollment increased from 92 percent in 2000 to 97 percent unpaid domestic work such as caring and housework. in 2011. ◆◆ A total of 128 countries have at least one sex-based legal ◆◆ The share of people agreeing that men should have the differentiation, meaning women and men cannot func- priority over jobs fell from 48 percent in 1999–2004 to 41 tion in the world of work in the same way; in 54 coun- percent in 2008–2012 in the 23 developed and develop- tries, women face five or more legal differences. ing countries with data. ◆◆ Across developing countries, there is a nine percent- ◆◆ International commitments to gender equality are age point gap between women and men in having an increasing. The World Bank documents nearly US$31 account at a formal financial institution. billion of gender-informed lending in fiscal year 2013, ◆◆ More than one in three women has experienced either and, in 2011, OECD countries contributed about US$20.5 physical or sexual violence by a partner or non-partner billion toward gender equality and women’s empower- sexual violence. ment projects. ◆◆ In 2010–12, 42 countries reported gender gaps in sec- ondary school enrollment rates exceeding 10 percent. Figure 2.2. Women are underrepresented in every type of employment, with greater gaps in developing countries Developing countries, women Developing countries, men High-income countries, women High-income countries, men 8% 11% 11% 21% 20% 14% 31% 7% 19% 5% 47% 49% 24% 16% 25% 6% 30% 45% 5% 6% Business owners Self-employed Employed for employer Unemployed Out of workforce Source: Analysis by Leora Klapper of Gallup World Poll data for 2011, population-weighted country averages. 20   Gender at Work Figure 2.3. Women are generally less likely to be full-time employed for an employer 80 70 full-time for an employer (percent) Share of labor force employed 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 Europe High Latin America South Asia East Asia Middle East Sub-Saharan & Central Asia Income & Caribbean & Paci c & North Africa Africa Female Male Note: Full-time employed for an employer (% of labor force, ages 15-64) Source: Analysis of Gallup World Poll data for 2012, population-weighted country-averages. Figure 2.4. Women’s employment is more likely to be part-time 80 % of adult employment that is part-time 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 g Ki alia Co Rica a n Ur hile a ite ust n m ne ic Ja y an b a ge a of ia No y ca a a Tu a s in ut ria e Bo ria st r Ec ey ra r Pa la l Bu ay gu Co ado on ae a nd re Ar bi Zi wan ua ai Pa o Ni tin m on fric A a El abw Ve ubl s Ne gdo e rw p ut ad rk Ch So lga us Sy gu Sp Ko m r na zu Isr C ra ug ica g K la n a Do a, H h A Bh p u R lv lo ts er n Re Sa m th ic n d bl pu in Un Re m low & lower middle– income economies upper middle–income economies high-income economies Male Female Source: UN Statistics Division. Accessed on September 7, 2013; statistics reflect most recent year available. http://unstats.un.org/unsd/demographic /products/indwm. Taking Stock   21 Women also do most of the world’s unpaid work—usually for Workers, especially women, are concentrated in farming and family enterprises, as well as in the home. It is estimated that self-employment in low-income countries where only 9 per- women account for 58 percent of all unpaid contributing family cent of women have wage jobs, compared to 21 percent of men work, and about one out of every four women in the labor force (Figure 2.5). The data clearly illustrate that formal-sector jobs globally is an unpaid contributing family worker –someone who strategies alone would not address the needs of the vast majority works in a market orientated business owned by a related house- of women and men in developing contexts. hold member but is not a partner in the business (compared to one in ten men).17 This does not include housework and childcare, In terms of wage employment, men tend to dominate man- which is mainly done by women as well. The unpaid contributing ufacturing, construction, transport and communications family worker gap is largest in South Asia (51 percent of women whereas women are concentrated in health, social work, and compared to 14 percent of men).18 Household survey data suggest education. Differences in education, training, preferences for job that in Latin America and the Caribbean, East Asia and the Pa- security, and the need for flexible working hours help explain this cific, and Sub-Saharan Africa, women are about twice as likely as segregation, alongside gender stereotyping. ILO analysis shows men to be non-paid employees.19 Interestingly, gender wage gaps that in both developed and developing economies women’s em- tend to be larger in the informal than the formal sector.20 Because ployment is most heavily concentrated in occupations such as the informal economy is a source of both job creation and gender clerks and service and retail sales workers. In contrast, men’s em- inequality in the world of work, a long-term approach in the con- ployment dominates in crafts, trades, plant and machine opera- text of overall jobs creation is needed (Box 2.2). tions, and managerial and legislative occupations.31 Box 2.2. Gender and informality: nuanced perspectives are needed The informal economy is an important job source for women formal vendors and hawkers) have been critical mobilizers of and men in developing countries, and a major contributor to rights-based action. national economies. Estimates show that informal employ- While movement toward formalization is one aspect of a ment comprises one-half to three-quarters of non-agricultural comprehensive jobs strategy, it is necessarily longer-term employment in developing countries.21 Yet gender gaps in in nature.26 Overly hasty policies toward formalization could earnings and opportunities tend to be particularly stark within disproportionately affect women by reducing an accessible the informal economy. Gender sorting into different types of source of economic opportunity without removing barriers to work reinforces disparities in earnings and vulnerability and entry in the formal economy.27 WIEGO suggests a comprehen- responds to multiple constraints.22 For example, women’s lack sive four-tier approach that involves: (1) creating more jobs, of access to property and financial services poses barriers to preferably formal jobs; (2) registering informal enterprises and formal firm creation. Government corruption, time-intensive regulating informal jobs; (3) extending state protection (social bureaucracy, high tax rates, and lack of flexibility in the formal and legal) to the informal workforce; and (4) increasing pro- sector can push women into the informal economy.23 Domes- ductivity of informal enterprises and incomes of the informal tic responsibilities and restricted mobility also limit women’s workforce.28 ability to participate in higher paying activities farther from In some cases, strategic investments can help women enter home. Gender differences in levels of literacy, education, skills, the formal economy. For example, where Special Economic and aspirations further contribute to gaps. Zones exist, as in Costa Rica, Egypt, and the Philippines, these Given women’s concentration into lower-paying and more can provide women with a gateway into formal sector em- vulnerable work, gender-sensitive policies are often needed ployment and opportunities for higher pay when they in- to extend social protection to those in the informal econ- clude gender-sensitive practices, such as extending health omy—both to mitigate vulnerability and to ensure that safety education programs, family-friendly policies, and childcare nets, public works, and other social services benefit vulnera- options.29 In other cases, initiatives create jobs for women ble women.24 Collective action plays a particularly important within the informal economy. For example, public-private role in filling voids in voice, representation, and support where partnerships that engage non-governmental organizations formal organizing structures and protections are otherwise have extended opportunities through “bottom-of-the-pyr- lacking.25 Groups like Women in Informal Employment Global- amid” models, which extend distribution channels through izing and Organizing (WIEGO, a global action-research-policy micro-franchises selling a variety of goods, like shampoos and network), the Self Employed Women’s Association (SEWA, an SIM cards, providing jobs for very poor women in countries India-based organization of poor, self-employed women), like Bangladesh and Kenya, and helping companies penetrate HomeNet Southeast Asia (a network of home-based workers), hard-to-reach markets.30 The partnerships help link services to and StreetNet International (an alliance of organizations of in- address gendered constraints and vulnerabilities. 22   Gender at Work Figure 2.5. Employment status by sex and income level 100 80 percentage 60 40 20 0 Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female High-income Upper middle– Lower middle– Low-income income income wage employment self-employment farming Source: International Income Distribution Database (I2D2). Unweighted country average of last available year after 2000 is based on data from 95 coun- tries (accessed on November 1, 2013). Women are especially underrepresented in science, technol- ◆◆ In only five of the 114 countries for which data are available ogy, engineering, and math (STEM) fields. Out of 102 econ- have women reached or surpassed gender parity with men in oc- omies for which there are recent data, only two had at least as cupations as legislators, senior officials, and managers; namely, many female as male graduates in engineering, manufacturing, Colombia, Fiji, Jamaica, Lesotho, and the Philippines.38 and construction, and only 30 (29 percent) had attained gender This in turn may reflect biased expectations about leadership parity in science in tertiary enrolment.32 Women’s share of the capacity. In 30 out of 66 developed and developing countries cov- information and communication technology (ICT) workforce is ered by the World Values Survey from 2005-2012, the majority less than one-third in Jordan and only around one-fifth in South of men felt that men make better executives than women.39 While Africa, Sri Lanka, and the United Kingdom.33 higher percentages of men than women generally subscribe to this Glass ceilings remain: at the top of the business ladder, cor- belief, differences between countries tend to be larger than differ- porate boards and CEO roles are dominated by men. A range ences between sexes (see Figure 2.7). In other words, where biased of facts illustrates this basic point: views against women’s leadership capabilities are strong, women ◆◆ A 2013 survey of 4,322 companies from 34 industrialized also internalize these views. and emerging market countries found that, in aggregate, only 11 percent of board members are women.34 Earnings ◆◆ Among Fortune 500 companies in the United States, only Women consistently earn less than men and no country 4 percent of CEOs, 14 percent of executive officers, and 17 has reached gender wage parity.40 While comparable data is a percent of board members were female in 2012.35 challenge, the stylized fact is clear. Evidence from 83 developed ◆◆ Our analysis of survey data from 13,000 firms in 135 coun- and developing countries shows that women in paid work earn tries found that fewer than one in five firms (18 percent) have 10–30 percent less than men on average.41 Another recent anal- a female top manager, and only 10 percent of large firms have ysis of gender pay gaps across 43 countries estimated the average female management.36 In South Asia, women manage about at around 18 percent.42 Additionally, earlier progress in reducing one in 16 firms (Figure 2.6).37 gender pay gaps appears to have stagnated over the last decade.43 Taking Stock   23 Figure 2.6. Women are underrepresented in firms’ top management 35 Percentage of rms with top 30 25 female manager 20 15 10 5 0 Small (5-19 employees) Small (5-19 employees) Small (5-19 employees) Medium (20-99) Medium (20-99) Medium (20-99) Medium (20-99) Medium (20-99) Small (5-19 employees) Small (5-19 employees) Small (5-19 employees) Small (5-19 employees) Medium (20-99) Medium (20-99) Large (100+) Large (100+) Large (100+) Large (100+) Large (100+) Large (100+) Large (100+) East Asia & High-income Latin America Europe & Sub-Saharan Middle East & South Asia Paci c & Caribbean Central Asia Africa North Africa Source: Enterprise Surveys data for 2007–12. Figure 2.7. Country differences exceed gender differences in attitudes toward women’s leadership ability Sweden (2011) Netherlands (2012) Lowest Switzerland (2007) Male leadership bias Canada (2006) United States (2011) Jordan (2007) Mali (2007) Highest Iran (2007) Pakistan (2012) Egypt (2008) 0 20 40 60 80 100 Percentage who agree with the statement, “On the whole, men make better business executives than women do” Male Female Note: Figures represent most recent data available for the five countries with the highest and lowest overall agreement toward the statement. Source: World Values Surveys. 24   Gender at Work Most of the pay gap in wage work is due to differing jobs ties.55 Some key areas of female disadvantage are well established, and hours. Women and men earn different wages primarily be- although data tend to be weak. cause of different types of work. The ILO, for example, docu- Female-owned businesses are generally smaller and employ ments substantial earnings differences between male-dominated fewer people. The Global Entrepreneurship Monitor indicates and female-dominated occupations.44 The implication is that that women are more likely than men to run single-person busi- labor policies, such as minimum wages and anti-discrimination nesses without any employees. In Latin America and the Carib- regulations, may help in some cases but will not be enough to erase gaps, and longer-term strategies are needed to reduce gender bean, for example, half of established businesses owned by women sorting into different types of jobs and firms. have no employees, compared to 38 percent for men, and in Sub-Saharan Africa, the respective figures are 44 and 30 percent.56 Nonetheless, women earn less than men even when controlling Likewise, analysis of unregistered firms across six African countries for industry and occupation. In 2010, controlling for these fac- found that women’s firms were significantly smaller than men’s.57 tors, women earned 86 percent of what men earned in Chile, 69 percent in Estonia, and only 36 percent in Pakistan.45 In the Female entrepreneurs in developing countries are more likely United States, full-time female secretaries earned 14 percent less than their male counterparts to be concentrated into small than male secretaries in 2011, and full-time first-line women re- and informal firms and retail sectors.58 Most non-agricultural tail sales supervisors earned 21 percent less than men in the same entrepreneurs in developing countries, especially women, operate position.46 in the retail sector. Men dominate construction and business-ori- Unexplained earnings gaps are largest among part-time ented services whereas women are more likely found in retail and workers and those with low levels of education. Analysis of manufacturing (Figure 2.8). About 18 percent of non-agricultural 64 developing countries reveals that women in part-time work self-employed males work in business-oriented services, compared (20 hours or fewer per week) and with low levels of education to only 5 percent of females.59 (less than complete primary) are significantly more likely to earn Because of differences in human capital and productive less than men with similar profiles.47 We also know that women inputs, female farmers achieve lower productivity than male are heavily concentrated into part-time work and, in developing farmers—20 to 30 percent less, due largely to differences in hu- countries, are more likely to have lower levels of education. man capital and access to productive inputs.60 As a result of gen- Women’s earnings often decline when they have children. der-specific constraints, female farmers tend to have lower output Across 28 developed and developing countries, 71 percent of per unit of land and are much less likely to be active in commer- women under the age of 30 experienced lower earnings after cial farming than men.61 In western Kenya, the 23 percent gap having children, compared to 43 percent of men.48 Women aged in yields between male- and female-headed households has been 30–39 with children are twice as likely as men with children to explained largely by female-headed households having less-secure have reduced earnings (88 versus 43 percent). Men of all ages access to land and lower levels of education.62 with children are more likely to have higher earnings than men without children, which is not the case for women in any age group. Figure 2.8. Distribution of self-employed jobs in 97 developing countries Differences in Entrepreneurship and 100 Farming Entrepreneurship is critical to gender at work. Micro, small, 80 and medium enterprises (MSMEs)49 comprise 90 percent of all 60 percent jobs in developing countries,50 and over the past decade their growth rate in low-income countries has been triple that of MS- 40 MEs in high-income countries.51 Agricultural employment re- mains the primary source of livelihood for about 38 percent of 20 the population in developing countries.52 Women comprise about 43 percent of the agricultural labor force in developing countries 0 Male Female overall, and about half in East Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa.53 The “feminization of agriculture” has been documented in develop- Agriculture Manufacturing Construction ing countries as men migrate farther away and for longer for off- Retail Services (Business-Oriented) farm employment while women, more constrained in terms of Services (Community-Oriented) Other time and mobility, are more likely to continue agricultural work.54 Women are generally concentrated into low levels of agricultural Note: Based on 97 developing countries. value chains, performing mostly basic smallholder farming activi- Source: International Income Distribution Database (I2D2). Taking Stock   25 When firm size, sector, and capital intensity are controlled ◆◆ The gap is wider in developing countries—37 percent of women for, gender gaps in firm productivity diminish or disappear.63 compared to 46 percent of men. South Asia and the Middle Because women and men sort into different types of enterprises, East and North Africa have the largest gender gap: women are simply comparing productivity or profitability by gender is mis- about 40 percent less likely than men to have a formal account. leading. When key firm characteristics are controlled for, Hall- The gender gap extends to access to credit as well (Figure 2.9). ward-Dreimeier (2013) finds that gender gaps in productivity virtually disappear. Having an account at a formal financial institution has multi- ple benefits in the world of work and beyond. It provides a reli- Women typically farm less profitable crops and smaller able payment channel for employers and government programs, plots than men. Women farm both cash and subsistence crops, it opens more opportunities for financial credit that can be used though social norms often result in men’s farming concentrating in business start-up and growth, and it provides protection for more on the former and women’s more on the latter.64 For ex- workers’ earnings.76 Access to finance affects both women as in- ample, in Ghana, cocoa is grown more by male farmers, while dividuals and women-owned firms.77 The IFC (2011) estimates cocoyam, a staple crop often consumed at home, is dispropor- that while women-owned entities represent over 30 percent of tionately grown by women.65 In all 14 countries for which there registered businesses worldwide, on average, only 5 to 10 per- are data, the farm sizes of male-headed households are larger cent of women-owned entities have access to commercial bank than those of female-headed households, and in some countries loans. the gaps are particularly wide—in Ecuador and Pakistan, for in- Women—especially poor women—still trail men in terms stance, farms of male-headed households are more than twice as of access to information and communication technology. In large.66 2012, 200 million fewer girls and women than boys and men were Women entrepreneurs and farmers tend to have less ac- online in developing countries, a gap of 23 percent. And this gap cess than men to capital, financial services, equipment, land, is much higher in Sub-Saharan Africa, the Middle East and North agricultural technologies, hired labor, and market informa- Africa, and South Asia.78 Women are also less likely than men to tion.67 Women in Latin America and the Caribbean, for exam- own or have access to a mobile phone in developing countries— ple, consistently have assets of lower value than men, and yet reportedly as much as 21 percent less likely.79 In India, only 44 prospective female entrepreneurs are generally required to put percent of women own cell phones (compared to 66 percent of up significantly more collateral than prospective male entrepre- men), and a meager 4 percent of women use the internet regularly neurs to access capital.68 These asset gaps are costly. According (compared to 9 percent of men).80 to a recent Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) report, re- ducing gender inequalities in access to productive resources and Labor Force Participation services could produce an increase in yields on women’s farms of between 20 percent and 30 percent, which could raise agricul- Of the roughly 3.3 billion people who are part of the global tural output in developing countries by 2.5 percent to 4 percent labor force, 40 percent—1.3 billion—are women. Globally, in (based on data from 52 countries).69 In some countries, the gains 2012, the labor force participation rate (ages 15–64) was 82 per- could be even larger. In Zambia, if women farmers had the same cent for men compared to 55 percent for women.81 capital as their male counterparts, national output could rise by Women’s labor force participation has stagnated, and has up to 15 percent.70 actually fallen two percentage points (to 55 percent) since There are well documented disparities in access to and con- 1990. While the gender gap has narrowed slightly from 27 to 26 trol of financial and physical capital—particularly credit and percentage points since 1990, this is entirely due to falling male labor force participation. Regional patterns vary: Sub-Saharan Af- land.71 For many women, this gender bias extends to non-land rica and Latin America and the Caribbean have seen increases in assets, such as livestock—especially more valuable livestock, such female labor force participation, while female participation has as cattle.72 Sex-disaggregated data on livestock ownership are rare73 declined in South Asia—particularly in India, though this case is but available data consistently shows gaps. A study of men’s and complex.82 Further, women’s labor force participation in develop- women’s livestock ownership in Northeastern Uganda found ing countries is often lower in urban areas. In Turkey, for example, that 62 percent of men, compared to only 14 percent of women, recent declines have been attributed largely to migration out of owned cattle.74 rural areas—where a large share of women participate as unpaid Women have less access than men to financial services. The family workers and subsistence farmers, and where women tend Global Findex database measures how people in 148 countries— to have greater extended family networks to support childcare and including the poor, women, and rural residents—save, borrow, household functions.83 make payments, and manage risk.75 The data document signifi- Gender gaps in labor force participation occur across all cant gender gaps: regions and age groups to varying extents. In most regions, ◆◆ Only 47 percent of women globally have opened an account at the steepest increase in gaps occurs in the 15–24 and 25–34 age a formal financial institution compared to 55 percent of men. groups, with the onset of childcare responsibilities (Figure 2.10). 26   Gender at Work Figure 2.9. Women are less likely than men to have formal accounts and credit Formal account, by gender Formal credit, by gender 100 20 80 16 Percent of population Percent of population 60 12 40 8 20 4 0 0 e ia an a e ia a an a sia a c sia c m ric m ric ric ric As As be ci be ci lA lA co co Af Af Af Af Pa Pa h h rib rib a a -in -in ut ut rth n rth n r r & & nt nt ra Ca ra Ca o gh o gh a a No S No Ce S Ce ha ha i i As Hi & As Hi & Sa Sa & & & & ica ica st st e b- pe b- st st Ea Ea er p er Ea Ea Su Su ro ro Am Am Eu e Eu e dl dl tin tin id id La M La M Female Male Note: “Formal account” data indicate responses to the query, “Do you, either by yourself or together with someone else, currently have an account at any of the following places? Either financial institution or post office.” Source: Gallup World Surveys. Europe and Central Asia is the exception, where the gap widens Women’s labor force participation tends to fall as country later on. In most regions, the largest gender gaps are found after incomes rise and some women move out of subsistence-based age 55, suggesting that women leave the labor force earlier. The agricultural work. At the same, the nature of women’s labor largest regional gender gap in labor force participation—62 per- force participation tends change with development. Namely, centage points for the age group 35–54—is found in the Middle self-employment, which in developing countries is often subsis- East and North Africa. tence-based, tends to decline, while the share of women in wage All around the world women spend more time on unpaid work increases. Notably, the share of women as employers remains domestic work—that is, child and elderly care and house- constant with countries’ income.89 work—than men.84 Focus group discussions in 18 developing In sum, gender gaps in the world of work are both extensive and countries found that women on average report spending about multidimensional. These gaps reflect the persistence of gender-spe- three hours more per day on housework and childcare and about cific constraints across the lifecycle, which are explored in the next 2.5 hours less per day on market activities compared to men.85 chapter. The relative magnitude and importance of different dispar- The burden of childcare responsibilities creates a “mother- ities depends on the country context, and it is useful to compare hood penalty.”86 One study of panel data across 97 countries es- performance across countries. Further, while inequality in the world timated that, on average, a birth reduces a woman’s labor supply of work is a global phenomenon, it is clearly more extensive in par- by almost two years during her reproductive years.87 The gender ticular countries and regions. It is often helpful for policy-makers, differences in the effects of having children on caring responsibili- donors, and other stakeholders to start with an understanding of ties and work are substantial. In Australia, for example, when men how a particular country of concern fairs relative to others with have one child under five, their full-time employment on average respect to gender equality in the world of work and more broadly. increases by about 27 percent; when women have one child under Resource Box 2.1 summarizes common indices that capture aggre- five, their full-time employment drops by 20 percent.88 gate outcomes and practices related to gender equality. Taking Stock   27 Figure 2.10. Gender gaps in labor force participation for different age groups East Asia & Paci c Europe & Central Asia 100 100 Male 80 80 Female 60 60 percent percent 40 40 20 20 0 0 15–24 25–34 35–54 55–64 65+ 15–24 25–34 35–54 55–64 65+ High Income Latin America & Caribbean 100 100 80 80 60 60 percent percent 40 40 20 20 0 0 15–24 25–34 35–54 55–64 65+ 15–24 25–34 35–54 55–64 65+ Middle East & North Africa South Asia 100 100 80 80 60 60 percent percent 40 40 20 20 0 0 15–24 25–34 35–54 55–64 65+ 15–24 25–34 35–54 55–64 65+ Sub-Saharan Africa World 100 100 80 80 60 60 percent percent 40 40 20 20 0 0 15–24 25–34 35–54 55–64 65+ 15–24 25–34 35–54 55–64 65+ Note: Figures represent unweighted averages (population-weighted averages would require population sizes by age group). Source: Team analyses of ILO KILM data (2012). 28   Gender at Work Resource Box 2.1. Where do countries stand? Global and regional rankings on gender equality and women’s economic empowerment Indices can provide powerful benchmarking tools for evaluat- ◆◆ Gender GEDI Index (Global Entrepreneurship and ing where a particular country or region stands relative to oth- Development Institute): Based so far on a 17-country ers, or to itself over time, on critical outcomes and practices pilot analysis, the index measures the development of related to gender equality in the world of work (see notes for high-potential female entrepreneurship worldwide.93 Website links): ◆◆ Social Institutions and Gender Index (OECD): The ◆◆ Gender Inequality Index (UNDP): The index reflects index is a measure of underlying discrimination against women’s disadvantage in three dimensions—reproduc- women for over 100 countries. SIGI captures and quan- tive health, empowerment and the labor market—for tifies discriminatory social institutions—these include, as many countries as data of reasonable quality allow. among others, early marriage, discriminatory inheritance The index shows the loss in human development due to practices, violence against women, son bias, and restrict- inequality between female and male achievements in ed access to productive resources.94 these dimensions.90 ◆◆ WEVentureScope (The Economist Intelligence Unit and ◆◆ Global Gender Gap Index (World Economic Forum): Intro- the Multilateral Investment Fund): The tool assesses the duced in 2006, the index provides a framework for captur- environment for supporting and growing women’s mi- ing the magnitude and scope of gender-based disparities cro, small, and medium-sized businesses in Latin Amer- around the world. The index benchmarks national gender ica and the Caribbean. It measures business operating gaps on economic, political, education and health-based risks, access to finance, capacity and skill-building oppor- criteria and provides country rankings that allow for com- tunities, and the presence of social services.95 parison across regions and income groups and over time.91 ◆◆ Women’s Economic Opportunity Index (The Econo- ◆◆ Gender Equality Index (European Institute for Gender mist Intelligence Unit): The index is a pilot effort funded Equality): The index, specific to the European Union, is by the World Bank to assess the laws, regulations, a measurement tool that combines gender indicators, practices, and attitudes that affect women workers according to a conceptual framework, into a single and entrepreneurs. It uses 26 indicators, selected and summary measure. Core domains include: work, money, validated by a panel of gender experts, to evaluate knowledge, time, power, health and two satellite do- every aspect of the economic and social value chain for mains (intersecting inequalities and violence).92 women.96 8) World Health Organization (WHO). 2013. Global and regional estimates Notes of violence against women: Prevalence and health effects of intimate partner vio- 1. World Development Indicators. Washington, DC: World Bank. lence and non-partner sexual violence. Geneva: WHO. 9) Team analyses of World Development Indicators data. 2. Aktas, A. and G. Uysal. 2012. “Explaining the Gender Wage Gap in 10) UNICEF. 2011. The State of the World’s Children 2011, Adolescence: An Turkey Using the Wage Structure Survey.” BETAM Working Paper Series Age of Opportunity. New York: UNICEF. (Figure excludes China). #005. Istanbul, Bahçeşehir University. For Signs of Progress: 3. Facts come from the following sources. 1) Team analyses of World Development Indicators. For Global Facts: 2) Team analyses of World Values Survey data. 1) Team analyses of ILO data. 3) Hallward-Driemeier, Mary, Tazeen Hasan, and Anca Bogdana Rusu 2) World Economic Forum. 2013. “Gender Parity Task Forces.” Re- (2013). “Women’s legal rights over 50 years: progress, stagnation or re- gression?” Policy Research working paper no. WPS 6616. Washing- trieved December 1, 2013, from http://www.weforum.org/issues/ ton, DC: World Bank. http://documents.worldbank.org/curated/en gender-parity-task-forces. /2013/09/18287629/women%C2%92s-legal-rights-over-50-years-progress 3) ILO. 2008. Global Wage Report 2008–09: Minimum Wages and Collective -stagnation-or-regression. Bargaining, Towards Policy Coherence. Geneva: ILO. 4) World Bank Group “Women Business and the Law” team analyses. 4) Marlar, J. and E. Mendes. 2013. “Globally, Men Twice as Likely as Women 5) Team analyses of World Development Indicators data. to Have a Good Job.” Retrieved October 10, 2013, from http://www.gallup. 6) World Bank. 2013. Update on implementation of the gender equality agenda com/poll/164666/globally-men-twice-likely-women-good-job.aspx. at the World Bank Group: Report to the Board. Washington, DC: World Bank; 5) World Bank Group. Women, Business and the Law 2014. Washington, DC: and OECD. 2013. Aid in Support of Gender Equality and Women’s Empower- World Bank. ment. Geneva: OECD. 6) United Nations. The World’s Women 2010: Trends and Statistics. New York: 4. Marlar, J. and E. Mendes. 2013. “Globally, Men Twice as United Nations. Likely as Women to Have a Good Job.” http://www.gallup.com/poll 7) Team analyses of Gallup World data. /164666/globally-men-twice-likely-women-good-job.aspx;Clifton, J., and J. Taking Stock   29 Marlar. 2011. “Worldwide, Good Jobs Linked to Higher Wellbeing.”http:// 25. Kapoor, A. 2007. “The SEWA way: Shaping another future for infor- www.gallup.com/poll/146639/worldwide-good-jobs-linked-higher-well mal labour.” Futures 39 (5): 554–68; Kabeer, N. 2008. Mainstreaming Gen- being.aspx. der in Social Protection for the Informal Economy. London: Commonwealth Secretariat. 5. Team analysis of Gallup World Poll data. 26. McKenzie, D. and Y. S. Sakho. 2009. “Does it pay firms to register for 6. Gender at Work team’s calculations based on UN Statistics Division taxes? The impact of formality on firm profitability.” Policy Research Work- figures accessed on September 7, 2013, available at http://unstats.un.org ing Paper 4449. Washington, DC: World Bank; de Mel, S., D. McKenzie, /unsd/demographic/products/indwm. et al. 2012. The demand for, and consequences of, formalization among infor- 7. Chioda, L. 2011. Work & Family: Latin American and Caribbean Women mal firms in Sri Lanka. Impact Evaluation Series No. 52. Washington, DC: in Search of a New Balance. Washington, DC: World Bank. World Bank. 8. ILO. 2010. Women in labour markets: Measuring progress and identifying 27. Ramani et al. 2013. “Women entrepreneurs in the informal economy.” challenges. Geneva: ILO. 28. Chen, M. A. 2012. The informal economy: definitions, theories and 9. ILO. 2013. “KILM 7th Edition Manuscript.” Retrieved August 15, policies. Working Paper No. 1. Cambridge, Mass.: Women in Informal Em- 2013, from http://kilm.ilo.org/manuscript/kilm08.asp. ployment Globalizing and Organizing (WIEGO). 10. Charmes, J. 2012. “The Informal Economy Worldwide: Trends and Char- 29. IFC. 2011. Fostering Women’s Economic Empowerment Through Special acteristics.” Margin: The Journal of Applied Economic Research 6 (2): 103–32. Economic Zones. Washington, DC: IFC. 11. ILO. 2012. “Statistical update on employment in the informal econ- 30. Dolan, C., M. Johnstone-Louis, et al. 2012. “Shampoo, saris and SIM omy.” Geneva: ILO. http://laborsta.ilo.org/applv8/data/INFORMAL cards: seeking entrepreneurial futures at the bottom of the pyramid.” Gender _ECONOMY/2012-06-Statistical%20update%20-%20v2.pdf. & Development 20 (1): 33–47. 12. Authors, based on International Labor Organisation 2009 data re- 31. ILO. 2012. Global Employment Trends for Women. Geneva: ILO. trieved April 14, 2013, from the Key Indicators of the Labour Market (7th 32. Team analyses of data from UNESCO Institute for Statistics. Edition) database. 33. Information and Communications Technology Association – Jordan 13. Chen, M. A. 2001. “Women and informality: A global picture, the (int@j). 2012. ICT & ITES Industry Statistics & Yearbook. Amman, Jordan: global movement.” SAIS Review 21 (1): 71–82. int@j and Ministry of Information and Communications Technology; MG Consultants. 2010. National ICT Workforce Survey. e-Sri Lanka Development 14. Chant, S. and C. Pedwell. 2008. “Women, gender and the informal Project, Cr : 3986-CE, ICTA/CON/QCBS/P1/248, ICT Agency of Sri economy: An assessment of ILO research and suggested ways forward.” Dis- Lanka; Sanders, J. 2005. “Women and IT: Fast Facts.” Presented at Interna- cussion Paper. Geneva: ILO. tional Symposium of Women and ICT “Women and ICT: Creating Global 15. ILO. 2013. Ending child labour in domestic work and protecting young Transformation,” June 2005, Baltimore, USA; Griffiths, M. and K. Moore. workers from abusive working conditions. Geneva: ILO. http://www.ilo.org 2006. “Issues Raised by the WINIT Project.” In E. Trauth (ed.), Encyclopedia /ipecinfo/product/download.do?type=document&id=21515. of Gender and Information Technology. Hershey, Penn.: Idea Group Inc. 16. ILO. 2013. Domestic workers across the world: Global and regional statis- 34. Gladman, K. and M. Lamb. 2013. GMI Ratings’ 2013 Women on tics and the extent of legal protection. Geneva: ILO. http://www.ilo.org/travail Boards Survey. GMI Ratings. http://info.gmiratings.com/Portals/30022/docs /Whatsnew/WCMS_173363/lang--en/index.htm. /gmiratings_wob_042013.pdf?submissionGuid=05f4980d-638e-428a-b45c -69517342345c. 17. ILO. 2010. Women in labour markets: Measuring progress and identifying challenges. Geneva: ILO. 35. Catalyst. 2013. Catalyst Pyramid: U.S. Women in Business. New York: Catalyst. 18. Ibid. 36. Authors. Data retrieved April 14, 2013, from the Enterprise Surveys 19. Gindling, T. H. and D. Newhouse. 2013. Self-Employment in the De- database. veloping World. Background Paper for the World Development Report 2013. Washington, DC: World Bank. 37. Ibid. 20. Chen, M. A. 2001. “Women and informality: A global picture, the 38. World Economic Forum. 2013. “Gender Parity Task Forces.” Re- trieved December 1, 2013, from http://www.weforum.org/issues global movement.” SAIS Review, 21 (1), 71–82. /gender-parity-task-forces. 21. ILO. 2002. Women and Men in the Informal Economy: A statistical pic- 39. Team analysis of WVS data. ture. Geneva: ILO; Charmes, J. 2012. “The Informal Economy Worldwide: Trends and Characteristics.” Margin: The Journal of Applied Economic Re- 40. Hausman, R., L. D. Tyson, et al. 2012. The Global Gender Gap Index search 6 (2): 103–132. 2012 Report (Davos: World Economic Forum), 46. This statement uses ac- tual estimated earned income figures, rather than those based on US$40,000 22. Chen, M. A. 2012. “The informal economy: definitions, theories and cut-offs. policies.” Working Paper No. 1. Cambridge, Mass.: Women in Informal Employment Globalizing and Organizing (WIEGO); Ramani, S. V., A. 41. ILO. 2008. Global Wage Report 2008/09: Minimum Wages and Collective Thutupalli, et al. 2013. “Women entrepreneurs in the informal economy: Is Bargaining, Towards Policy Coherence. ILO: Geneva. formalization the only solution for business sustainability?” UNU-MERIT 42. Tijdens, K. G. and M. Van Klaveren. 2012. Frozen in time: Gender pay Working Paper Series. New York: United Nations University. gap unchanged for 10 years. Brussels: ITUC. 23. Ramani et al. 2013. “Women entrepreneurs in the informal economy.” 43. Ibid. 24. Kabeer, N. 2008. Mainstreaming Gender in Social Protection for the In- 44. ILO. 2010. Women in labour markets: Measuring progress and identifying formal Economy. London: Commonwealth Secretariat. challenges. Geneva: ILO. 30   Gender at Work 45. WDR 2013, 358–9. Note: Wage earnings for women relative to the Uganda.” Journal of Development Studies 47 (10): 1482–1509; Doss, C. R.. wage earnings of men having the same characteristics; as a ratio. The estimate 2002. “Men’s Crops? Women’s Crops? The Gender Patterns of Cropping in is based on a country-specific regression of the logarithm of monthly earn- Ghana.” World Development 30 (11): 1987–2000. ings in local currency on years of education and potential years of experience 65. Doss, C. R.. 2002. “Men’s Crops? Women’s Crops? The Gender Pat- (and its square), controlling for industry, occupation, urban residence and terns of Cropping in Ghana.” World Development 30 (11): 1987–2000. gender. The methodology is described by Claudio E. Montenegro and Harry Anthony Patrinos (2012) in “Returns to Schooling around the World,” a 66. UN Food and Agriculture Organization (2011). The State of Food and background paper for the World Development Report 2013. Data sources: see Agriculture 2010–2011. Rome, FAO. table 9 in the WDR 2013, p. 379. 67. Mehra, R. and M. Rojas. 2008. Women, food security and agriculture in 46. Institute for Women’s Policy Research (IWPR). 2012. Fact Sheet: The a global marketplace. International Center for Research on Women. http:// Gender Wage Gap by Occupation. Washington, DC: IWPR. www.icrw.org/publications/women-food-security-and-agriculture-global -marketplace; IFC. 2013. Assessing Private Sector Contributions to Job Creation 47. Hugo Ñopo, Nancy Daza, and Johanna Ramos. 2012. “Gender earn- and Poverty Reduction. IFC Jobs Study. Washington, DC: IFC. ing gaps around the world: a study of 64 countries.” International Journal of Manpower 33 (5): 464–513. 68. GTZ, et al. 2010. Women’s Economic Opportunities in the Formal Private Sector in Latin America and the Caribbean: A Focus on Entrepre- 48. Tijdens, K. G. and M. Van Klaveren. 2012. Frozen in time: Gender pay neurship. Washington, DC: Inter-American Development Bank. gap unchanged for 10 years. Brussels: ITUC. 69. UN Food and Agriculture Organization. 2011. The State of Food and 49. The World Bank defines MSMEs as follows: micro: 1–9 employees, Agriculture 2010–2011. Rome: FAO. small: 10–49 employees, and medium: 50–249 employees. 70. World Bank. 2009. Gender in Agriculture Sourcebook. Washington, DC: 50. Page, J. and S. Söderbom. 2012. Is Small Beautiful? Small Enterprise, World Bank. Aid and Employment in Africa. UNU-WIDER. 71. World Bank (2011). World Development Report 2012: Gender Equal- 51. Kushnir, K., M. L. Mirmulstein, et al. 2010. Micro, Small, and Me- ity and Development. Washington, DC: World Bank; ICRW. 2005. Property dium Enterprises Around the World: How Many are There, and What Af- Ownership for Women Enriches, Empowers and Protects: Toward Achieving the fects the Count? Washington, DC: World Bank and IMF. Third Millenium Development Goal to Promote Gender Equality and Empower 52. World Development Indicators, Employment in agriculture (% of total Women. Washington, DC: ICRW; Doss, C., et al. Forthcoming. “Gender employment), 2010. inequalities in ownership and control of land in Africa: myth and reality.” 53. UN Food and Agriculture Organization (2011). The State of Food and 72. Oladele, O. I., and M. Monkhei. 2008. “Gender ownership patterns of Agriculture 2010–2011. Rome, FAO. livestock in Botswana.” Livestock Research for Rural Development 20 (10). 54. de Schutter, O.. 2013. The Agrarian Transition and the ‘Feminization’ 73. World Bank et al. 2013. “What does sex-disaggregated data say about of Agriculture. Food Sovereignty: A Critical Dialogue. New Haven, Conn.: livestock and gender in Niger?” Livestock Data Innovation in Africa Brief. Yale University. Washington, DC: World Bank. 55. World Bank (2011). Afghanistan: Understanding Gender in Agricul- 74. Oluka, J. et al. “Small stock and women in livestock production in tural Value Chains : The Cases of Grapes/Raisins, Almonds and Saffron in the Teso Farming System region of Uganda.” Small Stock in Development. Afghanistan. Washington, DC: World Bank; World Bank (2010). Liberia: 2005: 151; Deere, C. D. and J. Twyman. 2010. “Poverty, headship, and gen- Gender-Aware Programs and Women’s Roles in Agricultural Value Chains. der inequality in asset ownership in Latin America.” Working Paper #296. Washington, DC: World Bank. East Lansing, Mich.: Center for Gender in Global Context, Michigan State University. 56. Kelley, D. J., et al. 2013. Global Entrepreneurship Monitor’s 2012 Women’s Report. http://www.gemconsortium.org/docs/2825 75. Demirguc-Kunt, A., L. Klapper, et al. Forthcoming. “Measuring fi- /gem-2012-womens-report. nancial inclusion: The Global Findex Database.” Brookings Papers on Economic Activity. The database is available at: http://econ.worldbank.org 57. Amin, M.. 2010. Gender and Firm Size: Evidence from Africa. Washing- /WBSITE/EXTERNAL/EXTDEC/EXTRESEARCH/EXTPROGRAMS ton, DC: World Bank. /EXTFINRES/EXTGLOBALFIN/0,,contentMDK:23147627~pagePK 58. Hallward-Driemeier, M.. 2013. Enterprising Women: Expanding Eco- :64168176~piPK:64168140~theSitePK:8519639,00.html, accessed on Jan- nomic Opportunities in Africa. Washington, DC: World Bank. uary 20, 2014. 59. Authors’ calculations based on I2D2 data. 76. Demirguc-Kunt, A., L. Klapper, et al. 2013. Women and Financial In- 60. UN Food and Agriculture Organization (2011). The State of Food and clusion. FINDEX Notes. Washington, DC: World Bank. Agriculture 2010-2011. Rome: FAO. 77. International Finance Corporation (IFC). 2011. Strengthening Access to 61. Croppenstedt, A., M. Goldstein, et al. 2013. “Gender and Agriculture: Finance for Women-Owned SMEs in Developing Countries. Washington, DC: Inefficiencies, Segregation, and Low Productivity Traps.” World Bank Re- IFC. search Observer 28 (1): 79-109. 78. Intel and Dalberg. 2012. Women and the Web. Santa Clara, Calif.: Intel 62. Alene, A.D., et al. 2008. “Economic efficiency and supply response Corporation. of women as farm managers: comparative evidence from Western Kenya.” 79. GSMA 2010. Women & Mobile: A Global Opportunity. London: World Development 36 (7): 1247–60. GSMA. 63. Hallward-Driemeier, M.. 2013. Enterprising Women: Expanding Eco- 80. Pew Research Center. Spring 2012 Survey Data from PewRe- nomic Opportunities in Africa. Washington, DC: World Bank. search Global Attitudes Project. http://www.pewglobal.org/2012/04/20 64. Peterman, A., et al. 2011. “Understanding the Complexities Sur- /spring-2012-survey-data. rounding Gender Differences in Agricultural Productivity in Nigeria and 81 World Development Indicators, accessed on January 15, 2014. Taking Stock   31 82. Much of the recent decline in female labor force participation in India Egalitarian Legislation.” Duke Journal of Gender Law & Policy 18:305. http:// may reflect the fact that more young women are in school. From 2005 to scholarship.law.duke.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1190&context=djglp. 2011, female labor force participation (ages 15–64) declined by 9 percentage 87. Bloom, D., D. Canning, G. Fink, and J. Finlay. 2009. “Fertility, female points. However, during the same time period, gross female school enrollment labor force participation, and the demographic dividend.” Journal of Eco- increased by 16 percentage points for secondary education and by 11 percent- nomic Growth 14 (2): 79–101. doi: 10.1007/s10887-009-9039-9. age points for tertiary education. Some research projects a substantial rebound in women’s labor force participation in the decade ahead as dividends from 88. Australia Human Rights Commission. 2013. “Investing in Care: Rec- increased education begin to materialize. Nonetheless, overall labor force par- ognising and Valuing Those Who Care.” Vol. 2, Technical Papers. ticipation rates would still remain low, even relative to other countries in the 89. Hallward-Driemeier, M. 2013. Enterprising Women: Expanding Eco- region. For further analysis, see S. Bhalla and R. Kaur (2011), “Labour Force nomic Opportunities in Africa. Washington, DC: World Bank. Participation of Women in India: Some Facts, Some Queries,” Asia Research Centre Working Paper 40 (London: London School of Economics). 90. http://hdr.undp.org/en/statistics/gii. 83. Uraz, A., M. Aran, et al. 2010. “Recent Trends in Female Labor Force 91. http://www.weforum.org/issues/global-gender-gap. Participation in Turkey.” Working Paper No. 2. Ankara: State Planning Or- 92. http://eige.europa.eu/content/gender-equality-index. ganization of the Republic of Turkey and World Bank. 93. http://www.thegedi.org/research/womens-entrepreneurship-index. 84. United Nations. The World’s Women 2010: Trends and Statistics. New York: United Nations. 94. http://genderindex.org. 85. WDR 2012, 221. 95. http://www.weventurescope.com. 86. De Silva De Alwis, R. 2011. “Examining Gender Stereotypes in New 96. http://www.eiu.com/site_info.asp?info_name=womens_economic Work/Family Reconciliation Policies: The Creation of a New Paradigm for _opportunity&page=noads. Overlapping Constraints Across the Lifecycle Key messages ▶▶ Gender differences in time use, in access to productive inputs, and in the nature and impacts of market and institutional failures are major contributors to inequality in the world of work. ▶▶ A deeper understanding of informal institutions and social norms and the limits they can place on women’s agency provides insights into how constraints to women’s economic opportunities materialize. ▶▶ Constraints emerge throughout the lifecycle, and are amplified for those facing overlapping disadvantages. These need to be addressed in a coordinated and coherent way. ▶▶ Public or private sector actions that only address single constraints to women’s jobs without accounting for different levels of agency may not achieve optimal participation or impact. This chapter explores why gender gaps in the world of work have been so per- sistent. More specifically, why do women and men sort into different types of jobs (and firms) and enjoy different levels of access to key productive inputs, and why do so many women stay out of the workforce altogether? There is no single dataset or global study that can answer these questions conclusively, but established and new emerging evidence casts important light. We take as a starting point the WDR 2012 analytical framework, which empha- sized the importance of how markets and institutions (formal and informal) inter- act with norms and behaviors at the household level and influence outcomes for gender equality. We elaborate on the importance of market and institutional fail- ures. Whereas some market and institutional failures stem from overt discrimina- tion, others result from more subtle failures to address gender-specific constraints, which are often linked to biased norms and restricted agency. We also argue that gender gaps in the world of work are preceded by key constraints during child and youth years. The implication is clear: while immediate jobs crises require short-term actions directed at the working age, effective policy strategies to close gender gaps in the world of work must start early. Some key definitions are in order. Social norms are widely held beliefs by a group or society about what people should and should not do.1 They can be held at mul- 34   Gender at Work Figure 3.1. Biased norms and lack of agency across the lifecycle affect equality at work Constraints on women and girls Consequences for vis-à-vis norms and agency economic opportunities Early years and Early biases and son-preferences childhood Foundations of different aspirations, cognitive abilities Child sexual abuse and maltreatment and non-cognitive functioning Girls held back from school Gender roles: domestic responsibilies Drop out of school earlier or attend less Adolescence Inability to participate in community activities or training Early marriage and pregnancy and youth Acquire less early work experience Less mobility Stereotypes and biases Educational streaming and limited aspirations Lack of political and community voice Inability to influence economic policies and institutions Gender-based violence in homes, schools, or public Trauma impairs basic functioning and learning Gender roles: domestic responsibilies Lack of time for paid work and career mobility Legal discrimination Occupational segregation and fewer economic opportunities Workplace discriminiation Productive age Lower wages and less promotion Lack of control over resources Fewer productive inputs for entrepreneurship and farming Less mobility Inability to travel far for work, training, or networking Less political and workplace voice and representation Inability to influence economic policies and institutions Gender-based violence in homes, workplace, or public Trauma impairs basic functioning and productivity Gender roles: domestic responsibilies Drop out of workforce earlier Retirement and pension age differences Old age Less promotion Widows face legal discriminiation on inheritance Less physical or financial capital for economic Gender-based violence in homes, workplace, or public opportunities and independence tiple levels, including the community, school, workplace, and na- the underlying and interacting constraints that emerge through- tion. They interact with attitudes and behaviors at the individual out women’s lives, we get a better sense of the complex processes and household levels. Biased gender norms are those social norms that have held back progress on women’s economic opportunities that set different expectations on what women and men or girls for decades. and boys can and should do, thus constraining agency. Agency is the ability to make one’s own choices and act upon them,2 which may be constrained by formal and informal institutions, market Bundled Constraints: Norms, Agency, failures, and practices in the household. and Economic Opportunities The biased norms and restricted agency that limit women’s While some women (and men) choose to abstain from paid economic opportunities manifest early and can be compounded work or prefer lower paying or lower level jobs, women’s jobs are through life. Norms and agency are mutually reinforcing. As Fig- often heavily constrained by multiple factors that run through- ure 3.1 illustrates, a deeper understanding of the connections be- out women’s lives and are closely linked to biased norms and re- tween norms, agency, and economic opportunities across the life- strictions on agency. Yet many take a “gender-neutral” approach, cycle sheds light on the cumulative effects of multiple constraints assuming that economic opportunities are equally available to that many women in poverty face. In practice, these constraints women and men alike, thus overlooking the uneven playing vary in form, number, and severity across settings. By exploring field on which people live. This section reviews some common Overlapping Constraints Across the Lifecycle   35 constraints through the lifecycle, especially related to norms and Figure 3.2. Main reasons given by young women in Morocco for agency, but it is not exhaustive. not wanting to work, 2010 Market and institutional failures frequently limit women’s Husband won’t opportunities in the world of work. Even if discrimination Other allow is a losing proposition for businesses, other factors affect firms’ and employers’ behavior. Because employers may have imperfect 12% 12% information about workers’ skills and competencies, they often make inferences on one’s potential based on observable charac- teristics, such as gender or race.3 In the workplace, women tend Busy at home Parents won’t to lose out in these inferences. People have been shown to have 23% 23% allow a higher propensity to negatively evaluate women in a range of areas, from auditions for orchestras to suitability for health sector jobs predominately held by men.4 In recruitment and promotion, 11% a randomized experiment in the United States showed that eval- uators were significantly more likely to rely on group stereotypes, Social norms rather than past performance, when judging candidates separately compared to assessments in joint evaluation.5 Similarly, neglecting gender-specific needs can translate into service delivery failures Source: Data from La Cava et al. (2012), Kingdom of Morocco: Promoting that disadvantage women. For example, biased rules, low female Youth Opportunities and Participation (Washington, DC: World Bank), representation among extension agents, and poor targeting con- which uses the Morocco Household and Youth Survey 2010. tributes to gender gaps in access to agricultural extension services. Prior to recent reforms, rules for membership in farmers’ and for- estry clubs in Kenya and India—key sources for extension and work may be constrained. In the case of Morocco, with a female advisory services for small farmers—allowed for only the head of labor force participation rate of 28 percent for young women (ages household to join, effectively excluding most women.6 Only 15 15–24), many young women lack agency in deciding whether and percent of extension agents globally are women; this means fewer when they work: over one-third do not work primarily because jobs for women in extension services and services that are poten- their husbands or parents will not allow them, and another third tially less relevant to women, who comprise 43 percent of agricul- are constrained by social norms or related domestic responsibili- tural labor force in developing countries.7 These kinds of market ties (Figure 3.2).27 In Mozambique and Tanzania, some husbands and institutional failures are often reinforced by social norms and and fathers actively prevent women from working in jobs where attitudes. they would interact with other men.28 Biased norms can dictate the use of time and limit aspira- Many women face the cumulative impacts of multiple dis- tions. Social norms influence behavior because conformity is so- advantages across the lifecycle. The reality of overlapping dis- cially acceptable, whereas deviations can incur social exclusion, advantages implies that policies and programs often need to start ridicule, or even violence.8 This threat limits women’s agency. early and ensure the most vulnerable are included, and that co- Some norms, such as those related to gender roles, are rooted in ordinated, multi-sectoral solutions are needed to address com- centuries of cultural heritage9 and are especially “sticky.”10 This pounding constraints. “stickiness” helps to explain the pervasiveness of gender inequality in the world of work. Gender norms are passed from one genera- As the Venn diagrams in Figure 3.3 illustrate, deprivations often tion to the next, with families, along with broader communities, come in bundles for women living in developing countries. For being important transmitters.11 For example, young people’s ideal the three countries presented, the Dominican Republic, Ghana, gender allocation of housework has been shown to reflect their and Nigeria, we see that the parents’ attitudes toward gender roles during their childhood.12 vast majority of both work- Adult men are more likely to contribute to housework if their ing and non-working women “When mother is absent, mothers were employed during their childhood.13 in each sample face con- I am there to take care of straints—although, in these everything. Women take Norms are “sticky,” but they are not static. Changes can be countries, higher shares of care of everything. The man quite dramatic. In the United States, fewer than 20 percent of non-working women report is the household head, but people supported the idea of wives working if husbands could bundled constraints. For ex- the woman takes care of support them in 1936, compared to more than 80 percent in ample, 11 of 12 non-working everything.” 1998.14 But can policies and interventions promote change? Box women in the Dominican 3.1 explores this question. Republic exposed to intimate —Young woman, Serbia, On partner violence face at least Norms and Agency Women’s agency in the world of work is restricted both di- rectly and indirectly. Their choices about whether and where to one other constraint. Among 36   Gender at Work Box 3.1. Norms favor men’s economic opportunities, but can policies change them? Gender norms favor men’s economic opportunities. Globally, and the wider social context beyond the individual can nearly four in 10 people (close to one-half in developing coun- change men’s and boys’ attitudes toward gender roles and re- tries) agree that, when jobs are scarce, a man should have lationships, but larger studies with longer follow-up periods more right to a job than a woman (Figure A).15 These views are are needed.21 Toolkits designed in recent years have given important: a study of OECD countries showed that an increase policy makers, educators, and program leaders a starting of 10 percent in the proportion of people who think ”scarce point for developing strategies to help young people adopt jobs should go to men first” reduces women’s employment more equitable norms and attitudes.22 rate by 5–9 percent (Figure B).16 A study of second-generation Well-implemented laws themselves may help foster changes. American women—governed by the same laws and formal For example, in the United States, Title IX, the 1972 legislation institutions—found that variation in work behavior was sig- ensuring equal educational opportunities for women and nificantly explained by their parents’ country of origin.17 So if girls, including in school athletics, has been largely credited biased norms act as constraints, can they be changed, rather with contributing to changing, though not leveling, gender than just offset? norms in schools and colleges.23 School systems can be useful There is disagreement regarding the extent to which policy entry points for addressing norms early. Tanzania’s national actions can and should change norms. Change is often grad- curriculum, for instance, includes gender-related material in ual, if not lacking or even regressive, particularly for “sticky” its standard secondary school civics syllabus and examina- norms related to gender roles in patriarchal societies.18 A re- tions.24 Participatory discussions on gender inequality in pub- cent expert meeting concluded that the importance of ad- lic schools in Mumbai showed positive effects on children’s dressing norms to influence behavior varies by topic, address- attitudes toward gender equality.25 School systems can also ing norms is only one part of a comprehensive social change reform textbooks. Studies in several countries show textbooks agenda, and a new positive norm can be more effective than reinforcing gender stereotypes through both text and im- dismantling a negative one.19 Interventions to change social ages.26 Better evaluation is needed to test innovative school-, norms have grown as an area of focus, particularly in public community-, and workplace-based interventions and to un- health.20 There is growing evidence that well-designed, par- derstand the long-term effects. ticipatory programs focused on transforming gender norms Figure A. Share of the population agreeing that when jobs Figure B. Discriminating norms are associated with few are scarce, a man should have more of a right to a job than a women working woman World Ratio, female to male labor force participation 1.0 Uganda 100% Azerbaijan 80% Denmark China Burkina Faso South Asia 60% East Asia & Paci c 0.8 USA 40% South Africa 20% Japan Bangladesh 0.6 Dominican Republic Malaysia Mali Mexico 0.4 Turkey Europe & Central Asia Egypt Middle East & North Africa Iran 0.2 Iraq Pakistan Latin America & Caribbean 0.0 0.0 0.2 0.4 0.6 0.8 1.0 Male Female Believe men should have jobs priority Source: World Values Survey data, 2005–08, and World Development Indicators for labor force participation, matching years Overlapping Constraints Across the Lifecycle   37 Figure 3.3. Women face overlapping constraints (percentages of women facing constraints) Dominican Republic Working Not Working Education Education Movement 43 Movement 55 47 20 16 52 15 18 15 14 2 3 2 7 3 4 4 4 8 5 1 1 1 2 Violence 1 3 Violence 1 5 10 1 Resources 12 0 1 Resources 0 17 29 0 0 Without restrictions Without restrictions 26 16 Ghana Working Not Working Education Education Movement 51 Movement 45 53 14 13 62 14 6 12 10 4 9 5 7 5 7 6 2 11 11 2 1 3 4 Violence 1 6 Violence 2 11 19 1 Resources 17 0 3 Resources 2 35 49 1 0 Without restrictions Without restrictions 15 11 Nigeria Working Not Working Education Education Movement 61 Movement 73 39 7 13 34 4 11 5 4 2 22 1 35 3 11 8 1 16 8 1 1 3 2 Violence 2 6 Violence 1 5 17 2 Resources 12 2 2 Resources 2 55 70 1 1 Without restrictions Without restrictions 12 7 Source: Team analyses of DHS data. Note: The variables are as follows, all reported by women aged 20–49: movement = lack of autonomy in visiting friends or family, education = less than sec- ondary school education, resource = a lack of autonomy in controlling household resources, and violence = experienced intimate partner violence (physical or sexual) within the last 12 months. Figures represent the percentage of the full sample. 38   Gender at Work non-working women report- For example, being young and living in a rural area significantly “Many women in Uganda are ing restricted movement in decreases a woman’s likelihood of being in the labor force in the still held back by inadequate Ghana, 62 percent have less Middle East and North Africa.34 In Guatemala, the gender gap resources, lack of capital, traditional and cultural norms than a secondary school ed- in illiteracy is four times higher among the indigenous popula- that dictate that we must ucation. In each case, lim- tion than for the “ladino” population.35 A recent multi-country be submissive and act like ited control over household analysis of census data in Latin American and African countries women.’’ resources is usually accom- shows that the interaction between being female and belonging panied by multiple other to a minority group (defined as native speakers of a minority lan- —Woman fisher, Uganda, constraints. The fact that guage within the country) has a compounding effect on educa- Status of the World’s Girls 2012 both working and non-work- tional attainment.36 This overlapping disadvantage is illustrated ing women face overlapping with respect to primary school completion in Figure 3.4. disadvantages reinforces the Poverty is perhaps one of the most pervasive axes of exclusion need for policy options to ad- that compounds gender disadvantage. Multi-country data show dress multiple constraints that could be contributing to gender gender disparities in education and health outcomes are typically gaps within the workforce and women’s exclusion from the labor widest, and women’s control over their own income is usually low- market altogether. est, among women in the bottom quintiles of wealth and income. Failure to address overlapping constraints can translate to There are large gender gaps, for example, in median grade attain- policy failure. One of the clearest cases comes from the literature ment among young people, ages 15–19, in the bottom two wealth on financial credit for impoverished women entrepreneurs. Un- quintiles in Benin, The Gambia, India, and Pakistan, whereas the equal access to financial capital is an important wedge between gap virtually disappears in the highest quintile.37 Research in ru- female and male entrepreneurs in developing settings.29 But is fi- ral India has found that parents express a desire to educate their nancial capital, a key endowment, sufficient to close gender gaps sons and daughters equally, but opt to favor sons when resource between firms? The evidence suggests not. Systematic reviews constraints require choices.38 In other words, while norms may have revealed no significant effect of microloans overall on poor favor boys’ education in many settings, a family’s circumstances women’s business outcomes.30 A randomized trial in Ghana also determine whether the norm translates to outcomes. In devel- found that financial capital was not enough to grow subsistence oping countries, adolescent girls in the poorest quintiles in their enterprises owned by women.31 Women who received cash grants countries have marriage and birth rates approximately three times had greater pressures than men to share funds with others in the higher than those in the richest.39 This adds layers of disadvan- family rather than invest in the business. The problem highlights tage. Perhaps the starkest example is the exacerbation of gender hurdles related to women’s control over resources and bargaining inequality in fragile and conflict-affected situations (Box 3.2). power within the home. Other unobserved constraints were also likely at play. Childhood and Youth: The Start of Un- In contrast, the Targeted Ultra-Poor program, a successful inter- equal Trajectories vention run by BRAC in rural Bangladesh, combined two years of intensive skills training and support with asset transfers (in the The child and youth years are especially critical for human tal- form of a choice of livestock packages). The program resulted in ent formation through education and skills development, which significant shifts for women from agricultural labor to running the WDR 2013 describes as fundamental to jobs. This section small businesses and a 38 percent increase in earnings over four looks at the drivers behind early gender gaps and biases in educa- years.32 This suggests that, especially for the poorest women who tion, skills, and aspirations. experience multiple constraints, multicomponent programs and Expressed preferences about work often reflect early limits linked services may be needed to complement financial capital or of aspirations and self-confidence. Aspirations are the hopes to open up alternatives for women who would be better off in wage and ambitions that people have of achieving something. Self-con- jobs than entrepreneurship. fidence, or what psychologists call “self-efficacy,” involves one’s Gender disadvantage is compounded when women also ex- belief in her or his ability to overcome challenges and achieve perience other marginalized identities. The effect of such inter- specific tasks.48 Aspirations and a sense of efficacy are fundamen- secting axes of exclusion is well-substantiated in Inclusion Mat- tal to agency,49 and research shows that they are important pre- ters.33 For example, an individual who is female, lives in poverty, dictors of work-related outcomes.50 Research shows that people and belongs to an indigenous community is likely to face a greater struggle to attribute feminine characteristics to entrepreneurship burden of overlapping disadvantages than an individual who has and achievement-related careers, and women appear to internalize only one of these characteristics. Overlapping disadvantages can these biases in the forms of lower aspirations and confidence.51 stem from personal characteristics, including gender, age, poverty, Decades of psychological and sociological research have shown sexual orientation, caste, race, ethnicity, nationality, disability, and how behaviors and aspirations are shaped by expectations and life experiences, just to name a few. social interactions.52 Women’s and girls’ expressed aspirations are Overlapping Constraints Across the Lifecycle   39 Figure 3.4. Women are doubly disadvantaged by gender and ethnicity 80 percentage completed primary school 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 Reference Minority Reference Minority Reference Minority Reference Minority Reference Minority group group group group group group group group group group Bolivia Mexico Peru Senegal Sierra Leone Female Male Source: Tas et al. 2013, using data from the Integrated Public Use Microdata Series-International (IPUMS-I) initiative. Note: Secondary school completion for ages 25 and above. Survey years for Bolivia, Mexico, Peru, Senegal, and Sierra Leone are 2001, 2010, 2007, 2002, and 2004, respectively. Box 3.2. Fragility, gender, and jobs Fragile and conflict-affected situations create severe chal- heightened needs for children to participate in paid labor lenges including for jobs.40 All of the fundamentals for (especially boys) or domestic work (especially girls), girls growth tend to suffer in this context. Where institutions overall were particularly vulnerable to dropping out.44 Girls and infrastructure are weak and there are high levels of in- are also especially vulnerable to early and forced marriage.45 security or instability, private investors may be reluctant to While there are no easy answers, integrated service models do business. Disrupted education and training mean that that boost women’s agency and economic opportunities si- people’s skills in these settings are often well below their multaneously may be especially important. A small but grow- potential. Fragility also contributes to the severity of more ing evidence base offers promising examples. For instance, a gender-specific constraints. Men can be traumatized by con- flict, unemployed, and socially excluded.41 Insecurity and new World Bank-supported trial in the Democratic Republic lack of infrastructure can disproportionately affect women’s of the Congo shows significant reductions of violence-related mobility. Fragility and conflict tend to worsen gender-based trauma symptoms and significant increases in women’s earn- violence, both in the household and as a weapon of war.42 ings among participants in a Village Savings and Loans Associ- Female entrepreneurs in Afghanistan and Iraq face lower ation with an added psychosocial support component.46 Help- mobility and especially high vulnerability to harassment and ing ex-combatants, typically men, reintegrate into economic violence, hindering simple business transactions or building life is also key. A current evaluation of a World Bank-supported networks.43 In Burkina Faso, Niger, Pakistan, the Philippines, project in Liberia is testing the effectiveness of an integrated South Sudan and Zimbabwe, surveys conducted by Plan In- model that aims to support young adult ex-combatants in re- ternational found that while both adolescent boys and girls habilitation and employment through agricultural skills train- faced high dropout rates in periods of crisis, due largely to ing alongside life skills training and resettlement assistance.47 40   Gender at Work constrained by the expecta- as high as 28 percent in West and Central Africa, 25 percent in “Sending an older girl to school is a wasted tions placed on them through East and Southern Africa, and 22 percent in South Asia. Higher opportunity. What is a girl social norms and stereotypes birth rates are associated with a lower probability of women enter- for if she cannot help her that begin early in life.53 In ing and staying in the labor market.65 In Chile, giving birth reduces mother?” India and Ethiopia, longitu- a girl’s likelihood of completing secondary school by 37 percent.66 dinal research found that girls In developing countries, adolescent pregnancy and marriage go —Grandmother, Mali, Status had lower self-efficacy and hand-in-hand—some 95 percent of adolescent pregnancies occur of the World’s Girls 2012 lower educational aspirations in developing countries, and 9 in 10 of these occur within marriage than boys, and that these out- or a union.67 One in three girls in developing countries, excluding comes mirrored aspirations China, is married before her 18th birthday (about half in India and by parents for their female three out of four in Niger).68 Incentives for early marriage are strong and male children.54 Even within the first months of life, differ- among poor families in many cultures, including social pressure, ent biases about girls’ capabilities related to motor skills and basic customary bride payments (incentivizing the bride’s family with functioning have been documented.55 payments by the groom or his family), dowries (incentivizing the husband’s family with property transferred from the bride or her Many girls are still denied the basic right to learn due to family), and the expectation that early marriage brings domestic biased norms and traditional gender roles. Some 31 million support to the husband’s family or sheds a perceived financial bur- primary-aged girls and 34 million lower secondary-aged girls are den on the bride’s family.69 In turn, these constraints erode girls’ fu- out of school.56 In Iraq, girls between the ages of 11 and 24 are ture economic opportunities.70 A study in Bangladesh found that a 2.5 times as likely as boys to cite a lack of family interest as their one-year delay in marriage among girls between the ages of 11 and reason for dropping out.57 Son-preference in Nepal is associated 16 increased their likelihood of attaining literacy by 6 percent.71 with higher female child labor and lower gender parity in educa- tion.58 Among poor households, children may be held back from Girls’ mobility is often more restricted than boys. Reasons schooling in order to work. In some cases these expectations are vary, but often include greater domestic responsibilities that make stronger on boys and in other cases on girls, but both market and travel farther from home more difficult, safety concerns (harass- domestic labor need to be taken into account. Research using ment or rape), unequal access to cars or bicycles, and cultural dis- UNICEF data has suggested higher female child labor force rates approval of girls’ movements.72 Weak infrastructure can compound (72 percent) compared to male (64 percent) overall when both the problem. In Ghana and South Africa, for example, girls have re- market and domestic work are counted.59 The expectation for girls ported their lesser ability than boys to swim as a barrier to attending to perform unpaid care work and domestic responsibilities is com- school (paths to school often flood during rainy season).73 Mobility pounded by the belief that girls’ education offers less value. barriers are exacerbated by significant distances between home and school. A survey of schoolgirls in the Dar es Salaam area of Tanzania Biased expectations underlie educational streaming and indicated that 80 percent of girls had to travel one hour or longer stereotypes, which in turn contribute to gender sorting in the to get to school; 13 percent of girls reported traveling three or more world of work. Young women and men are typically concen- hours.74 The combination of girls’ restricted mobility, weak infra- trated in the educational streams that are more associated with structure, and poor public transportation, combined with a lack of social norms around “masculine” and “feminine” areas of work— local schooling options, adversely affect girls’ education. such as science, technology, engineering, and math (STEM) fields for males, and arts, humanities, and human services for females Although most of the data on gender-based violence starts (Figure 3.5).60 These patterns often exist despite good test per- with adulthood, the problem starts earlier. Trauma impairs basic formance: across OECD countries, young women outperform functioning and schooling is sometimes directly disrupted. Chil- young men in reading and show little difference in mathematics dren exposed to sexual abuse, domestic violence, and other forms scores and none in science scores according to standardized tests of maltreatment have shown impaired social-emotional func- (see Figure 3.6).61 This streaming is costly to women themselves. tioning and educational outcomes in adolescence, and lower job In the United States, for ex- performance, job stability, and earnings into adulthood.75 Addi- ample, although women rep- tionally, research shows that gender-based violence en route to and “I was forced to leave school inside of schools—including by teachers—is a significant problem in order to get married. I resent only 24 percent of the in many countries, including Liberia and Malawi, for example.76 was very young then. I was STEM workforce, they earn divorced after eight months of 33 percent more when they my marriage. I wish other girls work in these high-growth Productive Age: Constraints at Work don’t suffer like me.’’ fields.62 The WDR 2012 argued that individual decisions on whether Nearly one in five girls and how to participate in market work are conditioned by gen- —Adolescent girl, Sudan, in developing countries be- der differences in (1) time-use patterns; (2) access to productive Breaking Vows comes pregnant before her inputs, especially land and capital; and (3) the impacts of market 18th birthday.64 The figure is and institutional failures, including legal and regulatory frame- Overlapping Constraints Across the Lifecycle   41 Figure 3.5. Even where gender parity is reached in higher education, segregation persists Thailand 2010 agriculture Netherlands 2010 education engineering, manufacturing, Mongolia 2011 and construction health and welfare Lebanon 2011 humanities and arts France 2009 social sciences, business, and law Chile 2010 science Azerbaijan 2011 Albania 2011 0 20 40 60 80 100 Percentage (%) of graduates, female Source: UNESCO Institute for Statistics.63 Note: Data represent female tertiary graduates as a percentage of all graduates in the given program. Figure 3.6. There is little evidence of female underperformance in subjects often dominated by men 600 500 PISA Score (mean) 400 300 200 100 0 Reading Reading Reading Reading Reading Reading Science Science Science Science Science Science Science Reading Mathematics Mathematics Mathematics Mathematics Mathematics Mathematics Mathematics OECD Brazil Russia Albania Tunisia Kazakhstan Vietnam average Non-OECD Female Male Source: OECD Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) 2009 data. Note: PISA assesses students age 15. 42   Gender at Work Figure 3.7. Gender-based time allocations have changed in industrialized countries, signaling shifting norms Paid Work Unpaid Work 15 15 Change in time allocation (hours) Change in time allocation (hours) 10 10 5 5 0 0 -5 -5 -10 -10 -15 -15 da lia d ce ay s m da lia d ce ay s m nd n nd do n w an tra na la do w an tra na la rla r rla Fin ng Fr r No Ca s Fin ng Fr No Ca s Au he Au he Ki Ki t t Ne d Ne d ite ite Un Un Male Childcare Leisure Female 15 15 Change in time allocation (hours) Change in time allocation (hours) 10 10 5 5 0 0 -5 -5 -10 -10 -15 -15 da da lia lia nd ce ay nd ce ay s m s m nd nd do do rw rw an an tra tra na na la la la la Fin Fin ng ng Fr Fr No No Ca Ca s s er er Au Au th Ki th Ki Ne Ne d d ite ite Un Un Source: Gimenez-Nadal and Sevilla 2012. Note: The charts illustrate changes in mean time allocation (hours per week) among adults (ages 21–65) from the 1970s until 1997–2005, depending on the country. works.77 This section builds on these findings, showing how recent cases, policies that increase workplace flexibility or provide more research has deepened insights into both the impact of gender part-time options may not overcome the barriers to women’s ca- norms and roles and the ways in which restrictions on women’s reer mobility unless men take on more domestic work to offset agency can compound or reinforce other constraints. demands on women’s time. Workplace norms about characteristics of an “ideal worker” Norms typically impose unpaid caring and domestic respon- can disadvantage women and privilege men when they intersect sibilities on women. On Norms and Agency presents findings from with gender norms. Workplace norms typically favor people who interviews with over 4,000 women, men, boys and girls from 20 work full-time, and often those who are accessible and working countries across all regions.81 It shows that norms about women’s beyond even a traditional full-time job schedule.78 They are not roles are closely formed around household and childcare activities. compatible with the social and cultural pressures women face with regard to domestic responsibilities. Case studies of the ICT These norms influence decisions about women’s use of time and industry culture in India, Sri Lanka, and the United Kingdom participation in paid work. When we consider both paid jobs and have found long hours and a “workaholic” ethic disproportion- domestic activities, women are generally busier than men.82 Time ately affect women’s retention and promotion.79 Similar patterns surveys from 11 cities in Sub-Saharan Africa show that women have been identified in other professions where women are in the spend more time on domestic activities than their male counter- minority and less likely to be promoted, including law, invest- parts regardless of household status—head of household, wife, or ment banking, and consulting in the United States.80 In these daughter.83 Overlapping Constraints Across the Lifecycle   43 Figure 3.8. The share of elderly people is growing rapidly in Asian countries with low fertility rates are facing especially big developing countries challenges on this front. In China, by 2050 the ratio of elderly dependents will be more than triple the ratio of child dependents (66 percent versus 18 percent).89 More innovation and research is 50 44 needed to inform effective and appropriate alternative elderly care 41 40 38 programs in developing countries. 36 35 34 In many countries, women legally do not have the same rights Percentage (%) 30 26 as men, which codifies bias and stereotypes and condones dis- 19 22 criminatory behaviors. As the World Bank and IFC’s 2014 study 20 15 Women, Business and the Law (WBL) outlines, legal barriers to 9 11 women’s economic opportunities take many forms. They can limit 10 women’s economic opportunities, for example, by restricting their ability to access institutions, own or use property, build credit, or 0 2010 2020 2030 2040 2050 2060 get a job. The WBL study assessed legal gender differentiations in year 47 specific aspects across seven domains: accessing institutions, us- Old-age dependency ratio Child dependency ratio ing property, getting a job, providing incentives to work, building credit, going to court, and protecting women from violence.90 Source: UN World Population Prospects data. Note: Data are for less developed regions, ratio of children (< age 15) and Of the 143 economies studied in 2013, 128 had at least one legal elderly (> age 64) per 100 persons aged 15–64. differentiation. In many economies, women face the cumulative effects of multiple legal constraints. Women are disadvantaged by five or more legal differentiations in 54 economies and, in half of those, there are 10 or more legal differences. Discrimination is the Evidence from high-income countries shows that women’s and most common in the Middle East and North Africa, South Asia, men’s time allocations can and do change (Figure 3.7).84 Women in and Sub-Saharan Africa (Figure 3.9). In six economies, women industrial countries have increased the amount of time devoted to and men do not have equal property ownership rights; in 26, paid work and reduced time doing unpaid work (such as household daughters and wives do not enjoy the same rights to inheritance chores, meal preparation, and home maintenance), while men have as sons and husbands, and women do not enjoy the same rights to shown reverse trends. Both women and men have increased time land or inheritance as men. devoted to childcare, although to a larger extent among women. This could reflect a combination of more flexible work options In economies with higher numbers of legal gender differentia- (through paid maternity leave and part-time work, for example) tions, women are less likely to participate in the labor force, own and increased awareness in high-income countries of the impor- businesses, or serve in management.91 While national income per tance of time devoted to positive parent-child interactions for child capita appears to have no effect on the share of employers who development. Nonetheless, women’s increased paid work time is are female, countries with more gaps in women’s economic rights clearly enabled by reductions in unpaid work time—thanks, in had lower rates of female employers.92 Additionally, multi-country part, to men’s increased domestic role sharing as well as labor-saving analyses suggest that laws constraining women’s working hours or technological changes. Qualitative and intergenerational evidence types of employment—which exist today in about 75 countries, suggests that these changes are taking place in developing countries including Costa Rica, Nigeria, and the United Arab Emirates93— too, but they are much less tractable in societies with very tradi- limit employment opportunities and significantly increase gender tional gender norms.85 A combination of policies is needed to help wage gaps.94 facilitate change. These will be reviewed in the next chapter. The good news is that progress is evident. Half of the legal con- Elderly care demands placed on daughters, daughters-in-law, straints documented in 100 countries in 1960—on gender equal and granddaughters are increasing. A survey in Australia found access to and control over assets, ability to sign legal documents, that, up to age 25, women have greater caring responsibilities and fair treatment under the constitution—had been removed for the sick, disabled, and elderly than for children.86 This bur- by 2010.95 East Asia and the Pacific, Latin America and the Ca- den is increasing as life expectancies rise and fertility rates fall. A ribbean, and Sub-Saharan Africa (which began with the highest survey of women with higher education in Brazil, Russia, India, numbers of legal differences) have all slashed the number of dis- and China found that 69, 78, 94, and 95 percent of respondents, criminatory laws by more than half. Globally, the overall trend respectively, had elder care responsibilities.87 The elderly demo- is toward reform of discriminatory laws, but advances need to graphic is rapidly growing.88 In developing countries, the child accelerate. dependency ratio is projected to fall by 20 percent from 2010 to When women have less mobility outside their homes, this 2050 whereas the old-age dependency ratio is expected to increase means less ability to seek training and support services, less free- by 144 percent over the same period (Figure 3.8). Several East dom in employment choices, and more confined access to markets 44   Gender at Work Figure 3.9. Percentage of countries with different numbers of sex-based legal differentiations by regions, and regional average numbers of legal differentiations Average 6 4 2 3 18 10 7 100 90 80 70 Percentage 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 East Asia Europe High-income: Latin America Middle East South Asia Sub-Saharan & Paci c & Central Asia OECD & Caribbean & North Africa Africa Number of legal di erentiations: 0 0<#<3 3≤ #<5 5 ≤ # <10 ≥ 10 Source: Women, Business and the Law team analyses of WBL 2014 data. and resources. In Sri Lanka, for example, women entrepreneurs easier.101 In the United States, the quality and diversity of women’s are more likely than men to run businesses from their homes and networks has been shown to predict labor force participation.102 have a higher proportion of customers who live within one ki- More heterogeneous social networks can increase labor force par- lometer of their location.96 There have been improvements over ticipation, entrepreneurial intentions, and access to valuable in- time, but many women lack a say in their basic movement in formation, trade channels, technology, and capital.103 Yet women many countries, including Bangladesh (37 percent in 2011), the tend to have more homogenous networks than men.104 Analysis Democratic Republic of Congo (53 percent in 2007), Mali (67 of 67 developed and developing countries show that women are percent in 2006), and Uganda (40 percent in 2011).97 less likely than men to know an entrepreneur.105 At the same time, Restrictions on women’s mobility can limit opportunities personally knowing an entrepreneur significantly increased the to build networks.98 Healthy social networks can provide added likelihood, for both women and men, of becoming an entrepre- social protection in tough times, and they can expand one’s aspira- neur.106 In Zimbabwe, women’s poorer access to social networks tions and economic opportunities.99 Research by the OECD finds has adversely affected rural non-farm enterprise development and that people with more-exten- start-up, leaving them more reliant on non-governmental organi- sive social networks tend to zations for capital. 107 “Distance does not play a have higher likelihood of em- Women remain highly underrepresented around the world role in finding a job for men, ployment.100 In Vietnam, 38 in policymaking. In 2012, women represented 21 percent of because they can travel if they percent of women business members of parliament worldwide (ranging from 13 percent on want. It does play a role for a owners felt that their ability average in the Pacific to 42 percent in the Nordic countries),108 a woman.” to network and form mento- minority of local councilors in all but four countries for which ring relationships was more there are 2003–2008 data (Belarus, Costa Rica, Republic of Mol- —Young woman, Yemen, challenging because they dova, and Ukraine), no more than one-fifth of mayors in 73 of 77 Opening Doors were female, compared to 14 countries for which there are 2003–2008 data, and a minority of percent who perceived it as judges in all regions but Eastern Europe.109 Overlapping Constraints Across the Lifecycle   45 This is relevant to gender equality in the world of work for at percent of GDP.119 Conser- least two reasons. First, increased gender equality in voice and “There cannot be any equality vative estimates of economic between a man and a woman meaningful political participation can increase the likelihood that costs of lost productivity due because men make all the policies and decisions will advance gender equality in the world to domestic violence range decisions.” of work. For example, a randomized experiment in India found between 1.2 percent of GDP that village councils for which women were elected to the head in Tanzania and 2 percent —Adult male, Levuka, Fiji, On role were more likely to invest in infrastructure that empowered of GDP in Chile120—about Norms and Agency women.110 An analysis of 19 industrialized democracies from what most governments 1970 to 2000 found that women’s parliamentary presence signifi- spend on primary education cantly influenced the adoption and scope of maternity and child- (1.5 percent).121 Notably, care leave policies.111 those figures do not include costs associated with long-term emo- Second, emerging evidence shows that exposure to women’s tional impact and second-generation consequences. One recent leadership affects aspirations and stereotypes. Exploiting ran- study in the United Kingdom estimates the costs of domestic vi- dom assignment of quotas for female representation in village olence linked to loss of life satisfaction at 10 percent of GDP.122 councils across India, Beaman and colleagues found that higher Women’s work and increased income may or may not reduce female leadership led to significant increases in adolescent girls’ their exposure to gender-based violence.123 In Bangladesh and educational and career aspirations.112 Education gender gaps were Tanzania, for example, analyses find a positive correlation be- erased and girls spent less time on domestic responsibilities. In a tween work and domestic vi- similar vein, a World Bank study found that increased participa- olence.124 This effect is worse tion by women in state-level government with the help of political among women who enter “[W]omen are harassed in all reservations (reserved seats in legislatures) significantly increased work with low education or sorts of ways; wife-battering women’s business start-up.113 who married young. One ex- is quite common, too....There’s Perhaps the most tragic and fundamental affront to wom- planation is that as women’s no one to advise them, no one en’s basic freedoms is violence. Gender-based violence confronts bargaining power increases to turn to if they’re abused. women across the world, without cultural or economic boundaries. and men’s household power The police won’t even show A recent World Health Organization study documents that over or perceived role as primary up if you report a husband’s 35 percent of women worldwide have experienced either physical beating his wife.” provider is challenged, men or sexual partner violence or non-partner sexual violence.114 That may lash out and assert power —Older woman in is about 938 million women—more than the number of under- and control through other Dimitrovgrad, Bulgaria, Voices nourished people in the world (868 million) and about the same means—namely, violence.125 of the Poor: From Many Lands as the number of people living in Africa. Gender-based violence Another possibility is that takes many forms throughout the lifecycle—including psycho- lower-status women who ex- logical, physical, sexual, and economic forms of violence—and perience higher levels of violence to begin with are more likely occurs in multiple settings, including at home, in school, at the to enter the labor force in order to flee abuse. Women who enter workplace, and in public spaces. the labor force with relatively high bargaining power and stronger Although gender-based violence has long been recognized as a ability to leave an abusive relationship would not be expected to human rights issue, the repercussions for economic opportuni- experience higher violence with increased income.126 ties also need to be recognized.115 For example, women exposed The findings reinforce the value of addressing women’s eco- to partner violence in countries such as Tanzania and Vietnam nomic opportunities and agency in a more coordinated way. This have shown higher work absenteeism, lower productivity, and starts with strong laws that address gender-based violence in all of lower earnings than similar women who are not. Notably, even its spheres. Existing laws are often poorly enforced and can ignore male perpetrators of partner violence in Vietnam had higher work important forms of violence, such as marital rape.127 As discussed absenteeism following a violent episode.116 A meta-analysis of 41 in chapter 4, however, investments in good implementation of studies showed negative impacts of sexual harassment on multi- laws, interventions for prevention, and services for survivors are ple aspects of women’s well-being and job performance and sat- at least as important. isfaction.117 Women in particular jobs and settings are especially vulnerable to abuse and harassment. For example, recent research in the Great Lakes region of Africa found high levels of exposure Elderly Years: The Culmination of Life- to gender-based violence among women traders at the borders.118 long Disadvantage Broader repercussions for business and development can fol- In elderly years, women face the cumulative effects of constraints low. A study in Peru found significant costs of domestic vio- throughout their lives, including lower education and skills devel- lence to companies through worker absenteeism, amounting to opment, fewer economic opportunities, exposure to gender-based an estimated aggregate national cost to firms equivalent to 3.7 violence, and fewer rights to land and other productive inputs. 46   Gender at Work Figure 3.10. Elderly women in India are less independent than women workers, and mitigate potential tradeoffs for alleviating elderly men youth unemployment by extending women’s retirement ages.134 100 Cumulative constraints in the world of work tend to leave 90 women less independent in old age. The combination of old age 80 and poverty imposes hardships regardless of one’s sex. The gender 70 aspects of disadvantage are complex and not always biased in one 60 direction.135 However, due to overlapping constraints resulting in Percent (%) 50 fewer years of work, and different types of work, women are less 40 likely to have accumulated savings and social security entitlements 30 for their pension age.136 Across seven Asian countries, for example, 20 older women in every country were less likely than older men 10 to have received work-related pensions.137 In low- and middle-in- 0 come countries, women on average work 40–60 percent as many male female male female years as men.138 This disadvantage translates to significant barri- rural urban ers to women’s independence in old age. A 2004 survey in India Fully dependent on others Partially dependent on others Not dependent on others found that over 80 percent of elderly women (aged 60 and above), compared with less than half of elderly men, are economically de- pendent on others for basic daily needs (Figure 3.10).139 Source: National Sample Survey 2004. Note: These data represent individuals aged 60 or older. As this chapter has illustrated, persistent gender gaps in the world of work can be explained by the multiple constraints that occur not only in productive age but throughout the lifecycle. These constraints need to be identified (see Resource Box 3.1 for Additionally, caring responsibilities often fall on able elder women useful data sources) and tackled effectively with strategic policy while younger women in the household increasingly enter the la- actions and private sector leadership. This is the focus of the next bor force or migrate for work. The effects of gender discrimination chapter. in inheritance laws are also amplified in elder years when women are more likely to be widowed.128 Some added forms of discrimi- Notes nation, such as in retirement regulations, may also apply. 1. L. Bierman and R. Gely. 2004. “‘Love, Sex and Politics? Sure. Salary? In old age, women face the double impact of norms and atti- No Way’: Workplace Social Norms and the Law.” Berkeley Journal of Employ- tudes that embody both sexism and ageism. Numerous studies ment and Labor Law 25 (1): 167. have documented the prevalence of stereotypes of older workers 2. WDR 2012. as less able, less motivated, and less productive, despite evidence 3. Aigner, D.J. and G.G. Cain. 1977. “Statistical Theories of Discrimina- that performance often improves with age and that there are much tion in Labor Markets.” Industrial and Labor Relations Review 30 (2), 175. greater differences within rather than between age groups.129 Ad- 4. Goldin, C. and C. Rouse. 1997. “Orchestrating impartiality: The im- ditionally, norms related to gender roles that constrain time con- pact of ‘blind’ auditions on female musicians.” American Economic Review 90 tinue to affect women’s work into old-age. As higher numbers of (4), 715-741.; Isaac, C. et al., “Interventions that affect gender bias in hiring: younger women enter the labor force and migrate for work, older A systematic review.” Academic Medicine 84 (10): 1140-1146. women are expected to pick up the unmet childcare and other 5. Bohnet, I. et al. 2012. “When Performance Trumps Gender Bias: Joint domestic responsibilities.130 versus Separate Evaluation.” Working Paper 12-083, Cambridge, MA: Har- vard Business School. Statutory differences in retirement and pension ages remain 6. Manfre, C., D. Rubin, et al. 2013. “Reducing the Gender Gap in Agri- in 49 countries.131 In Vietnam, different statutory retirement ages cultural Extension and Advisory Services: How to Find the Best Fit for Men for women and men (55 versus 60, respectively) mean women are and Women Farmers.” MEAS Discussion Paper 2. Modernizing Extension commonly overlooked for promotions or career development op- Advisory Services (MEAS). portunities.132 In China, analysis has found that mandatory earlier 7. Manfre, C., D. Rubin, et al. 2013. “Reducing the Gender Gap in Agri- retirement causes early labor force withdrawal of urban women.133 cultural Extension and Advisory Services: How to Find the Best Fit for Men This disadvantage is compounded by the fact that many women and Women Farmers.” MEAS Discussion Paper 2. Modernizing Extension miss years of work, and thus career advancement opportunities, Advisory Services (MEAS). due to childrearing and other domestic responsibilities. Reform 8. Reidy, D., S. Shirk, C. Sloan, and A. Zeichner. 2009. “Men aggress strategies for retirement and pension laws need to consider ap- against women: Effects of feminine gender role violation on physical aggres- sion in hypermasculine men.” Psychology of Men & Masculinity 10 (1), 1–12; propriate transition timing and sequencing of reforms, address Macmillan, R., and R. Gartner. 1999. “When she brings home the bacon: the concerns of private sector actors who may prefer earlier retire- Labor-force participation and the risk of spousal violence against women.” ment ages to create space for newer talent, protect ill and disabled Journal of Marriage and Family 61 (4), 947–58. Overlapping Constraints Across the Lifecycle   47 Resource Box 3.1. Data sources on deprivations and constraints The next chapter discusses the importance of mixed-meth- ◆◆ Global Entrepreneurship Monitor (a coalition of uni- ods gender diagnostics to better understand gender-related versities): An annual assessment of the entrepreneurial jobs challenges and related constraints throughout the lifecy- activity, aspirations and attitudes of individuals across cle. Multi-country data sources often provide a good starting a wide range of countries with data disaggregated by point to identify problems and analyze potential correlates gender.143 with women’s economic outcomes in a country or set of ◆◆ The Global Financial Inclusion Database (Global Fin- countries. The following are examples of multi-country data dex) (World Bank): Measures how people in 148 coun- sources in the public domain that can help shed light on pos- tries—including the poor, women, and rural residents— sible constraints (see notes for Website links): save, borrow, make payments, and manage risk.144 ◆◆ Demographic and Health Surveys (Measure DHS, ICF In- ternational): DHS are nationally-representative household ◆◆ UNESCO Data Centre (UNESCO): The resource contains surveys that provide data for a wide range of monitoring over 1,000 types of indicators and raw data on edu- and impact evaluation indicators in the areas of popula- cation, literacy, science and technology, culture, and tion, health, and nutrition. Topics include exposure to do- communication, which could be used to explore gender mestic violence and attitudes toward women’s agency.140 differences in school participation and attainment as well as streaming by subjects.145 ◆◆ Gender data portal (World Bank): A one-stop shop for gender information, catering to a wide range of users ◆◆ Women, Business and the Law (World Bank): Tracks and providing data from a variety of sources. Data at the indicators based on laws and regulations affecting wom- country level are organized under six thematic head- en’s prospects as entrepreneurs and employees in over ings, which are aligned to the themes identified by the 140 countries.146 Inter-agency and Expert Group on Gender Statistics.141 ◆◆ World Values Surveys (World Values Survey Associa- ◆◆ Gender Data Portal (OECD): Targeting dimensions tion): The database allows for cross-country analysis of of gender inequalities that are poorly monitored and people’s values and beliefs, how they change over time, measured, the portal aims at progressively filling gaps and what social and political impact they have. The data through new indicators in education, employment and include indicators on gender norms and attitudes, for ex- entrepreneurship.142 ample toward schooling and labor force participation.147 9. One cross-country study documents that historical plough use centuries 16. N. M. Fortin. 2005. “Gender Role Attitudes and the Labour-Market ago influenced the extent of current gender inequality in norms and practice Outcomes of Women across OECD Countries.” Oxford Review of Economic (plough cultivation requires more physical strength than cultivating using Policy 21 (3): 416–38. doi: 10.1093/oxrep/gri024. handheld tools and contributed to earlier and more pronounced gender role 17. Fernández, Raquel and Alessandra Fogli. 2005. “Culture: An Empiri- divisions). See: Alesina, A., et al. 2013. “On the Origins of Gender Roles: cal Investigation of Beliefs, Work, and Fertility.” Working Paper No. 11268. Women and the Plough.” Quarterly Journal of Economics 128 (2): 469–530. Cambridge, Mass.: National Bureau of Economic Research (NBER). 10. Petesch, P. 2012. “Unlocking Pathways to Women’s Empowerment and 18. Petesch, P. 2012. “Unlocking Pathways to Women’s Empowerment and Gender Equality: The Good, The Bad, and the Sticky.” Ethics and Social Wel- Gender Equality: The Good, The Bad, and the Sticky.” Ethics and Social Wel- fare 6 (3): 233–46. fare 6 (3): 233–46. 11. Carlson, D. L. and C. Knoester. 2011. “Family Structure and the In- 19. Heise, L. 2013. Take home insights: a first approximation. Social norms tergenerational Transmission of Gender Ideology.” Journal of Family Issues 32 theory and practice: resources from STRIVE workshop. London: STRIVE at (6): 709–34. London School of Hygiene & Tropical Medicine. 12. Cunningham, M. 2001. “The Influence of Parental Attitudes and Be- 20. See E. L. Paluck and L. Ball, Social Norms Marketing Aimed at Gen- haviors on Children’s Attitudes Toward Gender and Household Labor in der Based Violence: A Literature Review and Critical Assessment (Intl. Rescue Early Adulthood.” Journal of Marriage and Family 63 (1): 111–22. Comm. Report, 2010); and World Health Organization, Changing Cultural and Social Norms that Support Violence (research brief, 2009). 13. Gupta, S. 2006. “The Consequences of Maternal Employment During Men’s Childhood for their Adult Housework Performance.” Gender & Society 21. G. Barker et al. 2010. “Questioning Gender Norms with Men to Improve Health Outcomes: Evidence of Impact.” Global Public Health 5 (5): 539–53. 20 (1): 60–86. 22. See: Promundo, Instituto Papai, et al. 2013. Program H|M|D: A Toolkit 14. Fernandez, R. 2007. “Culture as learning: The evolution of female labor for Action: Engaging Youth to Achieve Gender Equity. Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, force participation over a century.” Working Paper Series No. 13373. Cam- and Washington, DC, USA; Promundo, UN Population Fund (UNFPA), bridge, Mass.: NBER. et al. 2010. Engaging Men and Boys in Gender Equality and Health: A Global 15. Gender at Work team analyses of World Values Survey data. Toolkit for Action. New York: UNFPA; UNESCO Bangkok. 2009. Gender in 48   Gender at Work Education Network in Asia-Pacific (GENIA) Toolkit: Promoting Gender Equal- 40. World Bank. 2011. World Development Report 2011 Washington, DC: ity in Education. Bangkok: UNESCO. World Bank. 23. L. Kuznick and M. Ryan. 2008. “Changing Gender Norms? Title IX 41. WDR 2012. and Legal Activism: Comments from the Spring 2007 Harvard Journal of 42. WDR 2011; Clark, C. J., S. A. Everson-Rose, et al. 2010. “Associa- Law and Gender Conference.” Harvard Journal of Law & Gender 31 (2): tion between exposure to political violence and intimate-partner violence in 367. the occupied Palestinian territory: a cross-sectional study.” The Lancet 375 24. Levtov, R. Forthcoming. “Addressing Gender Inequalities in Curricu- (9711): 310–16; Vinck, P. and P. N. Pham. 2013. “Association of exposure lum and Education: Review of Literature and Promising Practices.” Back- to intimate-partner physical violence and potentially traumatic war-related ground paper to the World Bank’s report on Women’s Voice, Agency & Par- events with mental health in Liberia.” Social Science & Medicine 77 (0): ticipation. Washington, DC: World Bank. 41–49. 25. Achyut, P., N. Bhatla, S. Khandekar, S. Maitra, and R. K. Verma. 2011. 43. Ritchie, H. 2013. “Examining women in enterprise development in Building Support for Gender Equality among Young Adolescents in School: Find- Afghanistan: Barriers and solutions.” Research Brief No. 6. Wageningen: IS ings from Mumbai, India. International Center for Research on Women. Academy, Wageningen University; World Bank. 2013. Opening Doors: Gen- 26. Blumberg, R. L. 2008. “The invisible obstacle to educational equality: der Equality and Development in the Middle East and North Africa. Washing- gender bias in textbooks.” Prospects 38 (3) 345–361; Miroiu, M. 2004. “All ton, DC: World Bank. in One: Fairness, Neutrality and Conservatism—A Case Study of Romania.” 44. Plan International. 2013. The State of the World’s Girls 2013: In Double Prospects 34 (1): 85–100. Jeopardy: Adolescent Girls and Disasters (Brussels: Plan International), 95. 27. World Development Indicators; World Bank. 2013. Opening Doors: 45. Myers, J. and R. Harvey. 2011. Breaking Vows: Early and Forced Mar- Gender Equality and Development in the Middle East and North Africa. Wash- riage and Girls’ Education. London: Plan UK. ington, DC: World Bank. 46. IRC. 2013. Measuring Impact: Improving sexual violence survivors’ social, 28. Oya, C. 2010. “Rural inequality, wage employment and labor market psychological and economic well-being in the Democratic Republic of Congo. formation in Africa: historical and micro-level evidence.” Working Paper No. Washington, DC: International Rescue Committee. 97, Policy Integration Department. Geneva: ILO. 47. Blattman, C. 2012. “Ex-combatant reintegration in Liberia: Trial 29. Hallward-Driemeier, M. 2013. Enterprising Women: Expanding Eco- Registration.” ClinicalTrials.gov. Retrieved October 10, 2013, from http:// nomic Opportunities in Africa. Washington, DC: World Bank. clinicaltrials.gov/ct2/show/NCT01703936?rcv_d=5. 30. Buvinic, M., R. Furst-Nichols, et al. 2013. A Roadmap for Promoting 48. Bandura, A. 2006. “Guide for Constructing Self-Efficacy Scales.” In F. Women’s Economic Empowerment (New York: UN Foundation and Exxon Pajares and T. Urdan, eds., Adolescence and Education: Self-Efficacy Beliefs of Mobile), 29. Adolescents, Vol. V, 307–37. Greenwhich: Information Age Publishing. 31. Fafchamps, M. et al. 2011. “When is capital enough to get female mi- 49. Alkire, S. 2005. “Subjective Quantitative Studies of Human Agency.” croenterprises growing? Evidence from a randomized experiment in Ghana.” Social Indicators Research 74 (1): 217–60. Working Paper No. 17207. Cambridge, Mass.: NBER. 50. Schoon, I. and S. Parsons. 2002. “Teenage Aspirations for Future Ca- 32. Bandiera, O., R. Burgess, et al. 2013. Can basic entrepreneurship trans- reers and Occupational Outcomes.” Journal of Vocational Behavior 60 (2): form the economic lives of the poor? London: International Growth Centre, London School of Economics. 262–88; Ashby, J. S. and I. Schoon. 2010. “Career success: The role of teen- age career aspirations, ambition value and gender in predicting adult social 33. World Bank. 2013. Inclusion Matters: The Foundations for Shared Pros- status and earnings.” Journal of Vocational Behavior 77 (3): 350–60; Schoon, perity. Washington, DC: World Bank. I. 2001. “Teenage job aspirations and career attainment in adulthood: A 17- 34. World Bank. 2013. Opening Doors: Gender Equality and Development in year follow-up study of teenagers who aspired to become scientists, health the Middle East and North Africa. Washington, DC: World Bank. professionals, or engineers.” International Journal of Behavioral Development 25 (2): 124–32; Schoon, I., A. Ross, et al. 2007. “Science related careers: 35. “Avances y desafíos en las dimensiones del desarrollo humano de los aspirations and outcomes in two British cohort studies.” Equal Opportunities pueblos indígenas de Guatemala.” Pamela Escobar. Cuaderno de Desarrollo International 26 (2): 129–43; Judge, T.A. and C. Hurst, 2007. “Capitalizing Humano 2009/2010 – 8 Encovi 2006. Calculated for population ages 15 or on One’s Advantages: Role of Core Self-Evaluations.” Journal of Applied Psy- above. chology 92 (5): 1212–27; Judge, T.A. and J.E. Bono, 2001. “Relationship of 36. Tas, E. O., M. E. Reimão, et al. 2013. “Gender, ethnicity and cumu- Core Self-Evaluations Traits – Self-Esteem, Generalized Self-Efficacy, Locus lative disadvantage in education: Evidence from Latin America and African of Control and Emotional Stability – with Job Satisfaction and Job Perfor- Censuses.” Policy Research Working Paper 6734. Washington, DC: World mance: A Meta-Analysis.” Journal of Applied Psychology 86 (1): 80–92. Bank. 51. Gupta, V. K., D. B. Turban, S. A. Wasti, and A. Sikdar. 2009. “The 37. WDR 2012, 74. Role of Gender Stereotypes in Perceptions of Entrepreneurs and Intentions 38. Härmä, J. 2009. “Can choice promote Education for All? Evidence to Become an Entrepreneur.” Entrepreneurship Theory and Practice 33 (2): from growth in private primary schooling in India.” Compare: A Journal of 397–417; Thébaud, S. 2010. “Gender and Entrepreneurship as a Career Comparative and International Education 39 (2): 151–65. Choice: Do Self-assessments of Ability Matter?” Social Psychology Quarterly 73 (3): 288–304. 39. UNICEF. 2011, “The State of the World’s Children 2011, Adolescence: An Age of Opportunity”, New York: UNICEF; Myers, J. and R. Harvey. 52. Akers, R. L., M. Krohn, L. Lanza-Kaduce, and M. Radosevich. 1979. 2011. Breaking Vows: Early and Forced Marriage and Girls’ Education. Lon- “Social learning and deviant behavior: A specific test of a general theory.” don: Plan UK; United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA). 2013. State of American Sociological Review 44, 636–55; Biddle, B. J. 1986. “Recent Devel- World Population 2013: Motherhood in Childhood: Facing the Challenge of opment in Role Theory.” Annual Review of Sociology 12: 67–92; Judge, T. A. Adolescent Pregnancy (New York: UNFPA), 10. and B. A. Livingston. 2008. “Is the gap more than gender? A longitudinal Overlapping Constraints Across the Lifecycle   49 analysis of gender, gender role orientation, and earnings.” Journal of Applied 72. Porter, G., et al. 2011. “Young people’s transport and mobility in Psychology 93 (5): 994–1012. sub-Saharan Africa: The gendered journey to school.” Documents d’Analisi Geografica 57 (1): 61–79. 53. Lenton, A. P., et al. 2009. “A Meta-Analysis on the Malleability of Au- tomatic Gender Stereotypes.” Psychology of Women Quarterly 33 (2): 183–96. 73. Ibid. 54. Dercon, S., and A. Singh. 2013. “From Nutrition to Aspirations and 74. Mack, L. 2009. Girls getting to secondary school safely: combating gen- Self-Efficacy: Gender Bias over Time among Children in Four Countries.” der-based violence in the transportation sector Tanzania. AED. World Development 45 (May), 31–50. 75. Holt, S., et al. 2008. “The impact of exposure to domestic violence on 55. Mondschein, E. R., et al. 2000. “Gender Bias in Mothers’ Expecta- children and young people: A review of the literature.” Child Abuse & Neglect tions about Infant Crawling.” Journal of Experimental Child Psychology 77 (4): 32 (8): 797–810; Jayasinghe, S., et al. 2009. “Influence of intimate partner 304–16. violence on behaviour, psychological status and school performance of chil- dren in Sri Lanka.” Journal of Family Studies 15 (3): 274–83; Anda, R. F., 56. Figures taken from UNESCO Gender and Education webpage, re- V. I. Fleisher, et al. 2004. “Childhood Abuse, Household Dysfunction, and trieved on January 29, 2014 from http://www.uis.unesco.org/Education Indicators of Impaired Adult Worker Performance.” The Permanente Journal /Pages/gender-education.aspx. 8 (1). 57. World Bank. 2013. Opening Doors: Gender Equality and Development in 76. Atwood, K. A., et al. 2011. “Transactional Sex among Youths in the Middle East and North Africa. Washington, DC: World Bank. Post-conflict Liberia.” Journal of Health and Popular Nutrition 29 (2): 113– 58. Koolwal, G. B. 2007. “Son Preference and Child Labor in Nepal: The 22; Burton, P. 2005. Suffering at School: Results of the Malawi Gender-Based Household Impact of Sending Girls to Work.” World Development 35 (5): Violence in Schools Survey. Pretoria, South Africa: Institute for Security 881–903; Kumar, A.. 2013. “Preference based vs. market based discrimi- Studies. nation: Implications for gender differentials in child labor and schooling.” 77. WDR 2012, 215. Journal of Development Economics 105 (C): 64–68. 78. See L. Bierman and R. Gely. 2004. “‘Love, Sex and Politics? Sure. Sal- 59. Edmonds, E. V. and N. Pavcnik. 2005. “Child Labor in the Global ary? No Way’: Workplace Social Norms and the Law.” Berkeley Journal of Em- Economy.” Journal of Economic Perspectives 19 (1): 199–220. ployment and Labor Law 25 (1): 167; and B. M. Smith (2002), “Time Norms 60. UNESCO. 2013. Girls in STEM and ICT Careers: The Path toward in the Workplace: Their Exclusionary Effect and Potential for Change, Co- Gender Equality. New York: UNESCO, UN Women, ITU and Microsoft. lumbia Journal of Gender and Law. 11 (2): 271. 61. Shelly J. Correll, “Gender and the Career Choice Process: The Role of 79. Morgan, S. 2012. “Women’s ICT Sector Employment in Developing Biased Self-Assessments,” American Journal of Sociology (106)6: 1691–1730; Countries: Dualism of Rhetoric vs. Reality in the Case of Sri Lanka.” Devel- OECD. 2012. Closing the Gender Gap: Act Now. OECD Publishing. opment Informatics Working Paper Series No. 49. Manchester, UK: Institute for Development Policy and Management, University of Manchester; Grif- 62. Commerce, U. S. Dept. of. 2011. Women in STEM: A Gender Gap to fiths, Marie, and Karenza Moore. 2010. “‘Disappearing Women’: A Study of Innovation. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Commerce. Women Who Left the UK ICT Sector.” Journal of Technology Management & 63. Data were analyzed by the authors from the UNESCO Institute for Innovation 5 (1), 95–107. Statistics, retrieved on September 19, 2013, from http://www.uis.unesco.org 80. Martin, S. E. and N. C. Jurik. 2007. Women Entering the Legal Pro- /Pages/default.aspx. fession: Change and Resistance and Doing Justice, Doing Gender: Women in 64. United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA). 2013. State of World Pop- Legal and Criminal Justice Occupations. Thousand Oaks, Calif.: SAGE Publi- ulation 2013: Motherhood in Childhood: Facing the Challenge of Adolescent cations; Bertrand, M., et al. 2009. “Dynamics of the Gender Gap for Young Pregnancy. New York: UNFPA. Professionals in the Corporate and Financial Sectors.” NBER Working Paper No. 14681. 65. Bloom, D., D. Canning, G. Fink, and J. Finlay, J. 2009. “Fertility, fe- male labor force participation, and the demographic dividend.” Journal of 81. Boudet, A. M., P. Petesch, et al. 2013. On Norms and Agency: Conversa- Economic Growth 14 (2), 79–101. doi: 10.1007/s10887-009-9039-9. tions about Gender Equality with Women and Men in 20 Countries. Washing- ton, DC: World Bank. 66. Kruger, D. e. a. 2009. Adolescent Motherhood and Secondary School- ing in Chile. Discussion Paper No. 4552. Bonn: IZA. 82. WDR 2012, 221. 67. United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA). 2013. State of World Pop- 83. Herrera, J. and C. Torelli. 2013. “Domestic Work and Employment ulation 2013: Motherhood in Childhood: Facing the Challenge of Adolescent in Africa: What is the Trade-Off for Women?” Urban Labor Markets in Sub- Pregnancy. New York: UNFPA. Saharan Africa (June 2013): 221–249. 68. UNICEF. 2011. “The State of the World’s Children 2011, Adolescence: 84. Gimenez-Nadal, J. I. and A. Sevilla. 2012. “Trends in time allocation: A An Age of Opportunity”, New York: UNICEF; Myers, J. and R. Harvey. cross-country analysis.” European Economic Review 56 (6): 1338–59. 2011. Breaking Vows: Early and Forced Marriage and Girls’ Education. Lon- 85. Boudet, A. M., P. Petesch, et al. 2013. On Norms and Agency: Conversa- don: Plan UK. tions about Gender Equality with Women and Men in 20 Countries. Washing- 69. Myers, J. and R. Harvey. 2011. Breaking Vows: Early and Forced Mar- ton, DC: World Bank. riage and Girls’ Education. London: Plan UK. 86. Australia Human Rights Commission. 2013. Investing in Care: Recog- 70. Chaaban, J. and W. Cunningham. 2011. “Measuring the Economic nising and Valuing Those Who Care. Technical Papers, Vol. 2. Gain of Investing in Girls: The Girl Effect Dividend.” Policy Research Work- 87. Hewlett, S. A. and R. Rashid. 2011. Winning the War for Talent in ing Paper 5753. Washington, DC: World Bank. Emerging Markets: Why Women Are the Solution. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard 71. Field, Erica, and Attila Ambrus. 2008. “Early marriage, age of men- Business Review Press. arche, and female schooling attainment in Bangladesh.” Journal of Political 88. Shetty, P.. 2012. “Grey matter: ageing in developing countries.” The Economy 116 (5): 881–930. Lancet 379 (9823): 1285–87. 50   Gender at Work 89. Chou, W.-C. G. 2011. “The Impact of Population Aging on the Labor rural households in Zimbabwe.” Journal of Geography and Regional Planning Market and Productivity: The Case of the Republic of China. In Population, 4 (6): 344–54. Aging and Productivity in Asian Countries (H. S. Phang, ed.), 81–108. Asian 108. Union, I.-P. 2013. “Women in National Parliaments.” Retrieved Sep- Productivity Organization. tember 20, 2013, from http://www.ipu.org/wmn-e/world.htm. 90. World Bank Group. 2013. Women, Business and the Law 2014: Remov- 109. United Nations. 2010. The World’s Women 2010: Trends and Statistics. ing Restrictions to Enhance Gender Equality. Washington, DC: World Bank. New York: United Nations. 91. World Bank Group. 2011. Women, Business and the Law 2012: Remov- 110. Chattopadhyay, R. and E. Duflo. 2004. “Women as Policy Makers: Evi- ing Barriers to Economic Inclusion. Washington, DC: World Bank. dence from a Randomized Policy Experiment in India.” Econometrica 72 (5): 92. M. Hallward-Driemeier and T. Hasan. 2013. Empowering Women: Legal 1409–1443. Rights and Economic Opportunities in Africa. Washington, DC: World Bank. 111. Miki Caul Kittilson. 2008. “Representing Women: The Adoption of 93. World Bank Group. 2011. Women, Business and the Law 2012: Remov- Family Leave in Comparative Perspective.” The Journal of Politics (70): 323– ing Barriers to Economic Inclusion. Washington, DC: World Bank. 34. doi:10.1017/S002238160808033X. 94. Weichselbaumer, D., and R. Winter-Ebmer. 2007. “The Effects of 112. Beaman, L., et al. 2012. “Female Leadership Raises Aspirations and Ed- Competition and Equal Treatment Laws on Gender Wage Differentials.” ucational Attainment for Girls: A Policy Experiment in India.” Science 335 Economic Policy 22 (04): 235–87. (6068): 582–86. 95. Hallward-Driemeier, Mary; Hasan, Tazeen; Rusu, Anca Bogdana. 2013. 113. Ghani, E., et al. 2013. “Political reservations and women’s entrepre- “Women’s legal rights over 50 years: progress, stagnation or regression?” Pol- neurship in India.” Working Paper. Washington, DC: World Bank. icy Research Working Paper No. WPS 6616. Washington, DC: World Bank. 114. World Health Organization (WHO). 2013. Global and regional esti- http://documents.worldbank.org/curated/en/2013/09/18287629/women mates of violence against women: Prevalence and health effects of intimate part- %C2%92s-legal-rights-over-50-years-progress-stagnation-or-regression ner violence and non-partner sexual violence. Geneva: WHO. 96. Del Mel, S., D. McKenzie and C. Woodruff. 2009. “Are Women More 115. Cruz, A. and S. Klinger. 2011. “Gender-based violence in the world Credit Constrained? Experimental Evidence on Gender and Microenterprise of work: Overview and selected annotated bibliography.” Working Paper Returns.” American Economic Journal: Applied Economics 1 (3): 1–32. 3/2011. Geneva: ILO. 97. Gender at Work team analysis of DHS data. 116. Duvvury, N. and P. Carney. 2012. Estimating the costs of domestic vio- 98. WDR 2012, 169, 176. lence against women in Viet Nam. New York: UN Women; Vyas, S. 2013. The 99. Halpern, D. 2005. Social Capital. Cambridge: Polity; Putnam, R. 2000. costs of intimate partner violence in Tanzania: A background paper to the Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Community. New York: World Bank report on Women’s Voice, Agency & Participation. Washington, Simon & Schuster; Granovetter, M. 1983. “The Strength of Weak Ties: A DC: World Bank. Network Theory Revisited.” Sociological Theory 1, 201–33. 117. Willness, C. R., P. Steel, and K. Lee. 2007. “A meta-analysis of the 100. OECD. 2013. How’s life? 2013 Measuring well-being. Geneva: OECD. antecedents and consequences of workplace sexual harassment.” Personnel Psychology 60 (1), 127–62. doi: 10.1111/j.1744-6570.2007.00067. 101. IFC. 2006. Women Business Owners in Vietnam: A National Survey. Washington, DC: World Bank. 118. Brenton, P., C. B. Bucekuderhwa, et al. 2011. Risky Business: Poor Women Cross-border Traders in the Great Lakes Region of Africa. Washington, 102. Aguilera, M. B. 2002. “The Impact of Social Capital on Labor Force DC: World Bank; P. Brenton and I. Gözde. 2012. De-Fragmentating Africa: Participation: Evidence from the 2000 Social Capital Benchmark Survey.” Deepening Regional Trade Integration in Goods and Services. Washington, DC: Social Science Quarterly 83 (3), 853–74. doi: 10.1111/1540-6237.00118; World Bank. Stoloff, J. A., J.L. Glanville, and E. J. Bienenstock. 1999. “Women’s partici- pation in the labor force: the role of social networks.” Social Networks 21 (1), 119. Horna, A. A. V.. 2012. Los costos empresariales de la violencia contra las 91–108. doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0378-8733(99)00003-9. mujeres en el Perú. Lima: Universidad de San Martin de Porres. 103. GTZ et al. 2010. Women’s Economic Opportunities in the Formal Pri- 120. Duvvury, N., A. Callan, et al. 2013. Intimate Partner Violence: Economic vate Sector in Latin America and the Caribbean: A Focus on Entrepreneurship. Costs and Implications for Growth and Development. “Women’s Voice, Agency Washington, DC: Inter-American Development Bank; Renzulli, L. A., et al. & Participation” Research Series. Washington, DC: World Bank. 2000. “Family Matters: Gender, Networks, and Entrepreneurial Outcomes.” 121. Rajkumar, A. S. and V. Swaroop. 2008. “Public spending and outcomes: Social Forces 79 (2): 523–46; Crowell, L. F. 2004. “Weak ties: a mechanism Does governance matter?” Journal of Development Economics 86 (1): 96–111. for helping women expand their social networks and increase their capital.” The Social Science Journal 41 (1): 15–28. 122. Santos, C.. 2013. “Costs of Domestic Violence: A Life Satisfaction Ap- proach.” Fiscal Studies 34 (3): 391–409. 104. England, P., L. Smith-Lovin, and M. McPherson. 1993. “You Are Who You Know: A Network Approach to Gender.” Pp. 223–51 in Theory on Gen- 123. Vyas, S. and C. Watts. 2009. “How does economic empowerment affect der, Feminism on Theory (P. England, ed.). New York: Aldine. women’s risk of intimate partner violence in low and middle income coun- tries? A systematic review of published evidence.” Journal of International De- 105. Kelley, D. J., C. G. Brush, et al. 2013. Global Entrepreneurship Monitor: velopment 21 (5): 577–602. 2012 Women’s Report, Global Entrepreneurship Research Association. 124. Vyas, S. 2013. “The costs of intimate partner violence in Tanzania: A 106. Klyver, K. and S. Grant. 2010. “Entrepreneurial networking and entre- background paper to the World Bank report on Women’s Voice, Agency & preneurship participation: Gender differences studied worldwide.” Interna- Participation.” Washington, DC: World Bank; Heath, R. 2014. “Women’s tional Journal of Gender and Entrepreneurship 2 (3): 213–27. Access to Labor Market Opportunities, Control of Household Resources, 107. Zuwarimwe, J., and J. Kirsten. 2011. “Social networks and rural non- and Domestic Violence: Evidence from Bangladesh.” World Development 57 farm enterprise development and implication for poverty reduction among (May): 32–46. Overlapping Constraints Across the Lifecycle   51 125. Bhattacharyya, M., A. S. Bedi, and A. Chhachhi. 2011. “Marital vio- 29 (4): 677–98; Sobieszczyk, T., J. Knodel, et al. 2003. “Gender and wellbe- lence and women’s employment and property status: Evidence from north ing among older people: evidence from Thailand.” Ageing & Society 23 (06): Indian villages.” World Development 39 (9), 1676–89. 701–35. 126. Heath, R. 2014. “Women’s Access to Labor Market Opportunities, 136. Pallares-Miralles, M., C. Romero, et al. 2011. “International Patterns Control of Household Resources, and Domestic Violence: Evidence from of Pension Provision II: A Worldwide Overview of Facts and Figures.” Social Bangladesh.” World Development 57 (0): 32–46. Protection and Labor Discussion Paper No. 1211. Washington, DC: World 127. World Bank Group. 2013. Women, Business and the Law 2014: Remov- Bank; United Nations Economic Commission for Europe (UNECE). 2009. ing Restrictions to Enhance Gender Equality. Washington, DC: World Bank. “Gender equality, work and old age.” UNECE Policy Brief on Ageing No. 128. United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA). 2012. Ageing in the Twen- 2, Working Group on Ageing, United Nations Economic Commission for ty-First Century: A Celebration and A Challenge. New York: UNFPA. Europe. 129. Posthuma, R. A. and M. A. Campion. 2009. “Age Stereotypes in the 137. Ofstedal, M., E. Reidy, et al. 2004. “Gender Differences in Economic Workplace: Common Stereotypes, Moderators, and Future Research Direc- Support and Well-Being of Older Asians.” Journal of Cross-Cultural Gerontol- tions†.” Journal of Management 35 (1): 158–88. ogy 19 (3): 165–201. 130. Shetty, P. 2012. “Grey matter: ageing in developing countries.” The Lan- 138. James, E. 2009. “Rethinking survivor benefits” SP Discussion Paper cet 379 (9823): 1285–87. No. 0928. Washington, DC: World Bank. 131. There are documented gender differences in legal retirement and/or 139. Government of India. 2011. “Situation Analysis of the Elderly in In- pension ages in the following numbers of countries per region: 4 in East Asia dia.” Central Statistics Office, Ministry of Statistics and Programme Imple- and Pacific, 18 in Eastern Europe and Central Asia, 10 in Latin America and the Caribbean, 7 in the Middle East and North Africa, 4 in the OECD, 2 mentation, Government of India. in South Asia, and 5 in Sub-Saharan Africa (Chile is counted in both Latin 140. http://www.measuredhs.com. America and the Caribbean and OECD). 141. http://data.worldbank.org/topic/gender. 132. World Bank. 2009. Woman’s Retirement Age in Vietnam: Gender Equality and Sustainability of the Social Security Fund. Hanoi: World Bank. 142. http://www.oecd.org/gender/data. 133. Giles, J., et al. 2011. “The Labor Supply and Retirement Behavior of 143. http://www.gemconsortium.org. China’s Older Workers and Elderly in Comparative Perspective.” Policy Re- 144. http://go.worldbank.org/1F2V9ZK8C0. search Working Paper 5853. Washington, DC: World Bank. 145. http://stats.uis.unesco.org/unesco/tableviewer/document.aspx?ReportId 134. World Bank. 2009. Woman’s Retirement Age in Vietnam: Gender Equality =143 and Sustainability of the Social Security Fund. Hanoi: World Bank. 146. http://wbl.worldbank.org. 135. Knodel, J. and M. B. Ofstedal. 2003. “Gender and Aging in the De- veloping World: Where Are the Men?” Population and Development Review 147. http://www.wvsevsdb.com/wvs/WVSAnalize.jsp. Igniting Gender Equality in the World of Work Key messages ▶▶ Governments can play a critical role in leveling the playing field for women’s economic opportunities. ▶▶ Sound jobs strategies to reduce gender inequality in the world of work start with careful country-level diagnostics to understand local priori- ties and key constraints to women’s work. ▶▶ The private sector is the largest source of jobs and therefore essential to engage for equality in the world of work. ▶▶ Significant data and knowledge gaps pose major challenges to evi- dence-based policy-making and need to be addressed. Igniting gender equality in the world of work involves understanding local spec- ificities and developing bold, coordinated actions to address overlapping disadvan- tages. Informed by careful diagnostics that take into account gender considerations across the lifecycle, policy makers can develop a multi-pronged approach. Actions should be considered at three broad levels (Figure 4.1). First, reforms and other actions may be needed to level the playing field for equality at work, including addressing constraints across the lifecycle and reforming the “rules of the game”. These actions are generally government-led with participation from the private sec- tor and civil society organizations. Second, proactive private sector leadership and innovation can encourage women’s participation and success in the world of work, for example by establishing company policies and practices that relieve constraints on women’s time, encourage men’s role in caring responsibilities, tackle discrimina- tion in the workplace, and help women gain access to productive inputs. Third, clos- ing data gaps and investing in knowledge will enable more evidence-based policy- making and tracking of results. This is central to achieving and measuring the prog- ress that is needed. 54   Gender at Work Figure 4.1. Igniting equality at work: World Bank Group entry cations for social cohesion have been more mixed.4 Garment sec- points tor jobs have enabled many women—particularly, young and un- married women—to break from traditional norms by migrating Country diagnostics — identify problems, priorities, and solutions from villages to cities for work, and they have enjoyed increased social status through greater economic significance in the house- Systematically integrate gender into jobs and growth strategies: hold and society.5 Yet the April 2013 collapse of the Rana Plaza in- 1. Leveling the playing field: Government actions dustrial building in Bangladesh that killed 1,129 people, most of ▶▶ Long-term policy planning over the lifecycle whom were women garment workers, was a stark reminder of pos- sible tension between cheap labor and protection of basic rights.6 ▶▶ Remove formal biases and discrimination The tragedy, along with others, has drawn increased attention to ▶▶ Link services to address multiple constraints women’s unsafe working conditions in the context of a weak reg- 2. Proactive leadership and innovation: Private sector actions ulatory environment, lack of freedom of association and collective ▶▶ Make gender equality a corporate priority bargaining, and low wages in the industry.7 The case highlights the ▶▶ Empower women to do non-traditional jobs need for diagnostics to consider not only job creation in key areas of the labor market, but also to assess quality of work to inform ▶▶ Increase access to financial services public and private sector actions (see Box 4.1). 3. Close data gaps and investing in knowledge Identifying jobs priorities involves diagnosing key con- ▶▶ Comparable data, impact and process evaluation, case studies straints to good jobs for development. Diagnostics that take lifecycle constraints into account can identify gender dispari- ties both in access to the labor market and in labor productiv- ity. However, they are also critically important for broad-based Source: World Bank. efforts designed to tackle common constraints. Building on the evidence and approach presented in this report, Table 4.1 offers a potential set of initial questions and relevant data sources that can Diagnostics be used to inform country assessments, including those focused on improving jobs and growth. These are just starting points; as Careful diagnostics are vital inputs into evidence-based policy- key priorities and issues are revealed more-detailed sets of ana- making and practice. Multi-sectoral diagnostics can help de- lytical questions should emerge. For example, finding unequal termine whether and to what extent gender is a policy priority, aspirations among girls and boys in youth years through consul- which challenges for gender equality at work are most pressing, tations could lead to deeper queries about educational streaming and which of the constraints fueling inequality across the lifecycle or stereotypes. need to be addressed. Comparing information from different data sources can tell a Country diagnostics can help determine whether and how fuller story. Data from different sources can provide different and gender should be a priority in jobs strategies. The WDR 2013 often complementary insights, and can be usefully compared. Key outlined the importance of diagnosing country-specific jobs chal- quantitative and qualitative data sources for diagnostics include: lenges and identifying those jobs that can add the most value to ◆◆ Multi-country datasets development. Jobs challenges are frequently characterized by gen- der disparities across multiple labor market indicators. Given the ◆◆ Labor force and population census surveys pervasiveness of these disparities, the question is rarely whether ◆◆ Household surveys gender equality in the world of work should be a priority, but ◆◆ Firm surveys rather where in the labor market to focus. ◆◆ Administrative data (on education or access to justice, for Importantly, the three development areas in which the WDR example) 2013 posited that jobs can have a transformative effect—live- lihoods, productivity, and social cohesion—are not always ◆◆ Consultations and focus groups aligned and can even conflict. This has important implications Data disaggregated by sex and age are critical to both a gen- for gender equality in the world of work, as it reinforces the need der-informed and lifecycle approach to policy-making, though this for multi-sectoral diagnostics and coordinated policies to identify disaggregation is often missing with key indicators. Multi-country and mitigate tradeoffs. In Bangladesh, for example, the expansion data sets can provide useful statistics for analyses and allow for of the garment sector has created millions of jobs for women.1 In benchmarking a country’s status on a particular indicator relative turn, these jobs have increased women’s earnings, reduced poverty, to others. A World Bank Group tool, ADePT Gender, can serve and increased girls’ education levels.2 They have added productiv- as a particularly useful resource to help diagnose and analyze gen- ity value by providing a skilled, dependable, and relatively cheap der inequalities across the lifecycle using existing datasets (see Re- labor force in a sector with strong export orientation.3 The impli- source Box 4.1).8 Igniting Gender Equality in the World of Work   55 Box 4.1. Beyond having a job: gender and the Decent Work Agenda Most jobs can contribute to people’s agency and well-being and measure of “quality work” intended for both developed on some level, but some jobs do more than others.8 The ILO and developing countries that includes the following seven has championed standards for people’s work through the dimensions:12 Decent Work Agenda. The ILO describes decent work as “op- ◆◆ Safety and ethics of employment—including safety at portunities for women and men to obtain decent and pro- work, fair treatment in employment, and the absence of ductive work in conditions of freedom, equity, security and child and forced labor human dignity.”9 The agenda centers on four strategic policy ◆◆ Income and benefits from employment objectives: fundamental principles and rights at work and international labor standards, productive and freely chosen ◆◆ Work-life balance—including working hours, time employment, social protection, and social dialogue.10 A gen- arrangements, and the ability to balance work and der equality “lens” runs through each aspect of the agenda,11 non-working life and frequently reveals women’s disadvantage across each of ◆◆ Security of employment and social protection these dimensions, especially in developing countries. The De- ◆◆ Social dialogue—including the freedom to organize, cent Work Agenda applies to all types of employment, formal strike, and collectively bargain with employers and informal, paid and unpaid. Given that women workers are more heavily concentrated into informal jobs and self-em- ◆◆ Skills development and training opportunities ployment, it is particularly important that actions to improve ◆◆ Workplace relationships and work motivation the quality of work in developing countries target gender in- These types of standards for quality work can contribute to equalities in these types of activities. labor market diagnostics that consider gender sorting into Recent initiatives have extended the Decent Work Agenda to types of jobs and industries. Similarly, they can also inform define higher standards of quality work. For example, build- firm-level diagnostics within companies to assess the quality ing on the ILO’s framework of decent work, the United Nations of employees’ experiences broadly, as well as differences by Economic Commission for Europe developed a framework gender. Typically it is desirable to supplement statistics from multi-coun- In response, a World Bank-funded project was launched to try datasets with country-specific surveys using sex-disaggregated strengthen agricultural productivity through efforts including data as well as qualitative research and consultations. Women and a financial literacy program for female agriculture producers men, young people, employers, civil society organizations, and and traders and gendered capacity-building with the Ministry public sector leaders can add valuable insights. These sources of of Agriculture. evidence can be especially important in the poorest or most trou- ◆◆ In Lao People’s Democratic Republic, a joint World Bank and bled countries where data gaps are common. Asian Development Bank gender assessment found persistent The World Bank Group has accumulated valuable experience wage gaps, self-employed women running smaller businesses, through jobs and growth diagnostics as well as country gender and occupational streaming by gender, as well as disparities assessments, both of which have identified gender-specific con- in time use. Women entrepreneurs reported greater difficulty straints and informed policy priorities for gender equality in the accessing finance and technical skills. The assessment recom- world of work. Some illustrations include the following: mended strategies to expand wage labor opportunities for ◆◆ In Kenya, although women make up about half of micro, women and men in industries that were more likely to bene- small, and medium enterprises (MSMEs), their businesses fit both, improved access to finance and business training for tended to be much smaller, less likely to grow, and to have women entrepreneurs, and increase women’s participation in less investment than men’s businesses.9 The assessment found infrastructure jobs such as mining operations.10 that eliminating gender inequality in education and access to agricultural inputs could boost output by as much as 4.3 percentage points of GDP. Corresponding recommendations Three Levels of Action included increasing women’s property rights and access to fi- Guided by the priorities and needs identified through diagnos- nance and justice. tics, actions may be needed at three levels. This approach builds ◆◆ In Haiti, where statistical capacity is weak, focus group on the WDR 2012, which highlights both the importance of consultations with women farmers identified multiple con- formal institutions and markets for driving positive change and straints, including low levels of education and capacity-build- the need for data and evidence to inform actions on the part of ing, time constraints, and men’s resistance to their leadership. both institutions and markets. Through a combination of financ- 56   Gender at Work Table 4.1. Diagnosing constraints across the lifecycle Life stage Considerations Possible data sources Child and youth Constraints and opportunities for action ◆◆ World Bank Gender Data Portal years ◆◆ Are girls and boys equally and adequately nourished and provided with a stimulating, ◆◆ WHO Global Database on Child Growth and Malnu- trauma-free environment, starting in their first days of life? trition ◆◆ Do girls and boys achieve equal educational attainment and performance and have ◆◆ ILO School-to-Work Transition Survey equal opportunities to develop cognitive, non-cognitive, and vocational skills that ◆◆ UNICEF Multiple Indicator Cluster Surveys prepare them for good jobs? ◆◆ World Values Surveys ◆◆ Do girls and boys have different levels or kinds of career aspirations? ◆◆ Demographic and Health Surveys ◆◆ Can girls and boys move safely and freely in society? ◆◆ UNESCO Institute of Statistics ◆◆ Are there strong pressures on girls’ or boys’ time, such as domestic or market work? ◆◆ UNFPA Data for Development ◆◆ Are there high rates of early marriage or adolescent pregnancy? ◆◆ Is gender-based violence occurring in homes, schools, or communities? Productive age Labor force characteristics ◆◆ World Bank Gender Data Portal years ◆◆ How do labor force participation rates, sectoral composition of work, employment ◆◆ ILO KILM type, vulnerable work, agricultural work, and earnings differ by gender and across age groups? ◆◆ Labor force surveys ◆◆ Are poor women more/less likely to work than non-poor women? ◆◆ Women, Business and the Law ◆◆ Firm surveys (including Enterprise Surveys) Labor productivity and employment growth by sector ◆◆ What has been the rate of growth of labor productivity in sectors with high shares of ◆◆ Time use surveys working poor women and men? ◆◆ Global FINDEX ◆◆ Has productivity growth translated into higher earnings for both women and men? ◆◆ World Values Surveys Constraints and opportunities for action ◆◆ Demographic and Health Surveys ◆◆ Do legal and tax frameworks provide an equitable foundation of opportunities and incentives for women and men’s work? ◆◆ Do women have to spend more time than men on caring responsibilities and house- work? ◆◆ Do employer practices, labor policies, services, and infrastructure alleviate or exacer- bate constraints on women’s time? ◆◆ Do women and men have equal access to on-the-job training and career opportuni- ties? ◆◆ Do women and men farmers and entrepreneurs enjoy equal access to key productive inputs and networks? ◆◆ Do women and men enjoy equal access to public works programs and other forms of social protection? ◆◆ Is gender-based violence occurring in homes, workplaces, or communities? Elderly years Constraints and opportunities for action ◆◆ All of the above ◆◆ All of the above that applies to productive age years ◆◆ Women, Business and the Law ◆◆ Are there legal differences in retirement or pension ages, and do these have conse- quences for gender equality at work? ◆◆ Do elderly women and men enjoy equal levels of autonomy and social protection? Igniting Gender Equality in the World of Work   57 Resource Box 4.1. Using ADePT Gender to support country diagnostics ADePT Gender is software designed to facilitate the main- Examples of ADePT Gender output from gender and labor streaming of gender in poverty and labor analysis. It is or- ganized in two parts. The first produces a multi-dimensional diagnostic of gender inequality in a country in the form of a large set of simple tabulations and graphs. The second part goes deeper into gender inequalities in the labor market, pre- senting a comprehensive set of measures of earnings inequal- ity. Country Gender Profile: ADePT Gender presents information on gender gaps for several outcomes grouped following the three dimensions: health and human capital (endowments); economic opportunities; and voice, agency, and participation. Outcomes include rates of enrollment and attainment in all levels of education, user-defined health outcomes includ- ing those relevant for children and for reproductive health, rates of employment, unemployment and out-of-the labor force, occupational segregation indices, and participation in decision-making over different household expenditures. The sex-disaggregated outcomes are available for different vul- nerable population groups. Gender and Labor: ADePT Gender produces measures of overall inequality and within-gender earnings inequality, as well as measures of gender pay gaps for two groups of the employed population: wage workers and the self-employed. Examples of measures are 90/10 percentile ratios and Gini, Theil, and Atkinson inequality measures adjusted to earn- ings. It also computes several decompositions of gender gaps in pay for wage workers and self-employed workers and as- sesses occupational segregation with the Duncan index. ing, convening power, and multidisciplinary expertise, the World In working toward greater gender equality in the world of work, Bank Group can play a catalytic role at each of these levels. it is important to consider two types of actions: (1) broad actions that are designed to improve country competitiveness and job cre- 1. Leveling the playing field: government actions ation overall but can have disproportionately positive effects for across the lifecycle women’s work, and (2) targeted actions to remove or offset gen- der-specific constraints (Figure 4.2). This chapter focuses on the A lifecycle approach to equality at work more fully accounts for targeted policy actions, but this does not discount the importance varied constraints that, as they emerge at different stages, can have of broad-based actions for women’s economic empowerment. In major implications for the nature and extent of women’s eco- early childhood, for example, experimental research in Jamaica nomic opportunities. This section reviews policy options related and the U.S. shows girls experiencing larger gains than boys from to gender dimensions of fundamentals and prioritized constraints programs targeting early childhood development.11 During pro- at three broad stages of the lifecycle, and it draws on evidence ductive age years, inefficient and corrupt business regulatory envi- related to labor policies and gender for the adult years. National, ronments can have disproportionately adverse impacts on women subnational, and municipal governments can all play important entrepreneurs because of the constraints on their time and mobil- roles in helping to level the playing field for women’s work. Co- ity as well as their vulnerability to harassment.12 ordinated engagement from the private sector, donors, and civil society organizations can increase the likelihood of success. In Consequently, reforms that may benefit everyone may be es- low-capacity settings, such as many fragile and conflict-affected pecially important for women’s economic opportunities. Some situations, coordination and engagement among non-govern- research indicates that women may stand to gain more than men mental actors have elevated the importance of actions to level the from rural electrification projects (because the projects increase playing field. women’s time and the demand for labor in small enterprises), 58   Gender at Work Figure 4.2. Both broad-based and targeted actions across the for teachers and other educational staff. Further trials of similar lifecycle can contribute to gender equality in the world of work approaches in other settings would increase their generalizability. On the demand-side, cash transfers to poor families can help Elderly years offset fees and hidden costs and counter normative pressures Productive age years on girls’ early marriage and school drop-out. They can also off- set short-term income losses suffered by poor households that Child and youth years would otherwise have children working. A recent systematic re- view found that conditional cash transfers tend to have larger Targeted actions to effects on child educational participation, especially girls’, than address gender speci c unconditional cash transfers, particularly when explicit schooling constraints ycle ec conditions for payments are included, monitored, and enforced.17 Lif Where social norms are especially biased against girls’ schooling, Broad actions with increasing incentives for girls’ outcomes in cash transfer models gendered dividends can help offset constraints; this been successful, for example, in Bangladesh, Pakistan, and Turkey.18 Investing in equitable and market-oriented skills develop- ment through multicomponent programming can reduce gender sorting. In 2010, the World Bank launched Skills toward though rigorous studies into the gender differences and similar- Employment and Productivity (STEP), a framework to help poli- ities of electrification impacts are surprisingly few.13 Similarly, cymakers and researchers “think through the design of systems to older worker policies that provide retraining and employment impart skills that enhance productivity and growth.”19 The frame- services and invest in flexible and home-based work options may work centered on a lifecycle approach (Figure 4.3) with many of be needed overall, but could also have disproportionately positive the foundational investments required in childhood and youth. effects for women—because women tend to outnumber men in At each stage, males and females should have equal access to their elder years and are more likely to face disadvantage in the high-quality and engaging opportunities to develop the skills that labor market.14 align with short- and long-term jobs strategies. As the framework highlights, actions should focus on both the foundational cogni- These opportunities reinforce the importance of both apprais- tive and non-cognitive skills and the market-specific technical and ing the gender-specific implications of seemingly gender-neutral business skills that are needed to support good jobs for develop- policies and including sex-disaggregated data in the monitoring ment in a particular context. and evaluation of reforms. Now we turn to more targeted actions, which we divide into three parts: child and youth years, produc- tive age years, and elderly years. Child and Youth Years Child and youth years Challenges and some promising solutions Given gender-specific impediments to schooling, supply- Barriers to Schooling for Girls and/or demand-side actions may be needed. Supply-side ac- ◆◆ Reduce distance and mobility barriers to schools tions include increasing the accessibility and suitability of schools for girls. Given girls’ greater mobility restrictions, they typically ◆◆ Provide gender-sensitive facilities stand to benefit more from efforts to build local schools, especially ◆◆ Implement cash transfers to offset schooling costs in remote areas. A randomized trial in Afghanistan showed that ◆◆ Increase incentives for girls’ schooling where biased norms are strong reducing the distance to schools by increasing community-based education significantly increased children’s enrollment rates and Skill-building Opportunities for Female Youth test scores with larger effects for girls.15 Sensitive design features (TVET and ALMP specific interventions) can also help. A randomized trial in Burkina Faso found that the ◆◆ Implement multicomponent interventions with multi-month duration implementation of “girl-friendly” schools significantly increased ◆◆ Engage businesses as partners enrollment for both girls and boys, but, again, more for girls.16 Unique elements of “girl-friendly” schools included separate la- ◆◆ Target incentives and outreach to recruit young women trines for girls and boys, incentives designed to increase girls’ atten- ◆◆ Arrange child care and transportation options dance, information campaigns directed toward parents, increased ◆◆ Tackle occupational segregation with better information recruitment of female teachers, and gender-sensitivity training Igniting Gender Equality in the World of Work   59 Figure 4.3. Implementing STEP as an integrated set of programs across workers’ lifecycles Source: World Bank (2010). Young women often benefit more than young men from youth involved multiple components, including six-months of training employment programs, possibly because women especially need followed by six-months of job placement and advisory services.25 the help to overcome additional constraints and because some of Gender-informed design and recruitment strategies can increase the programs specifically seek to reduce occupational segregation the reach and impact of TVET and ALMP interventions. For through training and job placement.20 Overall, however, technical example, actively recruiting young women, modifying selection and vocational education and training (TVET) and active labor criteria, and providing targeted scholarships or financial support market programs (ALMPs) geared toward youth business skills, could increase gender parity in recruitment, though more evalua- employability, and employment have had mixed results.21 A recent tion is needed to test different approaches. In all regions but Latin randomized evaluation of a nine-day employability skills training America and the Caribbean, girls are enrolled in lower rates than for young women with secondary education or above in Jordan boys in vocational or technical training.26 Meanwhile, creating found no effects on employment.22 safe spaces, arranging childcare options, recruiting more female When does skills-training benefit young women’s work? Evi- instructors, and providing information and preparation for wom- dence reviews suggest that the most promising models are multi- en’s participation in non-traditional fields could improve program component—combining, for example, on-the-job training, class- delivery and effectiveness for young women.27 TVET and ALMP room components, life skills training, and counseling.23 Engaging interventions should avoid reinforcing occupational segregation. the private sector helps to identify and build market-relevant skills. Often, young people choose course subjects based on deficient For example, by forming business links to deliver classroom-based information, or misinformation, about which trades are suit- training that responded to actual labor market needs and facilitate able or highest earning. These patterns are frequently gendered. on-the-job training, an active labor market program in Colombia In Kenya, for example, a randomized trial found that men more increased earnings of young women who dropped out of second- typically opt for “male-dominated” fields in vocational training, ary school by 20 percent, as well as their likelihood of working in such as motor-vehicle mechanics, while women choose more “fe- formal-wage jobs.24 male-dominated” courses, such as hairdressing. It also found how- ever that giving participants better information about the market Program duration may also be a significant factor. Compared to for each trade can significantly influence subject choices.28 the abovementioned nine-day course in Jordan, the intervention in Colombia exposed young people to six months of classroom and on-the-job training. Similarly, a randomized evaluation found Productive age years large effects on employment and earnings for a World Bank-sup- A level playing field in working-age years starts with fair pol- ported a skills-training program for young women in Liberia that icy frameworks. This includes reforming macroeconomic policies 60   Gender at Work and information on land rights, for poor women farmers in par- Productive Age Years ticular has been supported by a high level of evidence.31 Manda- Challenges and some promising solutions tory and default joint titling have shown positive results for wom- Legal Framework en’s economic empowerment.32 In a study of 98 economies, equal inheritance rights were found to increase the likelihood of having ◆◆ Consider mandatory joint titling to increase women’s land ownership a formal bank account and formal credit.33 The Hindu Succes- ◆◆ Extend labor regulation to the informal sector, especially those dominated sion Act Amendment in India provided for equality of inheritance by women, such as domestic work rights between daughters and sons. The reform not only increased Time Poverty women’s likelihood to inherit land, but also delayed daughters’ age ◆◆ Increase parental leave and flexible work arrangements for men and of marriage and raised their educational attainment.34 women Other legal reforms may also have important implications for ◆◆ Invest in time-saving technology for women women outside of formal sector work. Some countries have ex- tended labor regulations to the informal sector. In Brazil, the con- Inequitable Access to Productive Inputs stitution explicitly includes domestic workers within its equality ◆◆ Correct biases in service delivery provisions that guarantee, among other things, minimum wages, ◆◆ Improve credit markets parental leave, retirement pensions, and social security. Similarly, a recently enacted law in the Philippines, the Domestic Workers Act, or Batas Kasambahay (Republic Act 10361, An Act Institut- ing Policies for the Protection and Welfare of Domestic Work- and legal and regulatory frameworks to address market and insti- ers, signed into law on January 2013), extends legal protection tutional failures that disadvantage women’s work. As discussed in ensuring basic labor rights and addressing labor trafficking and chapter 3, some policies explicitly discriminate against women. domestic servitude. In India, where more than 90 percent of These include, for example, labor codes that prohibit women from working women are in informal employment, collective action doing certain jobs or working during particular hours, or property by the Self-Employed Women’s Association (SEWA) led to policy or inheritance laws that explicitly defer rights to men. Often, how- changes that extended minimum wage to garment workers and ever, policy frameworks are unfair because they compound exist- provided legal protection for street vendors and social security for ing constraints to women’s agency. In the Middle East and North informal workers.35 Africa, for example, large government subsidies to households While equitable legal frameworks are critical, they are only have had the unintended consequence of discouraging women’s as good as their implementation. Weak implementation by the employment because women are considered secondary earners.29 authorities, low awareness, and a lack of complementary inter- The IMF recently highlighted how some tax structures can sim- ventions can all limit the impacts of reform.36 In Ethiopia and ilarly disadvantage women. Because women’s labor force activity Mozambique, for example, research has found widespread lack appears to be more sensitive than men’s to taxes, replacing family of awareness related to key laws and provisions on land rights, income taxation with individual income taxation or otherwise re- particularly in rural areas.37 Awareness can be raised through spe- ducing the tax burden on secondary earners (typically women) in cific initiatives. Examples include community-based awareness some countries could boost women’s work.30 Legal frameworks campaigns, paralegal services, and consultations with local offi- can indirectly disadvantage women when they include “head of cials—as in Cambodia, Colombia, and the Democratic Repub- household” provisions that give property or other rights to a sin- lic of Congo—to increase women’s and local leaders’ awareness gle head of household, who is often male. A careful review of tax of property rights.38 Actions need to ensure that good laws are regimes and legal frameworks complemented by access to justice. In Indonesia, for example, the “She can get property, but with a gender lens can bring World Bank’s Justice for the Poor initiative supported reforms and she can’t own property. For adverse effects of seemingly programs that waived religious court fees for the poor, extended example, if her brother gives “gender-neutral” policies to rural legal services, disseminated information to women in villages her a cow, it is hers. But before the fore. on their legal rights, and engaged multiple stakeholders at the dis- she sells it to someone else, Reforms that address con- trict level (including judges, public prosecutors, police, and local she must consult the man straints to women’s work government officials) to facilitate institutional awareness and ac- (brother or husband) and outside of the formal sector tion around women’s rights.39 The Democratic Republic of Congo the man must agree. Even are particularly important for has implemented mobile gender courts in order to facilitate wom- the woman herself is your poor female farmers and en- en’s access to justice in remote areas.40 property.” trepreneurs—especially with Policies are needed to overcome constraints to women’s —Adult male, Liberia, On respect to property and inher- time. This involves increasing both women’s time for paid work Norms & Agency itance laws. The positive im- and men’s time for (and dedication to) caring and other domestic pact of extending land rights, responsibilities. To this end, a United Nations report to the Gen- Igniting Gender Equality in the World of Work   61 eral Assembly argued that government policies should position make female hiring more costly by requiring that employers care as a social and collective responsibility, rather than one placed assume the costs of maternity leave.44 Second, leave and flexi- solely on women’s shoulders.41 Depending on country context, bility policies should strengthen opportunities and incentives time constraints can be alleviated by improving parental leave for men to share in domestic responsibilities (without reduc- and flexible work policies, expanding early child development ing the leave and flexibility available to mothers). Focusing and child care services, investing in women’s access to time-saving on maternity leave alone reinforces women’s gender roles as technology and infrastructure, and innovating to increase men’s primary care-providers.45 Evidence from the United King- active participation in caring and domestic responsibilities. dom indicates that flexible work options may increase men’s ◆◆ Increasing parental leave and flexible work arrangements for caring responsibilities, and research from the United States both women and men. These policies will have greater impacts suggests that increasing men’s eligibility for childcare leave in advanced economies in which large shares of women’s jobs increased their likelihood of dressing, feeding, bathing, and are in formal employment for an employer. First, evidence getting up at night nine months after birth.46 Often, however, from high income countries has shown paid maternity leave where these policies exist, the amount of leave to which men and flexible work policies to have positive effects on women’s are entitled is too little to make a difference in shifting gender economic opportunities.42 Legal expansion of maternity leave relationships. In South Africa, for instance, the labor code in Germany has had significant effects on mothers’ return to entitles men to only three days of paid leave per year to be work behavior after childbirth, and reduced turnover pre- used at the time of the birth of a child or sickness or death of served good job-employee matches.43 However, these policies a family member.47 can discourage firms from hiring women if maternity leave ◆◆ Expanding early child development and childcare services. Early is not publically financed. For example, Ghana’s labor laws child development and childcare services that can free wom- Box 4.2. Navigating the many policy options for childcare services and financing Expanding access to affordable childcare can be effective in a day-care home where there is a “mother-in-charge” for both developed and developing country settings. Ap- trained in health care, early childhood stimulation, and proaches vary, however, with countries employing a variety basic nutrition.55 of delivery and financing models for childcare services.52 In ◆◆ Childcare cooperatives in India: SEWA organizes childcare some cases, governments manage public childcare centers to support women working in agriculture and self-em- to extend needed services and enable greater quality control. ployment through local cooperatives.56 The SEWA expe- This, however, could require large capital investments and rience shows that building trust among poor women to crowd out market-based provision of care where affordable rely on non-family caretakers can take time, but good private services are already widely available. Public vouchers outreach, providing clear information, and employing for families or direct public financing of private sector provid- local women can help.57 ers may be more cost-effective where feasible,53 though addi- tional training and accreditation elements may be needed to ◆◆ Preschool in Mozambique: A randomized evaluation ensure adequate labor supply and quality of delivery. Some found that having children attend preschool centers in models require parents to pay a fee, which can be tied to rural areas increased caregivers’ probability of working household income, subsidized, or waived altogether for the in the 30 days prior to the survey by 26 percent, and it poorest households. Financing schemes should be carefully even increased 10- to 15-year-olds’ school attendance by designed so as to ensure accessibility to the poor. Research 6 percent—presumably due to adolescent girls’ reduced from countries as diverse as Brazil, Canada, Kenya, and Roma- caring burden for younger children.58 Participating chil- nia suggests mothers are more likely to use formal childcare dren also experienced gains in primary school enroll- arrangements and enter the labor force when free or low- ment and key child development outcomes. cost childcare options are available.54 Cost-benefit analyses of ◆◆ Childcare vouchers in Mexico: The Estancias Infantiles childcare schemes should consider returns based on assess- program provides vouchers covering 90 percent of the ments of both women’s increased earnings and child devel- cost of childcare for children up to age four for women opment outcomes. Examples of design approaches to extend who are either in paid employment, currently enrolled childcare services to poor women and their children in devel- in an educational or vocational program, or seeking oping contexts include: employment.59 The program increased the probability of ◆◆ Daycare centers in Peru: The Ministry of Education, in part- employment by 5 percent and increased average earn- nership with multilateral organizations, has expanded ings by 20 percent among eligible women who partici- Wawa Wasi, a low-cost daycare program. For a small fee, pated; it also generated approximately 45,000 paid jobs working mothers leave children under three years old for providers and aids, who are mainly women.60 62   Gender at Work Figure 4.4. Enrollment of children in preprimary education Targeted infrastructure projects can help increase women’s remains very low in low-income countries time for paid jobs. Increasing the uptake of safe, fuel-efficient cookstoves in poor households can significantly cut down the time women spend collecting firewood while improving 100 women’s and children’s respiratory health and reducing defor- 80 estation.63 In Cambodia, the National Improved Cookstove Program reduced the amount of time women devoted to col- % gross enrollment 60 lecting firewood and their incomes by selling low-cost, fu- el-efficient cookstoves largely through local female vendors.64 40 Better irrigation systems and clean water supplies can also cut back on women’s hours of water-fetching while improving 20 health outcomes. Research in Pakistan, for instance, has found that women’s access to better water-supply infrastructure was 0 associated with greater time allocation to income-generating 2001 2003 2005 2007 2009 2011 activities.65 Carefully planned road improvements and public Low-income Lower middle–income World transport can increase women’s mobility and reduce the time Upper middle–income High-income that women spend traveling by foot.66 It can be useful to assess gender differences in travel patterns and design infrastructure projects accordingly, as has been done recently in Yemen.67 Source: World Development Indicators. These analyses consistently show that transport is not gender neutral. While the evidence is clear on the need for infra- structure investments as part of a comprehensive agenda to en’s time can include a wide range of programs and models, increase gender equality in the world of work, there have been such as preschool, crèches, daycare centers, home-based care, few rigorous evaluations on the effect of large-scale infrastruc- and cooperatives of childcare support (see Box 4.2). Quality ture projects on women’s time allocation. This should be a and affordable childcare services are often a win-win for both focus going forward. mothers’ economic opportunities and children’s development. ◆◆ Innovating to increase men’s fathering roles and participation in This is important for appraising the return on investment of domestic responsibilities. Outside of formal sector labor regu- public financing of childcare services; depending on the de- lations in developing countries, there is very little evidence sign and quality of services provided, they can yield dividends on what works to encourage men to assume a higher share for society and country competitiveness through current and of domestic responsibilities, and few parenting programs ad- future generations. A World Bank analysis suggests that add- dress father engagement and men’s roles.68 Policy actions can ing one year of preschool education in Turkey could increase include public initiatives and campaigns to encourage men’s female labor force participation by nine percent.48 In terms of caring roles. For example, a public initiative in Chile, Empa- child outcomes, a systematic review of rigorous evaluations pate, which is part of the national social protection system, in developing countries (all of those included were in Latin aims to change norms and educate men on the importance of America and the Caribbean) found positive impacts of day- their engagement in childcare and sharing domestic responsi- care, including preschool, on child development outcomes.49 bilities.69 An initiative in Turkey, the Father Support Program, Yet policy in many developing countries still does not re- delivers courses to fathers through school teachers to encour- flect the need. In one-third of all 143 countries included in age higher father engagement. Non-experimental evaluation Women, Business and the Law, there are no laws establishing results suggest improvements in fathers’ time spent with chil- the public provision of childcare or subsidizing childcare for dren and sharing of parenting and housework responsibili- children under the age of primary education.50 As Figure 4.4 ties.70 A non-experimental pilot evaluation in Rwanda sim- illustrates, while gains have been made, enrollment of chil- ilarly found promising impacts on changing men’s reported dren in preprimary education remains very low in low-in- contributions to caring and housework by adding group ses- come countries. This deprives women of a caring option for sions engaging men to a group microcredit intervention for children, and it deprives children of important developmen- women.71 Scalable interventions to incentivize and encourage tal opportunities.51 responsibility-sharing need to be more rigorously tested. ◆◆ Increasing women’s access to technology and infrastructure can ex- Increasing equitable access to financial services and other pand economic opportunities.61 In rural communities, women key productive inputs can narrow productivity and profitabil- often bear the bulk of responsibility for collecting water and ity gaps between female and male entrepreneurs and farmers. firewood. A study in rural Zambia found that women spent The WDR 2012 recommended policies strengthening women’s 16 times as many hours as men per year collecting firewood.62 ownership rights, correcting biases in service delivery institutions, Igniting Gender Equality in the World of Work   63 and improving the functioning of credit markets. Clearly, these study found that 8 percent of women, compared to 16 percent still hold, but emerging evidence on the importance of access to of men, reported having participated in apprenticeship programs financial services should also be emphasized. Particularly for poor designed to support household entrepreneurs.80 women entrepreneurs, extending financial services and credit can Appropriately designed social protection schemes can strengthen be critical. A randomized trial in Kenya showed that access to sav- resilience in tough times and foster individuals’ capacity to thrive. ings accounts increased women’s business investments and expen- Given gender disparities in the world of work often leave women ditures.72 Efforts to boost women’s financial inclusion are often particularly vulnerable, it can be important to incorporate gen- needed to address both supply-side constraints (such as collateral der into the design and targeting of social protection schemes.81 requirements that exclude women, documentation requirements, Social protection includes a wide range of topics, including pen- marketing that does not target poor women, and products that do sions, safety nets, employment guarantee programs, skills-train- not adequately meet women’s needs) and demand-side constraints ing, and health insurance, among others.82 These programs are (such as constraints on mobility, laws that preclude women’s access critical for helping to pull or keep people out of severe poverty (in to credit, poor access to networks and information, low education the absence of sufficient income-generating opportunities) and to and literacy, and lack of access to a mobile phone).73 Here again, protect households from economic shocks, such as illness, crop understanding restrictions on women’s agency can be instructive devastation, or natural disaster. Yet unintended design and de- in designing programs and policies. A different study of 749 mar- livery consequences may limit the positive impacts social protec- ried couples in Kenya, for instance, indicates that women who tion schemes can have on women’s economic opportunities. Here individually have bank accounts may in fact be disadvantaged by we highlight the examples of employment guarantee programs lower transaction costs for accessing savings accounts with free (EGPs) and safety net schemes. ATM cards, as this can make it easier for men to pressure women with low bargaining power to withdraw funds.74 Employment guarantee programs (EGPs) that provide tempo- rary jobs and wage to poor people often have low female par- Specific policy and project options to address supply- and de- ticipation rates. Evidence from India and South Africa, however, mand-side constraints are outlined in greater depth in a recent suggests high demand among women for participating in EGPs.83 toolkit, Promoting Women’s Financial Inclusion.75 One key point Policy makers should consider both the extent to which women reinforces a reoccurring theme in this report: given the reality of have access to EGPs and the extent to which they benefit women multiple constraints, the success of programs to increase finan- and girls; for example, building the types of infrastructure that re- cial inclusion of women often hinges on linking financial services duce women’s time burden or increase girls’ access to education.84 (such as banking, microfinance, enterprise finance, and micro-in- In terms of access, policy actions can fix institutional biases by en- surance), to complementary services (such as health, education, couraging more women to participate in traditionally male-dom- financial literacy, and social services) that remove or offset con- inated EGPs. Training of EGP managers, quotas, and improving straints that disproportionately affect poor women. the gender-sensitivity of workplaces can help, depending on the Identify and correct service design and delivery biases that circumstances. The “Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employ- discourage women’s work. These institutional failures man- ment Guarantee Act” (MG-NREGA), a large permanent public ifest in various ways, but here we highlight opportunities for works program in India designed to avert the risks of seasonal adult skill-building programs and social protection schemes in rural unemployment, includes gender-sensitive accommodations, particular. such as projects closer to home, provision of childcare and water Women farmers frequently have lower access than men to ag- for children, and breaks for lactating mothers.85 The World Bank’s ricultural extension and advisory services, often due in part to Gender Action Plan supported capacity-building with multiple biased membership rules or requirements.76 Only 28 percent of countries, such as Honduras, Kenya, and Lao PDR, to increase women farmers in Ethiopia, for example, report weekly visits by gender equality commitments within employment policies for in- extension development agents, compared to 50 percent of men frastructure sectors.86 Where discrimination and biased norms are farmers.77 Yet access to extension services in Ethiopia by women particularly strong, governments should consider quotas as an op- and men is strongly and positively linked to adoption of better tion to increase women’s participation in infrastructure projects, seed and fertilizer.78 While rigorous evidence on the most effec- as has been done in India, Peru, and South Africa.87 Additionally, tive practices in different settings is very limited, such institutional EGPs like the one in South Africa can include social service sector failures may be mitigated in extension services, for example, by projects, such as community health outreach or childcare services, adapting extension information and training to meet women’s which can engage women in semi-skilled jobs and have wider so- needs, utilizing mobile phones and other technologies to reach cial impacts.88 women who have more constrained mobility, providing extension Governments can also design cash transfer models with wom- services through women’s support groups when women have dif- en’s work in mind. Conditional cash transfers (CCTs) have played ficulty joining male-dominated groups, and improving women’s significant roles in dozens of countries to reduce poverty and im- representation as extension agents.79 There are also gender biases prove child outcomes. At the same time, qualitative research from in entrepreneurs’ access to technical resources. In Tanzania, a Bolivia, Ecuador, and Peru suggests that CCTs can perpetuate 64   Gender at Work traditional gender roles and time constraints by making moth- ers primarily responsible for a range of conditions tied to child Elderly Years outcomes.89 Recent innovations in safety net models have taken Challenges and some promising solutions women’s work into account. In Chile, for example, the new Ethi- Market Biases cal Family Income legislation includes gender-informed policy el- ◆◆ Reforms toward equal retirement and pension ages for men and women ements, such as training courses for the unemployed and subsidies for women’s work. Early results of a randomized trial of the policy ◆◆ Create targeted programs that upgrade skills among older women willing indicate promising gains for female labor force participation.90 An to work experimental study in Nicaragua found a CCT program quadru- Old-Age Dependence pled the incomes of women beneficiaries by boosting aspirations ◆◆ Design pension policies that provide protection without discouraging through facilitating social interactions with other female leaders in women’s work the community.91 In Pakistan, the national social safety net project has increased women’s registration of computerized national iden- tification cards, which are essential for opening a bank account, getting a driver’s license, and going into formal employment.92 multi-disciplinary interventions like these are under way in devel- Ways to reduce violence should be explored as part of pro- oping economies, but more innovation and testing are needed. grams promoting economic opportunities. Women’s entrance into non-traditional sectors, while important, also involves ele- Elderly years vated risks for women’s safety. High levels of sexual harassment Equality in old-age labor regulations can reduce market bi- have been documented among women working in male-domi- ases against women’s work. Many governments have moved, or nated areas such as construction, law enforcement, and the mil- are moving, toward equal retirement and pension ages.98 Such re- itary (though very little re- forms can have positive effects, though they need to be studied in search has been conducted greater depth in developing countries. In the United Kingdom, “I do not have anyone to take in developing countries).93 for example, increasing the state female pension age from 60 to care of me, and I am alone... I Women in Afghanistan’s po- 61 increased female employment rates by 7 percentage points can only eat if I work.” lice force, for example, report over a two-year period, with significant increases in part-time rampant levels of exposure and full-time employment. The reform strengthened public fi- —Older woman, India, Voices to sexual harassment and as- nances through a combination of reduced state expenditures (on of the Poor: From Many Lands sault by male colleagues.94 pensions) and increased tax revenues (from additional earned in- Policies and programs to in- come).99 Since 2011, Italy and Ukraine have equalized retirement crease women’s entry into ages and Lithuania, Poland, and Slovenia are gradually increasing male-dominated fields should be accompanied by planning for women’s retirement age toward equality. Both Ethiopia and Ma- robust monitoring, oversight, training, and redress mechanisms to lawi recently introduced statutory ages for retirement and pen- ensure women’s freedom from violence on the job. sions, which are the same for women and men.100 Women’s economic independence is important for increasing Flexible work and employment support for older women women’s intra-household bargaining power and exit options in the can make work more viable. Reentry and continued work event of an abusive relationship.95 However, economic opportuni- should be an option for older women. With growing elderly de- ties by themselves may fail to reduce gender-based violence and in mographics worldwide, early retirement and social security are some cases can even aggravate it. Emerging evidence shows that increasingly costly and insufficient to eliminate the need to work economic empowerment programs can reduce women’s exposure to altogether among the elderly poor. Jobs for able older workers violence by including program components geared toward build- need to be part of the broader solution to protecting and em- ing women’s social cohesion and fostering more gender equitable powering growing elderly demographics, particularly women. relationships. Microcredit interventions that included components Increases in retirement and pension ages, which are needed in which addressed women’s social support and gender norms have many economies, should be accompanied by policies to increase demonstrated reductions in women’s exposure to abuse in South economic opportunities and related skills among the elderly, es- Africa and Cote d’Ivoire (only economic abuse was significantly pecially women. To avoid pending labor and productivity short- affected in the latter).96 In El Salvador, Ciudad Mujer, a project falls with changing demographics, targeted programs to maintain supported by the Inter-American Development Bank, establishes and upgrade skills among the elderly, for example through on- community-based one-stop centers for women that provide inte- the-job training and part-time educational arrangements, will be grated services such as vocational training, access to microfinance, critical for many economies.101 Despite common perceptions that childcare services, crisis supports for victims of violence, and com- skills investments can be lost on older workers, this is not always munity education targeting gender norms and women’s health.97 the case. For example, an evaluation in Estonia found that older An impact evaluation is currently under way. New trials evaluating workers (aged 50 and over) experienced greater gains in income Igniting Gender Equality in the World of Work   65 and employment from training than younger and middle-aged women with social protection “We, the older women, take program participants.102 These opportunities are particularly im- while still encouraging their care of the children as well as portant for older women, who are more likely to have discon- employment by combining doing housework like cooking, tinuous employment histories resulting in weaker market-relevant individual contributory ac- cleaning, and washing.” skills and experience. Research in Europe has also suggested that counts with a non-contribu- new jobs for older women can be created by externalizing services, tory component designed to —Older woman, urban such as childcare and other social services, which are otherwise keep women out of poverty Bangladesh, Ageing in the 21st provided by women within the household. This, in turn, has the in old-age.105 Pension policies Century potential to increase economic opportunities for both young and can further help offset this older adult women while increasing early child development.103 disadvantage by, for example, Overall, despite the swelling importance of expanding the skills including redistributive elements such as minimum income guar- and employment options of elderly women workers, very little antees, flat-rate provisions, and income ceilings.106 impact evaluation has documented the effectiveness of specific Equitable social protection can also produce positive spillover policy interventions in developing countries. effects on younger generations.107 Two separate analyses in South Targeted social protection can help offset the cumulative dis- Africa found that pensions received by elderly women signifi- advantage among elderly women and even benefit the next gen- cantly increased granddaughters’ educational enrollment and pos- eration. Women are particularly disadvantaged by contributory itive health outcomes. These effects did not pertain to boys, and pension schemes for which the level of benefits received directly neither boys nor girls were affected when elderly men were the depends on the number of years working in formal employment. benefit receivers.108 Similarly, in Brazil, R$100 (about US$43.50 This leaves women, who spend a higher number of years out of in 2013) in monthly old-age pension benefits increased school paid work or in informal jobs, with less adequate social protection enrollment rates among girls by 10 percent. Again, no such effects in old age, if any. Argentina has reformed its pension policy to were found for boys, and impacts on girls were mostly attributable increase eligibility among the self-employed, which especially ben- to female rather than male benefits.109 efits low-income women who concentrate into this type of work.104 This section has outlined policy options for addressing con- In general, pension schemes are likely to provide low-earning straints to gender equality in the world of work that manifest in Resource Box 4.2. Identifying what works Identifying credible evidence and filling knowledge gaps on atic reviews that generate high quality evidence on what the most effective means for addressing specific problems is works in development and why. A significant amount of a fundamental aspect of evidence-based decision-making. A evidence can be found on development topics related to careful review of what is already known should always pre- gender equality throughout the lifecycle.113 cede big decisions about policies, interventions, and evalu- ◆◆ Jobs Knowledge Platform (multiple partners including ations. The following are good places to start (see notes for the World Bank): JKP aims to help decision-makers find website links): practical solutions to expand job creation and improve ◆◆ enGENDER IMPACT (World Bank Group): A new online job opportunities. The platform disseminates research gateway to all World Bank impact evaluations on what and data, mobilizes a community for sharing ideas and works, and what doesn’t, for gender equality and wom- experiences, and informs policy debates.114 en’s empowerment across multiple outcome areas.110 ◆◆ Knowledge Gateway for Women’s Economic Empow- ◆◆ Campbell Collaboration: The Campbell Collaboration erment (UN Women): The portal facilitates the sharing publishes systematic reviews summarizing the interna- of knowledge about what works and what does not in tional research evidence on the effects of interventions improving women’s economic empowerment.115 in crime and justice, education, international develop- ment, and social welfare.111 ◆◆ Roadmap for Promoting Women’s Economic Empow- erment (The United Nations Foundation and Exxon- ◆◆ Gender Action Portal (Women and Public Policy Pro- Mobile): Priorities for action are recommended based gram, Harvard University): This portal presents a vetted on an extensive review of research evidence. Com- collection of research evaluating the impact of specific missioned studies aim to identify the most effective policies, strategies, and organizational practices in interventions for empowering women economically in closing gender gaps in economic opportunity, political four areas: entrepreneurship, farming, wage employ- participation, health and education.112 ment, and young women’s employment. The Website ◆◆ International Initiative for Impact Evaluation (3ie): 3ie includes reviews of what works as well as program funds and disseminates impact evaluations and system- evaluations.116 66   Gender at Work different stages of the lifecycle. As the next chapter will discuss, and philanthropy. They can lead by example through hiring, staff building the evidence on what works, and what does not, for dif- development, improving workplace conditions, and promotion. ferent populations and settings is essential for policy and funding As highlighted in chapter 1, it is not only the right thing to do; it decisions to promote gender equality. Meanwhile, there is a grow- is also often good for the bottom line. The private sector’s impor- ing body of rigorous research and evaluation on different types of tance is underscored by the fact that it supplies the vast majority of policies and programs that can contribute to gender equality in jobs: ILO data indicate that the private sector accounts for about the world of work. We have highlighted some of the lessons that three out of four jobs in countries like Egypt, Finland, and France emerge from this evidence base, but important resources exist to and nine out of 10 jobs in countries such as Brazil, Chile, Japan, connect policy-makers and practitioners with more targeted infor- and South Africa.117 Most of these private sector jobs in develop- mation based on their needs. Resource Box 4.2 highlights some ing countries are self-employed, which means that government useful examples, which can serve as starting points for identifying policies still have to play a very active role. Yet companies too promising policy options. have important opportunities to promote gender equality through their interactions with employees and entrepreneurs. 2. Proactive leadership and innovation: private sector Many companies are proactively leading by example with actions innovative strategies to advance gender equality in the world This section focuses on opportunities at three levels: making of work. Some have adopted the Women’s Empowerment Princi- gender equality a corporate and investment priority, improving ples, a voluntary framework promulgated by UN Women.118 For conditions for women’s opportunities within firms, and helping instance, a leading Egyptian company for producing pharmaceu- women entrepreneurs’ access financial services and capital. tical products, Chemical Industries Development (CID), made gender equality a priority and followed up with actions includ- ing subsidized daycare, an emphasis on equal pay for women and Making gender equality a corporate and investment men, employee training on gender equality, and fairer recruitment priority standards. Denmor, a garment manufacturer in Guyana whose Private sector firms can support gender equality in the world of employees are 98 percent impoverished women, has made con- work in many important ways, including practices, investments, certed commitments regarding employee training, fringe benefits, Box 4.3. Companies can help level the playing field for women’s work through corporate philanthropy Recognizing the importance of long-term investments in gen- women make successful school-to-work transitions in low-in- der equality at different stages of the lifecycle, many compa- come countries.122 nies have launched significant philanthropic and public ini- Others aim to increase the immediate skills and economic op- tiatives. Although corporate philanthropy is not a substitute portunities of productive age women. Coca-Cola, the world’s for much-needed advances in corporate practice, it can be a largest beverage company, started 5by20, a global initiative to valuable component of a firm’s gender priorities—particularly empower 5 million women entrepreneurs across the compa- when private sector actions are coordinated with government ny’s value chain by 2020.123 The initiative collaborates with the and civil society institutions. At such times corporate philan- International Finance Corporation, the Bill & Melinda Gates thropy can encourage, incubate, and test innovations with po- Foundation, UN Women, and others to provide a range of key tential for scale up through public policy. linked services to women, including business skills training, Some companies have focused initiatives earlier in the life- access to financial services, and support networks of peers cycle. Intel, a multinational semiconductor chip maker, has and mentors. Goldman Sachs, a multinational investment launched a global initiative, She Will Connect, to promote the banking firm, has led 10,000 Women, a five-year, US$100 mil- empowerment and education of girls and women around lion global initiative providing 10,000 underserved women the world by addressing gender-based barriers to STEM ed- entrepreneurs with business and management education, ac- ucation and access to technology.119 Similarly, the Intel Learn cess to mentors and networks, and links to capital.124 Walmart, Program extends innovative informal education to youth in the world’s largest retailer, aims to increase sourcing from developing countries to develop skills technology literacy, women-owned businesses and gender diversity among major problem-solving, critical thinking, and teamwork.120 Nike, suppliers, as well as committing US$100 million in grants to- a multinational apparel and equipment retailer, is a leading ward women’s economic empowerment.125 Walmart’s Women partner behind The Girl Effect, a global movement to promote in Factories Training Program is a five-year initiative that aims adolescent girls’ empowerment.121 The Nike Foundation also to train 60,000 women in 150 factories and processing facili- invests in specific projects empowering adolescent girls. It is a ties in a range of life skills; another 8,000 women will receive partner with the World Bank, for example, on the Adolescent additional leadership training toward personal and career de- Girls Initiative (AGI), which helps adolescent girls and young velopment. Igniting Gender Equality in the World of Work   67 and a comfortable work environment, and has reported higher innovative approach: it supports women leaders directly along productivity and appeal to international clients as a result. Banco with organizing a group of influential male CEOs as advocates for do Brasil has placed special emphasis on promoting employees women’s empowerment in the private sector.132 Resource Box 4.3 with parental demands, and was the first financial institution in outlines some resources available for private sector engagement the country to allow women six months of paid maternity leave, and leadership. including for adoptions. Banco do Brasil also offers paternity leave and financial reimbursements for external childcare services, pre- Improving conditions for women’s opportunities with- schools, and domestic help for parents with children under seven in firms and disabled children over seven. Many companies are also mak- ing broader investments in gender equality beyond employees As employees, women and men can have different needs and through philanthropic priorities (Box 4.3). priorities. As the International Finance Corporation’s (IFC) WINVest report highlights, many firms are reducing gender-spe- Despite the growing number of good practice examples, cific barriers to women’s entry to good jobs as well as taking steps there is still much to do to increase gender as a priority in the to increase women’s representation in corporate management and private sector. In a survey of approximately 40,000 employers leadership—and they are seeing the payoffs.133 Women face gen- across 42 countries, only 2 percent of employers report having der-specific constraints to work, which means that gender-specific adopted talent sourcing strategies to recruit more women.126 Very business strategies are typically needed. A survey of 7,000 Cana- few are implementing actions in their talent recruitment strate- dian employees, for example, found significant gender differences gies that could improve the attractiveness of workplaces to women in workplace needs. Whereas long-term jobs security was a top and reduce gender inequality, such as enhancing benefits (6 per- priority for both women and men, women placed higher levels of cent), offering more flexible work arrangements (5 percent), and importance than men on flexible working arrangements, accessi- providing virtual work options (2 percent).127 In a 2009 global bility, a pleasant working atmosphere, a competitive salary, and survey conducted by McKinsey & Company of nearly 2,300 se- good work-life balance.134 Further quantitative and qualitative nior private sector executives, only 19 percent reported that their research is needed to better understand differences in needs and companies were doing anything specifically focused on women, preferences between women and men workers in different types either directly or indirectly.128 More can be done to increase the of jobs and settings. importance of, and the business case for, gender equality in the private sector. The following are good corporate practices that have increased women’s employment or longevity in employment and shown a International institutions can partner with the private sec- return on investment: tor on this agenda to encourage progress in making gender a priority. For example, the World Economic Forum has launched ◆◆ Setting up an employee data infrastructure that disaggregates Gender Parity Task Forces in three countries: Japan, Mexico, and human resource data by sex to monitor the outcomes associ- Turkey.129 The task forces include 50–100 leaders and organiza- ated with company employment policies. tions (50–60 percent of which must be from the business commu- ◆◆ Reviewing human resources policies and systems to ensure nity) charged with accelerating progress toward women’s economic women’s needs at work are met, including freedom from dis- integration. Ultimately, the task forces aim to close the economic crimination and harassment. gender gap (as measured by the Global Gender Gap Index) by 10 percent in three years. The World Bank’s Gender Equity Model ◆◆ Attracting women into management, supervisory, and (GEM) supports firms and provides certification for adopting non-traditional roles by, for example, providing targeted train- good practices in the areas of recruitment, career development, ing, apprenticeship, and skills development opportunities. family-work balance, and sexual harassment policies. The World ◆◆ Creating family-friendly working environments through such Bank provides technical assistance to government agencies on in- measures as establishing company-sponsored parental leave ternational good practices, and governments work directly with for both women and men, encouraging work-life balance, participating firms. Firms obtain certification after a preliminary and providing or subsidizing childcare services that stimulate audit conducted by the government. Since the pilot in Mexico child development and expand women’s time. in 2003, GEM has been replicated in 10 additional countries.130 Businesses often need to take more concerted steps to en- While the initiative has not been rigorously evaluated, non-ex- courage women’s work in non-traditional sectors. When perimental results are encouraging. In Mexico, for example, firms women are supported in entering male-dominated jobs, sectors, report increased promotions of women to managerial positions, and industries, positive results often “bust” myths about where the elimination of pregnancy discrimination from recruiting prac- women can and cannot succeed. A recent IFC report cites ex- tices, and higher worker performance and productivity.131 amples in which companies in male-dominated sectors—such as Outside these international initiatives, some national govern- chemicals, construction, and mining—increase women’s partici- ments have directly encouraged firms to adopt gender as a pri- pation through more concerted recruitment and increased fam- ority. For example, the Australian government is pursuing an ily-friendly work arrangements. In turn, the diversification often 68   Gender at Work Box 4.4. Starting from within: The World Bank Group and gender equality at work Even as international institutions advocate measures to foster activities, confidential services with a focus on early preven- gender equality at work, many are themselves working to ful- tion, and a network of local referrals around World Bank Group fill that vision internally. This includes the World Bank Group, facilities at headquarters and internationally. which has taken important steps but still has work to do. With regard to staff representation and career opportunities, To support a better work-family balance, the World Bank Group the data still indicate room for growth. Women currently con- offers employees the options of flexible work and temporary stitute 42 percent of full-time professional staff in the World home-based work if the supervisor approves. Up to 10 days of Bank Group, 30 percent of high-level technical staff, and 36 short-term family leave are available to employees, and both percent of managers. These numbers remain lower than they paid maternity leave (70 days per pregnancy or delivery) and should be, although there has been some progress: From 2006, paternity leave (10 days per childbirth) are offered, though the the percentage of women among high-level technical staff gender gap in the number of allowable days makes it difficult increased from 26 percent and the share of women manag- to fully encourage equitable parenting roles. The World Bank ers increased from 28 percent. In the 2013 World Bank Group Group’s adoption leave policy is gender-neutral, offering the Employee Engagement Survey, only 47 percent of women primary caregiver, regardless of gender, up to 70 days of leave responded favorably regarding developmental opportunities for each eligible adoption or surrogacy. A World Bank Family on the job, compared with 55 percent of men. However, two- Network offers services to spouses to help make connections thirds of both women and men agreed that they can take ad- to family and employment resources. vantage of flexible work arrangements when needed. In terms In terms of promoting women’s agency, the World Bank Group of an equitable environment, 68 percent of women and 71 has clear policies and mechanisms in place to address reports percent of men agreed that staff members were treated fairly of sexual harassment. It also has a robust Domestic Abuse Pre- regardless of gender, age, race, ethnicity, national origin, reli- vention Program that comprises institution-wide awareness gion, sexual orientation, or disability.140 follows improvements in productivity and profitability. For ex- Helping women entrepreneurs access financial ser- ample, Odebrecht, a construction company, found that a major- vices and capital ity-female team performed faster electro-mechanical assembly on Commercial lending institutions can help address credit con- a hydroelectric power plant construction site in Brazil than did straints, which are a dominant factor behind gender differences male-majority teams.135 in firm size and performance.141 Of course, the disparities be- Public-private partnerships can ensure better working con- tween women’s and men’s access to financial services and capital ditions to increase decent work for women and men. Although are not products of markets alone. As highlighted in this report safety is a concern for both women and men workers, in some and elsewhere, governments play a critical role in addressing other contexts risks may be disproportionate because of gender sorting essential pieces of the puzzle—by, for example, developing hu- into different jobs and industries.136 Important efforts have ex- man capital, ensuring a fair regulatory environment, making key panded women’s agency by improving the conditions, protections, infrastructure investments so that women can access financial ser- and opportunities for voice in vulnerable jobs. The ILO and IFC vices, reducing corruption (which often disproportionately affects have partnered on Better Work, an initiative to improve working women entrepreneurs), and ensuring women’s access to a range conditions in garment factories and promote private sector com- of services needed to participate on equal terms in the world of petiveness in global supply chains.137 Non-experimental impact work.142 assessments illustrate improvements in workers’ conditions during However, there are clear opportunities both for commercial the period of the program. For example, factory workers in Jordan banks—in terms of access to the loans and services they provide— report a 50 percent reduction in frequent exhaustion or fatigue and for businesses in related industries. Indeed, they are a key part and were 9 percent less likely to express safety concerns (from of the solution. An IFC study indicates that that up to 70 per- 2010–2012).138 And managers at Better Work factories in Viet- cent of women are unserved or underserved by formal lenders.143 nam report improved labor productivity as a result of changes the Yet there appears to be a disconnect between the need and banks’ program had facilitated.139 perception of the need: 84 percent of representatives for commer- Finally, development agencies advocating steps toward gender cial banks surveyed in Latin America and the Caribbean do not equality have themselves made efforts to lead by example. Box 4.4 think that women are under-attended as a market segment, and reviews the World Bank’s work in this regard. the majority considered themselves “gender-neutral.”144 The same Igniting Gender Equality in the World of Work   69 Resource Box 4.3. Resources for private sector engagement and leadership As private sector recognition of the business case for invest- tions interested in building women’s wealth worldwide. ing in gender equality grows, more resources are coming to GBA’s work focuses particularly on the needs of women the fore to provide practical guidance, tools, networks, and entrepreneurs running small and medium enterprises.152 examples. The following are leading examples (see notes for ◆◆ WINvest (International Finance Corporation): An Website links): initiative that brings together IFC clients and partners ◆◆ Better Work (IFC and ILO): An initiative to improve work- to generate private sector attention, ideas and best ing conditions in garment factories and promote private practices around women’s employment. WINvest seeks sector competiveness in global supply chains. Activities to provide tools and guidance that improve working include advisory services, tailored training, a dynamic conditions for women while increasing business perfor- information management system, and a practical work- mance.153 place-assessment tool for measuring compliance with ◆◆ Women’s Empowerment Principles (UN Global Com- international labor standards.151 pact and UN Women): A set of principles for business ◆◆ Global Banking Alliance for Women: An international offering guidance on empowering women in the work- consortium of financial institutions and other organiza- place, marketplace and community.154 survey of 106 banks found that half did not collect sex-disaggre- intermediaries go to women-owned businesses.149 Banks can also gated data on their lending portfolio to small and medium-size increase the accessibility of their services to the poor by removing enterprises (SMEs). These positions and lack of disaggregated data or reducing barriers like minimum balance requirements. Open- significantly hamper banks’ capacity to engage women entrepre- ing an account in Cameroon, for example, requires an initial neurs as an under-tapped business market. deposit of over US$700, which exceeds the country’s per capita The IFC and its clients are working to change the tide. In Brazil, GDP.150 for example, IFC’s investment and advisory services to Banco Itau are supporting the development of a specific value proposition 3. Closing data gaps and investing in knowledge for women-owned SMEs, including the use of psychometric cred- International development agencies play a vital role in contrib- it-risk scoring measures that are more women-friendly. In Nigeria, uting to global public goods by addressing key global and regional the IFC has partnered with Access Bank to extend credit to wom- data gaps and contributing to the evidence base of what works and en-owned distributors to bring more women into Coca-Coca’s what does not. Here we address each of these in turn. Although value chain and enable greater business growth.145 we highlight global knowledge gaps, it is important to recognize An IFC review of commercial bank practices to engage women that organizations like the World Bank, through their day-to-day business owners in developing countries found emphasis on the work, continually engage with client governments to help develop following activities: creating products and sources that alleviate collaborative research and data agendas that help fill those knowl- the burden of collateral, helping women business owners at the edge gaps that are most pressing for the local context. start-up phase, and providing additional products and services such as company insurance to enhance the capability of women to Data gaps run stronger businesses.146 Improving country-level indicators and monitoring is a Recent innovations highlight promising opportunities to ex- particularly important area in which the World Bank Group tend finance to women entrepreneurs. The Harvard Entrepre- can help clients build capacity. Good diagnostic and monitor- neurial Finance Lab has found that psychometric testing to assess ing data on key indicators for gender equality is unlikely to be credit-seekers’ honesty, intelligence and personality, along with available if national statistics offices lack strong data systems or other traits can be successfully used to extend credit to women valid and reliable indicators. In Nigeria, Paraguay, Vietnam, and entrepreneurs in developing countries who would otherwise have elsewhere the World Bank Group is working with national statis- a harder time securing credit through traditional means of as- tical offices to improve the availability and use of gender-disag- sessing risk, which focus on collateral and future cash flows.147 gregated data. Ongoing monitoring and evaluation allows teams Village Capital, a start-up accelerator program, found that using to track implementation of policy reforms and interventions over a peer selection process for determining which ventures to invest time. When monitoring and evaluation include real-time feed- in appeared to increase the likelihood of female-led ventures re- back loops, they allow for evidence-informed midcourse correc- ceiving investments.148 The IFC has set itself the goal of ensuring tions where results are stalled and further scale-up where results that 25 percent of IFC loans provided to SMEs through financial indicate success worth replicating. In Vietnam the government 70   Gender at Work Table 4.2. Indicators where urgent action is needed to close data gaps Indicator Type 1. Average number of hours spent on unpaid domestic work by sex (Note: Separate housework and childcare if possible) 2 2. Average number of hours spent on paid and unpaid work combined (total work burden), by sex 2 3. Percentage of firms owned by women, by size 3 4. Employment rate of persons aged 25–48 with a child under age 3 living in a household and with no children living in the household, by sex 3 5. Proportion of children under age 3 in formal care 3 6. Proportion of women aged 15–49 subjected to physical or sexual violence in the last 12 months by an intimate partner 2 7. Proportion of women aged 15–49 subjected to physical or sexual violence in the last 12 months by a non-partner 2 8. Proportion of adult population owning land 3 9. Informal employment as a percentage of total non-agricultural employment, by sex 2 10. Proportion of population with access to credit (and financial services), by sex 3 11. Share of female science, engineering, manufacturing and construction graduates at tertiary level 2 adopted a set of national gender development indicators and cri- prise ownership. For instance, surveys may currently ask whether teria for sex-disaggregated data to monitor implementation of its a firm has any female ownership. As a result, data indicate rela- Gender Equality Law. Among other things, the monitoring and tively high levels of female firm ownership, but nothing is known evaluation framework includes tracking of sex-disaggregated asset about the extent to which women’s ownership is merely nominal ownership such as land use certificates. or reflective of actual firm influence and decision-making author- For many important outcomes and constraints related to gen- ity. The OECD, among others, has highlighted this issue with der equality in the world of work, recommended indicators and respect to defining and studying female enterprises, noting the guidance for measurement are now available through the United lack of a common international framework for designing busi- Nations Gender Statistics Manual. The manual is targeted primar- ness surveys.158 In addition to minimum gender indicators, several ily to statisticians working in less developed national statistical other data gaps hinder evidence-based policy-making in the topics systems and it can be used as resource material for training in addressed by this paper. gender statistics. The online platform can be particularly useful Regularized, comparable data on gender wage gaps, by oc- to World Bank Group staff and partners in government statistical cupation and industry, are not presently available. In the few offices for improving the quantity and quality of available data in sources where gendered wage statistics are reported, these need to key areas.155 The manual provides guidance, which reflects inter- be interpreted carefully and with caution. The coverage, defini- national agreement, on statistics in several topics central to this tions and methods of compiling wage statistics differ significantly report, including work, education, power and decision-making, from country to country, and data are rarely well-harmonized. and violence against women, among others. Additionally, statistics of wage rates reflect neither the influence In an effort to coordinate international efforts to collect gender of changes in wage supplements nor the influence of variations relevant data, the Inter-Agency and Expert Group on Gender Sta- in hours of work. Where female workers generally work a much tistics (IAEG-GS) picked 52 gender indicators—usually referred smaller number of hours than male workers, these factors must be as the “52 core indicators” on gender equality.156 Some indicators kept in mind when interpreting the wage ratio. This is an import- (“type 1” indicators) are determined by the group to be concep- ant area of work for national governments and the international tually clear: they have an agreed international definition and are donor community when improving the tracking and comparison regularly produced by countries. However, other indicators are of a key indicator for understanding gender gaps in the world of either clear and defined but not regularly produced (“type 2”) or work. lacking in international measurement standards as well as avail- Better designed household surveys are needed to capture ability (“type 3”).157 Table 4.2 summarizes key indicators falling gender-specific control and ownership of agricultural re- into the latter two categories for which urgent action is needed to sources such as male-owned, female-owned, and jointly owned close data gaps in topics addressed by this report. assets. One exciting initiative is the new Living Standards Mea- In some areas data are available but sampling or phrasing raise surement Study – Integrated Surveys on Agriculture (LSMS-ISA), doubts about interpretations. An important example is that of which is a US$19 million household survey project established firm surveys that seek to understand gender disparities in enter- by the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation and implemented by Igniting Gender Equality in the World of Work   71 the World Bank. The project supports national statistics offices in involved non-randomized designs, relatively small sample seven Sub-Saharan African countries in designing and implement- sizes, and short follow-up periods.161 Programs and curricular ing multi-topic, nationally representative household surveys with reforms in schools may be especially promising given the in- gender-disaggregated data and a strong focus on agriculture. frastructure for scale-up, but evaluations are needed. In terms of broad constraints to women’s work, reliable mea- ◆◆ Agricultural interventions focusing on women farmers—or more sures and better gender-disaggregated data are needed in areas broadly, but with outcomes disaggregated by sex.162 Evaluations of emerging importance. For example, regularized, compara- are needed to help understand (1) the right combinations and ble, and gender-disaggregated data are missing on important but sequencing of interventions needed to help women farmers tough-to-measure outcomes such as aspirations and non-cognitive be as productive and profitable as men farmers and (2) what skills. Efforts should start with development of better measures interventions help women to penetrate different segments and piloting them across multiple developing-country contexts, of agricultural value chains. Future research can also help coupled with seeking to understand which types of measures are pinpoint the most significant constraints, both supply- and most relevant to present or future economic opportunities. Simi- demand-side, to women’s participation in extension services larly, there are very few data in developing countries on workplace and access to innovative technologies; it can also test different harassment or guidance on how to measure it. Data on domestic approaches to respond. violence are not collected as frequently or in as many countries as needed. The new UN gender statistical guidance mentioned ◆◆ Means of extending financial services to impoverished women. above provides standards on collecting key gender-based violence Only recently have data been systematically compiled and indicators.159 Guidance for safe and ethical data collection on analyzed to study gender disadvantage in access to financial gender-based violence is provided by the World Health Organiza- services beyond credit. Public and private sector approaches tion.160 Further, most multi-country violence against women sur- are coming to the fore, such as mobile banking, women-only veys do not include longitudinal designs or economic outcomes, banks, tailored financial instruments for women entrepre- making it difficult to assess relationships between violence and neurs, and more-targeted marketing strategies. However, re- work. While there is agreement on how to measure physical and search shows that women face multiple barriers to financial sexual intimate partner violence, there is less agreement and prac- services, and most strategies lack rigorous evaluation. Addi- tice on measuring emotional or economic forms of violence, or tionally, future evaluations need to consider effects of inter- non-partner types of domestic violence (such as in-law abuse or ventions on both access and wider empowerment outcomes, gender-based elderly abuse). as these do not always move in the same direction.163 ◆◆ Effective and efficient child and elderly care policies. A growing Knowledge investments body of evidence demonstrates the positive effects of external childcare arrangements on both women’s economic outcomes Despite the recent progress and the accumulation of evi- and children’s healthy development. However, more evalu- dence and knowledge about some interventions, major knowl- edge gaps still exist on what works, and what does not, for pro- ation is needed to better understand what types of policies moting gender equality in the world of work. These gaps place work best in developing contexts and under what circum- significant constraints on policy makers’ and funders’ capacity to stances. Additionally, programs may be inefficient if they make well-informed decisions that can translate gender-informed crowd out affordable private sector options, or if program analysis into policy actions. Evidence from high-quality impact costs outweigh returns through gains for women’s earnings and process studies can inform decisions about the interventions and child development. Evaluations should test and compare and approaches that have the greatest probability of improving different models, such as voucher-based systems versus gov- gender outcomes in the world of work and beyond. Nonetheless, ernment managed centers.164 The evidence is extremely thin in many policy topics covered by this report, the challenges are in developing countries on effective, affordable, and culturally exacerbated by urgent knowledge gaps on what works, and under appropriate policies to address growing elderly care demands what circumstances, to improve outcomes. Improving the quan- on women’s time, as well as policy options to increase men’s tity and quality of research evidence in developing contexts should time allocation to caring and other domestic responsibilities. be a priority. This report and recent reviews have highlighted the ◆◆ Interventions to increase women’s work, entrepreneurship, and following particularly urgent areas for more rigorous and general- success in male-dominated sectors and jobs.165 This can include, izable evaluation: for example, targeted recruitment strategies, quotas, im- ◆◆ Gender-transformative interventions, especially during youth. proved workplace conditions, and informational interven- Adolescence and youth can be an ideal period to reach young tions on market options. As women enter male-dominated people, both male and female, with interventions designed to work, monitoring and evaluation should continue to track encourage more gender–equitable norms and attitudes. Al- women’s experiences, retention, and outcomes to ensure that though promising gender-transformative interventions have working experiences are conducive to women’s well-being been tested in schools and communities, these have largely and success. 72   Gender at Work ◆◆ Employment programs focusing on older women—or more edge, and capacity for gender-informed policy-making by con- broadly, but with outcomes disaggregated by sex. The elderly de- ducting impact evaluations that fill key knowledge gaps, offering mographic is growing in importance, as increased statutory technical assistance, and disseminating evidence and partnering and corporate retirement ages in many countries to keep up to build knowledge. The initiative focuses both on increasing and with increased life expectancies will mean longer working measuring agency and on improving our understanding of how years. Very little rigorous evaluation has been conducted in an agency approach can be used to complement interventions for developing countries on the effects of employment interven- expanding economic opportunities and human capital. tions and labor policies on older workers generally, but espe- cially with respect to gender-disaggregated effects and gen- Conclusions der-specific interventions. It is clear that jobs are a vital contributor to people’s well-be- ◆◆ Multicomponent programs that boost women’s economic oppor- ing and to countries’ development prospects. The WDR 2013 tunities and agency simultaneously. Combining simultaneous emphasized that the types of jobs created determine the develop- policy interventions and components to address agency and ment value they offer in a particular context. As this report has economic opportunities will render the prospect of gender emphasized, increasing jobs—and equitable access to jobs—that equality in the world of work much more attainable. It may empower women and contribute to gender equality can increase be especially important for the most vulnerable women, who development impact through better living standards, productivity, face multiple constraints and therefore might be excluded and social cohesion. Given the widespread nature of gender gaps from simpler interventions that screen women based on their in the world of work, there are rarely exceptions to the impor- likelihood to succeed. Promising interventions with women tance of making gender equality a priority in country job strate- employees, entrepreneurs, and farmers, for instance, might gies; though the specific focuses and actions will vary according to combine strategic programmatic elements or services to in- countries’ unique jobs challenges. crease vocational, business, or trade-related skills; aspirations and confidence; social networks; freedom from violence; and The good news is that major progress has been made in recent healthy gender dynamics in the household. Better evidence decades for gender equality in areas such as health and educa- on what types of complex interventions are most effective, tion—progress that may contribute to broader achievements in the world of work in the future. Women’s labor force participation and for whom, in a range of developing contexts is needed. has markedly improved in Latin America and the Caribbean, as Well-planned impact evaluation designs, complemented by have laws promoting gender equality in many countries. Other good process evaluations, can help identify which program- disparities have been much more stubborn, however, and it is clear matic components are most important and what types of cir- that more targeted and coordinated actions are needed to translate cumstances and delivery are needed to achieve optimal out- human capital gains into more equitable economic opportunities. comes.166 There is a growing body of expertise on methods for developing and evaluating complex interventions over time, There is no magic key to unlocking gender equality in the world and this should help guide future work so that knowledge of work. Even well-designed interventions can have muted im- gaps are filled more systematically.167 pacts in isolation.169 Closing gaps in school enrolment with cash transfers may not overcome differences in completion rates and The World Bank Group has several initiatives contributing to economic opportunities if girls are pulled out early for domestic the production and dissemination of better evidence related to work or if teaching is gender-biased. Training women on how to policies and programs for gender equality in the world of work. start businesses will still leave female entrepreneurs with smaller It recently launched enGENDER IMPACT as a gateway to gen- firms if they lack access to credit or technology. Hiring more der-related World Bank impact evaluations to promote global women into wage jobs will not erase pay gaps if they have to spend knowledge sharing and production.168 The effort complements more time caring for children and elderly family members than gender innovation and evaluation initiatives in regional teams their male counterparts. like Sub-Saharan Africa and Latin America and the Caribbean. In addition, the World Bank’s Africa Gender Innovation Lab—in Bold, concerted, multi-sectoral efforts across the lifecycle, how- partnership with units across the World Bank, aid agencies and ever, can help level the playing field for girls and women. The fun- donors, governments, non-governmental organizations, private damentals that need to be addressed are now well established, and sector firms, and researchers—carries out rigorous impact eval- the body of evidence that can inform policy options is better than uations and designs gender-innovative interventions in the areas ever before. Drawing on experience from their own countries as of agricultural productivity, entrepreneurship, employment, and well as others, policy makers can now use an increasingly sophisti- economic empowerment. The Lab aims to build the evidence base cated set of tools to design effective, country-specific, tailor-made on how to close the gender gap in earnings, productivity, assets, packages of linked interventions across sectors. property rights, and agency. Finally, In the Latin America and the A gender-smart jobs strategy is a long-term commitment that Caribbean region, the Gender Impact Evaluation Initiative was requires coordinating policy across the public and private sec- launched in 2013 as an effort to strengthen awareness, knowl- tors on the basis of country-specific diagnostics. Fortunately, in Igniting Gender Equality in the World of Work   73 a world where half of women’s productive potential globally is 17. Woolcock, M., B. Özler, et al. 2013. Relative Effectiveness of Conditional unutilized, gender equality in the world of work is a win-win and Unconditional Cash Transfers for Schooling Outcomes in Developing Coun- for development and for business. The commitment begins with tries: A Systematic Review. Olso, Norway: The Campbell Collaboration. fostering girls’ and boys’ skills and aspirations equally from their 18. Fiszbein, Ariel, et al. 2009. Conditional Cash Transfers: Reducing Present earliest days; it stays with them long enough to see that future and Future Poverty. Washington, DC: World Bank. generations enjoy a more equitable and prosperous world. And, 19. World Bank. 2010. Stepping Up Skills: For more jobs and higher produc- ultimately, investing in gender equality is a prerequisite for ending tivity. Washington, DC: World Bank. extreme poverty and boosting shared prosperity for all. 20. USAID. 2013. State of the field report: Examining the evidence in youth workforce development (Washington, DC: USAID), 8; Tripney, J., et al. 2013. “Post-Basic Technical and Vocational Education and Training (TVET) Inter- Notes ventions to Improve Employability and Employment of TVET Graduates in 1. WDR 2013, 197–99. Low- and Middle-Income Countries: A Systematic Review.” Campbell Col- 2. Ibid. laboration. (The review found overall significant effects on women’s number of working hours, but not on men’s.) 3. Berg, A., et al. 2011. Bangladesh’s ready-made garments landscape: The challenge of growth. McKinsey & Company. 21. J-PAL. 2013. “J-PAL Youth Initiative Review Paper.” Cambridge, MA: Abdul Latif Jameel Poverty Action Lab. 4. Welzel, C. 2012. “The contribution of ‘good’ jobs to develop- ment and cohesion: the human empowerment perspective.” Back- 22. Groh, M., N. Krishnan, et al. 2012. “Soft Skills or Hard Cash? The Im- ground Note for the WDR 2013. Washington, DC: World Bank; Paul- pact of Training and Wage Subsidy Programs on Female Youth Employment Majumder, P. and A. Begum. 2000. The Gender Imbalances in the Export Ori- in Jordan.” Policy Research Working Paper 6141. Washington, DC: World ented Garment Industry in Bangladesh. Washington, DC: World Bank. Bank. 5. World Bank. 2008. Whispers to Voices: Gender and Social Transformation 23. USAID. 2013. State of the field report: Examining the evidence in youth in Bangladesh. Bangladesh Development Series, Paper No. 22. Washington, workforce development. Washington, DC: USAID. DC: World Bank. 24. Attanasio, O., et al. 2011. “Subsidizing vocational training for disad- 6. For a discussion of women’s work and inclusive growth in Bangladesh vantaged youth in Colombia: Evidence from a randomized trial.” American see Kabeer 2013 Paid work, women’s empowerment and inclusive growth: Economic Journal: Applied Economics: 188–220. Transforming the structures of constraint. UN Women 25. Adoho, S. C., D. T. Korkoyah, et al. Forthcoming. “The Impact of 7. World Bank. 2013. Bangladesh Development Update. Washington, DC: an Adolescent Girls Employment Program: The EPAG project in Liberia.” World Bank. Washington, DC: World Bank. 8. World Bank. 2013. “ADePT Gender.” Retrieved November 10, 2013, 26. World Development Indicators. from http://go.worldbank.org/2L6ZKNKVN0. 27. Cunningham, W., et al. 2010. “Active Labor Market Programs for 9. Ellis, A., J. Cutura, et al. 2007. Gender and Economic Growth in Kenya: Youth: A Framework to Guide Youth Employment Interventions.” World Unleashing the Power of Women. Washington, DC: World Bank. Bank Employment Policy Primer No. 16. Washington, DC: World Bank; 10. World Bank. 2012. Country Gender Assessment for Lao PDR: Reducing Almeida, Rita, Jere Behrman, and David Robalino. 2012. The Right Skills Vulnerability and Increasing Opportunity. Washington, DC: World Bank and for the Job? Rethinking Training Policies for Workers (Washington, DC: World Asian Development Bank. Bank), 87. 11. Anderson, M. L.. 2008. “Multiple Inference and Gender Differences in 28. Hicks, J. H., et al. 2011. “Vocational education voucher delivery and the Effects of Early Intervention: A Reevaluation of the Abecedarian, Perry labor market returns: a randomized evaluation among Kenyan youth.” Wash- Preschool, and Early Training Projects.” Journal of the American Statistical ington, DC: World Bank. Association 103 (484): 1481–95; Gertler, P., J. Heckman, et al. 2013. “La- bor Market Returns to Early Childhood Stimulation: A 20-Year Followup to 29. World Bank. 2013. Opening Doors: Gender Equality and Development in an Experimental Intervention in Jamaica.” Policy Research Working Paper the Middle East and North Africa. Washington, DC: World Bank. 6529. Washington, DC: World Bank. 30. Elborgh-Woytek, K., et al. 2013. “Women, Work, and the Economy: 12. Simavi, S., C. Manuel, et al. 2010. Gender Dimensions of Investment Macroeconomic Gains from Gender Equity.” IMF Staff Discussion Note. Climate Reform: A Guide for Policy Makers and Practitioners. Washington, Washington, DC: IMF. DC: World Bank. 31. Buvinic, M., R. Furst-Nichols, et al. 2013. A Roadmap for Promoting 13. Köhlin, G., E. O. Sills, et al. 2011. “Energy, Gender and Development: Women’s Economic Empowerment. New York: UN Foundation and Exxon What are the Linkages? Where is the Evidence?” Policy Research Working Mobile. Paper 5800. Washington, DC: World Bank. 32. Rodgers, Y. and N. Menon. 2013. A meta-analysis of land rights and 14. Ibid. women’s economic well-being. A Roadmap for Promoting Women’s Economic Em- 15. Burde, D. and L. Linden. 2012. “Bringing education to Afghan girls: powerment. M. Buvinic, R. Furst-Nichols and E. C. Pryor. ExxonMobile and A randomized controlled trial of village-based schools.” American Economic UN Foundation. Journal: Applied Economics 5 (3): 27. 33. Demirguc-Kunt, Asli, Leora Klapper and Dorothe Singer. 2013. “Fi- 16. Kazianga, H., D. Levy, et al. 2013. “The Effects of “Girl-Friendly” nancial Inclusion and Legal Discrimination against Women: Evidence from Schools: Evidence from the BRIGHT School Construction Program in Developing Countries.” Policy Research Working Paper 6416. Washington, Burkina Faso.” American Economic Journal: Applied Economics 5 (3): 41. DC: World Bank. 74   Gender at Work 34. K. Deininger et al. 2013. “Women’s Inheritance Rights and Intergen- one year would result in a benefit of US$10.6 billion, and increasing en- erational Transmission of Resources in India.” Journal of Human Resources rollment rates to 50 percent would achieve a benefit of over US$33 billion. (University of Wisconsin Press) 48 (1): 114–41. Engle, P. L., et al. “Strategies for reducing inequalities and improving devel- opmental outcomes for young children in low-income and middle-income 35. OECD. 2011. “Women’s Economic Empowerment.” Issue Paper. Ge- countries.” The Lancet 378 (9799): 1339–53. neva: OECD. 52. Grun, R. 2008. Financing early childhood development: A look at interna- 36. Klugman, J. and M. Morton. 2013. “Enabling equal opportunities for tional evidence and its lessons. Washington, DC: World Bank. women in the world of work: the intersections of formal and informal con- straints.” World Bank Legal Review Vol. 5. H. Cisse, S. Muller, C. Thomas 53. de Barros, R. P., P. Olinto, et al. 2011. The impact of access to free child- and C. Wang. Washington, DC: World Bank. care on women’s labor market outcomes: evidence from a randomized trial in low-income neighborhoods of Rio de Janeiro. Washington, DC: World Bank. 37. UN-HABITAT. 2008. Land Registration in Ethiopia: Early Impacts on Women: Summary Report; and R. Villanuea. 2011. The Big Picture: Land and 54. Fong, M. and M. Lokshin. 2011. Child Care and Women’s Labor Force Gender Issues in Matrilineal Mozambique. Research report. Landesa Center Participation in Romania. Washington, DC: World Bank; Lokshin, M., et for Women’s Land Rights. al. 2000. The effect of early childhood development programs on women’s labor force participation and older children’s schooling in Kenya. Washington, DC: 38. Pallas, S. and L. Miggiano. 2012. “Women’s Legal Empowerment: Les- World Bank; Powell, L. M. 1997. “The impact of child care costs on the sons Learned from Community-Based Activities.“ International Land Coali- labour supply of married mothers: evidence from Canada.” Canadian Journal tion briefing note. of Economics 30 (3): 577–94; de Barros, R. P., et al. 2011. The Impact of Access 39. World Bank. 2011. “Increasing Access to Justice for Women, the Poor, to Free Childcare on Women’s Labor Market Outcomes: Evidence from a Ran- and Those Living in Remote Areas: An Indonesian Case Study.” “Justice for domized Trial in Low-income Neighborhoods of Rio de Janeiro. Washington, the Poor” Briefing Note, Vol. 6 (2). Washington, DC: World Bank. DC: World Bank. 40. Open Society Justice Initiative, DRC Mobile Gender Courts. 2011. 55. Anandlakshmy, S. and M. Chatterjee. 2009. Child Care & Decent Work 41. United Nations. 2013. Report of the Special Rapporteur on extreme pov- at SEWA. Ahmedabad: SEWA Academy. erty and human rights. Sixty-eighth session. New York: United Nations Gen- 56. Ibid. eral Assembly. 57. Nanavaty, R. 2009. “Supporting poor rural women to improve liveli- 42. Thevenon, O. 2011. “Family Policies in OECD Countries: A Compar- hoods: the SEWA experience.” Workshop on Gaps, trends and current re- ative Analysis.” Population and Development Review 37 (1): 57–87. search in gender dimensions of agricultural and rural employment: differen- 43. C. Dustmann, et al. 2012. “Expansions in Maternity Leave Coverage tiated pathways out of poverty. Rome: FAO-IFAD-ILO. and Children’s Long-Term Outcomes.” American Economic Journal: Applied 58. Martinez, S., S. Naudeau, and V. Pereira. 2012. The promise of preschool Economics. in Africa: a randomized impact evaluation of early childhood development in 44. Naila Kabeer, et al. 2013. Paid Work, Women’s Empowerment and In- rural Mozambique. New Delhi, India: International Initiative for Impact clusive Growth: Transforming the Structures of Constraint. New York: UN Evaluation. Women. 59. OECD. 2012. Closing the Gender Gap: Act Now. OECD Publishing. 45. De Silva De Alwis, R. 2011. “Examining Gender Stereotypes in New 60. UN Women. 2012. Policy Brief: Decent Work and Women’s Economic Work/Family Reconciliation Policies: The Creation of a New Paradigm for Empowerment: Good Policy and Practice. UN Women and ILO; Calderon, G. Egalitarian Legislation.” Duke Journal of Gender Law & Policy 18: 305. http:// 2011. “The Effects of Child Care Provision in Mexico.” scholarship.law.duke.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1190&context=djglp. 61. Agénor, P. and M. Agénor. 2009. “Infrastructure, women’s time allo- 46. Hegewisch, A. and J.C. Gornick. 2011. “The impact of work-family pol- cation, and economic development.” Centre for Growth & Business Cycle icies on women’s employment: a review of research from OECD countries.” Research Discussion Paper Series. Manchester, UK: University of Manches- Community, Work & Family (14)2; Nepomnyaschy, L., and J. Waldfogel. ter; Agénor, P. and O. Canuto. 2012. “Access to Infrastructure and Women’s 2007. “Paternity Leave and Fathers’ Involvement with Their Young Children: Time Allocation: Evidence and a Framework for Policy Analysis.” Working Evidence from the ECLS–B.” Community, Work, and Family 10 (4): 425–51. Paper P45. Paris: Fondation pour les Etudes et Recherches sur le Développe- 47. Barker, G., et al. 2013. What men have to do with it: Public policies to ment International. promote gender equality. Washington, DC: Men + Gender Equality Project, 62. Malmberg Calvo, C. 1994. “Case Study on the Role of Women in Ru- Coordinated by the International Center for Research on Women and Insti- ral Transport: Access of Women to Domestic Facilities.” Sub-Saharan Africa tuto Promundo. Transport Policy Program, World Bank and Economic Commission for Af- 48. World Bank. 2013. Programmatic Concept Note: Turkey: Women’s Access rica Working Paper 11. Washington, DC: World Bank. to Economic Opportunities in Turkey Trust Fund (P146215): Supplementary 63. Munyehirwe, A.. 2008. Case Project: Baseline Study Report. Brussels: Eu- Description. Washington, DC: World Bank. ropean Commission. 49. Leroy, J. L., et al. 2011. The impact of daycare programs on child health, 64. World Bank. 2009. “Building on Tradition as the Way to Women’s Em- nutrition, and development in developing countries: a systematic review. Lon- powerment in Cambodia.” East Asia and Pacific Region Social Development don: 3ie. Notes. Washington, DC: World Bank. 50. World Bank Group Gender At Work team analysis of Women, Busi- 65. Nadeem Ilahi and Franque Grimard. 2000. “Public Infrastructure and ness and the Law data, accessed on September 12, 2013, from http://wbl Private Costs: Water Supply and Time Allocation of Women in Rural Paki- .worldbank.org/Data/ExploreTopics/providing-incentives-to-work#Child- stan.” Economic Development and Cultural Change 49 (1): 45–75. care and education 66. International Center for Research on Women (ICRW). 2005. Infra- 51. A conservative estimate using data from 73 low- and middle-income structure shortfalls cost poor women time and opportunity. ICRW Millennium countries found that increasing preschool enrollment rates to 25 percent in Development Goals Series. Washington, DC: ICRW. Igniting Gender Equality in the World of Work   75 67. World Bank. 2012. Making transport work for women and men: chal- 88. UNDP. 2010. Employment Guarantee Policies. Policy Brief: Gender lenges and opportunities in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region: Equality and Poverty Reduction. Geneva: UNDP. Lessons from case studies. Washington, DC: World Bank. 89. Moline, M. and M. Thomson. 2011. “Cash transfers, gender equity and 68. McAllister, F., A. Burgess, J. Kato, and G. Barker. 2012. Fatherhood: women’s empowerment in Peru, Ecuador and Bolivia.” Gender & Develop- Parenting Programmes and Policy - a Critical Review of Best Practice. London ment 19 (2): 195–212. and Washington DC: Fatherhood Institute/Promundo/MenCare. 90. Libertad y Desarrollo. “A year after the implementation of the Ethical 69. Chile, G. o. 2013. “Empapate.” Retrieved December 10, 2013, from Family Income: Improvements and pending matters,” Santiago: LYD, 2013, http://www.crececontigo.cl/empapate/galeria.php. http://www.lyd.com/wp-content/files_mf/pi1110.pdf (accessed 20 August 2013). 70. McAllister, F., A. Burgess, J. Kato, and G. Barker. 2012. Fatherhood: Parenting Programmes and Policy - a Critical Review of Best Practice. London/ 91. Karen Macours and Renos Vakis. 2009. “Changing Households’ Invest- Washington DC: Fatherhood Institute/Promundo/MenCare. ments and Aspirations through Social Interactions.” Policy Research Work- ing Paper, Impact Evaluation Series No. 41. Washington, DC: World Bank. 71. Slegh, H., et al. 2013. “‘I can do women’s work’: reflections on engaging men as allies in women’s economic empowerment in Rwanda.” Gender & 92. World Bank. 2012. “Pakistan: Reaching the Poorest through Cash Development 21 (1): 15–30. Transfers.” Retrieved December 1, 2013, from http://web.worldbank.org /WBSITE/EXTERNAL/NEWS/0,,contentMDK:23237782~menu 72. Dupas, P. and J. Robinson. 2012. “Savings Constraints and Microen- PK:141311~pagePK:34370~piPK:34424~theSitePK:4607,00.html. terprise Development: Evidence from a Field Experiment in Kenya.” Unpub- lished. http://www.econ.ucla.edu/pdupas/SavingsConstraints.pdf. 93. Foster, L., and S. Vince. 2009. California’s women Veterans: The chal- lenges and needs of those who serve. California Research Bureau, California 73. Napier, M., et al. 2013. Promoting women’s financial inclusion: A toolkit. State Library; Lonsway, K. A., R. Paynich, et al. 2013. “Sexual Harassment London: Department for International Development and GIZ. in Law Enforcement: Incidence, Impact, and Perception.” Police Quarterly 74. Schaner, S. 2013. The cost of convenience? Transaction costs, bargaining 16 (2): 177–210; Occupational Safety and Health Administration (OSHA). power, and savings account use in Kenya. New Haven, CT, Innovations for 1999. Women in the Construction Workplace: Providing Equitable Safety and Poverty Action. Health Protection. Washington, DC: US Department of Labor. 75. Napier, M., et al. 2013. Promoting women’s financial inclusion: A toolkit. 94. Oxfam. 2013. “Women and the Afghan Police: Why a law enforcement London: Department for International Development and GIZ. agency that respects and protects females is crucial for progress.” Oxfam 76. World Bank and International Food Policy Research Institute. 2010. Briefing Paper 173. Oxford: Oxfam. Gender and Governance in Rural Services: Insights from India, Ghana, and 95. Agarwal, B. and P. Panda. 2007. “Toward Freedom from Domestic Ethiopia. Washington, DC. Violence: The Neglected Obvious.” Journal of Human Development 8 (3): 359–88. 77. Holmes, R. and N. Jones. 2011. Public works programmes in develop- ing countries: Reducing gendered disparities in economic opportunities. Overseas 96. Pronyk, P. M., J. R. Hargreaves, et al. 2006. “Effect of a structural in- Development Institute (ODI). tervention for the prevention of intimate-partner violence and HIV in rural South Africa: a cluster randomised trial.” The Lancet 368 (9551): 1973–83; 78. Ragasa, C., G. Berhane, et al. 2012. “Gender Differences in Access to Gupta, J., Falb, K., Lehmann, H., Kpebo, D., Xuan, Z., Hossain, M. and Extension Services and Agricultural Productivity.” ESSP Working Paper 49. Annan, J. 2013. “Gender norms and economic empowerment intervention Ethiopian Development Research Institute (EDRI) and International Food to reduce intimate partner violence against women in rural Cote d’Ivoire: a Policy Research Institute (IFRPI). randomized controlled pilot study.” BMC International Health and Human 79. Croppenstedt, A., M. Goldstein, et al. 2013. “Gender and Agriculture: Rights 13 (1): 46. Inefficiencies, Segregation, and Low Productivity Traps.” World Bank Re- 97. Secretary of Social Inclusion, Government of El Salvador. 2013. “Ciu- search Observer 28 (1): 79-109. dad Mujer.” Retrieved September 20, 2013, from http://www.ciudadmujer 80. Kewka, J. and L. Fox. 2011. “The Household Enterprise Sector in Tan- .gob.sv. zania: Why It Matters and Who Cares.” Policy Research Working Paper. 98. Renga, S., D. Molnar-Hidassy, et al. 2010. Direct and Indirect Gender Washington, DC: World Bank. Discrimination in Old-Age Pensions in 33 European Countries. Brussels: Euro- 81. World Bank. 2011. Getting to Equal: Promoting Gender Equality through pean Commission. Human Development. Washington, DC: World Bank. 99. Cribb, J. et al. 2013. “Incentives, shocks or signals: Labour supply ef- 82. Holmes, R. and N. Jones. 2010. Rethinking social protection using a gen- fects of increasing the female state pension age in the UK.” IFS Working der lens. Overseas Development Institute (ODI) Working Paper no. 320. Paper W13/03. London: Economic & Social Research Council. London: ODI. 100. World Bank Group. 2014. “Women, Business and the Law 2014.” 83. Antonopoulos, R. 2013. Expanding Social Protection in Developing Washington, DC: World Bank. Countries: A Gender Perspective. The Levy Economics Institute. 101. Dobbs, R., et al. 2012. The world at work: Jobs, pay, and skills for 3.5 84. Ibid. billion people. Washington, DC: McKinsey Global Institute. 85. Ibid. 102. Lauringson, A. et al. 2011. Impact Evaluation of Labour Market Train- 86. World Bank. 2011. “Gender in Infrastructure: Building Capacity.” ing: Estonian Unemployment Insurance Fund. Estonia: Eesti Töötukassa. Retrieved September 1, 2013, from http://web.worldbank.org/WBSITE 103. Hartlapp, M. 2008. “Labour Market Policy for ‘Active Ageing’ in Eu- /EXTERNAL/TOPICS/EXTGENDER/0,,contentMDK:22924410~menu rope: Expanding the Options for Retirement Transitions.” Journal of Social PK:7947163~pagePK:210058~piPK:210062~theSitePK:336868,00.html. Policy (0047-2794) 37 (3): 409. 87. Antonopoulos, R.. 2013. “Expanding Social Protection in Developing 104. James, E., Cox, A.E., Wong, R. 2012. The Gender Impact of Pension Countries: A Gender Perspective,” The Levy Economics Institute. Reform. World Bank, Washington, DC. 76   Gender at Work 105. Ibid. 132. Male Champions of Change. 2011. “Our experiences in elevating the representation of women in leadership: A letter from business leaders.” Can- 106. Dorfman, M. and R. Palacios. 2012. “World Bank Support for Pensions berra, Australia: Australian Human Rights Commission. and Social Security: Background Paper for the World Bank 2012-2022 Social Protection and Labor Strategy.” Social Protection & Labor Discussion Paper 133. IFC. 2013. Investing in Women’s Employment: Good for Business, Good for No. 1208. Washington, DC: World Bank. Development. Washington, DC: International Finance Corporation. 107. Ivoševic, V.. 2009. Pension Reforms in Europe and Their Impact on 134. Canadian HR Reporter. 2012. “Gender gap exists among workplace Women. Belgium, Education International. needs: Survey.” 108. Duflo, E.. 2003. “Grandmothers and Granddaughters: Old‐Age Pen- 135. IFC. 2013. IFC Jobs Study: Assessing Private Sector Contributions to Job sions and Intrahousehold Allocation in South Africa.” World Bank Economic Creation and Poverty Reduction. Washington, DC: IFC. Review 17 (1): 1–25; Case, A. and A. Menendez. 2007. “Does money em- 136. ILO. 2009. “Providing safe and healthy workplaces for both women power the elderly? Evidence from the Agincourt demographic surveillance and men.” Decent Work series. Geneva: International Labour Organization. site, South Africa.” Scandinavian Journal of Public Health 35 (69 suppl.): 137. IFC and ILO. 2013. “Better Work.” Retrieved September 10, 2013, 157–64. from http://betterwork.org/global. 109. Filho, I. E. 2012. “Household Income as a Determinant of Child Labor 138. ILO and IFC. 2013. Impact Brief: Better Work Jordan. Geneva: ILO and and School Enrollment in Brazil: Evidence from a Social Security Reform.” IFC. Economic Development and Cultural Change 60 (2): 399–435. 139. ILO and IFC. 2013. Impact Brief: Better Work Vietnam. Geneva: ILO 110. http://www.worldbank.org/engenderimpact. and IFC. 111. http://www.campbellcollaboration.org. 140. The Gelfond Group. 2013. The World Bank Group Employee Engagement 112. http://www.hks.harvard.edu/centers/wappp/for-scholars/gender-action Survey 2013. Washington, DC: World Bank. -portal. 141. Klapper, L. P. and S. C. Parket. 2010. “Gender and the business envi- 113. http://www.3ieimpact.org. ronment for new firm creation.” World Bank Research Observer 26 (2): 237– 57. 114. http://www.jobsknowledge.org. 142. IFC. 2011. Strengthening Access to Finance for Women-Owned SMEs in 115. http://www.empowerwomen.org. Developing Countries. Washington, DC: IFC. 116. http://www.womeneconroadmap.org. 143. Ibid. 117. World Bank. 2012. Creating Jobs Good for Development: Policy Directions 144. Multilateral Investment Fund (MIF). 2013. SMEs in Latin America and from the 2013 World Development Report on Jobs. Washington, DC: World the Caribbean: Closing the Gap for Banks in the Region. 6th Regional Survey. Bank. Washington, DC: MIF. 118. UN Women. 2013. Companies Leading the Way: Putting the Principles 145. IFC. 2013. Banking on Women: Changing the Face of the Global Econ- into Practice. New York: UN Women. omy. Washington, DC: IFC. 119. http://www.intel.com/content/www/us/en/technology-in-education 146. IFC. 2011. Strengthening Access to Finance for Women-Owned SMEs in /programs-for-women-and-girls.html. Developing Countries. Washington, DC: International Finance Corporation. 120. http://www.intel.com/content/www/us/en/education/k12/intel-learn 147. Bailey Klinger, Asim Khwaja, and Carlos del Carpio. 2013. “Innovative .html?wapkw=intel+learn+program. Psychology for Poverty Reduction.” Springer Briefs Series (Sharon Panulla 121. http://nikeinc.com/pages/the-girl-effect. and Stuard C. Carr, eds.). 122. http://go.worldbank.org/I5PX4JETM0. 148. Byrne, C. 2013. “Should Founders, Not Investors, Decide Which Companies Get Cash?” Forbes. Retrieved October 10, 2013. 123. http://www.coca-colacompany.com/stories/5by20. 149. IFC. 2013. IFC Jobs Study: Assessing Private Sector Contributions to Job 124. http://www.goldmansachs.com/citizenship/10000women. Creation and Poverty Reduction. Washington, DC: IFC. 125. http://corporate.walmart.com/global-responsibility/womens-economic 150. Beck, T., et al. 2007. Banking Services for Everyone Barriers to Bank Access -empowerment. and Use Around the World. Washington, DC: World Bank. 126. ManpowerGroup. 2013. 2013 Talent Shortage Survey: Research Results. 151. http://betterwork.org/global. ManpowerGroup. 152. http://www.gbaforwomen.org. 127. Ibid. 153. http://www.ifc.org/wps/wcm/connect/topics_ext_content/ifc_external 128. McKinsey & Company. 2010. The Business of Empowering Women. Lon- _corporate_site/ifc+sustainability/sustainable+business+advisory+services don: McKinsey & Company. /women+in+business/creating+business+value/win-employees. 129. World Economic Forum. 2013. “Gender Parity Task Forces.” Retrieved 154. http://www.unglobalcompact.org/issues/human_rights/equality_ December 1, 2013, from http://www.weforum.org/issues/gender-parity-task means_business.html. -forces. 155. United Nations. 2013. Gender Statistics Manual. Retrieved November 130. Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, the Dominican Repub- 10, 2013, from http://unstats.un.org/unsd/genderstatmanual/. lic, Egypt, Paraguay, Turkey, and Uruguay. 156. United Nations Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC). 2012. 131. Castro, M.E.. 2007. Gender Equity Promotion in the Private Sector in Gender statistics: Report of the Secretary-General. Statistical Commission: For- Mexico: The Development of a Successful Model. Washington, DC: IFC. ty-fourth session, 26 February–1 March 2013. New York: United Nations. Igniting Gender Equality in the World of Work   77 157 The United Nations and partners use the term “tier” rather than “type” 164. de Barros, R. P., et al. 2011. The Impact of Access to Free Childcare on to discuss minimum data indicators. Women’s Labor Market Outcomes: Evidence from a Randomized Trial in Low-income Neighborhoods of Rio de Janeiro. Washington, DC: World Bank. 158. OECD. 2012. “Measuring Women Entrepreneurship.” Entrepreneur- ship at a Glance 2012. OECD Publishing. 165. Buvinic, M., R. Furst-Nichols, et al. 2013. A Roadmap for Promoting Women’s Economic Empowerment (New York: UN Foundation and Exxon 159. United Nations. 2013. Gender Statistics Manual. Retrieved November 10, 2013, from http://unstats.un.org/unsd/genderstatmanual/. Mobile), 29. 166. Bonell, C., A. Fletcher, et al. 2012. “Realist randomised controlled 160. WHO. 2001. Putting women first: Ethical and safety recommendations for trials: A new approach to evaluating complex public health interventions.” research on domestic violence against women. Geneva: WHO; WHO. 2007. Social Science & Medicine 75 (12): 2299–2306. WHO ethical and safety recommendations for researching, documenting and monitoring sexual violence in emergencies. Geneva: WHO. 167. Craig, P., et al. 2008. “Developing and evaluating complex interven- tions: the new Medical Research Council guidance.” BMJ 2008;337:a1655. 161. G. Barker et al. 2010. “Questioning Gender Norms with Men to Im- doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.a1655. prove Health Outcomes: Evidence of Impact.” Global Public Health (5):539– 53. doi: 10.1080/17441690902942464. 168. See http://www.worldbank.org/engenderimpact. 162. Buvinic, M., R. Furst-Nichols, et al. 2013. A Roadmap for Promoting 169. Kabeer, N. 2005. “Is Microfinance a ‘Magic Bullet’ for Women’s Em- Women’s Economic Empowerment (New York: UN Foundation and Exxon powerment? Analysis of Findings from South Asia.” Economic and Political Mobile), 29. Weekly 40 (44/45): 4709–18. 163. Schaner, S.. 2013. The cost of convenience? Transaction costs, bargaining power, and savings account use in Kenya. New Haven, Conn.: Innovations for Poverty Action. “We know that reducing gender gaps in the world of work can yield broad development dividends: improving child health and education, enhancing poverty reduction, and catalyzing productivity. Empowering women and girls is vital in order to achieve our twin goals: ending extreme poverty by 2030 and boosting shared prosperity.” World Bank Group President Jim Yong Kim, from the Foreword World Bank Group Gender & Development www.worldbank.org/gender