9696 World Development Report 1991 WORLD DEVELOPMENT INDICATORS World Development Report 1991 The Challenge of Development Published for the World Bank Oxford University Press Oxford University Press OXFORD NEW YORK TORONTO DELHI BOMBAY CALCUTI'A MADRAS KARACHI PETALING JAYA SINGAPORE HONG KONG TOKYO NAIROBI DAR ES SALAAM CAPE TOWN MELBOURNE AUCKLAND and associated companies in BERLIN IBADAN © 1991 The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development / THE WORLD BANK 1818H Street, N.W, Washington, D.C. 20433 LISA. First printing June 1991 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of Oxford University Press. Manufactured in the United States of America. The denominations, the classifications, the boundaries, and the colors used in maps in World Development Report do not imply on the part of The World Bank and its affiliates any judgment on the legal or other status of any territory, or any endorsement or acceptance of any boundary. ISBN 0-19-520869-2 clothbound ISBN 0-19-520868-4 paperback ISSN 0163-5085 The Library of Congress has cataloged this serial publication as follows: World development report. 1978- [New York] Oxford University Press. v. 27 cm. annual. Published for The World Bank. 1. Underdeveloped areasPeriodicals. 2. Economic development Periodicals.I. International Bank for Reconstruction and Development. HC59. 7. W659 330.9172 '4 78-67086 S This book is printed on paper that adheres to the American National Standard for Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, Z39.48-1 984. Foreword World Development Report 1991, the fourteenth in institutions. Competition fosters innovation, the this annual series, synthesizes and interprets the diffusion of technology, and the efficient use of lessons of more than forty years of development resources. Third, successful economic develop- experience. This Report, together with last year's ment requires the integration of countries with the on poverty and next year's on the environment, global economy. Openness to international flows seeks to provide a comprehensive overview of the of goods, services, capital, labor, technology, and development agenda. ideas spurs economic growth. Fourth, a stable The 1990s began with dramatic changes. Many macroeconomic foundation is essential to sus- countries in Eastern Europe and elsewhere initi- tained progress. Restoring the confidence of the ated ambitious reforms of their economic and po- private sector is now a major challenge for several litical systems. These reforms reflect both the accu- countries with a long history of macroeconomic mulated evidence on economic policies and instability. fundamental changes in the political environment. What are the prospects for rapid development in Not only in Eastern Europe, but also in Africa, the years ahead? The Report notes that a favorable Asia, Latin America, and the Middle East, people international climate is critical for future develop- are seeking escape from poverty and oppression to ment. The effects of the policies of industrial coun- gain control over their own destinies and find bet- tries on development grow, as more developing ter lives for themselves and their families. Against countries turn outward and the world becomes the backdrop of these transitions, this year's Re- more and more interdependent. But the Report port links the historical debates that counseled stresses that, above all, the future of developing policymakers in their past decisions, the lessons of countries is in their own hands. Domestic policies experience, and the evolving thought on how best and institutions hold the key to successful devel- to proceed. opment. With strong and sustained reforms at One of the most valuable lessons relates to the home, the Report concludes, the pace of develop- interaction between the state and the market in ment can be substantially increasedto lift mil- fostering development. Experience shows that lions of people out of poverty by the end of the success in promoting economic growth and pov- decade. erty reduction is most likely when governments Like its predecessors, World Development Report complement markets; dramatic failures result 1991 includes the World Development Indicators, when they conflict. The Report describes a market- which offer selected social and economic statistics friendly approach in which governments allow on 124 countries. The Report is a study by the staff markets to function well, and in which govern- of the World Bank, and the judgments made ments concentrate their interventions on areas in herein do not necessarily reflect the views of the which markets prove inadequate. Board of Directors or the governments they The Report looks at four main aspects of the represent. relationship between governments and markets. First, investing in people requires an efficient pub- lic role. Markets alone generally do not ensure that people, especially the poorest, receive adequate Barber B. Conable education, health care, nutrition, and access to President family planning. Second, essential for enterprises The World Bank to flourish is an enabling climateone that in- cludes competition, adequate infrastructure, and May 31, 1991 111 This Report has been prepared by a team led by Vinod Thomas and comprising Surjit S. Bhalla, Rui Coutinho, Shahrokh Fardoust, Ann E. Harrison, Daniel Kaufmann, Elizabeth M. King, Kenneth K. Meyers, Peter A. Petri, and N. Roberto Zagha. T. N. Srinivasan, Mark Rosenzweig, and Francisco Sagasti collaborated closely and provided extensive advice. The team was assisted by Sushenjit Bandyopadhyay, Fernando J. Batista, Marianne Fay, Jon Isham, Kali Kondury, Stefan Krieger, and Yan Wang. Stanley Fischer played a principal role in the initial stages of the Report's preparation. The work was carried out under the general direction of Lawrence H. Summers. Many others in and outside the Bank provided helpful comments and contributions (see the bibliographical note). The International Economics Department prepared the data and projections presented in Chapter 1 and the statistical appendix. It is also responsible for the World Development Indicators. The production staff of the Report included Kathryn Kline Dahl, Connie Eysenck, Alfred F. Imhoff, Hugh Nees, Kathy Rosen, Walton Rosenquist, and Brian J. Svikhart. Cartographic services were provided by Jeffrey N. Lecksell, Gregory George Prakas, and Eric M. Saks. Library assistance was provided by Iris Anderson and Jane Keneshea. The support staff was headed by Rhoda Blade- Charest and included Laitan Alli, Trinidad S. Angeles, and Lupita Mattheisen. Clive Crook was the principal editor. The advice and support of Professor Bela Balassa (1928-1991) are respectfully acknowledged. His contributions to this and past World Development Reports were valuable in understanding develop- ment. The core team remembers fondly David A. Renelt (1964-1991), who contributed to the Report. iv Contents Acronyms and initials ix Definitions and data notes x Overview 1 The world economy in transition 2 Paths to development 4 Elements of a market-friendly approach 6 Rethinking the state 9 Priorities for action 10 1 The world economy in transition 12 The long view 12 The setting for development 14 Prospects for world development 21 Quantitative global scenarios for the 1990s 27 2 Paths to development 31 The evolution of approaches to development 31 The determinants of the growth of income 42 Components of overall development 47 The way forward 49 3 Investing in people 52 Welfare and growth 53 Challenges in human development 59 Public policy 65 4 The climate for enterprise 70 Entrepreneurs unleashed 70 Enterprise in agriculture 72 Empowering the manufacturer 77 Evidence on the productivity of investment projects 82 5 Integration with the global economy 88 Channels of technology transfer 88 Labor flows and direct foreign investment 93 Trade policy and economic growth 96 Conditions for success in trade reform 101 The global climate for trade 105 V 6 The macroeconomic foundation 109 Policies to promote stability and growth 109 Booms and busts 112 From stabilization to growth 113 The art of reform 115 Investment and saving 118 Global economic conditions 123 7 Rethinking the state 128 The political economy of development 128 Remedies: democracy and institutions? 132 Equity and redistribution 137 Reforming the public sector 139 8 Priorities for action 148 Tasks for global action 149 Specific actions that work 152 A global challenge 157 Technical note 158 Bibliographical note 165 World Development Indicators 193 Boxes 1.1 Innovations that changed the world 15 1.2 The Soviet economic crisis 20 1.3 The climate for development in the 1990s 22 1.4 How well did early World Development Reports foresee growth in the 1980s? 28 2.1 Scandinavian models of development 36 2.2 What's behind the Japanese miracle? 40 2.3 Total factor productivity in economic growth 42 2.4 Measurement informs policyor does it? 44 2.5 The contribution of aid 48 2.6 Noneconomic components of development: liberties 50 3.1 Nutrition and life expectancy 53 3.2 Educating women: a key to development 55 3.3 Meiji Japan's penchant for education 58 3.4 Population, agriculture, and environment in Sub-Saharan Africa 61 3.5 AIDS in developing countries 63 3.6 The role of international aid in the social sectors 68 4.1 A different sort of enterprise: Gurdev Khush breeds super rice at the International Rice Research Institute 74 4.2 Extension and the African agricultural services initiative 75 4.3 Parastatal marketing institutions and producer prices: impafring competition and incentives to farmers 78 4.4 The payoffs from regulatory reform: India and Indonesia 79 4.5 Tax reform 81 4.6 Wrong incentives often make private projects go under 84 4.7 Participation enhances project efficiency and benefits the poor 85 5.1 Export takeoffs: two success stories 89 5.2 Protection in industrial countries: a historical perspective 97 5.3 Trade policy and growth: the evidence 99 5.4 Should states intervene in trade or shouldn't they? 102 5.5 Commodity price movements 106 vi 6.1 What the assessments of adjustment programs say about income performance 114 6.2 Thespeedofreform 117 6.3 Determinants of household saving in Japan 122 6.4 Capital flight 124 6.5 The 1990 Mexican debt agreement 127 7.1 Fighting corruption 132 7.2 Populist experiments 133 7.3 The contribution of institutional innovations to development 135 7.4 Setting priorities for institutional development: easier said than done 136 7.5 The politics of inclusion: Malaysia and Sri Lanka 138 7.6 War and development 141 7.7 From a centrally planned to a market economy 145 8.1 For policymakers everywhere: seven lessons in reform 152 Text figures 1 Per capita income: selected countries in 1988 compared with the United States, 1830-1988 2 2 Life expectancy at birth: selected countries in 1985 compared with Japan, 1900-85 3 3 Policy distortion, education, and growth in GDP, sixty developing economies, 1965-87 5 4 The interactions in a market-friendly strategy for development 6 5 Rates of return for projects financed by the World Bank and the IFC under different policies and conditions 8 1.1 Periods during which output per person doubled, selected countries 12 1.2 Gains in life expectancy, selected countries and periods 13 1.3 Per capita output growth in the OECD and developing countries and significant world events, 1918-88 16-17 1.4 The share of exports in GDP, selected country groups, 1900-86 17 1.5 Estimates of the growth of GDP, 1965-89 19 2.1 The sectoral distribution of the labor force, low- and middle-income developing countries, 1965 and 1980 32 2.2 Per capita income, selected countries, 1960 and 1988 37 2.3 Estimated annual growth in real exports, selected groups of countries, 1965-89 37 2.4 The average annual growth of per capita income and productivity, selected economies, 1960-87 46 2.5 Female educational attainment and decline in infant mortality, selected economies, 1960-87 49 3.1 Male life expectancy at birth, selected countries, 1855-1985 52 3.2 Adult literacy, selected countries, 1850-1985 56 3.3 Educational attainment of entrepreneurs in five developing countries 59 3.4 Population change by region, 1850-2025 60 3.5 Distribution of deaths by cause, about 1985 62 4.1 Rates of return for projects financed by the World Bank and the IFC under varying foreign exchange premiums, 1968-89 83 4.2 Rates of return for projects financed by the World Bank and the IFC under varying degrees of trade restrictiveness, 1968-89 83 4.3 The share of public investment in total investment and the rates of return of agricultural and industrial projects financed by the World Bank and the IFC, 1968-89 86 5.1 Annual net flows of capital to developing economies, 1970-88 95 5.2 Openness and growth in productivity: partial correlations for developing countries, 1960-88 100 5.3 The share of imports affected by all nontariff measures, 1966 and 1986 104 5.4 Hard-core nontariff measures applied against industrial and developing countries, 1986 105 6.1 The current account balance and the fiscal balance in Korea and Morocco, various years 110 6.2 Inflation rates and the fiscal balance in Sri Lanka and Tanzania, various years 111 6.3 The growth of GDP and private investment in Chile and Turkey, 1970-88 113 6.4 Differing patterns of private and public investment in four countries, 1970-88 120 6.5 Net resource flows and net transfers to developing economies, 1980-89 126 7.1 Nation-states by type of government, 1850-1987 129 7.2 Income inequality and the growth of GDP in selected economies, 1965-89 137 8.1 The annual change in per capita GDP in OECD and developing countries, 1965-90 151 vii Text tables 1 Growth of GDP per capita, 1965-2000 3 1.1 Historical trends in GDP per capita 14 1.2 Global savings and investment 23 1.3 Aggregate long-term net resource flows to developing countries, 1980-95 24 1.4 The international economic climate in the 1990s: a comparison of recent and projected indicators 27 1.5 Real GDP and real GDP per capita growth rates for low- and middle-income economies, 1965-2000 30 2,1 The growth of agricultural productivity and the nonagricultural sectors, 1960-88 33 2.2 The growth of GDP, inputs, and TFP 43 2.3 Percentage share of output growth accounted for by factor input growth, sample of world economies, 1960-87 45 2.4 Interaction of policy with education and investment, 1965-87 47 3.1 The economic burden of adult illness, selected countries and years 54 3.2 The effect of an additional year of schooling on wages and farm output, selected countries and years 57 3.3 Government expenditures for education and health as a percentage of GDP, 1975, 1980, and 1985 66 3.4 The government share in total education and health expenditures 67 4.1 Annual percentage growth rates of earnings, employment, and labor productivity in manufacturing, selected economies and periods 80 4,2 Economic policies and average economic rates of return for projects financed by the World Bank and the IFC, 1968-89 82 4.3 Average economic rates of return for projects financed by the World Bank and the IFC under varying initial and final foreign exchange premiums, 1968-89 87 5.1 The relative performance of foreign firms in manufacturing, selected countries and years 94 5.2 Investment, growth, and net capital flows, 1970-89 96 5.3 Tariffs and nontariff barriers in developing countries, 1987 98 5.4 Intraunion trade as a percentage of total exports, 1960-87 107 6.1 Investment and saving, 1965-89 119 6.2 Indicators of external debt for developing economies, 1970-89 125 7.1 Irregular executive transfers: average occurrence per country, 1948-82 129 7.2 The success of economies with differing political systems in implementing an IMF adjustment program 134 7.3 The success of economies with differing political systems in controlling rapid inflation 134 7.4 Percentage share of government expenditure in GNP or GDP, industrial countries, 1880-1985 139 7.5 Percentage share of government expenditure and consumption in GNP or GDP, industrial and developing countries, 1972 and 1986 139 7.6 Public expenditure on the military compared with that on the social sectors, 1986 142 8.1 Changes in GDP growth rates relative to the central case, 1990-2000 157 Statistical appendix tables A.1 Population (mid-year) and average annual growth 181 A.2 GNP, population, GNP per capita, and growth of GNP per capita 182 A.3 Composition of GDP 182 A.4 Consumption, investment, and saving 184 A.5 Investment, saving, and current account balance before official transfers 185 A.6 GDP and growth rates 186 A.7 Structure of production 186 A.8 GDP by sector growth rates 187 A.9 Growth of export volume 187 A. 10 Change in export prices and terms of trade 189 A.11 Growth of long-term debt of low- and middle-income economies 190 A.12 Composition of debt outstanding 191 vi" Acronyms and initials DAC Development Assistance Committee of LIBOR London interbarik offered rate the Organisation for Economic Co-op- NGOs Nongovernmental organizations eration and Development NIEs Newly industrializing economies EC The European Community (Belgium, ODA Official development assistance Denmark, Germany, France, Greece, OECD Organisation for Economic Co-opera- Ireland, Italy, Luxembourg, Nether- tion and Development (Australia, Aus- lands, Portugal, Spain, and United tria, Belgium, Canada, Denmark, Fin- Kingdom) land, France, Germany, Greece, ERR Economic rate of return Iceland, Ireland, Italy, Japan, Lux- DFI Direct foreign investment embourg, Netherlands, New Zealand, GATT General Agreement on Tariffs and Norway, Portugal, Spain, Sweden, Trade Switzerland, Turkey, United Kingdom, GDP Gross domestic product and United States) GNP Gross national product PPP Purchasing power parity G-7 Group of Seven (Canada, France, Ger- TFP Total factor productivity many, Italy, Japan, United Kingdom, UNDP United Nations Development and United States) Programme IBRD International Bank for Reconstruction Unesco United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Development and Cultural Organization IDA International Development Association UNICEF United Nations Children's Fund IFC International Finance Corporation WHO World Health Organization IMF International Monetary Fund ix Definitions and data notes A note on data selection sification is fixed for any edition, all the historical data presented are based on the same country The data used in this World Development Report grouping. The country groups used in this Report cover a range of time periods and are from more are defined as follows. than 100 countries (both industrial and develop- ing). Data availability was the primary criterion for Low-income economies are those with a GNP per usage; other criteria varied from chapter to chap- capita of $580 or less in 1989. ter. For details, see the technical note at the end of Middle-income economies are those with a GNP the main text. per capita of more than $580 but less than $6,000 in 1989. A further division, at GNP per capita of Country groups $2,335 in 1989, is made between lower-middle-in- come and upper-middle-income economies. For operational and analytical purposes the World High-income economies are those with a GNP Bank's main criterion for classifying economies is per capita of $6,000 or more in 1989. according to their gross national product (GNP) per capita. Every economy is classified as low-in- Low-income and middle-income economies are come, middle-income (subdivided into lower-mid- sometimes referred to as developing economies. dle and upper-middle), or high-income. In addi- The use of the term is convenient; it is not in- tion to classification by income, other analytical tended to imply that all economies in the group are groups are based on regions, exports, and levels of experiencing similar development or that other external debt. economies have reached a preferred or final stage In this edition of World Development Report and of development. Classification by income does not its statistical annex, the World Development Indi- necessarily reflect development status. (In the cators (WDI), minor changes to country classifica- World Development Indicators, high-income econ- tion have been introduced. The changes are: (a) omies classified by the United Nations or other- the "nonreporting nonmembers" group is now wise regarded by their authorities as developing "other economies" and includes only Albania, are identified by the symbol t). The use of the term Cuba, Democratic People's Republic of Korea, and "countries" to refer to economies implies no judg- the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR); (b) ment by the Bank about the legal or other status of "total reporting economies" is replaced by a territory. "world." Note that the definition of "oil ex- "Other economies" are Albania, Cuba, Demo- porters" has been changed (see the definition in cratic People's Republic of Korea, and the Union of the analytical groups below). As in previous edi- Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR). In the main ta- tions, this Report uses the latest GNP per capita bles of the World Development Indicators, only estimates to classify countries. The country com- aggregates are shown for this group, but Box A.2 position of each income group may therefore in the technical notes to the WDI contains key indi- change from one edition to the next. Once the clas- cators reported for each of these countries. x 'World" comprises all economies, including est to exports (20 percent). The twenty countries economies with less than 1 million population, are Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, People's Re- which are not shown separately in the main tables. public of the Congo, Costa Rica, Côte d'Ivoire, Ec- See the technical notes to the WDI for aggregation uador, Arab Republic of Egypt, Honduras, Hun- methods used to retain the same country group gary, Mexico, Morocco, Nicaragua, Peru, across time. Philippines, Poland, Senegal, Uruguay, and Venezuela. Analytical groups OECD members, a subgroup of "high-income economies," comprises the members of the Or- For analytical purposes, other overlapping classi- ganisation for Economic Co-operation and Devel- fications based predominantly on exports or exter- opment except for Greece, Portugal, and Turkey, nal debt are used in addition to geographic coun- which are included among the middle-income try groups. The lists provided below are of economies. economies in these groups that have populations of more than 1 million. Countries with less than 1 Geographic regions (low-income and million population, although not shown sepa- middle-income economies) rately, are included in group aggregates. Sub-Saharan Africa comprises all countries Oil exporters are countries for which exports of south of the Sahara except South Africa. petroleum and gas, including reexports, account Europe, Middle East, and North Africa comprises for at least 50 percent of exports of goods and ser- the middle-income European countries of Bul- vices. They are People's Republic of the Congo, garia, Czechoslovakia, Greece, Hungary, Poland, Islamic Republic of Iran, Iraq, Libya, Nigeria, Portugal, Romania, Turkey, and Yugoslavia, and Oman, Saudi Arabia, Trinidad and Tobago, United all the economies of North Africa and the Middle Arab Emirates, and Venezuela. Although the East, and Afghanistan. For some analyses in World USSR meets the established criterion, because of Development Report, Eastern Europe (Hungary, data limitations it is excluded from this group Poland, Romania, and Yugoslavia) is treated measure. separately. Severely indebted middle-income countries (abbre- East Asia comprises all the low- and middle- viated to "severely indebted" in the World Devel- income economies of East and Southeast Asia and opment Indicators) are twenty countries that are the Pacific, east of and including China and deemed to have encountered severe debt-servicing Thailand. difficulties. These are defined as countries in South Asia comprises Bangladesh, Bhutan, In- which three of the four key ratios are above critical dia, Myanmar, Nepal, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka. levels: debt to GNP (50 percent), debt to exports of Latin America and the Caribbean comprises all goods and all services (275 percent), accrued debt American and Caribbean economies south of the service to exports (30 percent), and accrued inter- United States. xi Data notes The symbol .. in tables means not available. The symbol - in tables means not applicable. Billion is 1,000 million. Trillion is 1,000 billion. The number 0 or 0.0 in tables and figures Tons are metric tons equal to 1,000 kilograms, means zero or a quantity less than half the unit shown and not known more precisely. or 2,204.6 pounds. Dollars are current U.S. dollars unless other- The cutoff date for all data in the World Devel- wise specified. opment Indicators is April 30, 1991. Growth rates are based on constant price data Historical data in this Report may differ from and, unless otherwise noted, have been computed those in previous editions because of continuous with the use of the least-squares method. See the updating as better data become available, because technical note to the World Development Indica- of a change to a new base year for constant price tors for details of this method. data, and because of changes in country composi- The symbol / in dates, as in "1988/89," means tion in income and analytical groups. that the period of time may be less than two years Economic and demographic terms are defined in the but straddles two calendar years and refers to a technical note to the World Development crop year, a survey year, or a fiscal year. Indicators. xl' Overview Development is the most important challenge fac- The processes driving economic development ing the human race. Despite the vast opportunities are by no means fully understood. But much can created by the technological revolutions of the be learned from experience. History shows, above twentieth century, more than 1 billion people, one- all, that economic policies and institutions are cru- fifth of the world's population, live on less than cial. This is encouraging, because it implies that one dollar a daya standard of living that Western the countries which have failed to prosper can do Europe and the United States attained two hun- better. But it is also challenging, because it obliges dred years ago. governments everywhere (not just in developing The task is daunting, but by no means hopeless. countries) as well as the multilateral agencies to During the past forty years many developing take account of the factors that have promoted de- countries have achieved progress at an impressive velopment and put them to work. pace. Many have achieved striking gains in health A central issue in development, and the princi- and education. Some have seen their average in- pal theme of the Report, is the interaction between comes rise more than fivefolda rate of progress governments and markets. This is not a question that is extraordinary by historical standards. So if of intervention versus laissez-fairea popular di- nothing else were certain, we would know that chotomy, but a false one. Competitive markets are rapid and sustained development is no hopeless the best way yet found for efficiently organizing dream, but an achievable reality. the production and distribution of goods and ser- Nonetheless, many countries have done poorly, vices. Domestic and external competition provides and in some living standards have actually fallen the incentives that unleash entrepreneurship and during the past thirty years. That is why poverty technological progress. But markets cannot oper- remains such a formidable problem and why sub- ate in a vacuumthey require a legal and regula- stantial economic progress has yet to touch mil- tory framework that only governments can pro- lions of people. The sharp contrast between suc- vide. And, at many other tasks, markets cess and failure is the starting point for World sometimes prove inadequate or fail altogether. Development Report 1991. Why have country experi- That is why governments must, for example, in- ences been so different? What must developing vest in infrastructure and provide essential ser- countries do if the productivity and well-being of vices to the poor. It is not a question of state or their people are to increase rapidly during the next market: each has a large and irreplaceable role. decade? What can the international community do A consensus is gradually forming in favor of a to spur development and alleviate poverty? These "market-friendly" approach to development. The questions are all the more pressing because nearly Report describes the various elements of this strat- 95 percent of the increase in the world's labor force egy, and their implementation in a wide variety of during the next twenty-five years will occur in the country contexts. It goes further. It stresses the developing world. complementary ways markets and governments 1 Kingdom sixty years to double its real income per person, starting in 1780. Many developing coun- Figure 1 Per capita income: selected countries tries matched the achievement within twenty in 1988 compared with the United States, years, after World War II. 1830-1988 The real income gap between the industrial countries and some developing countries, notably Thousands of dollars those in East Asia, has narrowed dramatically 20 since World War II. But the gap between the indus- trial countries and the developing countries of Switzerland other regions has widened. The 1980s were a diff i- cult decade for most countriesthough per capita income in China and India, the most populous _Japan countries, and Asia as a whole, grew substantially. France In the past quarter century, per capita income United States grew little in such countries as Argentina, Jamaica, 10 Nigeria, and Peru; in Nicaragua, Uganda, Zaire, and Zambia, it declined. Many poor countries have per capita real incomes that are much lower Greece than that of the United States at the beginning of Uruguay Chi1e the nineteenth century (Figure 1). However, the Brazil gaps between rich and poor in infant mortality and ,Thailand Algeria life expectancy have narrowed more quickly ..-China Sri Lanka thanks to the spread of medical technology, envi- Haiti Indonesia Indi!, 1080 I yZaire ronmental sanitation, better nutrition, education, 0 1830 1860 and the natural limits to achievement in such indi- 1890 1920 1950 1980 88 cators (Figure 2). Constant 1988 dollars 0 1988 PPP dollars The crucial question for the future is whether national and international policies will permit the potential created by technological progress to be Note: Countries were selected on the basis of data availability Sources: For United States, World Bank data and Maddison, exploited. Sustainable development requires background paper; for other countries, Summers and Heston 1991. peace. War and its aftermath in the Middle East have cast a cloud of uncertainty over that region. Ethnic strife, civil wars, and international con- flicts, as well as natural disasters, continue to de- can pull together. If markets can work well, and stroy the fragile base of development in many are allowed to, there can be a substantial economic parts of the world. By conservative estimates, gain. If markets fail, and governments intervene wars have been directly responsible for 20 million cautiously and judiciously in response, there is a deaths since 1950. That includes more than 12 mil- further gain. But if the two are brought together, lion deaths from civil wars in the developing the evidence suggests that the whole is greater world. Far and away, the most important cause of than the sum. When markets and governments famine in developing countries in recent years has have worked in harness, the results have been been not inadequate agricultural output or pov- spectacular, but when they have worked in oppo- erty, but military conflict. sition, the results have been disastrous. Rapid development also requires that economic integration expand for all. The boundaries that The world economy in transition separate national markets for goods, capital, and labor have continued to be eroded. Worldwide The technological changes of this century have en- trade has expanded by more than 6 percent a year abled countries to use their resources much more since 1950, which is more than 50 percent faster productively than ever before. Living conditions than the growth of output. Global integration in have improved beyond recognition, not just in in- trade, investment, factor flows, technology, and dustrial countries but also in most developing communication has been tying economies to- countries. The pace of this improvement has gether. But it remains to be seen whether this seemed to accelerate with time. It took the United trend will continue. 2 Increasing exposure to external influences un- doubtedly puts the developing countries at risk. Figure 2 Life expectancy at birth: High industrial-country fiscal deficits, potentially selected countries in 1985 compared with high international interest rates, weaknesses in the Japan, 1900-85 financial institutions in the United States, deterio- ration of some aspects of the financial situation in Years Japan, and protracted and inconclusive negotia- 80 tions in the Uruguay Round of trade talks will all ,Greece take their toll. But global integration in the flow of 75 : France, goods, services, capital, and labor also brings United States enormous benefits. It promotes competition and 70 SriLanka efficiency, and it gives poor countries access to ba- Japan China sic knowledge in medicine, science, and Thailand 65 engineering. Brazil Sustained development depends on global con- Algeria 60 ditions and especially on country policies. Re- Indonesia cently, countries in Eastern Europe embarked on India ambitious programs of economic reform, The So- 55 viet Union grappled with difficulties of economic Bolivia and political transformation. A number of devel- 50 oping countries initiated policy improvements Uganda similar to the earlier ones elsewhere. Democracy 45 Senegal swept through Eastern Europe as well as parts of the developing world. 40 I I II The staff of the World Bank has made projec- 1900 1920 1940 1960 198085 tions for the world economy in the 1990s. If there Note: Countries were selected on the basis ot data availability. are no major adverse shocks and generally good Sources: World Bank data; United Nations 1991. policies, average per capita real incomes in the in- dustrial countries might grow by about 2.5 percent a year (Table 1). This could be achieved with an inflation rate of 3-4 percent and a real interest rate of about 3 percent. If world trade expands more (for example, substantially lower growth rates in than 5 percent a year and recent policy reforms industrial countries) are plausible, but not likely, continue and are consolidated, per capita real in- particularly during a period as long as a decade. comes in the developing countries might grow by Country studies which support these projec- roughly 3 percent a year. Better or worse external tions suggest that, under more vigorous and com- conditions could raise or lower this outcome by prehensive reforms, the developing countries' 0.5-1.0 percentage point. More extreme scenarios long-term income growth could be improved by Table 1 Growth of real GD? per capita, 1965-2000 (average annual percentage change, unless noted) Population, Projection 1989 for Group (millions) 1965-73 1973-80 1980-89 19Osa Industrial countries 773 3.7 2.3 2.3 1.8-2.5 Developing countries 4,053 3.9 2.5 1.6 2.2-2.9 Sub-Saharan Africa 480 2.1 0.4 1.2 0.3-0.5 East Asia 1,552 5.3 4.9 6.2 4.2-5.3 South Asia 1,131 1.2 1.7 3.0 2.1-2.6 Europe, Middle East, and North Africa 433 5.8 1.9 0.4 1.4-1.8 Latin America and the Caribbean 421 3.8 2.5 0.4 1.3-2.0 Developing countries weighted by populationb 4,053 3.0 2.4 2.9 2.7-3.2 Projected on the basis of the two main scenarios (baseline and downside) discussed in Chapter 1. Using population shares as weights when aggregating GDP growth across countries. Sources: World Bank data and World Bank 1991a. 3 1.5-2 percentage pointson average, about twice As the importance of openness and competition the improvement from better external conditions. has been realized, the conviction has grown that What, in detail, those reforms might be is the sub- they are insufficient by themselves. Investing in ject of the body of the Report. These projections people, if done right, provides the firmest founda- also contain a warning: if recent reforms are re- tion for lasting development. And the proper eco- versed, the outcome might easily be much worse. nomic role of government is larger than merely standing in for markets if they fail to work well. In Paths to development defining and protecting property rights, providing effective legal, judicial, and regulatory systems, The challenge of development, in the broadest improving the efficiency of the civil service, and sense, is to improve the quality of life. Especially protecting the environment, the state forms the in the world's poor countries, a better quality of very core of development. Political and civil liber- life generally calls for higher incomesbut it in- ties are not, contrary to a once-popular view, in- volves much more. It encompasses, as ends in consistent with economic growth. themselves, better education, higher standards of As a matter of arithmetic, the growth of output can health and nutrition, less poverty, a cleaner envi- be accounted for as the growth of capital and labor ronment, more equality of opportunity, greater in- and changes in the productivity of those inputs. Pro- dividual freedom, and a richer cultural life. This ductivity has grown much more slowly in develop- Report is concerned primarily with economic de- ing countries than in industrial countries. In the velopment, in itself a broad idea. Any notion of nearly seventy countries examined for the Report, strictly economic progress must, at a minimum, changes in the use of capital made a large contribu- look beyond growth in per capita incomes to the tion to changes in output. But the key to explaining reduction of poverty and greater equity, to prog- the differences in the growth of output from country ress in education, health, and nutrition, and to the to country is the growth of productivity. protection of the environment. Growing productivity is the engine of develop- Thinking on development has shifted repeat- ment. But what drives productivity? The answer is edly during the past forty years. Progress has not technological progress, which is in turn influenced moved along a straight line from darkness to light. by history, culture, education, institutions, and Instead there have been successes and failures, policies for openness in developing and industrial and a gradual accumulation of knowledge and in- countries. Technology is diffused through invest- sight. On some matters, a fairly clear understand- ment in physical and human capital and through ing has emerged, but many questions still remain trade. Strong evidence links productivity to invest- contentious and unanswered. ments in human capital and the quality of the eco- Climate, culture, and natural resources were nomic environmentespecially the extent to once thought to be the keys to economic develop- which markets are distorted. ment. Rapid industrialization, using explicit and The Report looks at several indexes of market implicit taxes on agriculture to fund industrial in- distortion, such as the parallel-market premium vestment, was for many years a much-favored on the exchange of foreign currency and restric- strategy. After the Great Depression and through tions on trade. Far more economies have had se- the 1960s, most policymakers favored import sub- verely distorted price systems than only mod- stitution combined with fostering infant indus- erately or slightly distorted ones. Most of the tries. In its day this view was endorsed, and the countries with severely distorted prices did poorly strategy supported, by external aid and finance in output growth and productivity. At the oppo- agencies. site extreme, the few economies that had relatively These views have not stood the test of time. undistorted price systems did well. In the middle Now there is clearer evidence, from both develop- the results are more ambiguous: some economies ing and industrial countries, that it is better not to were successful, but others did much less well. In ask governments to manage development in de- general, a relatively undistorted price system, tail. Discriminatory taxes on agriculture have al- other things being equal, has a better chance of most always turned out to be taxes on growth. promoting growth than a heavily distorted one. A Economic isolation behind trade barriers has range of evidence also suggests what can be proved costly. Retarding competition and interfer- gained by reducing interventions in the market. ing with prices, deliberately or accidentally, have For instance, various degrees of reforms in Chile, very often proved counterproductive. China, Ghana, India, Indonesia, the Republic of 4 Korea, Mexico, Morocco, and Turkey during the 1980s were generally followed by improvements in Figure 3 Policy distortion, education, economic performance. and growth in GDP; sixty developing Is this view really consistent with the remark- economies, 1965-87 able achievements of the East Asian economies, or with the earlier achievements of Japan? Why, in these economies, were interventions in the market such as infant-industry protection and credit sub- sidies associated with success, not failure? First, these governments disciplined their interventions GDP with international and domestic competition. This growth meant that interventions had to be carried out (percent) competently, pragmatically, and flexibly; if one A failed, it was likely to be removed. Instead of re- sisting market competition, governments tried to anticipate itand when they were proved wrong, they were quick to undo the harm. Second, these governments, on the whole, were careful to en- sure that intervention did not end up distorting High education relative prices unduly: in trade, they successfully neutralized the bias against exports that is usually Low a by-product of protection. Third, their interven- education High1 Low tion was more moderate than in most other devel- distortion distortion oping countries. In that respect, these economies refute the case for thoroughgoing dirigisme as con- Note: High distortion reflects a foreign exchange premium of more than 30 percent; low distortion, a premium of 30 percent or less. vincingly as they refute the case for laissez-faire. Education is measured by the average years of schooling, excluding In several respects, government intervention is postsecondary schooling, of the population age fifteen to sixty-four. High education is defined here as more than 3.5 years; low essential for development. What then are the con- education, 3.5 years or less. For the derivation of data, see Table 2.4. ditions under which government intervention is Sources: International Currency Analysis, Inc., various years; likely to help, rather than hinder? Economic the- World Bank data. ory and practical experience suggest that interven- tions are likely to help provided they are market- friendly. That means: Intervene reluctantly. Let markets work unless it is demonstrably better to step in. Certain actions cial discretion. Prefer, for example, tariffs to quan- involving public goods readily pass this test in titative controls. principle because the private sector does not usu- The complementarity of a sound policy climate ally carry them out: spending on basic education, and market-friendly interventions is one of the infrastructure, the relief of poverty, population most encouraging lessons of development experi- control, and environmental protection. Certain ence. Analysis suggests, for example, that there other actions usually fail the test. For instance, it is may be an interaction between different forms of usually a mistake for the state to carry out physical investment (human, physical, and infrastructure) production, or to protect the domestic production and the quality of policies (Figure 3). Among a of a good that can be imported more cheaply and sample of sixty developing economies during the whose local production offers few spillover period 1965-87, those with distorted policies and a benefits. low level of education grew, on the average, by 3.1 Apply checks and balances. Put interventions percent a year. The economies that had either continually to the discipline of the international higher levels of education or fewer policy distor- and domestic markets. The Republic of Korea tions did better, growing at 3.8 percent a year. But withdrew its support for the heavy chemicals in- the countries that had boththat is, a higher level dustry when market performance showed that the of education and fewer distortionsgrew at 5.5 policy was failing. percent a year. There also seems to be such a corn- Intervene openly. Make interventions simple, plementarity between increasing physical capital transparent, and subject to rules rather than offi- and economic policies. This research does not by 5 Figure 4 The interactions in a market-friendly strategy for development Investment in people (Chapter 3) Gains from trade Competitive Global microeconomy linkages (Chapter 4) (Chapter 5) Ability to attract foreign investment > Stable macroeconomy (Chapter 6)_,,/ itself show causation, but it suggests that the re- Investing in people suits from moving forward on several fronts at once can be exceptionally good. The economic returns from public and private in- vestments in people are often extremely high. Elements of a market-friendly approach Markets in developing countries cannot generally be relied upon to provide peopleespecially the The Report looks at the relation between govern- poorestwith adequate education (especially pri- ments and markets under four broad headings: mary education), health care, nutrition, and family human development, the domestic economy, the planning services. international economy, and macroeconomic poi- Rapid population growth is a crucial concern in icy. These areas of activity are interrelated. A rela- some countries such as Bangladesh and in some tively undistorted domestic economy rewards parts of the world such as the Sahel. The growth those who build up their human capital more gen- of the population typically slows as people's edu- erously than does a distorted one; at the same cation and incomes grow and they move to cities. time, education makes the domestic economy Yet in many countries, investments in education, more productive by speeding the adoption of new health, and family planning have been necessary, technology. To take another example, a stable mac- in addition to income growth, to reduce fertility roeconomy helps the domestic price system be- and slow the pace of population growth. Effective cause it clears away the fog of inflation. But micro- family planning programs have informed people economic efficiency also makes it easier to keep of the private and social costs of high fertility, en- inflation low: with fewer unviable enterprises, couraged couples to reduce family size, and there will be less need for subsidies to swell the helped to meet the demand for contraceptives. public sector deficit. All four sets of actions are Such programs have worked best in countries that worth doing in their own right. But because of have also instituted policies to improve education such linkages, the results will probably be dispro- for women and increase their opportunities for portionately strong if done together (see Figure 4). work in the modern sector. 6 Many governments are investing far too little in price controlsall of which weaken the forces of human development. In Brazil and Pakistan rapid competitionhave held back technological change growth alone was insufficient to improve the social and the growth of productivity. indicators substantially. In Chile and Jamaica, Examples of such restrictions at various times however, these indicators improved even in pe- include Argentina's policy of favoring incumbent riods of slow growth. Among low-income coun- firms for new industrial investment; barriers to en- tries, Guinea and Sri Lanka have the same per try or exit in many African countries, China, India, capita income, but average life expectancy is some and Eastern Europe; sheltered national markets two-thirds longer in Sri Lanka. Among middle- for parts of Europe's computer industry; extensive income countries, Brazil and Uruguay have similar price regulations in Brazil, the Arab Republic of per capita incomes, but infant mortality is two- Egypt, and Indonesia; capacity licensing in India thirds lower in Uruguay. By some estimates and Pakistan; and state control of selected indus- Shanghai has a lower infant mortality rate and tries in almost all developing countries. When reg- longer life expectancy than New York City. ulatory reforms to correct the obstacles have been In addition to increasing the quantity of human undertakenas in Ghana, India, Indonesia, and investment, governments must improve its qual- recently many other countriesthey have paid off. ity. Too often, capital investments go forward with An efficient domestic economy also requires inadequate provision for the recurrent expendi- public goods of correspondingly high quality. tures they entail, which results in wasteful under- These include, most fundamentally, a regulatory utilization. And expenditures are frequently framework to ensure competition, and legal and poorly targeted and involve a great deal of leak- property rights that are both clearly defined and ages. There is a need to reduce heavy subsidies for conscientiously protected. It also requires invest- higher education and to spend much more on pri- ment in infrastructure, such as irrigation and mary education, from which the returns are rela- feeder roads, which have proven to provide high tively higher. The case for a similar switch in returns. The returns from research and develop- spending from expensive curative health care sys- ment in agriculture, for instance, can be extremely tems to primary systems is also strong. high: witness maize in Peru, rubber in Malaysia, More care is required to ensure that public pro- wheat in Chile and Pakistan, and cotton in Brazil. grams reach their intended beneficiaries. Exam- Domestic policy should confront entrepreneurs ples of well-designed and well-targeted social ex- with the information that is embodied in prices, penditures include a program to increase primary and it should then equip them (by means of invest- school enrollment in Peru; the provision of rural ments in infrastructure and institutions) to health facilities in the state of Kerala in India; ef- respond. A detailed study of the World Bank's forts to reduce infant mortality in Malaysia; and investment projects in developing countries con- health programs to raise life expectancy in Chile, firms that market incentives work. The rate of re- China, and Costa Rica. There are useful oppor- turn to public and private sector projects imple- tunities for partnership with the private sector. In- mented under policies that do little to distort volving the private sector permits services to be prices is consistently higher than under policies delivered more effectively, as in the cases of educa- that result in more distortions (Figure 5). A sub- tion in Kenya, the Philippines, and Zimbabwe; stantial improvement in policy is associated with a and of health care in Rwanda and Zambia. 5-10 percentage point increase in the rate of return for projects, or a 50-100 percent increase on aver- The climate for enterprise age. Also evident are the general positive effects of institution-building and investing in infrastructure Domestic and external competition has very often on returns from projects. Again, this confirms that spurred innovation, the diffusion of technology, good policies and investments (including external and an efficient use of resources. Japan, the financing) are complementary. Republic of Korea, Singapore, the United States, and Europe's most successful economies have all Integration with the global economy established global competitive advantage through the rigors of competition. Conversely, systems of When international flows of goods, services, capi- industrial licensing, restrictions on entry and exit, tal, labor, and technology have expanded quickly, inappropriate legal codes concerning bankruptcy the pace of economic advance has been rapid. and employment, inadequate property rights, and Openness to trade, investment, and ideas has 7 to investment and to trade in goods and services. Nontariff barriers, which are especially distorting, Figure 5 Rates of return for projects financed by the World Bank and the IFC under need to be phased out, and tariffs reduced, often different policies and conditions substantially. Governments also need to play a more positive Economic rate of return (percent) role. To get the most out of technology transfer, 20 appropriate education and on-the-job training will be required. As in Japan and the Republic of Ko- rea, government agencies and industry associa- tions can collaborate to gather and disseminate in- 15 formation on technology, and to help develop quality control for exports. Governments in the industrial countries have a 10 responsibilityif not to the developing world, \\ then to their own peopleto grant exporters in the developing countries access to their markets. Without such access, reforms in the developing countries may go to waste. For several decades, the industrial countries had been reducing their tariffs; in the 1980s, however, nontariff barriers were steadily raised. Between 1966 and 1986, the share of imports to countries that belong to the Trade Foreign Fiscal Organisation for Economic Co-operation and De- restrictions exchange deficit velopment (OECD) that were affected by nontariff premium measures is estimated to have doubled. In 1986, 0 High 0 Moderate 0 Low more than 20 percent of imports from the develop- ing countries were covered by "hard-core" mea- sures alone. Freeing trade within regionsas in Note: Calculated for 1,200 public and private projects. A high the case of Europe's Project 1992, the United foreign exchange premium is more than 200 percent; moderate, 20-200 percent: low, less than 20 percent. A high fiscal deficit is States-Canada Free Trade Agreement of 1989, and more than 8 percent of GNP; moderate, 4-8 percent; low, less than 4 the proposed free trade agreement for Canada, percent. For explanation of trade restrictions, see the technical note for Chapter 4 at the end of the main text. Mexico, and the United Statesis beneficial. But it Source: World Bank data. remains to be seen whether regional blocs will support or hinder the goal of a more open global trading system. At any rate, a renewed commit- ment to the General Agreement on Tariffs and been critical in encouraging domestic producers to Trade (GATT), together with a greater willingness cut costs by introducing new technologies and to by all countries to undertake unilateral trade re- develop new and better products. A high level of form, is highly desirable. protection for domestic industry, conversely, has held development back by decades in many The macroeconomic foundation places. The effect of import competition on firms in, for instance, Chile and Turkey, and the effect of A stable macroeconomic foundation is one of the greater competition in export markets on firms in most important public goods that governments Brazil, Japan, and the Republic of Korea confirm can provide. Experience shows that when govern- the decisive contribution to efficiency that the ex- ment spending has expanded too far, the result ternal economy can make. has often been large deficits, excessive borrowing The international flow of technology has taken or monetary expansion, and problems in the fi- many forms: foreign investment; foreign educa- nancial sector, which have been quickly followed tion; technical assistance; the licensing of patented by inflation, chronic overvaluation of the currency, processes; the transmission of knowledge through and loss of export competitiveness. Excessive bor- labor flows and exposure to foreign goods mar- rowing can also lead to domestic and external debt kets; and technology embodied in imports of capi- problems, and to the crowding out of private in- tal, equipment, and intermediate inputs. Policies vestment. Restoring the confidence of the private to promote these flows include greater openness sector is now a basic aspect of efforts to spur re- 8 newed growth and generate employment in sev- most promise, suggests a reappraisal of the respec- eral countries with a history of macroeconomic in- tive roles for the market and the state. Put simply, stability, including Argentina, Bolivia, Côte governments need to do less in those areas where d'Ivoire, and Ghana. markets work, or can be made to work, reasonably Fiscal and financial instability have sometimes well. In many countries, it would help to privatize been partly inflicted on governments by external many of the state-owned enterprises. Govern- eventsor by internal shocks such as civil wars or ments need to let domestic and international com- natural disasters. But governments can choose petition flourish. At the same time, governments how to respond to such pressures. In such coun- need to do more in those areas where markets tries as Côte d'Ivoire, Mexico, Kenya, and Nigeria, alone cannot be relied upon. Above all, this means the response to a temporary economic upswing investing in education, health, nutrition, family was an unsustainable increase in public spending. planning, and poverty alleviation; building social, Countries such as Botswana, Chile, Colombia, In- physical, administrative, regulatory, and legal in- donesia, the Republic of Korea, Malaysia, frastructure of better quality; mobilizing the re- Mauritius, and Thailand have managed to keep sources to finance public expenditures; and pro- their macroeconomic policies on course, and their viding a stable macroeconomic foundation, broader economic performance has benefited ac- without which little can be achieved. cordingly. Government intervention to protect the envi- A government can maintain a prudent fiscal pol- ronment is necessary for sustainable develop- icy by looking carefully at the division of economic ment. Industrial countries as well as developing tasks between the government and the private sec- countries face serious problems of environmental tor. That, as the Report argues, is desirable in any degradation. In addition to air and water pollu- case. In reappraising their spending priorities, im- tion, sustained development is threatened by the plementing tax reform, reforming the financial sec- depletion of forests, soil, village ponds, and pas- tor, privatizing state-owned enterprises, and using tures. Appropriate policies include proper pricing charges to recover the cost of some state-provided of resources, clearer property rights and resource services, governments can meet the goals of micro- ownership, taxes and controls on pollution, and economic efficiency and macroeconomic stability investment in production alternatives. The experi- at the same time. ence of many countries suggests that market re- Developing countries are also affected by the forms can also help to protect the environment. macroeconomic policies of the industrial countries, But specific environmental actions are needed. especially when these policies reduce the supply Finding the least costly way to confront environ- of global savings relative to their demand and raise mental ills is a high priority. real interest rates. An adequate supply of external What might prevent a realignment of the roles of capital (concessional and nonconcessional) is es- state and market? Will the political and social sentialwhich calls for strong efforts by the World structures permit it to be implemented? Is it more Bank and other multilateral agencies, as well as or less likely to go forward under governments bilateral sources. The decline in voluntary private that are accountable to their people and that de- lending to developing countries needs to be re- fend political and civil liberties? It has often been versed. The debt crisis remains an obstacle to argued that a democratic polity makes economic growth. Overcoming it requires the implementa- development more difficult to achieve. Reform al- tion of comprehensive adjustment programs and most always comes at the expense of certain return to regular creditworthiness; expanding the vested interests, and macroeconomic stabilization number of countries covered by commercial-debt usually means at least a temporary rise in unem- and debt-service reduction; more concessional re- ployment. The claim is that only authoritarian gov- scheduling for the poorest debtor countries; ex- ernments can make the hard choices. pansion of debt forgiveness and deepening the This is patently false. The evidence from large concessionality of other debt relief measures by samples of countries does not go so far as to show official bilateral lenders; and an increase in equity that individual freedoms by themselves spur eco- and quasi-equity investment. nomic growth, but it offers no support at all for the view that they hold growth back. Neither does it Rethinking the state endorse the notion that authoritarian govern- ments, on average, show greater promise for The approach to development that seems to have achieving rapid growth. And looking beyond worked most reliably, and which seems to offer growth to the other elements of economic develop- 9 ment, the lesson of experience is even less equivo- base of political support for difficult changes. But cal: political freedoms, and civil libertiessuch as caution is needed. Redistribution through distort- a free press and the free flow of information ing prices (such as subsidized credit) can be dam- seem to be associated with progress in health and aging, and the benefits in any case often go to the education in large groups of countries. less needy. Many of the policies recommended in The interactions between political systems and this Report would tilt the distribution of income in economic policies are complex. Clearly, economic favor of the poor. Reducing trade protection gener- policies are not chosen in a vacuum. All but the ally promotes exports and raises the incomes of most repressive governments need to retain a the poor by supporting labor-intensive activities, measure of popular support for their actions. Of- for instance, as does spending more on primary ten this support has been bought with an assort- education and preventive health care, improving ment of damaging policy interventions (such as the functioning of labor markets, and enhancing high tariffs, currency overvaluation, and industrial labor mobility. Some countries could improve eq- licensing) as well as corruption and wasteful pub- uity by reforming their highly regressive tax sys- lic spending. Military spending remains high in tems. Land reform can also be beneficial, as in many industrial as well as developing countries. China, Japan, and the Republic of Korea, although Among the latter, it is well in excess of the com- its feasibility in many other countries has been bined public expenditures on education and health questioned. Subsidies, targeted to the poor, for the in many countries such as Angola, Chad, Iraq, the consumption of basic food, may be needed. Every- Democratic People's Republic of Korea, Uganda, where, well-designed safety nets are essential to or Zaire. Insecure authoritarian governments have protect the most vulnerable from the short-term been at least as prone as democratic ones to go costs of reform. down this path. At the end of it, all too often, lies The speed and sequencing of policy reform have an economic and political crisis that sets develop- often been decisive. Again, it is hazardous to gen- ment back years. eralize. Swift reforms may help to neutralize the Many countries have suffered a vicious circle of resistance of interest groups opposed to change; or harmful interventions that entrench special inter- more gradual reforms may allow time to address ests and lead to rent-seeking and the "capture" of their concerns. But countries such as Ghana, Indo- the state. Governments sometimes intervene in nesia, the Republic of Korea, Mexico, and Turkey the market to address political instability and other seem to show that packages of comprehensive re- political constraints. But the result is that all too form, with at least some bold changes made at the often, the combination of pervasive distortions start of the program, are more likely to succeed. and predatory states leads to development disas- Comprehensive reforms can make heavy demands ters. Reversing this process requires political will on the administrative capacity of governments. and a political commitment to development. Im- Some argue that moving too quickly can raise un- plementing the economic reforms considered in employment, skew the distribution of income, and this Report is one way to confront the political promote the overrapid depletion of natural re- constraints on development. sources. But the social cost of failing to reform can Reform must look at institutions. The establish- be very great, as Argentina, Côte d'Ivoire, Peru, ment of a well-functioning legal system and judici- and Eastern Europe all found out in the 1980s. ary, and of secure property rights, is an essential Swift and comprehensive reforms, with measures complement to economic reforms. Reform of the to reduce poverty and protect the environment di- public sector is a priority in many countries. That rectly, will usually be the right way forward. includes civil service reform, rationalizing public expenditures, reforming state-owned enterprises, Priorities for action and privatization. Related economic reforms in- clude better delivery of public goods, supervision The recent slowdown in many industrial countries of banks, and legislation for financial develop- and renewed economic uncertainty have cast a ment. Strengthening these institutions will in- cloud over the global prospects for development. crease the quality of governance and the capacity The task is formidable: for many of the world's of the state to implement development policy and poorest countries, decades of rapid growth will be enable society to establish checks and balances. needed to make inroads on poverty. And priorities Experience also suggests that a relatively equita- and constraints vary widely across countries at dif- ble distribution of income and assets broadens the ferent stages of development. Yet the opportunity 10 for rapid development is greater today than at any But the developing countries' prospects are time in history. International links, in the form of principally in their own hands. Domestic reforms trade and flows of information, investment and ensure the benefits of better external conditions. technology, are stronger now than forty years ago. The developing countries need to Medicine, science, and engineering have all made Invest in people. Governments must spend great strides; the benefits are available worldwide. more, and more efficiently, on primary education, And policymakers have a better understanding basic health care, nutrition, and family planning. than before of the options for development. That requires shifts in spending priorities; greater To seize this opportunity, industrial countries, efficiency and better targeting of expenditures, developing countries, and external aid and lend- and in some cases greater resource mobilization. ing agencies need to act. The industrial countries Improve the climate for enterprise. Govern- need to ments need to intervene less in industrial and agri- Roll back restrictions on trade. The Uruguay cultural pricing, to deregulate restrictions to entry Round of trade talks must not be allowed to fail. and exit, and to focus instead on ensuring ade- Nontariff barriers to trade need to be dismantled. quate infrastructure and institutions. Developing countries would benefit from being Open economies to international trade and in- granted unrestricted access to industrial-country vestment. This calls for far fewer nontariff restric- marketssome $55 billion in additional export tions on trade and investments, substantially earnings, or as much as they receive in aid. lower tariffs, and a decisive move away from dis- Reform macroeconomic policy. Reduced fiscal cretionary forms of control. deficits, stable financial systems, stable currencies, Get macroeconomic policy right. Macro- low and stable interest rates, and steady non- economic policy needs to ensure that fiscal deficits inflationary growth would transform the climate are low and inflation kept in check. Appropriate, for development in the rest of the world. market-based incentives for saving and invest- ment are essential if domestic resources are to play The industrial countries and multilateral agencies, their essential part in financing development. including the World Bank can strengthen develop- ment prospects by enhancing the quantity and In each of these areas, the challenge to policy- quality of external financial assistance. They need makers is to exploit the complementarities be- to tween state and market. They can transform the outlook for economic development by having the Increase financial support. More external fi- state intervene less where it may (for example, in nancing, both concessional and nonconcessional, production), and more where it must (for example, would greatly strengthen the development effort. in environmental protection), by strengthening in- Many developing countries continue to struggle stitutions and capabilities, by finding nondistor- with heavy burdens of external debt. Further tionary ways to promote equity, and by fostering progress in extending debt relief to the middle- checks and balances in governments. and low-income countries is needed. Support policy reform. Additional financing will be far more effective when it supports sound domestic policies. Experience shows that it pays Succeeding in development is indeed the most lenders and borrowers alike to ensure that invest- pressing of all the challenges that now confront ments and market-friendly policies go together. the human race. Incomplete though our under- Encourage sustainable growth. The global standing still is, enough has been learned in the community has a great responsibility to take com- past forty years to point the way. Strategies in mon action to protect the earth's environment, which governments support rather than supplant and to support the control of environmental deg- competitive markets offer the best hope for meet- radation in developing countries. ing the challenge of development. 11 The world economy in transition Radical change is under way in the global econ- for any country's economic development is its omy. Recently more than a dozen countries have own approach to economic policies and institu- launched major economic reforms. Democracy has tions. But global economic conditions are impor- swept Eastern Europe and is making inroads in the tant. So whereas the rest of this Report is largely developing world. The European Community has about what countries themselves can do to im- moved closer to political and economic union. If prove their performance, this chapter looks at the these events are cause for optimism, others are global context in which those actions will be cast. not. War in the Middle East, increasing difficulties In some ways the international economy will be with the Soviet Union's economic transition, and unfavorable to development in the coming decade. slowing world growth have been setbacks. Interest rates may remain high, and growth is This Report will show that what matters most likely to remain slow worldwide. No early end to the debt crisis is in sightnor is any substantial resumption in North-South capital flows. The need to protect the environment poses an addi- tional challenge. Yet there are also favorable signs Figure 1.1 Periods during which output per person doubled, selected countries for development. Real reform is being carried out in Eastern Europe. Ghana, Indonesia, Mexico, and other countries are striving to sustain their earlier Years programs of reform; Peru, Tanzania, and Viet 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 Nam, for example, have embarked on new ones. If United Kingdom, more countries do the sameand if their actions 1780-1838 find support in greater openness in international United States, 1839-86 trade and financerapid progress is indeed possible. Japan, 1885-1919 Turkey, 1857-77 The long view Brazil, 1961-79 Economic history shows that it is possible for Rep. of Korea, countries to develop rapidly and indeed that for 1966-77 many countries the pace of change has acceler- China, 1977-87 ated. It shows at the same time that many coun- tries have developed very slowly, if at all. The key to development, clearly, is to understand why the Note: For the rationale for the choice of periods, see the technical range of experience has been so wide. note at the end of the main text. Sources: For United Kingdom, Crafts 1981; for Japan, Maddison The time required for substantial changes in the 1989; for others, World Bank data. quality of life has shrunk steadily over the centu- ries (Figure 1.1). Beginning in 1780, the United 12 Kingdom took fifty-eight years to double its output per person. Starting in 1839, the United States Figure 1.2 Gains in life expectancy, selected took forty-seven years. Starting in the 1880s, Japan countries and periods did it in only thirty-four years. After World War II, many countries doubled their per capita output Average years gained per decade even faster than Japan: for example, Brazil in eigh- 8 teen years, Indonesia in seventeen, the Republic of 1957-87 Korea in eleven, and China in ten. This change in 1946-83 1971-84 pace indicates that the industrial revolution gained momentum over a long period, whereas catching up has been a more and more rapid process. 1956-78 The pace of progress has hastened not only for 1921-46 1950-71 income and material consumption, but also for 4 1927-5 1905-56 other aspects of welfare. Many developing coun- tries have approached the life expectancies of the industrial world in a remarkably short time (Figure 1.2). These changes reflect better diet, housing conditions, and access to medical care. The latter, in turn, were possible thanks to increases in food production and distribution, growth in family in- comes, medical advances, public investments in 23 41 32 43 38 50 44 52 safe drinking water and sanitary waste disposal, India Sri Lanka Rep. of Korea Guatemala and, more recently, the development of health care systems. Note: The numbers below each bar indicate life expectancy at birth at the beginning of the period. For the rationale for the choice of Technological progress, more than any other periods, see the technical note at the end of the main text. single factor, has fueled this economic advance. Sources: Data before 1978, Gwatkin 1978; later data for all countries except India, WHO 1989; for India, United Nations 1989. Innovations have produced great strides in agri- culture, industry, and services. Famines disap- peared from Western Europe in the mid-1800s, from Eastern Europe in the 1930s, and from Asia in the 1970s. In Africa the challenge of eradicating ogy introduced by the industrial countries (see famine remains. Over time, countries have tended Chapter 2). There is evidence that this has hap- to converge with respect to some aspects of perfor- pened in the industrial countries. With interrup- mance more than others. There has been a particu- tions caused by war, the variation in their per cap- larly strong tendency toward convergence in indi- ita incomes has declined steadily over the past cators of basic health. Large falls in infant century. This convergence began with the indus- mortality have been achieved by many countries trial revolution. In the nineteenth century, Austra- even those with very low incomes. The countries lia, Canada, Japan, the United States, and Western now classified as developing have better standards Europe began to industrialize and to grow at an of basic health than the industrial countries did accelerating rate. Some other nations followed in when they were at the corresponding level of in- the early twentieth century. But by 1945, most of come. The same holds for literacy, although less the world had failed to make much progress. so. Convergence in per capita income has been Asia, the world's most populous region, has re- much more disappointing. cently begun to catch upin some cases, at a spec- Despite the dramatic progress in some coun- tacular rate. But Sub-Saharan Africa has seen its tries, the differences in per capita incomes are vast per capita incomes fall in real terms since 1973. In across countries and regions. Table 1.1 shows the 1950 the region's per capita income was 11 percent great strides that have been made in raising in- of the industrial-country average; now it is 5 per- comes around the world. But it also shows the cent. Latin America has also slipped, especially great income differences and the lack of progress since 1980. There are disparities within groups of in many parts of the world. countries, too. They are growing among the less Economic theory suggests that productivity and advanced economies as a whole, and especially in per capita incomes would converge across coun- East and South Asia. tries over time, assuming that the countries which Extraordinary progress is possible even when are now developing get access to the new technol- countries seem doomed to fail. Forty-three years 13 Table 1.1 Historical trends in GDP per capita (1980 international dollars) Growth rate Region or group 1830 1913 1950 1973 1989 1913-50 1950-89 Asia 375 510 487 1215 2,812 0.1 3.6 (40) (23) (15) (16) (28) Latin America 1,092 1,729 2,969 3,164 1.2 1.2 (49) (52) (40) (31) Sub-Saharan 348 558 513 0.8 Africa .. (11) (8) (5) Europe, Middle .. 940 2,017 2,576 2.0 East, and (29) (27) (26) North Africa Eastern 600 1,263 2,128 4,658 5,618 1.4 2.0 Europe (64) (57) (65) (63) (56) Developing 701 839 1,599 2,796 2.7 economies (32) (25) (22) (28) OECD members 935 2,220 3,298 7,396 10,104 1.1 2.3 Note: Data presented are simple averages of GDP per capita. Numbers in parentheses are regional GDP per capita as a percentage of GDP in the OECD economies. Regional groupings include only non-high-income countries. Hungary is included in Eastern Europe group, not in Europe, Middle East, and North Africa. Sources: For 1830-1965, Maddison, background paper. Data for 1950-65 for Africa and the Middle East are based on OECD; data after 1965 are based on growth rates from the World Bank data base. Benchmark values are 1980 international dollar estimates from Maddison, background paper, if available; from Summers and Heston 1984, otherwise. ago an influential government report in an impor- Using new technologies effectively has often re- tant developing country observed that labor today quired adaptation and innovation in economic in- shunned hard, productive jobs and sought easy, stitutions, and occasionally political and social in- merchant-like work. The report showed that stitutions, too. New means of transport extended workers' productivity had fallen, wages were too markets and thereby increased the division of la- high, and enterprises were inefficient and heavily bor, leading, as Adam Smith observed, to more subsidized. The country had virtually priced itself specialization: goods and labor were traded for out of international markets and faced a severe money instead of bartered, and so on. Today, cre- competitive threat from newly industrializing ating and strengthening market institutions is the China and India. It was overpopulated and becom- biggest task for the former socialist countries of ing more so. This would be the last opportunity, Europe and for many of the developing countries. concluded the prime minister in July 1947, to dis- cover whether his country would be able to stand Global integration on its own two feet or become a permanent burden for the rest of the world. That country was Japan. Trade was crucial in the spread of technology. The central question of this Report is why coun- Countries have usually developed more quickly as tries like Japan have succeeded so spectacularly part of the world economy than in isolation, al- while others have failed. though protection has stimulated growth in some instances. Historically, trade wars have retarded The setting for development global development. The Great Depression and its aftermath are per- The key to global development has been the diffu- haps the clearest example of this. The collapse of sion of technological progress. New technology the post World War I trading system did not trig- has allowed resources to be used more produc- ger the Great Depression, but it did contribute to tively, causing incomes to rise and the quality of its depth, spread, and duration. The stock market life to improve. Scientific and medical innovation crash of October 1929 caused demand and trade to has proceeded at a breathtaking pace during the slump. After the failure to reach a cooperative past two hundred years (Box 1.1). trade agreement in 1929, the United States raised 14 Box 1.1 Innovations that changed the world During the past two hundred years, a series of major duced. India doubled its average yield of wheat within scientific and technological advances have dramatically a few years after the introduction of these improve- changed the course of development. ments in 1966-67. In China, where rural reforms pro- vided added flexibility in farming practices, new grain Health and medicine varieties and farming techniques made it possible to In the nineteenth century, improved nutrition played support 22 percent of the world's population on 7 per- the lead role in increasing people's life expectancy and cent of its arable land. in reducing infant mortality rates. In this century prog- Transport, energy, and communications ress has come from the medical sciences. Jenner's smallpox vaccine (1790) opened the way for the vac- The industrial revolution in Europe began with inven- cination of cholera, typhoid, and anthrax. Pasteur es- tions that augmented labor with machinery and new tablished the relationship between microbes and im- sources of energy. After Savery's steam engine (1698) munity (1880). Half a century later came Fleming's and Newcomen's improved engine (1712), Watt's more discovery of penicillin (1929), its clinical application efficient engines (1770 and 1796) brought steam into (1941), and the development of other antibiotics. As a wide use. The production and transport of coal grew result, the morbidity rate of tuberculosis in the United quickly. Next came improvements in oil refining States, for example, declined from 79 per 100,000 in (1850s), then a method of drilling for oil. The internal 1939 to 9 in 1988. Widespread immunization programs combustion engine (1876) and the technologies for elec- have contributed to dramatically reduced infant mor- tricity generation and transmission (1886) were part of tality rates, which are estimated to have declined in the same progression, transforming old industries and low-income economies from 124 per 1,000 live births in launching new ones. Transportation was revolu- 1965 to 72 in 1985. tionized along the way, with the steamship and the locomotive (1830s), the automobile (1885), and the air- Food production plane (1903). Harbors, highways, railways, and air- Steady increases in food production in the nineteenth ports brought trade to the remotest of places. century, followed by more dramatic increases in the The telegraph (1844), telephone (1876), radio (1895), twentieth, made possible some remarkable improve- and television (1925) changed the way people interact. ments in people's nutrition. The green revolution in With the electronic computer (1924), communication the 1960s and 1970s was possible because high-yielding satellites (1960), and fiber optics (1977), information is hybrid varieties of wheat and maize, dwarf varieties of now transmitted and processed at breathtaking speed, rice, and chemical fertilizers and pesticides were intro- yet at practical cost. tariffs in the Smoot-Hawley Act of 1930. America's trade regime. Other countries followed. Expand- trading partners retaliated. World trade fell by ing agricultural markets lessened protectionist two-thirdsfrom $3 billion in October 1929 to $1 pressures, and the period from 1848 to 1873 be- billion in July 1932. Some of the contraction was came one of freer trade throughout Europe. the result of the Depression, but the hostility to- This process of international integration was ward trade caused damage that took decades to reinforced by integration within countries. In- repair. novations in transport were crucial. Accelerating The deterioration of the climate for trade in 1929 market integration, along with new manufactur- had followed a long period of peacetime market ing technologies, led to rapid increases in integration. Britain had entered the nineteenth productivity. century with an unwieldy system of tariffs and Though this shift toward international integra- customs laws accumulated over five hundred tion undoubtedly spurred development, it also ex- years. The transition to liberal trade was not easy. posed countries to external economic shocks, and High duties on grain imports (the Corn Laws) as- hence to occasional setbacks. Dramatically lower sured landlords relative prosperity, while con- freight rates for shipping appear to have caused sumers paid high prices and export-oriented man- profits and wages to fall, but wages fell less so the ufacturing was stifled. In 1845, when the potato cost of labor rose in real terms. Cheap grain from crop failed in Ireland, mass starvation followed. North America, Argentina, Australia, and the This disaster paved the way for the repeal of the Ukraine was brought to Europe. Many countries Corn Laws, and Britain moved to a more liberal raised their tariffs, on manufactures as well as 15 Figure 1.3 Per capita output growth in the OECD and developing countries and significant world events, 1918-88 Per capita output growth (percent; five-year moving average) 8 1920 1930 1940 1950 1953 1918 I 1929-39 Great Depression 1944 World War I ends; Bretton Woods conference recovery begins S S 1947 1924-26 1939-45 GATT established Return to fixed World War II exchange rates Sources: For events, Pollard 1990; for data, see the technical note at the end of the main text. food. By 1913, the average tariff on manufactures Monetary and Financial Conference of the United was 20 percent in France, 18 percent in Italy, and and Associated Nations at Bretton Woods in July 13 percent in Germany. Meanwhile, however, the 1944 set out to create "a world in which countries first great global boom in trade had pulled many did not close their eyes to the repercussions of developing, primary-product exporters along. Ar- their actions on others" (Robinson 1975). The con- gentina had grown so fast that by the 1920s its per ference led to new rules and institutions for inter- capita income was 80 percent of Britain's. national monetary and exchange relations (under Foreign trade was financed in the late nine- the International Monetary Fund), long-term capi- teenth century by a surge of foreign lending from tal flows for reconstruction and development (un- Europe, to the newly settled countries of the tem- der the World Bank), and international trade perate zones and to czarist Russia. Technological (eventually embodied in the General Agreement breakthroughs in chemicals, electrical products, on Tariffs and Trade, GATT). Even before these and automobilessometimes called a second in- institutions were fully operational, the Marshall dustrial revolutionadded new products sought Plan supported postwar reconstruction in Western in import markets. British foreign lending in 1913 Europe; productivity missions from the United reached half of national saving and 5 percent of States toured Europe and Japan, helping to de- national income. World War I cost continental Eu- velop trade relations and to spread information on rope much of its productive labor power and phys- technology. ical capital (Figure 1.3). Farm output had ex- The Soviet Union decided not to join the Bretton panded significantly outside Europe during the Woods framework and formed a parallel interna- war. So the gradual recovery of European agricul- tional system. Eastern European nations nation- ture lowered prices after 1925. Prices collapsed af- alized their economies and adopted Soviet-style ter the October 1929 crash. The period from 1918 to central planning. The Council for Mutual Eco- 1925 was one of great instability in exchange rates, nomic Assistance (CMEA) was set up to coordi- tariffs, trade agreements, and regulations. nate their economic activities. The Great Depression and World War II shat- The Marshall Plan sponsored the formation of tered the global economy and badly shook the con- the European Payments Union, creating the insti- fidence of the developing countries, especially in tutional basis for free trade within Western Eu- Latin America, in trade as an engine of growth. rope. The GATT spurred the move toward broader The need for international agreements on trade multilateral trade agreements. The formation of and currencies was greater than ever before. The the European Economic Community (EEC) in 16 4 OECD- Developing countries Developing countries excluding China and India -4 1953 1960 1970 1980 1988 S 1957 1971 European Economic 1964-67 United States ends 1981- Community formed Kennedy Round gold convertibility International debt crisis 1960 of GAfl 1973 1979 First oil Second oil 1986- Decolonization of Africa accelerates price shock price shock Uruguay Round of GATT 1957, the formation of the OECD, and successive output is less than 20 percent; their share in world rounds of GATT agreements all pushed the same trade is 17 percent. As a group, these economies way. Investment in Europe and Japan increased to still have a long way to go before they are fully record levels as these countries sought to catch up integrated with the global economy. technologically with the United States. Economic growth between World War II and the early 1970s was faster than ever before. The developing coun- tries, many of which were newly created nations, joined this growing global system but with vary- ing degrees of commitment. East Asia embraced Figure 1.4 The share of exports in GDP, trade with enthusiasm; South Asia, Africa, and selected country groups, 1900-86 (percent) Latin America were more reluctant. After supporting unprecedented growth in 25 trade and global integration for nearly three de- cades (Figure 1.4), the international framework shifted in the 1970s. Fixed exchange rates became Latin America insupportable, and the United States suspended the convertibility of the dollar in 1971. In 1973 EEC OECD governments floated major European currencies. The shock induced by the decision of the members of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Coun- tries (OPEC) to raise oil prices disrupted interna- World tional trade and capital flows. The trade system 5 came under great stress. A slide toward protection began that still threatens the liberal trading order Asia___________________ established after 1945. 0 That is the background against which the gov- 1900 1915 1930 1945 1960 1975 1990 ernments of developing countries must choose Note: Export share in GDP can be viewed as a proxy for integration. their trade policies. Today more than 4 billion peo- GDP data are in international dollars; exports in U.s. dollars. ple, or nearly 80 percent of the world's population, Source: Maddison 1989. live in developing countries. Their share in global 17 The global effect of shocks tees. The productivity of investment in low- and middle-income countries may have fallen by a Despite the revival of protectionism since the third between the 1960s and the 1970s. Their exter- 1970s, the world economy remains highly inte- nal debt grew from $63 billion in 1970 to $562 bil- grated. This, as history has shown, exposes coun- lion in 1980. tries to external shocks. The shocks of the 1970s The debt crisis emerged as the world recession, and 1980s have been severe. The collapse of the high real interest rates, and terms of trade shocks Bretton Woods system, sharp rises in food and of the early 1980s caused acute debt-servicing other commodity prices, and soaring oil prices in problems for severely indebted nations. Interest 1973-74 and 1979-80 affected nearly every econ- payments owed by the developing countries grew omy. In the aftermath of the second oil price 40 percent during the period 1980-83 to $64 billion. shock, the United States adopted a mix of mone- That was about 3.2 percent of their GNP, com- tary and fiscal policies in the early 1980s that pared with less than 1 percent only a few years pushed interest rates high worldwide. For oil-im- earlier. Mexico declared a debt moratorium in porting developing countries, the scale of the 1982. Many other countries were forced into debt shocks of the 1970s varied, but in most was less restructuring agreements with official creditors than 10 percent of GDP. However, the terms of and commercial banks. By 1982, commercial banks trade and interest rate effects grew in the 1980s. In had virtually ended their voluntary lending to Sub-Saharan Africa and Latin America the com- most developing countries. Aggregate net finan- bined effects were estimated to average more than cial transfers to developing nations (disburse- 10 percent of GDPlarger than in other develop- ments of long-term loans minus total debt service) ing regions. swung from a net inflow of $36 billion in 1981 to a Although policies in the industrial countries net outflow of $30 billion in 1989. In severely in- contributed to the quick recovery from the reces- debted countries, investment fell sharply; this sion after the 1973-74 oil price shock, they also led weakened the recovery when the international en- to high rates of inflation later in the decade. Many vironment later improved. In the 1980s, real GDP industrial countries followed an accommodating growth slowed in Sub-Saharan Africa, Latin monetary policy which resulted in low and, in America, and the Middle East, North Africa, and some countries, even negative real interest rates Eastern Europe (Figure 1.5). during the 1970s. Large international capital flows Economic growth accelerated in the industrial resulted from the recycling of surpluses of oil ex- countries in the second half of the 1980s. Less reg- porters. But the upswing came to an abrupt halt ulation and lower taxes, combined with the falling with the second oil price shock in 1979-80 and the price of oil in 1986, expansionary monetary poli- sharp tightening of monetary policy in the large cies, and greater policy cooperation, led to in- industrial countries. Between the late 1970s and creased activity. Low inflation, moderate wage in- the early 1980s, the real dollar London interbank creases, and high business profits spurred private offered rate (LIBOR) rose from -1 percent to 6 investment, especially in Japan and Europe. A percent, growth and trade sharply decelerated, number of developing countries at this time had and the prices of oil and other commodities de- strong trade linkages in manufactures and com- clined. Exporters of these categories, and those paratively stable macroeconomic climates. They who depend on worker remittances derived from were able to take advantage of the industrial coun- these exports, suffered setbacks. There was little tries' recovery, and raised their growth rates. cooperation in forming policies among the large Greater integration in the 1980s led trade and industrial countries. financial flows to grow faster than output. But it A debt problem that would be transmitted was another decade prone to shocks, making the worldwide unfolded in the 1970s as many devel- task of adjustment for most developing countries oping countries borrowed to increase consump- all the harder. There were wide swings in ex- tion, invest in doubtful projects, and finance im- change rates, and international interest rates were ported oil (which was then subsidized). The erratic. The U.S. current account balance swung volume of international bank lending increased by from a $7 billion surplus in 1981 to a $162 billion nearly 800 percent during the decade, to about deficit in 1986, gradually declining to about $110 $800 billion. Most commercial lenders to develop- billion in 1989. (The United States absorbed about ing countries did little to investigate how loans 23 percent of the merchandise exports from devel- were used, relying instead on sovereign guaran- oping countries in 1989more than the combined 18 of primary commodities. Many governments cut Figure 1.5 Estimates of the growth of GDP their budget deficits, altered certain relative prices 1965-89 (the real exchange rate, the real interest rate, and (percent) the internal terms of trade between agriculture and industry), and restructured their activities. A 10 number also replaced quantitative trade restric- tions with tariffs and reformed their tariff struc- 8 tures. Balance of payments deficits fell sharply. Despite much progress, however, fiscal imbal- ances remain. Deficits have often been reduced by 6 cutting public investment rather than by contain- ing current expenditures or reforming taxes to in- 4 crease revenues. The new economic climate has posed challenges in industrial countries as well. Structural rigidities, energy price controls, misaligned exchange rates, and trade barriers prevented adjustment and 0 slowed recovery in the 1970s and early 1980s. c I 0 .b Policy then began to shift. Macroeconomic man- agement focused on the fight against inflation (although monetary policies became more accom- modating as inflationary pressures eased in the latter half of the 1980s). Fiscal and regulatory poli- cies emphasized supply-side incentives; taxes on both household income and business profits came 0 1965-73 El 1973-80 0 1980-89 down. Most countries began reducing the role of the public sector. Major structural reforms in- cluded the privatization of publicly owned enter- Note: GDP estimates are least-squares in real terms. prises and the liberalization of product, labor, and Source: World Bank data. financial markets. During the 1980s, the backwardness of the com- mand economies contrasted sharply with the rapid technological advance in the market-oriented flow to Japan, Germany, and France.) In recent economies of Asia and the West. Economic perfor- years, this deficit is estimated to have absorbed an mance deteriorated in the Soviet Union (Box 1.2) average of 4-5 percent of the world's savings. and other East Bloc economies. Some countries, Meanwhile, debt overhang and a sharp decline in notably the former German Democratic Republic financial flows to developing countries led the and Poland, have undertaken extremely bold re- combined current account deficit of these coun- forms. Economic conditions in nearly all these tries to decline from about $70 billion in 1980 to $50 economies are grave, and projections suggest that billion in 1989. the bottom of the decline still lies ahead. Succeeding in an integrated world Recent developments Even in the face of the negative external shocks of A seven-year expansion in the world economy the past twenty years, some economies performed came almost to a halt in 1990. Signs of slowing remarkably wellnotably those in East Asia. But economic activity in a number of large industrial most have struggled, especially during the past countries became evident as monetary policies decade. Often, this was not for want of effort. were tightened in response to production at near- Many developing countries modified their eco- capacity levels and rising inflation. The slowdown nomic policies when their debt troubles mounted. became more widespread and pronounced with in the early 1980s. The need for such adjustment the Gulf crisis in August 1990. Increased uncer- grew in 1982 with the deep recession in the indus- tainty had adverse effects on consumer and busi- trial countries and a steep decline in the real prices ness confidence, which in turn led to markedly 19 Box 1.2 The Soviet economic crisis Mikhail Gorbachev, after sounding a cry of alarm when The program's failure spurred more serious efforts to he rose to leadership in 1985, used three words repeat- reform the economy in 1987 and 1988. The material edly in his call for reform: perestroika (restructuring), allocation system was scrapped. Prices were allowed to uskoreniye (acceleration of growth), and glasnost move in a freely negotiated range. The soft budget con- (openness). The economy was in trouble, and correc- straint was hardened. Cooperative enterprises were tive measures had been postponed for too long. He encouraged, and private family enterprises were legal- pointed out that the Soviet Union produced more ized. Foreign trade was decentralized, and a currency shoes and far more steel than the United States, but the retention scheme was introduced along with a system quality of the shoes was poor and the use of steel of differentiated exchange rates and limited foreign wasteful. currency auctions. Was this a short-term crisis? Or was it more deeply Because the measures were introduced piecemeal, seated? Clearly not the former, as President Gorbachev they had the opposite of their intended effect. Imports recently pronounced: "Today, when we talk about rad- from the convertible currency area grew strongly, ical restructuring of economic management, it is vital to while manufactured exports scarcely changed. In- recall what the real situation was in our country back in creases in enterprise autonomy were circumscribed by the late 1970s and early 1980s. By that time the rates of the system of state orders, which covered most of in- economic growth had fallen so low, as to virtually sig- dustrial output. The dismantling of the traditional sys- nify stagnation." A sharp drop in industrial produc- tem of planning began, but the inflexible and distorted tion had been accompanied by the exhaustion of natu- official price systemand the state distribution ral resources in populated regions and by the agencywere left largely intact. Throughout the late increasing obsolescence of plant and equipment. Death 1980s, the capital stock and labor force declined. rates and infant mortality rates were rising. In 1990, net material productaccording to official Between 1985 and 1987 perestroika was put in place estimatesdeclined by 4 percent, and inflation was to retool and modernize industry and to increase the running at 12 percent. The traditional centrally attention to quality control. Accompanying measures planned system had largely collapsed, but a function- included improving worker initiative and making the ing market system had not yet replaced it. bureaucracy more accountable. Despite some initial Transforming the Soviet economy will be difficult. It success, however, reforms did not address underlying will require many of the actions discussed in this Re- systemic problems. port: stabilizing the macroeconomy, reforming prices Uskoreniye proved elusive. Real output stagnated, in a context of greater domestic and international com- and the fiscal deficit rose from 2.5 percent of GDP to petition, and reforming property rights and govern- 8.5 percent. ment institutions. lower growth of consumer spending and business cial problems of the private sector in several large investment in the industrial countries. The finan- economies will continue to hamper growth. Out- cial requirements of the unification of Germany put in the industrial countries is expected to ex- and war-related reconstruction in the Middle East pand by less than 2 percent in 1991. exerted upward pressures on short-term interest In the developing countries, real GDP growth rates in Germany and Japan despite the economic declined from 4.3 percent in 1988 to 2.9 percent in slowdown in 1990 and early 1991. Real GDP 1989 and to only 2.2 percent in 1990, the lowest growth in the industrial countries slowed to about since 1982. The main reasonsin addition to con- 2.6 percent in 1990, compared with 3.3 percent in tinuing macroeconomic instability and domestic 1989 and 4.5 percent in 1988. policy weaknesseswere falling non-oil commod- Canada, the United Kingdom, and the United ity prices, high international (nondollar) interest States have been in recession. Growth has also rates, and slower growth in world trade. slowed elsewhere in western Europe. Equity Oil prices rose from less than $20 a barrel (Brent prices in Japan have fallen by about 50 percent, crude grade) in July 1990 to $35-40 after Iraq's Au- and the quality of commercial bank portfolios in gust invasion of Kuwait and the subsequent U.N. both Japan and the United States has deteriorated. embargo on oil exports from Iraq and Kuwait. By Although the slowdown of the industrial econ- the end of the war and the freeing of Kuwait in omies is likely to be short-lived and shallow, the early 1991, oil prices had declined to about $20 a recovery is expected to be only gradual. The finan- barrel. If prices remain in that range, the effect of 20 the 1990 oil price shock on the industrial economies World trade will be small and short-lived. For the industrial economies as a group, the terms of trade loss of the The Uruguay Round of GATT talks, begun in 1986, 1990 shock is estimated to be one-third that of the continued into 1991. These talks are the first to 1973-74 shock and only one-sixth that of 1979-80. include developing countries as main participants. By contrast, the consequences for Eastern Eu- If the Uruguay Round succeeds, it will lead to bet- rope have been severe because countries there ter market access for industrial and developing have begun to pay for oil with hard currency. For countries; lower tariffs worldwide; significantcuts oil-importing developing countries as a group, the in agricultural subsidies; more discipline in the use effect of the increase in the oil price on the current of industrial subsidies; and the extension of multi- account balance is estimated to have been about 7 lateral arrangements to services, trade-related in- percent of their combined exports. In addition, the vestment rules, and intellectual property rights. Arab Republic of Egypt, Jordan, and Turkey have The most difficult of these areas has been agricul- had extensive economic relationships with Iraq ture. There are large differences between the nego- and Kuwait. These and other countriesBan- tiating positions of the United States and the Eu- gladesh, India, Morocco, Pakistan, the Philip- ropean Community on the size and speed of cuts pines, Sri Lanka, and Sudanhave to pay higher in export subsidies, domestic price supports, and interest rates on debt service, and have lost trade import barriers. Aside from agriculture, however, and service contracts and workers' remittances. progress has been made, notably in textiles and Revenues from tourism have also fallen sharply. clothing, services, tariff cuts, trade-related invest- Output contracted sharply in the Middle East, ment rules and intellectual property rights, and Eastern Europe, and (because of a severe recession dispute settlement. A successful outcome to the in Brazil) Latin America. Growth also slowed in talks is critical for the world trading system. A Sub-Saharan Africa. However, in countries cov- good agreement will greatly improve the prospects ered by the Special Program for Assistance to Af- for the developing countries. rica, which have been implementing reforms, out- put grew faster than the population. In Asia, EUROPEAN INTEGRATION. As the European Com- because of the improved performance of China munity dismantles national barriers to the free and some of the newly industrializing economies movement of goods, services, labor, and capital, it (NIEs) in the region, the growth rate accelerated to could become the world's single biggest market. 3.5 percentage points more than the average for Over five to seven years, according to the Eu- the developing countries as a whole. Output ropean Commission, the region's aggregate GDP growth in the developing countries is expected to couid jump by 4.5 to 7 percent as a result of inte- recover somewhat in 1991, to about 3 percent. gration alone. Project 1992 also involves steps to- Nevertheless, by early 1991 conditions were still ward monetary union, which may lead to a single deteriorating in many countriesespecially those currency for Europe. This, combined with the ef- most affected by the Gulf War. fects of market unification, could increase long- term growth in western Europe by about 1 per- Prospects for world development centage point a year. Many factors will have an important bearing on THE RISE OF EAST ASIA. Between 1965 and 1988, the global climate for development in the coming the East Asian economies increased their share of years: the growth of world trade, the policies world GDP from 5 to 20 percent and of world man- adopted by the industrial countries, the state of ufactures exports from 10 to 23 percent. Japan has the international capital markets, and so on. In emerged as the second largest economy in the every case the degree of uncertainty is large (see world, whereas a number of developing econ- Box 1.3). To arrive at a view about the prospects for omies in the region have joined the ranks of the growth in the developing countries, judgments high-income economies. By the end of the 1980s, need to be made (either explicitly or implicitly) for the four NIEs of East Asia accounted for half the each of these external factors. Without knowing manufactured exports of developing countries. anything else about the outlook, it is clear that The region's financial power had grown commen- there will always be a premium on economic flex- surately. At the regional level, closer economic re- ibility. Countries that can respond easily to any of lations developed within the Association of South- a range of outcomes are likely to fare best. east Asian Nations. A new Asia-Pacific Economic 21 Box 1.3 The climate for development in the 1990s Pessimistic Optimistic World trade GATT negotiations collapse; unilateral policies GAU makes real progress; regional GATT-com- by large industrial countries lead to trade wars; patible agreements produce dramatically trade declines overall, though by less within re- greater integration in Europe, Asia, and the gional blocs. Western Hemisphere; world trade expands rap- idly. Capital flows International capital markets are overcautious, Capital flows to the developing countries re- and transfers to developing countries fail to sume; greater confidence spurs direct foreign pick up. investment. World finance Major institutions fail in Japan and the United Major institutions muddle through; financial re- States, leading to high risk premiums, low in- forms and regulatory changes reduce systemic vestment, a prolonged economic slowdown, risks; economic recovery is rapid; Brady Initia- and possibly higher inflation; the debt crisis tive and its successors gradually reduce devel- continues to impede growth in the developing oping- country debt burdens. regions. Industrial- Large industrial countries fail to cooperate; they Macroeconomic policies of the large industrial country policy follow poor macroeconomic policies, and finan- countries stabilize financial markets and lead to cial instability and low growth result. sustained growth. Security The decline of the superpowers leads to re- End of cold war reduces tensions among super- gional crises and ethnic strife within and among powers; new international security arrange- countries; arms races divert economic re- ments are developed through a strengthened sources; terrorism, drugs, and poverty under- United Nations. mine internal security. Technology Technologies required for competitive products New technologies improve health and produc- become more and more sophisticated and labor- tivity (especially in agriculture); multinationals saving; technology flows are restricted by pro- develop wider global production networks; tectionist policies and firm strategies; develop- computers reduce advantages of large markets; ing-country advantages resulting from cheap better communications make it easier for coun- labor and raw materials diminish. tries with adequate human capital to catch up in productivity. Energy Oil prices remain volatile because of ongoing New political arrangements in the Middle East, political and social instability in the Middle combined with constructive dialogue between East, which continues to be the main supplier of producers and consumers of petroleum, lead to oil. a period of unusual stability in real oil prices. Environment Damage to the environment mounts, with eco- Environmental ill-effects prove less costly and nomic repercussions; global resources dwindle; less immediate than predicted; new national the frequency of local environmental disasters and international policies take adequate steps to increases. protect scarce resources. Cooperation group, loosely resembling the OECD, terprises for the Americas Initiative" to improve began annual ministerial meetings; its members trading relationships throughout the Americas. are Japan, the United States, and ten other Pacific Mexico and the United States may enter "fast Rim nations. track" negotiations on a free trade area; any ac- cord would be a first for countries with such large CooPEITIoN IN THE WESTERN HEMISPHERE. income differences. With the United States-Canada Free Trade Agree- How far do all these developments signal a ment in effect, the United States declared an "En- breakdown in the open trading order of the post- 22 war years? How will the trading prospects of many private and public savings in Japan, and falling low-income countries be affected? The answer is current account surpluses in the Asian NIEs (be- unclear. Some of the recent trade initiatives have cause of exchange rate appreciation and slower strong regional dimensions, but none so far has growth in world trade) will also help to reduce the involved raising external barriers. In the end the imbalances of the 1980s. Germany's current ac- outcome will depend on whether the extra trade count surplus will decline as unification increases created by regional integration will outweigh the investment demand. And the demand for interna- trade diverted by it. If the Uruguay Round col- tional credit and investment in Eastern Europe and lapses, the risk that the regional groups will turn the Middle East may rise just as the industrial inward is far greater. economies recover from the slowdown of 1990-91. All this implies that international interest rates are International capital flows and finance likely to remain high over the medium term. The current account deficit of many developing In the 1980s, international capital flowed mainly countries may therefore rise at a very moderate among the industrial countries. Several large pace-from $51 billion or 1.8 percent of GNP in countries, including the United States, became net 1989 to about $70 billion in 1995 and about $90 capital importers; that is, their domestic invest- billion by 2000, averaging 1.5-2.0 percent of GNP ment exceeded their national savings (Table 1.2). over the 1990s. As debt repayments reduce inter- Developing countries were bypassed by interna- est payments on existing debt, new net flows will tional lenders and investors, mainly because of cause interest payments to rise. Outflows on factor their high external debts and deteriorating eco- services will also rise because the higher stock of nomic and political conditions. During the decade, direct foreign investment will expand the flow of aggregate net resource transfers to these countries remittances. By the mid-1990s the severely in- shifted from positive to negative. The investment- debted developing countries could still be export- output ratios of the low- and middle-income coun- ing more goods and nonfactor services than they tries fell in the 1980s and have not recovered. import, although the balance should narrow sig- nificantly. The current pattern of net capital SAVINGS-INVESTMENT BALANCES. The pattern of flows-which resembles that of the 1960s in the savings-investment balances across broad country relative importance of official flows, direct invest- groups is not likely to depart over the medium ment, and private lending-might prevail well into term from the broad trend established in the past the 1990s. High international interest rates, to- few years. A shrinking U.S. current account deficit gether with only a modest growth of international and higher oil revenues for oil-exporting countries financial flows to the developing countries in the may be offset by more imports, reconstruction next several years, could slow development. The costs, and military spending in the Gulf. Lower baseline projections, however, forecast an acceler- Table 1.2 Global savings and investment (percentage of world GDP, unless noted) Level in 1988 (billions of Category and group 1970-73 1974-80 1981-85 1986-88 dollars) Gross national savings High-income OECD members 16.5 16.2 14.6 16.3 2,997 (United States) (5.2) (4.8) (4.9) (3.8) (664) Other high-income economiesa 0.8 1.3 1.2 1.0 175 Low- and middle-income economies 4.1 6.1 6.3 5.0 875 World totalb 21.4 23.6 22.1 22.3 4,048 Gross domestic investment High-income OECD members 16.0 16.1 14.5 16.2 2,981 (United States) (5.0) (4.6) (5.0) (4.4) (740) Other high-income economiesa 0.7 0.9 1.0 0.8 151 Low- and middle-income economies 4.6 6.0 5.6 4.5 781 World totalb 21.2 23.0 21.1 21.5 3,913 Derived as a residual; high-income Countries minus OECD. World savings and investment differ because of discrepancy in world current accounts. Source: World Bank data. 23 Table 1.3 Aggregate long-term net resource flows to developing countries, 1980-95 Level (billions of dollars) Share (percent) Component 1980 1986 1989 1995' 1980 1989 1995' Net flows' 82.8 51.2 63.3 103 100.0 100.0 100.0 Official grants 12.5 14.0 18.6 25 15.1 29.4 24.3 Official loans (net) 20.1 19.6 18.0 31 24.3 28.4 30.1 Bilateral 12.2 6.3 6.1 10 14.7 9.6 9.7 Multilateral 7.9 13.3 11.9 21 9.5 18.8 20.4 Pri vate flows 50.2 17.6 26.7 47 60.6 42.2 45.6 Private loans 41.1 8.1 4.3 12 49.6 6.8 11.6 Direct foreign investment 9.1 9.5 22.4 35 11.0 35.3 34.0 a. Projections. b. Excluding IMF transfers. Source: World Bank 1990d. ation of developing-country growth rates from (DAC) of the OECD bilaterally and through multi- those of the 1980s on the premises of increased lateral channels rose by an annual average of about domestic savings and a greater efficiency of invest- 3 percent in real terms in the 1980s. That was in ment (Table 1.3). line with the growth of their economies. In 1989 the ratio of aid to GNP ranged from 0.15 for the EXTERNAL DEBT. The international strategy for United States to 0.32 for Japan, 0.78 for France, dealing with the more than $1.3 trillion in out- and 0.94 for Denmark and the Netherlands (WDI, standing developing-country debt (this figure in- table 19). Although some DAC governments (Den- cludes the debts of Eastern Europe) reached a mark, France, Italy, Norway, Sweden, and turning point in 1988 and 1989. The emphasis Switzerland) increased their aid as a share of GNP, shifted from debt rescheduling to the reduction of the amount of aid fell as a share of GNP for several debt and debt service. Using debt buybacks, re- large contributors (Germany, the United King- duced interest rates, exchanges of debt at a dis- dom, and the United States). As a result, the DAC count for new secured debt, and so on, Brady Ini- countries' aid-GNP ratio remained constant at 0.35 tiative agreements to reduce commercial debt and percent throughout the 1980s. As the decade prog- debt service have already reduced debt in Costa ressed and many developing countries experi- Rica, Mexico, and the Philippines by $9.5 billion. enced economic distress, however, it became an New debt reduction and rescheduling mecha- objective to make aid more effective. There was a nisms for the official debt of low-income countries, growing awareness of the limitations of govern- adopted at the Toronto economic summit of June ment in promoting growth. This led aid-granting 1988, have been now applied in nineteen coun- and developing-country governments alike to rec- tries. These cover $5.8 billion, or 11 percent of bi- ognize the role of the private sector and to stress lateral official debt. Despite this new strategy, the the importance of better domestic policies. More debt crisis continues to dampen prospects for and more, aid-granting countries will take effec- many of the forty-six severely indebted countries tiveness into account when setting their aid bud- (see Chapter 8). gets. An adequate volume of aid is essential. AID. Official development assistance (ODA) on DIRECT FOREIGN INVESTMENT. Flows of direct for- highly concessional terms, representing about 90 eign investment (DFI) are likely to grow in re- percent of all grants and net lending from official sponse to policy reforms. However, they will prob- sources, is the principal form of resource transfer ably remain concentrated in globally integrated, to the poorest countries. In 1989 it accounted for middle-income countries with well-developed in- nearly two-thirds of new resource flows to low- frastructure. In 1989, about 70 percent of DFI flows income countries and four-fifths of the flows to the to developing countries came from Japan (18 per- poorest countries. In Sub-Saharan Africa, net cent), the United Kingdom (20 percent), and the flows of ODA were 8 percent of GNP, or $28 per United States (32 percent). Just twenty developing capita, in 1989 (WDI, table 20). economies, mainly in Asia and Latin America, ac- The volume of aid extended by member govern- counted for 90 percent of the net flows between ments of the Development Assistance Committee 1981 and 1990. The economic reconstruction of 24 Eastern Europe and the USSR will increase the have to contend. But there is a long list of other competition for DFI. Nevertheless, for the smaller, uncertainties. In each case, it is easy to imagine reforming developing countries even modest in- outcomes that might greatly help the development creases in DFI flows can have a measurable effect effortand others that might cripple it. on growth. SECURITY. East-West political tensions have FINANCIAL INSTITUTIONS. The financial situa- eased. In itself, the end of the cold war should tions of some of the biggest banks and insurance improve the prospects for global growth. But this companies of the United States and Japan have is also an opportunity to make significant cuts in been weakened by rising interest rates, falling U.S. and Soviet military spending. New treaties share and real estate prices, and bad investments. and shifting alliances are rapidly reducing conven- A ratio of market capitalization to assets of 8 per- tional forces in Europe. By 1994, the weapons of cent is to be applied to all international banks by the former Warsaw Pact members will number at December 1992, as agreed in the Basle Accord. As most one-third of their 1988 levels. Savings from these institutions struggle to raise capital, they are western military budgets might persuade govern- cutting back on new lending. Japan and the United ments that their earlier commitments to increase States appear determined to contain the problem aid to the developing countries can now be met. by bolstering deposit insurance and restructuring But aid from the Soviet Union to its friends in the failed institutions. But the credit markets, already developing world is sure to be tightly squeezed. influenced by the financing requirements of East- The Soviet Union's acute economic difficulties ern Europe and the Middle East, are bound to be have already caused severe disruption to its trade affected. Upward pressure on interest rates will with developing countries such as India. A politi- remain for the medium term. cal breakdown is imaginable that might send a flood of refugees into the countries of Eastern Eu- OECD POLICY. The macroeconomic policies of rope, which already face the formidable problems the industrial countries affect the external climate of economic transition. for development in a variety of ways. Most impor- Military spending is about 5 percent of GNP in tant, perhaps, by promoting steady and noninfla- the industrial countries as well as the developing tionary growth at home they can improve the out- countries. But military spending is about half of look for developing-country exports. the combined spending on health and education in The industrial countries' macroeconomic poli- the industrial countries, whereas these two magni- cies also influence the demand for, and supply of, tudes are about the same in developing countries. global savings, and thereby the level of world in- Large military spending has undoubtedly claimed terest rates. Conversely, financial integration has scarce resources, and probably slowed growth in made the task of setting national macroeconomic the developing world. Perhaps, on the one hand, policy much more complicated. Diverging or in- there will now be fewer conflicts reflecting cold consistent policies have often been the main cause war ideologies. On the other hand, superpower of volatility in financial markets. To counter this, disengagement could encourage some developing the Group of Seven industrial countries (G-7) have countries to build and exercise greater military in recent years achieved a greater degree of policy power. More states may assert their regional ambi- cooperation, which can be credited with some of tions. Ethnic tensions within countries could ag- the equilibrating adjustments among the main ex- gravate these trends, as could new conflicts over change rates since 1985. But coordination of inter- regional resources such as water and oil. est rate changes and intervention in the currency markets may not always be sufficient, and occa- POLITICAL CONSIDERATIONS. The 1980s wit- sionally may even be counterproductive. Pooling nessed political reforms and shifts to participatory information on broader aspects of macroeconomic forms of government in many parts of the world. policy, notably on projected fiscal imbalances, In recently published work, scholars and policy- would be helpful. makers have placed greater stress on personal freedom and pluralist government, not only as An uncertain world values in their own right, but also as factors that are associated with development. Whatever the The global trading and financial systems are the merits of such arguments, fairness and pluralism most obvious and familiar aspects of the economic loom ever larger in the aid-granting countries' con- climate with which the developing countries will sideration of aid effectiveness and aid priorities. 25 ADVANCES IN TECHNOLOGY. Because most inno- non-OPEC sources will level off by the mid-1990s. vations originate in industrial countries, and be- The Gulf wifi continue to be the major supplier of cause research tends to focus on problems of local oil; indeed its share of world oil production will concern, technical advances may systematically fa- rise from 36 percent in 1989 to 43 percent in 2000. vor industrial-country producers and consumers. There is likely to be a moderate rise in the real Industry studies suggest that new technology may price of petroleum in the medium term. In some have reduced the competitive disadvantage of countries, domestic prices could rise more rapidly industrial-country manufacturers. Some firms in if environmental concerns lead to higher energy traditionally labor-intensive subsectors (for exam- taxes. The range of domestic energy prices is ex- ple, textiles, clothing, and shoes) are beginning to tremely wide. In 1989 gasoline prices in the United reopen operations in high-wage countries. States and a number of developing countries were Although differences between low- and high- only a fraction of those in western Europe. wage producers may have narrowed in some in- dustries, advances in communications and trans- ENVIRONMENTAL DAMAGE. Widespread misuse port have shifted the advantage to production of resources ranges from the overexploitation of chains that combine operations in industrial and fishery, land, and forests to local and international developing countries. Assembly and other labor- pollution of the environment. Studies in Ger- intensive processes can be efficiently located, many, the Netherlands, and the United States where wages are low. New trends in automation, have found that environmental damage from air, multipurpose plants, and modular product design water, and noise pollution amounts to between 0.5 are reducing the minimum economic size of pro- and 2.5 percent of GNP annually. This exceeds the duction units. This will make it easier to establish estimated cost of pollution controls. The harm (in- facilities in smaller, specialized markets. cluding that caused by climate change) may be New technology offers the possibility of entirely greater in the developing world. The annual cost new products and processes, including some that of deforestation is estimated at 6-9 percent of GNP could dramatically improve the lives of the world's in Ethiopia and 5.7 percent of GDP in Burkina poor. Past breakthroughs in medicine and agri- Faso. Estimates of the costs of substantially limit- cultural genetics had precisely such effects; ad- ing pollution are generally much smallertyp- vances in biotechnology could soon make farmers ically about 1-2 percent of GNP in industrial in developing countries much more productive. At countries. the same time, however, advances in the materials Long-term growth and environmental conserva- sciences may displace raw materials produced by tion need not be mutually exclusive, although developing countries. Innovation could reduce the well-designed environmental policies may reduce demand for petroleum, feedstocks, and metals, short-term economic growth as conventionally shifting input requirements toward commonly measured. Such policies make sense nonetheless. available materials. They would increase economic welfare and be far more efficient than strategies expressly designed THE ENERGY OUTLOOK. The global demand for to limit economic growth. Some harmful activities, energy is expected to increase by about 2 percent a however, cannot be monitored. And in other cases year in the 1990s. Demand will grow fastest in the a straightforward technical solution is precluded developing countries, where continuing urbaniza- by political considerations; examples include pro- tion will raise the demand for petroleum in resi- tection of the oceans and the atmosphere. dential use and power generation. Increases in Experience in combining greater regard for the industrial-country demand for petroleum will be environment with continued economic growth is mainly the result of its use in automobiles and limited, but encouraging. The industrial countries other forms of transport. Natural gas will expand reduced their energy demand per dollar of GNP further as a major energy sourceespecially in de- by 23 percent between 1970 and 1987. Controls veloping countries and the USSR, where safety have successfully reduced many sorts of pollution and environmental concerns will cause a shift at only a small cost, if any, in growth as conven- away from nuclear power. tionally measured. Emissions of sulphur oxides In the short term, oil prices will be influenced by per dollar of GNP, for example, have been cut by security and other considerations in the Gulf area, more than half in virtually every industrial coun- and by the ability of OPEC to exert its influence. In try. But much remains to be done. In the United the medium term, petroleum production from States, where energy prices are low, consumption 26 per capita is more than twice as high as in Japan. domestic-policy reform in many of the developing Reducing the demand for energy will require both countries. Variations of this baseline case are also a shift to energy-efficient outputs and energy con- considered by taking the external setting to be servation through higher prices. There can be no fixed while exploring different assumptions about question that greater efforts to protect the environ- domestic policy in the developing countries ment are needed, but the exact scale of the under- (Chapter 8). Unsurprisingly, very good policies taking is, and probably will remain, uncertain. So yield considerably higher growth rates, whereas this is yet another variable in the situation that will backsliding leads to much slower growth than in confront the developing countries over the coming the baseline. years. The baseline scenario makes the following as- sumptions. The average price of oil will follow a Quantitative global scenarios gently upward path in real terms. The United for the 1990s States wifi reduce its structural fiscal deficit. The recession in the United States and some other in- Long-term projections have serious limitations. dustrial countries will be mild and short-lived. This is particularly true just now, with so many Growth in Europe and Japan, after a moderate uncertainties in the world economy. Accordingly, slowdown in the short run, will remain relatively the projections published in World Development strong as policy reforms lead to faster growth in Reports have become more guarded in recent years productivity. Real interest rates will remain high (Box 1.4). The two central scenarios presented here for the medium term. The Uruguay Round will reflect some of the doubts concerning the global make substantial progress in key areas of negotia- economic background. The baseline scenario as- tions, but not in agriculture. Project 1992 will yield sumes moderately favorable external conditions, a significant long-term growth dividend for Eu- and the downside scenario assumes moderately rope. Net inflows of capital into developing coun- unfavorable conditions (Table 1.4). (Extreme sce- tries will gradually expand. Most developing narios, resulting either in very high or very low countries will continue to implement policy growth for the world economy during a decade, reforms. although plausible, are considered unlikely.) The The assumptions of the downside scenario differ downside scenario does not allow for major ad- as follows. The price of oil will be somewhat verse events-a financial crisis, a precipitous rise higher. The Uruguay Round will drag on incon- in energy prices, or a trade war. The baseline case clusively, producing no medium-term benefits in assumes that there will be moderate progress in expanded trade. Financial difficulties in the United Table 1.4 The international economic climate in the 1990s: a comparison of recent and projected indicators (average annual percentage change, unless noted) Projections for the I 990s Recent World Bank World Bank IMF Project WEFA Trend experience baseline, downside, baseline, LINK, Group, DRI, Indicator 1965-89 1980-89 1990 1990-2000 1990-2000 1991-96 1991-95 1991-95 1991-95 High-income OECD members Real GDP 3.1 3.1 2.6 2.9 2.2 3.1 2.8 3.2 3.1 Inflation 6.6 3.8 3.7 3.6 4.3 3.4 3.4 4.4 3.3 Interest rate (percent) Nominaib 8.6 10.2 8.4 7.4 9.6 7.7' 8.6 7.9' Reald 3.1 5.8 4.3 3.4 5.1 3.9 4.0' 4.3 4.9' World tradee 4.1 4.1 5.0 5.8 4.5 5.6 4.3 Real price of oil 9.3 -10.1 22.2 -0.6 0.9 -3.0 0.9 0.8 -2.0 GDP deflators in local currency for World Bank and IMF projections; for others, inflation is measured by consumption price deflator. Six-month LIBOR on dollar deposits. U.S. three-month Treasury bill rate; the real rate is the Treasury bill rate deflated by the U.S. GNP deflator; DRI projections are for the U.S. long-term government bond yield deflated by the U.S. GNP deflator. LIBOR deflated by U.S. inflation rate (percentage change in the GNP deflator). World volume of exports. Average OPEC price of oil deflated by the manufactures unit value exported by industrial countries; Project LINK's is the average price for Saudi Arabian exports deflated by the GNP deflator. Sources: World Bank data; IMF 1991; WEFA Group 1991; DRI/McGraw-Hill 1990; Project LINK 1991. 27 Box 1.4 How well did early World Development Reports foresee growth in the 1980s? World Development Reports of a decade agoand the The projections for the 1980s made in the Reports predictions by the rest of the international commu- between 1979 and 1982 reveal two trends (see Box fig- nitywere generally too hopeful about growth in the ure 1.4). First, as the world economy moved into deep 1980s. The Reports' high-case scenariowith good pol- recession, both the high- and low-case projections for icies and a return everywhere to the strong perfor- the 1980s were revised downward. The revisions for mance of 1960-78proved far too optimistic. The low- Sub-Saharan Africa were fairly significant, which case scenario was much closer to the mark for both mainly reflected the sharp economic deterioration industrial and developing economies. there. Second, even the low-case projections were too Box figure 1.4 The World Bank's long-term projections of average GDP growth for the decade of the 1980s compared with outcomes (percent) High-case projection Low-case projection Actual GDP growth Actual GDP growth 8 8 7 7 1979 1979 6 1980 6 1980, 1981, 1982 \ 1981, 5 1982 5 4 4 1981, 3 1980 1980 .. 1982 S 1979 3 1981, 1982 1981, 1982 1979 1981 1979 1981, 1982 \ 1979 1980 2 1982 1980, 1981, 1982 1980 , ,-_ 2 1980 * 1980 - 1981, 1982 1980 . . 1979 1979 1 1981,5 1982 1980 55 1979 N '1981, 1982 1979, 1980, 1981, 1982 I I I I 0 0 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Projected GDP growth Projected GDP growth IJ Asia excluding China Latin America 1] Sub-Saharan Africa II All developing countries excluding China 0 OECD Oil exporters Note: Years refer to the edition of World Development Report in which the projection was published. If outcomes matched projections exactly, the data would fall along the diagonal line. Points below the line indicate optimistic projections; points above, pessimistic ones. For more information on the projections and outcomes, see the technical note at the end of the main text. Source: World Bank data. States and Japan will push risk premiums higher nomic reform, but at a slower pace than in the than in the baseline. That, together with a greater baseline. perception of financial risk and uncertainty, will Quite different outcomes, obviously, are possi- depress private investment and cause slower pro- ble. The GATT talks might succeed in all the areas ductivity growth in the G-7 countries. Net capital of negotiations, including agriculture. World trade flows to developing countries will grow more could then expand by 7 percent or more a year slowly, with private flows playing a negligible starting in the mid-1990sfaster than in recent role. Most developing countries will continue eco- years (but still below the 9 percent annual average 28 vestments are trade-intensive, the recent accelera- tion of such investment could generate further trade growth later on. If, however, Project 1992 leads to more protec- optimistic for Latin America and the oil-exporting tion in Europe, and other regions retaliate, the countries but somewhat pessimistic for Asia. Why the errors? World trade grew at 4.7 percent a growth of world output might decline. Losses re- year in the 1980s, not at the high case's 5.7 percent. sulting from a trade war, compared with a projec- Real interest rates, high in 1979-81, were expected to tion assuming liberalization, could amount to 3-4 come down quickly (they didn't), and large inflows of percent of world output. Industrial-country re- capital were expected to flow into developing regions strictions on imports reduce the GNP of the devel- (they didn't). Nor did the projections look for a sharp oping countries by 3-4 percent; the harm is greater decline in the oil prices. for major exporters of manufactures. The 1982 Report assumed that by 1990 (in the low case), the total external financing of the low- and mid- dle-income countries as a group would be $147 bil- Alternative projections lionwith $19.5 billion in direct foreign investment, $54.5 billion in official development assistance, and $74 The baseline scenario suggests that the growth in billion in commercial flows. Instead, the estimated net some developing regions may be disappointing external financing (excluding China) in 1990 was $63 over the next few years. The average increase in billion, 43 percent of the assumed level. And ODA was output of 4.9 percent a year masks big differences only about 0.35 percent of the OECD countries' GNP, among regions (Table 1.5). High real interest rates not the 0.7 percent targeted a decade before. [hese assumptions about capital flows to the devel- in the industrial countries will hurt all the develop- oping countries in the 1980s were based on an optimis- ing countries; a continuation of negative transfers tic projection of global saving for 1990. The OECD was will restrain growth in the highly indebted ones. expected to run a current account surplus of $55 billion But some of the countries that did badly in the in 1990, and the high-income oil exporters were to have 1980s are now implementing major policy reforms; a large combined surplus throughout the 1980s. In- more countries should see their per capita growth stead, the OECD had a $90 billion deficit in 1990, rates rise significantly in the medium term. The whereas the large oil-exporting developing countries were in deficit for much of the 1980s and only recently countries that have so far failed to introduce re- moved into a small surplus. Although the early Re- forms are likely to fall further behind. rts recognized the potential severity of the debt The average growth of per capita income in the cr1 sis, they did not foresee the large negative transfer of severely indebted middle-income countries may resources from developing countries after the climb to 2.0 percent a year. That compares with an mid-1980s. average of -0.5 percent a year in the 1980s. The Perhaps most important, many assumptions about the domestic policies that underlie the developing projection assumes that positive net financial countries' projections were not satisfied. For example, transfers to several countries in the group will re- one cause of the poor performance of Latin America in sume in the medium term, although in the aggre- the early 1980s was domestic policy weaknessleading gate they will remain negative for some time. to large fiscal deficits. In contrast, the better domestic Some of the large economies that have embarked policies of Asian economies in the 1980s moved their on wide-ranging reform (Brazil, Mexico, and Ven- economic performance fairly close to the high case. ezuela) may be able to achieve a significantly faster [he Reports are careful to state that their projections growth rate than projected by the mid-1990s. are not to be seen as "precise forecasts for the future." Those projections are nevertheless often taken as indi- The Asian NIEs should continue growing at cating the World Bank's ability to map the growth rates significantly above average for developing paths of member countries. countries, albeit more slowly than in the 1980s. By the year 2000 some current NIEs should have joined the ranks of the industrial economies. Un- der the assumption that they adopt favorable do- of the 1960s). Eliminating Multifibre Arrangement mestic policies, China and India are also expected restrictions and lowering agricultural subsidies in to grow faster than the average for developing industrial countries could mean significant gains countries. for the developing countries. Alternatively, the im- The economic situation in many poor countries, petus to faster growth could come from faster ex- however, could remain precarious. Average per pansion of intraregional trade in the Western capita incomes in Sub-Saharan Africa are expected Hemisphere, Europe, and the Pacific Basin. Be- to grow less than 1 percent a year in the first half of cause many companies established by foreign in- the 1990s, and somewhat faster later. Even by 2000 29 Table 1.5 Real GDP and real GDP per capita growth rates for low- and middle-income economies, 1965-2000 (annual percentage change, unless noted) Real GDP growth Real GDP per capita growth GDP, 1989 Population, (billions of 1989 Trend, Projection for 1990s Trend, Projection for 1990s Region or group dollars) (millions) 1965-89 Baseline Downside 1965-89 Baseline Downside All low- and middle-income economies 3,303 4,053 4.7 4.9 4.1 2.5 2.9 2.2 Region Sub-Saharan Africa 171 480 3.2 3.6 3.5 0.4 0.5 0.3 Excluding Nigeria 142 367 3.3 3.6 3.1 0.4 0.4 0.0 Asia East Asia 895 1,552 7.2 6.7 5.6 5.2 5.3 4.2 South Asia 351 1,131 4.2 4.7 4.2 1.8 2.6 2.1 Europe, Middle East, and North Africa 828 433 4.2 3.6 3.2 2.2 1.8 1.4 Latin America and the Caribbean 964 421 4.3 3.8 3.1 1.8 2.0 1.3 Income group Low-income economies 996 2,948 5.1 5.5 4.8 2.9 3.5 2.9 Middle-income economies 2,308 1,105 4.5 4.5 3.7 2.5 2.6 1.9 Note: For group totals, see the technical note at the end of the main text. Source: World Bank data. average incomes in Africa will be less than in 1980. More extreme scenarios, although plausible, are In some thirty countries undergoing major reform, unlikely. But a "low case" scenario, based on however, the quality of investment projects is im- great turbulence in the trading and financial sys- proving, external financial support is available, tems and highly unstable oil prices, could result in and both output growth and investment are a 1.7 percentage point drop from the baseline in higher than the average for Sub-Saharan Africa. the average industrial-country growth rate and a Some of these countries could also benefit indi- 2.0 percentage point drop in the developing-coun- rectly from Project 1992 (because of the expected try growth rate during the 1990s. Alternatively, a higher level of demand for commodities in "high case" scenario could result in 1.1 percent- Europe). age points higher growth in the industrial coun- Growth prospects in Eastern Europe crucially tries than the baseline and 1.6 percentage points depend upon how well governments manage the higher average growth in the developing countries. transition to a market economy. The baseline pro- jections show a slow pace of growth in the short to Domestic reform or external conditions: which matters medium term but significantly faster growth after more? the mid-1990s. Prospects for the large oil pro- ducers in North Africa and the Middle East de- The projections in Table 1.5 assume that only the pend not only on the success of their economic external environment changes. They do not con- reforms but also on oil prices. The baseline projec- sider the effect of policy and institutional changes tions indicate that these countries could grow at a in the developing countries. How much of a differ- modest pace of 3.5-4.0 percent a year. ence might reform make? This is an extremely dif- In the downside scenario, the average growth of ficult question to answer quantitatively, as op- the industrial countries is lower in the 1990s by 0.7 posed to qualitatively. Estimates based on the percentage point. Real interest rates are assumed work of the World Bank's country economists, to rise sharply (Table 1.4). Output growth in the presented in Chapter 8, show that international developing countries is about 1.1 percentage conditions are important, and that domestic poli- points lower in East Asia, 0.7 points lower in Latin cies and institutions are even a greater factor in America, and 0.5 points lower in South Asia and long-term growth. Estimates for forty countries Sub-Saharan Africa (excluding Nigeria). Oil im- suggest that, on average, better domestic policies porters fare worse than these averages, because oil could raise GDP growth by twice as much as better prices are high in the downside scenario. For the external factors. What are the appropriate policies developing countries as a group, the average rate and institutions? Answering this question in quali- of GDP growth is similar to the 1980s. tative terms is the task of the rest of this Report. 30 Paths to development Economic development is defined in this Report as from these investments by giving markets, compe- a sustainable increase in living standards that en- tition, and trade leading roles. New ideas, prog- compass material consumption, education, health, ress in technology, and pressures to achieve effi- and environmental protection. Development in a ciency thus were nourished by their economies. broader sense is understood to include other im- The extent and efficiency of the state's involve- portant and related attributes as well, notably ment in the economy has been critical. One lesson more equality of opportunity, and political free- is that it is better for the state to focus on areas dom and civil liberties. The overall goal of devel- where it complements and supports the private opment is therefore to increase the economic, po- sector (by providing, for example, information, in- litical, and civil rights of all people across gender, frastructure, health, research, and education) than ethnic groups, religions, races, regions, and coun- on areas where it supplants the private sector (by, tries. This goal has not changed substantially since for example, producing cement and steel, or run- the early 1950s, when most of the developing fling airlines and hotels). A second lesson is that world emerged from colonialism. the quality of government matters as much as the Thinking on development has undergone a sea quantity. Many economic, sociopolitical, and his- change during the past forty years. The change is torical factors play a role in government. History by no means total, nor is there universal agree- shows that civil and political libertiesgoals in ment on what it takes for a country to develop. But themselvesneed not impede economic develop- the early faith in the ability of the state to direct ment. And in achieving several developmental development has given way to a greater reliance goals, civil and political liberties appear to help. on markets. Inward-oriented strategies are more and more being replaced by outward-oriented The evolution of approaches to development ones. Discriminatory taxes on agriculture to fund industry are no longer the norm. Economists have traditionally considered an in- In recent years many countries have imple- crease in per capita income to be a good proxy for mented market-oriented reforms. With these other attributes of development. But the weakness changes has come a growing recognition that de- of income growth as an indicator is that it may velopment is a multidimensional process, within mask the real changes in welfare for large parts of which price reforms, investment, and institution- the poor population. Improvements in meeting building are complementary. Success depends on the basic needs for food, education, health care, getting many things right. equality of opportunity, civil liberties, and envi- Several countries have achieved rapid develop- ronmental protection are not captured by statistics ment in the postwar period. For the most part, on income growth. they have two features in common: they invested Policymakers in most developing countries have in the education of men and women and in physi- long recognized that development encompasses cal capital; and they achieved high productivity more than rapid income growth. They have often 31 differed, however, about priorities. India's eco- nomic plans, for example, assumed that income Figure 2.1 The sectoral distribution of the growth by itself would fail to reach many of the labor force, low- and middle-income poor. Much stress was placed on measures to developing countries, 1965 and 1980 tackle poverty directly. A different emphasis is seen in Malaysia's policy documents: "For opera- Percentage of the labor force tional purposes, therefore, rapid economic growth 100 of the country is a necessary condition for the suc- cess of the New Economic Policy. It is only Agriculture Industry Services 80 through such growth that the objectives of the NEP can be achieved without any particular group in Malaysian society experiencing any loss or feel- 60 ing any sense of deprivation" (Malaysia 1973). Although different cultures place different 40 values on the various elements of development, broadly defined, most seek improvement in every 20 dimension. Many of the indicators used to mea- sure progress (infant mortality, school enrollment, U gender equality in education, indexes of political freedom, and so on) are correlated with income 1965 1980 1965 1980 965 1980 per capita. But the correlation is imperfect. All E Low-income countries these factors need to be assessed independently of 1J Middle-income countries economic growth. Structural transformation Source: World Bank data. Development has almost always involved a shift in the sectoral composition of output. Agriculture's share in production and employmentwhich is Rapid agricultural growth has generally been as- typically high in the early stagesbegins to de- sociated with successful industrialization and sus- cline, and that of manufacturing industry to in- tained gains in overall output and productivity. crease. The share of the industrial sector in GDP in Growth in output and productivity are usually low-income countries increased from 27 percent in lower where agricultural growth is low. Of sixty- 1965 to 34 percent in 1988, whereas that of agricul- eight developing countries for which the World ture fell from 42 to 31 percent. There are similar Bank has reliable data, thirty experienced agri- shifts in the sectoral shares of employment (Figure cultural growth rates of more than 3 percent a year 2.1), although agriculture remains the biggest em- during the past twenty-five years. All thirty had a ployer in many developing countries. The next GDP growth rate of at least 2.5 percent, and two- stage in this sectoral evolution is usually a shift thirds of the countries whose agricultural sector toward services. grew fast also experienced very rapid economic As in industrial countries, population growth in growth (exceeding 5 percent). the countries now classified as developing was Growth in agricultural yields has usually been fueled first by rapidly falling mortality rates which essential for growth in agricultural output. Hence were the result of better living conditions. Al- higher yields are also positively associated with though rising incomes and falling mortality pro- growth in overall output (Table 2.1). Technological vide incentives for lowering fertility and slower progress is one of the factors that have raised the population growth, this demographic transition productivity of land and labor, enabling a smaller does not always happen in an orderly way. The agricultural labor force to meet the domestic and population of the developing world grows about 2 external demand for farm products. In order to percent a year, which is more than twice the speed the development process, some countries growth rate in industrial countries. This rate has have implicitly or explicitly taxed agriculture as a declined somewhat in the 1980s from the previous means to promote industry. This has generally not two decades, but with important regional differ- worked well. Instead, policies consistent with ris- ences: East Asia has experienced a sharp decline; ing agricultural productivity have proved a firmer Sub-Saharan Africa, an increase. foundation for industrialization (Chapter 4). 32 Falling costs in various industries have enabled Agriculture. The farm sector was seen as a countries to diversify their production structures, source of resources for industrial investment. Poli- enter new production lines, and compete suc- cies to protect industry turned the terms of trade cessfully in world markets. Rapidly growing urban against agriculture. centers are usually part of this pattern. In the in- Trade. Policymakers felt that import substitu- dustrial countries, nearly 80 percent of people live tion was necessary for development. It was also in urban areas. In the developing countries, the feared that integration with the global economy urban share of the population has doubled in the might destabilize development. The response usu- past thirty years to more than 40 percent. Govern- ally was import protection. ment strategies have directly or indirectly affected Market failure. It was assumed that in the early this transition. Excessive industrial protection; stages of development markets could not be relied import-substitution; and a pro-urban bias in pric- upon, and that the state would be able to direct the ing, taxes, and subsidies have often encouraged an development process. inefficient pattern of production and urbanization. The major development institutions (the United In many countries, pressures on urban irifrastruc- Nations and its agencies, including the World ture have increased without any corresponding Bank, and several bilateral aid agencies that form economic gain. part of Official Development Assistance) sup- ported these views with varying degrees of enthu- Changes in development thought siasm. By the early 1980s the dominant paradigm had shifted. When many developing countries achieved inde- CAPITAL FORMATION. A lack of physical capital, pendence, their leaders were concerned with both especially infrastructure, was initially thought to political and economic development. Their politi- he the critical constraint on development (Mandel- cal goal was national unity and identity. Their pri- baum 1945; Rosenstein-Rodan 1943; Nurske 1952; mary economic goal was the rapid structural trans- Lewis 1954, 1955). Domestic capital formation was formation of backward agrarian economies into modern industrial ones. a primary concern. As a leading development economist put it, the "central problem in the the- The dominant paradigm of that time recognized ory of economic development is to understand the four main issues in development, and recom- process by which a community which was previ- mended policies to address them: ously saving 4 or 5 percent of its income or less Physical capital. It was a goal of policy to in- converts itself into an economy where voluntary crease saving and investment and thus the rapid saving is about 12 to 15 percent of national income accumulation of capital. or more" (Lewis 1954). Table 2.1 The growth of agricultural productivity and the nonagricultural sectors, 1960-88 Growth of agricultural Average nonagricultural growth rate yield per hectare More than 4 percent 2-4 percent Less than 2 percent More than 2.5 China Mexico Burundi Hungary Liberia percent Cameroon Pakistan Colombia Nicaragua Egypt, Arab Panama Costa Rica Philippines Rep. of Syrian Yugoslavia Korea, Arab Rep. Rep. of Turkey 1-2.5 percent Brazil Indonesia Bangladesh Malawi Zambia Côte d'Ivoire Thailand El Salvador Mauritania Congo Greece Morocco India Sri Lanka Mali Togo Less than I Rwanda Argentina Peru Central Tanzania percent Bolivia Sudan African Uganda Ethiopia Senegal Rep. Zaire Nigeria Zimbabwe Ghana Note: The nonagricultural growth rate is calculated as the weighted average of the growth rates of industry and services, with the weights being the share of each in GOP. Calculations are from national accounts data for all countries for which data are available and for which the initial share of agriculture in GDP in the 1960s was more than 10 percent. Source: World Bank data. 33 One influential model also stressed a foreign ex- fail if exposed to international markets, protection change constraintthat is, the difficulty of financ- would give them a guaranteed domestic market in ing import needs by means of exports (Chenery which to grow; later they would be able to com- and Bruno 1962; Little 1982; Bacha 1984). This so- pete. The costs of this protection of infant industry called two-gap model of the domestic saving and in misallocated resources were perceived to be foreign exchange constraints to growth guided ex- minimal; once the infants grew to adulthood, ternal aid and lending agencies in judging the ex- rapid learning-by-doing was expected to emerge tra resources that developing countries would and guide the economy to profitable growth. need to finance imports and investment. In many countries the bias against exports was Later the contribution that human capital makes reinforced by the desire to achieve self-sufficiency to development came to be emphasized. The role in food, which was often a top priority. Rather few of human capital was especially clear in the experi- economists recognized the role of trade liberaliza- ence of the East Asian economies. They invested tion for development early on (see Haberler 1959), heavily in education and skills. Research on the but with the accumulation of case study evidence productivity of education has elucidated the link this recognition spread (Balassa and Associates between human capital and development (Schultz 1971; Krueger 1978). 1961; Becker 1964). Accumulation of human capital emerges from all this work as one of the most pow- THE ROLE OF THE STATE. The success of state erful engines of development. planning in achieving rapid industrialization in the Soviet Union (for so it was perceived) greatly in- INCENTIVES FOR AGRICULTURE AND INDUSTRY. fluenced policymakers in the 1950s. Its avowedly Often, promoting industry meant neglecting agri- egalitarian character was also appealing. The stag- cultureor worse. Two assumptions appeared to gering human costs of this transition became ap- justify transferring resources, through implicit or parent only much later. Moreover, policymakers explicit taxes, from the farm sector to industry. viewed the economic collapse of the Great Depres- One was that the supply of unemployed or under- sion of the 1930s as evidence of widespread market employed agricultural workers was abundant. The failures. The subsequent recovery was attributed other was that farmers were unresponsive to to government intervention (a view supported by changes in price. Together these implied that the the Keynesian revolution in macroeconomics). loss of agricultural output caused by taxing the Government allocation of scarce resources and the sector would be small. "If these surplus workers rationing of essential consumer goods during were withdrawn from agriculture and absorbed World War II seemed to confirm the effectiveness into other occupations, farm output would not suf- of state intervention. fer, while the whole new output would be a net Domestic conditions at home in most develop- addition to the community's income. The eco- ing countries also encouraged a major role for the nomic case for the industrialization of densely state. Illiteracy was widespread, and many policy- populated backward countries rests upon this makers believed that development would have to mass phenomenon of disguised rural unemploy- be directed by "the best and the brightest." The ment" (Mandelbaum 1945). But with time, the idea that the state should occupy the "command- damaging effects of policies discriminating against ing heights" of the economy also began to take agriculture have come to be widely recognized. hold. Soon, along with redistributing assets and income, alleviating poverty, and meeting basic FOREIGN TRADE. For years the conventional wis- needs, the state became directly involved in pro- dom was that trade had only a small and possibly ducing goods for investment and consumption. detrimental role in development. The declining Even in the 1950s, some questioned whether the growth in trade volumes-3.5 percent a year from state was competent to do all this. "The adequate 1850 to 1913, which fell to 0.5 percent a year during performance of these functions exceeds the re- the period 1913-48and the worsening terms of sources of governments of all under-developed trade for primary commodities seemed to mean countries. . . . We are faced with the paradoxical that trade could not be relied on as a source of situation that governments engage in ambitious growth (Prebisch 1959; Singer 1949). An approach tasks when they are unable to fulfill even the ele- based on import-substitution would allow domes- mentary and necessary functions of government" tic industry to grow, conserve scarce foreign capi- (Bauer 1958). The balanced growth approach "re- tal, decrease external dependency, and strengthen quires huge amounts of precisely those abilities nationhood. Although domestic enterprises would which we have identified as likely to be very lim- 34 ited in supply in underdeveloped countries" cation) or introduce increasing returns (improve- (Hirschman 1958). But even the skeptics sup- ments in physical infrastructure) can be good for ported government involvement in production. growth. Also important are complementary poli- The state was expected to initiate growth by creat- cies that facilitate the spread of knowledge and ing incentives and pressures for further action, that permit free entry and exit of firmsand free and then to stand ready "to react to, and to allevi- mobility of people, capital, and technology. ate, these pressures in a variety of areas" (Hirsch- man 1958). Others went further: "Apparently, no- Linkages in development body in the advanced countries sees any other way out of the difficulties, which are mounting in the Education, technology, and openness have com- under-developed countries, than the socialistic plex relations to development. They enable econ- one, however differently one's attitude may be to- omies to respond not only to price signals but also wards the economic problems at home" (Myrdal to new ideas. This link between knowledge and 1956). growth has been important in East Asia for the past forty years and in Scandinavia, especially be- Growth theories tween 1860 and 1950 (Box 2.1). It was recognized in the literature early on. "It is not enough that Classical economic analysis envisaged that per knowledge should grow; it should also be dif- capita output would be stationary as the rate of fused, and applied in practice. The rate at which profit declined with diminishing improvements in knowledge is taken up depends partly on the re- productivity. The neoclassical tradition also incor- ceptiveness of the people to new ideas, and partly porated the idea of falling marginal product of in- on the extent to which institutions make it profita- puts, so that sustained growth was possible only ble to acquire and apply new ideas. . . New ideas through exogenous technological change (Solow will be accepted most rapidly in those societies 1957). If countries have access to the same technol- where people are accustomed to a variety of opin- ogy, therefore, growth rates would be expected to ion, or to change. . . A country which is isolated, converge across countries. The recent record of in- homogeneous, proud, and authoritarian is by con- dustrial countries offers support for convergence. trast unlikely to absorb new ideas quickly when it The growth rates of developing countries, how- meets them" (Lewis 1955). ever, have diverged (Chapter 1). At first look, this The green revolution in agriculture, which seems to be at odds with the expectation of conver- above all included the spread of new, high-yield- gence. But in practice, technological change has ing varieties of wheat and rice, is an example of the not been equal nor has it been exogenously trans- interaction between new technology and educa- mitted in most developing countries, because of tion. The new varieties were developed by scien- import and other restrictions. Furthermore, even if tists in Mexico and the Philippines with assistance all economies have access to the same technology, from the Rockefeller Foundation. To gain access to national growth rates can differ if human capital these technologies, domestic economies needed to and the incentives to adopt new technology differ be receptive. In order for them to be absorbed, across countries. The "new" growth theories note adapted, improved, and disseminated, domestic that technological change is endogenous, and that research and local technologies had to be strength- education and knowledge produce positive exter- ened. Countries in South Asia did these tasks rea- nalities or increasing returns (Romer 1986; Lucas sonably well, and farm yields there doubled and 1988). tripled. Wealth and the ability to bear risk were Accordingly, a big push in an economy open to important, but the most critical factor in adopting foreign technology can yield large gainsan idea the technology was the ability of farmers to make generally put forward early on. The Cambridge use of new information. model of the 1940s and 1950s assumed that output Openness encourages the flow of technologies would grow in proportion to reproducible inputs, from industrial countries to developing countries; or capital. Rosenstein-Rodan (1943) postulated the education encourages the adoption, adaptation, big push by which an economy propels itself into and diffusion of technology. Differences in the rate self-sustaining industrialization and rapid growth. of technology adoption and economic growth Rostow (1960) envisaged a takeoff from a station- among countries are in large part the result of dif- ary state to per capita growth. ferences in education. "The worldwide spread of Thus investment policies that encourage exter- modern economic growth has depended chiefly nality-generating activities (improvements in edu- on the diffusion of a body of knowledge concern- 35 Box 2.1 Scandinavian models of development Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway, and Sweden the welfare state have had costs that could have been have successfully combined private ownership and avoided with difficult policies. First, in an attempt to market competition with government actionsto en- keep down the cost of capital, financial markets were sure an egalitarian income distribution, provide insur- heavily regulated after the war. This, however, limited ance against loss of income caused by disabilities, and the access of smaller firms and entrepreneurs to capi- address market failures. These activities of govern- tal. It has also discouraged the adaptation to the finan- ment, which were of limited importance before World cial innovations abroad. (These markets were deregu- War II, expanded rapidly thereafter. The high spending lated during the 1980s.) of the welfare state required the high incomes of the Second, policies guaranteeing low unemployment postwar era. and the public sector's larger and larger share in em- ployment have in the long term seriously weakened The early period: mid-1800s to World War II the discipline of the market on union wage demands. The Scandinavian countries started industrialization in This has resulted in high labor costs and lower profits the mid-1800s and late 1800s. Security for property and investment. Privatizing certain public services rights and trade reforms were important conditions for now under considerationmay strengthen discipline growth. Governments generally did not restrict the in the labor market. workings of the market, and financial institutions and Third, the high marginal tax rates for most of the ownership structures were allowed to develop with lit- labor force are a burden on growth. In response, tle state interference. Sweden is embarking on a program of tax reform to Literacy was already very high when industrializa- alleviate the distortions in the choice between work tion began in the last century. Substantial attention and leisure and to shrink parallel, underground labor was given to primary and general education, including markets. women's education, as well as to technical and mer- Scandinavia's pragmatic willingness to avoid conflict cantile education in trade schools and universities. The and to seek consensus in political and economic life has government focused on building the infrastructure for certainly shaped development there in important development, which included legal and administrative ways. Although it is impossible to say if the search for frameworks and transport. consensus has contributed much to growth, it has The later period: after World War II molded Scandinavia's special combination of private and public activity. Scandinavia is rightly acclaimed for having reached an advanced phase of welfare. But some characteristics of ing new production techniques . . . the more have varied, and have ranged from government schooling of appropriate content that a nation's interventions to market solutions. Elements of population had, the easier it is to master the new both are needed: market-oriented policies to sup- technological knowledge becoming available" port growth, together with well-targeted social (Easterlin 1981). Equally essential is the freedom of programs. individuals and firms to borrow foreign technol- ogy, learn from foreign ideas, and buy foreign Aggregate outcomes in development goods. The more open the economy, the greater the returns to education and to physical Incomes and welfare have improved substantially investments. in the postwar era. In low- and middle-income Another important link connects macro- countries, output has grown at an average annual economic stability to the success of microeconomic rate of nearly 5 percent since 1965, with output per policies. Countries with low inflation and sustain- capita growing at 2.5 percent. Social progress has able external balances have been far more success- also been strong. Secondary school enrollment has ful in achieving lasting growth. nearly doubled since 1965, to about 40 percent. Finally, human development and poverty alle- Infant mortality seems to have fallen substantially, viation, on the one hand, and economic growth, from an estimated 124 deaths per thousand births on the other, seem to reinforce each other. Human in 1965 to 72 in 1988. development and poverty alleviation have always Not all countries have achieved the same suc- been development goals in the eyes of policy- cesses. The rate of GDP growth has varied sub- makers and planners. Their methods, however, stantially from region to region. Incomes im- 36 proved consistently in East Asia; performance also The rates of saving and investment rose in many improved in South Asia, but more slowly and countries. India consistently saved more than 20 patchily. In other regions, income growth deterio- percent of its income in the 1970s and 1980s. In rated. Since 1960, per capita real incomes have 1988, Brazil saved 28 percent of its income; China, surged in Japan, the Republic of Korea, and 37 percent; Côte d'Ivoire, 22 percent; and Kenya, Singapore; stagnated in Argentina, Jamaica, and 22 percent. Investment as a share of income aver- Peru; and dropped in Ghana, Nigeria, and Zambia aged 26 percent for developing countries in 1988. (Figure 2.2). But again, country differences were substantial. Investment shares were about 4 percent in Bolivia, Sudan, and Zaire and about 30 percent in the Republic of Korea, Portugal, and Venezuela. Figure 2.2 Per capita income, selected The growth of trade in low- and middle-income countries, 1960 and 1988 countries was strong as a whole; exports ex- (1985 PPP dollars) panded by almost 5.3 percent during the period 1,000 20,000 1965-89. Brazil, China, Korea, and Turkey were United States among the strongest performers. But many coun- Uruguay tries fared poorly, particularly in Sub-Saharan Venezuela Africa, where real exports plummeted in the 1980s Argentina h (Figure 2.3). In all developing countries, the share Chile h of exports in output increased from about 13 to 23 Mexico Japan percent in this perioda trend dominated by East Spain Asia, where the share increased from 8 to 30 Singaporea percent. Costa Rica Government involvement in the economy also Peru Mauritius , A. varied greatly. The share of public employment in Greece the formal nonagricultural sector in 1980 was esti- Colombia mated to be more than 70 percent in Benin, Jamaica Ghana, India, Tanzania, and Zambia, and less Malaysia Algeria Turkey Brazil Sri Lanka Figure 2.3 Estimated annual growth in real Philippines exports, selected groups of countries, 1965-89 Zambia (percent) Nigeria Ghana -2 0 2 4 6 8 10 12 Côte d'Ivoire Thailand Zimbabwe Rep. of Korea Morocco ' - '1 Sub-Saharan Africa East Asia j I Pakistan Indonesiab I Cameroon South Asia Kenya Bangladesh Europe, Middle East, India and North Africaa Egypt Malawi Latin America I and the Caribbean Tanzania U 1960 0 1988 Industrial countries _________________________ Note: A logarithmic scale is used to facilitate comparison of countries with high and low per capita income. Countnes were 0 1965-73 0 1973-80 U 1980-89 selected, based on data availability, to provide a balanced sample in terms of population size and regional distribution. Data are for 1960 and 1985. Data are for 1962 and 1988. a. Excluding Iran and Iraq. Source: Summers and Heston 1991. Source: World Bank data. 37 than 25 percent in Argentina, Guatemala, and eraged 1.1 percent a year in the period 1960-73, Korea (Heller and Tait 1984). In some countries, declined 2.8 percent a year after the oil price in- public consumption has averaged more than 15 crease of 1973. Public spending was largely re- percent of output, which implies that the wages of sponsible for the decline. Between 1973 and 1981, public employees may have absorbed more than a public employment tripled from 0.5 to 1.5 million. third of nonagricultural output. Government expenditure rose fivefold between 1972 and 1974 and accounted for almost 80 percent Highlights of economy experiences of total oil revenue. Public investment increased from 5 percent of GDP in 1974 to 17 percent in Much can be learned about the effectiveness of 1977, and accounted for more than half of total different development strategies from the experi- investment in that year. The budget turned from ences of individual economies. The following surplus to a deficit averaging 24 percent of re- paragraphs highlight the recent stories of develop- tained revenue in 1975-78 (Bevan, Collier, and ment in China, India, Nigeria, Brazil, Argentina, Gunning, forthcoming). Malaysia, Sri Lanka, Korea, other East Asian Brazil. This country is often cited as an exam- newly industrializing economies, and the OECD ple of the success of good import substitution poli- economies. The subject of regional variations in cies. For almost three decades (between 1960 and income within economies is also raised. 1987) its average growth rate was an impressive China. From 1950 to 1978 the Chinese econ- 6.6 percent a year. What is revealing about the omy was centrally planned in most respects. The miracle years of 1967 to 1979, however, is that defects of such a highly centralized administrative rapid growth was preceded and accompanied by system became clear, despite the progress in infra- economic reform. Before 1967, classic stabilization structure and resource mobilization, "it makes measures (tight credit and budget controls) were productive enterprises subordinate to administra- applied to bring down inflation. In 1967, a new tive organs. . . [and] involves excessive command tariff law reduced protection to domestic manufac- planning from above and is too rigid" (Hsu 1982). turing from 58 to 30 percent. In 1968, a crawling So structural reforms were introduced in 1978. The peg exchange rate replaced the multiple exchange most striking were rural reforms that introduced rate system. These policies produced a surge in price and ownership incentives to farmers. Real export volume of more than 10 percent a year be- farm prices have increased by 50 percent, and the tween 1964 and 1980, and an annual rate of growth agricultural growth rate rose from 2.5 percent in of 9.4 percent (Maddisori and Associates, 1965-78 to 7.2 percent in 1978-88. forthcoming). India. The government has been actively in- Argentina. At the turn of this century, Argen- volved in the production process, regulating "the tina's per capita income was comparable to those scale, technology, and location of any investment of Australia and Canada. But since the 1940s the project other than relatively small ones . . . a chao- country has suffered chronic macroeconomic in- tic incentive structure and the unleashing of rap- stability and slow growth. Inflation and repeated acious rent-seeking were the inevitable outcomes" failures to stabilize the financial environment have (Srinivasan 1990). This extensive government in- discouraged domestic savings and investment. volvement was accompanied by macroeconomic Without macroeconomic stabilization, Argentina stability in the 1960s and 1970s, but growth was has had difficulty adjusting to shocks to its terms slow nonetheless. During the period 1960-79, the of trade, a problem compounded by high levels of growth of per capita income averaged 1 percent a protection. These continuous macroeconomic fail- year. Absolute poverty declined from about 55 per- ures largely explain the decline in Argentina's cent in the early 1960s to only 45 percent in the growth rate, which has fallen from an average of 4 mid-1980s. Since the late 1970s, some industries percent a year in the period 1960-73 to 0.8 percent have been deregulated. The exchange rate, whose in 1973-87. real value relative to the dollar was the same in Malaysia and Sri Lanka. In 1960, these two 1955 and 1980, has depreciated in real terms. countries had similar per capita incomes, educa- These partial reforms contributed to an accelera- tion levels, infant mortality rates, ethnic diversity, tion in the per capita growth rate to about 3 per- and economic structures. Since then they have fol- cent in the 1980s. lowed different development strategies. Even after Nigeria. A telling statistic about this oil ex- the reforms of 1978, Sri Lanka remained less open porter is that its per capita growth rate, which av- than Malaysia. Agricultural taxation has been 38 lower in Malaysia too: taxation of rubber exports The other economies were relatively more inter- has averaged less than 30 percent, compared with ventionist. Japan and Korea followed policies of more than 60 percent in Sri Lanka. During the pe- protection for infant industries and of credit sub- riod 1960-78, Malaysia grew at 7.0 percent and Sri sidies. Why, in these cases, did interventionist pol- Lanka at 4.4 percent. Productivity growth has av- icies succeed when they so often failed elsewhere? eraged 1.5 percent in Malaysia and 0 percent in Sri Some economists argue that intervention worked Lanka. Between 1960 and 1988, infant mortality because markets were still freer than in other econ- rates dropped from an estimated 70 per thousand omies. Some go so far as to argue that intervention in both countries, to about 15 in Malaysia and set the East Asian economies back, that they about 30 in Sri Lanka. The share of the poor in would have done even better without it. Other Malaysia's population is estimated to have been economists say that the secret is to intervene com- reduced from about 37 percent in 1973 to 15 per- petently. But this begs the key question: what is cent in 1987; in Sri Lanka it fell from 37 to 27 per- the difference between competent and incompe- cent between 1963 and 1981. tent intervention? Republic of Korea. Undoubtedly, this economy The issue remains controversial, but three prop- is an example of spectacularly rapid development. ositions now command quite wide support. First, But analysts differ as to the causes. The growth government intervention in these economies was rate during the period 1960-87 in Korea was 9.0 subjected to international competition and market- percent. Social indicators have also improved rap- related checks and balances. These governments idly. Korea continued its import substitution ap- did not avoid the discipline of market forces. proach in the 1960s. A strong export drive was also When protection failed, it was promptly re- launched in the 1960s. After experiencing eco- moveddifficult to do, and most unusual. Sec- nomic difficulties in the late 1970s, Korea pursued ond, governments were careful to offset the bias a more and more liberal approach in the 1980s. against exports that is usually a feature of trade During the period 1960-87, the annual growth of protection. Their trade regimes, in other words, total factor productivity (TFP) was an estimated 1.7 remained highly outward-oriented. Third, inter- percent in Korea. Income distribution compares vention in the market in these East Asian econ- very favorably with that of other developing econ- omies was, in an overall sense, more moderate omies, though it is estimated to have worsened. than in most other developing economies. These Other East Asian economies. The economies of and other institutional features seem to distin- Hong Kong and Singapore have also achieved en- guish the East Asian economies, including Japan viable success. So has Taiwan, China, which dur- (see Box 2.2). Interventions in trade and industry ing the period 1960-87 grew 9.5 percent. This are further discussed in Chapter 5. economy opened up early, initiating new policies OECD countries. During the past three de- in 1958-59 that "reversed the import-substitution cades, the OECD countries have experienced solid strategy [and] reoriented the economy to the growth, averaging about 3 percent a year, and world market" (Myers 1990). Income distribution with less country-by-country variation than compares favorably with that in other economies, among the developing countries (Harberger 1984). and it has improved. The fastest-growing advanced economy has been The government of Singapore has been consid- Japan; its output increased by 6.5 percent a year erably more interventionist than the government between 1965 and 1980. Two features of this expe- of Hong Kong. During the period 1960-87, growth rience stand out: first, rapid technological prog- rates were 8.8 percent in Singapore and 8.6 per- ress, supported by a strong outward orientation; cent in Hong Kong, whereas productivity grew by second, a rise in saving rates, supported by 1.7 percent in Singapore and by 3.1 percent in moderate fiscal policies. Often the government's Hong Kong. budget was in surplus. This stimulated saving and These East Asian economies have performed ex- investment and created opportunities to cut taxes. ceedingly well for long periods of time. Although Germany's postwar growth (3.5 percent during they differ in many important respects, they all the period 1965-80) was export-oriented, with low share several features: high and rising levels of inflation and a realistic exchange rate that ensured education, and an outward orientation. But these international competitiveness. By and large, orga- economies raise important questions about the nized labor supported the government's growth- proper roles of state and market. Hong Kong oriented policies. Economies of scale, learning by followed a relatively free-market approach. doing, and the restructuring of industry led to 39 I Box 2.2 What's behind the Japanese miracle? Exceptional investments in people, physical assets, sector activitiesthe role of government in Japan's and technology are generally considered the main rea- economy is small. Moreover, of the nearly half million sons for Japan's success, as elaborated on elsewhere in Japanese manufacturing firms in the 1950s, most were this Report. The institutional and policy factors that small and medium-sizeaccounting for half the value created the climate for these large investments and added in manufacturing (60 percent in the late 1970s). their productivity are still debated. Institutions? The bureaucrats? Traditional Japanese views on rights and appropriate Some see the Japanese miracle as the result of bureau- behavior have affected the resolution of conflictsand crats in the Ministry of International Trade and Indus- the relations between workers and managers, between try (MITI) guiding firms' production and investment large firms and subcontractors, and between govern- decisions. Since the 1930s at least, Japanese bureau- ment agencies, producers, and producers' associa- crats have influenced manufacturers' decisions. They tions. For example, norms of behavior toward author- have eased their access to capital and to foreign tech- ity, which encourage a free flow of information nology. They have granted subsidies, trade barriers, between workers and supervisors, and a consensus- and tax breaks. They have formulated plans to allocate building approach in conflict resolution have allowed production. And they have sanctioned cartels. As in- better quality control in mass assembly. dustrial consultants who can persuade their clients to All three follow their advice, MITI's officials have a close rela- tionship with manufacturers. Each explanation probably captures an aspect of real- ity. But it is difficult to draw lessons for other countries The size of interventions? from an institutional explanation of Japan's success By any measurethe size of government expenditures except to note that bureaucrats did not try to fight mar- or taxes, government-induced macroeconomic distur- ket trends. Instead, they tried to anticipate those bances, controls on prices, the role of state-owned en- trends, and they retreated when they were wrong. The terprises in manufacturing, or restrictions on private market was a disciplining factor. rapid advances in productivity. In Britain, eco- 1987. The average per capita income in the western nomic growth in the 1960s and 1970s was slower region of India (14 percent of the population) was because of high inflation, troubled labor relations, about 60 percent higher than in the eastern region an overvalued exchange rate, frequent balance of (22 percent of the population) in 1986-87. In Indo- payments problems, low corporate profits, and too nesia, the per capita output in Sumatra (20 percent little investment. Growth improved during the of the population) was estimated to be 36 percent 1980s. more than in Java (60 percent of the population) in Regional differences in income within countries. 1988. According to available data, this difference is Data on average incomes for countries conceal re- virtually eliminated if income from oil is excluded, gional variations in incomes, especially in large or if expenditures are compared. Within Nigeria, countries, Variations in nominal income, or output, the eastern region was estimated to have a 70 per- per capita originating from region to region are cent higher per capita income (also including oil substantial in several large countries, including income) than the northern region in 1981. Brazil, China, India, Indonesia, and Nigeria (see Variations in nominal income, however, are bi- the maps for examples). Differences in expendi- ased upward because costs of living are typically tures, as well as differences in real termsthat is, higher in the wealthier regions. But data for cost of alter correcting for regional price differencesare living adjustments are scarce. Where the adjust- expected to be less (see below). Within China, the ments were possible, in the case of Brazil, differ- per capita nominal income in the eastern region ences do diminish (in real terms). In 1980 the (which contains 29 percent of the population) was southeastern region of Brazil (with about 40 per- estimated to be 50 percent higher than in the cent of the people) had an estimated per capita southern region (43 percent of the population) in nominal income more than three times that of the 40 northeastern region (30 percent of the people). Ac- cording to an estimate for 1975, when measured in real terms, the southeastern region's income was twice, rather than three times, that of the north- eastern region. The evidence from industrial countries shows smaller regional differences in nominal terms. In the United States, the Middle Atlantic region (15 percent of the population) had a 16 percent higher nominal per capita income in 1988 than the South Atlantic region (17 percent of the population). The differences were estimated to have narrowed in the past three decades. Adequate comparisons of trends in regional inequalities in the developing Nominal average countries, however, are constrained by lack of income of regions: ? 5?0 1000 data; the available data do not show any clear re- variation from national KILOMETERS average duction in regional inequalities. The various economy experiences, though 40 percent above or more highly suggestive, need to be analyzed more care- fully if they are to yield systematic evidence. A 20-40 percent above larger number of countries must be compared with Within 20 percent (above or below) More than 20 percent below INDONESIA 1000 KILOMETERS Washsn1ton, ATEs Lagos KILOMETERS KILOMETERS Alaska and Hawaiian Islands not to scale Note: Regional estimates include income from oil production, especially important in Indonesia and Nigeria. Sources: Indonesia income data from Biro Pusat Statistik 1989; Nigeria data from World Bank; Brazil data from IBGE 1987; United States data from U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census 1990. 41 Box 2.3 Total factor productivity in economic growth An important advance in economics of the past fifty under the formula based on labor's share. And the years has been to identify and measure total factor pro- extra contribution from upgrading the quality of labor ductivity, which measures changes in output per unit ends up in the residual. of all inputs combined. Before, most analysis of pro- Adjusting for labor quality makes it easy to identify ductivity focused on the growth of labor productivity, the residual with technical changedefined very and to a lesser degree, on the growth of the average broadly. Technical change includes such obvious inno- productivity of capital. vations as the mechanical cotton picker, the pneumatic Observe the following differences. The total output tire, the hand-held calculator, the personal computer, of the United States in the first part of the twentieth the fork-lift truck, and the containerized shipping century grew at about 3 percent a year. Its capital stock system. also grew at about 3 percent, whereas the labor input But technical change also includes numerous ways of (measured in worker-hours) grew at only about 1 per- reducing real costs. These costs may fall as more disci- cent a year. In the capital-labor mix, capital accounted pline is instilled in the work force by a more demand- for about one-third, and labor, two-thirds. So inputs ing manageror as the work force becomes more pro- were rising about 1.7 percent a year: two-thirds times I ductive because a too-demanding manager has been percent plus one-third times 3 percent. Total factor pro- fired. An assembly line might be made more produc- ductivity, or the residual, thus accounted for 1.3 per- tive simply by straightening it outor a farm by intro- cent in output growth: 3 percent (the rate of growth of ducing a different fertilizer. Productivity may also be output) minus 1.7 percent (the growth rate of inputs). increased by, for example, installing a facsimile ma- The early calculations of total factor productivity for chine, closing down unprofitable branches, or buying different countries led to the conclusionsurprising at longer-lasting tires for trucks. the timethat about half of growth in output was due The way to understand more about what makes up to the residual, which was quickly baptized as technical the residual is to study the growth of total factor pro- change. What makes up the residual? Technological in- ductivity in detailproduct by product, industry by novations have no doubt generated some improve- industry, sector by sector. Even with close study not ments in total factor productivity. But the main addi- every source of cost reduction can be identified, but the tional element is in the quality of labor. If the additions most important ones surely can. This identification to the labor force are more productive than the existing alone reveals the kaleidoscopic sources of growth en- force, they will add more to output than they would compassed in the residual. one another in an econometric framework that en- countries after 1870 and the East Asian economies sures consistency of treatment. Then it may be after World War II, can be largely explained by possible to infer the factors that fuel development. education (and the associated quality of institu- tions) and by policies promoting outward orienta- The determinants of the growth of income tion and competition. Outward orientation boosts growth and productivity. Import substitution poli- Comparative studies were pioneered by the Inter- cies have generally had disappointing results. Pro- national Labour Organisation in the early 1970s tected infant industries have rarely grown up, (Meier and Seers 1984), in the trade studies of while the anti-export bias from protection has im- Little, Scitovsky, and Scott (1970), and by studies peded the growth of exports. Further, these poli- done under the sponsorship of the National Bu- cies have lowered agricultural incentives. Second, reau of Economic Research (Bhagwati 1978; severe and prolonged macroeconomic imbalances Krueger 1978). Since then, further studies have hurt investment and growth. Private investment is accumulated rapidly. They include recent work at hampered because public borrowing and debt the World Bank (where five large multicountry crowd it out and investors are uncertain about the studies have covered approximately sixty coun- future of the economy. tries), other agencies of the United Nations, and Another method of analyzing the growth pro- the World Institute for Development Economics cess is to estimate the contribution that capital and Research. labor make to growth. Patterns of experience Two of the main conclusions of this body of re- across countries can be examined through a com- search are as follows. First, sustained develop- parative study of large groups of countries and of ment in many countries, notably the Scandinavian econometric analyses of the data derived from 42 them. One result applies to both industrial and capital increases, output increases by about 0.4 developing countries. The sum of the contribu- percent. Under assumptions of perfect competi- tions of the factors of production fails to account tion in product and factor markets, this elasticity for overall growth. The so-called residual in the reflects the share of capital in the economy. For estimated production function, or total factor pro- industrial countries, this share has indeed been ductivity, accounts for the rest. It captures the effi- estimated at between 0.25 and 0.4 percent. The ciency with which inputs are used (Box 2.3). estimated elasticity of output to labor is about 0.45 The empirical literature on the determinants of percent. This elasticity is somewhat lower than economic growth in industrial countries is volumi- that of industrial countries; estimates for the nous (Denison 1962; Jorgensen and Griiches 1967; United States put the figure between 0.6 and 0.75 Maddison 1981). Similar work for developing percent. The much lower levels of education in countries has been less comparable, however, be- developing countries probably account for much cause of data problems. Data on inputs are gener- of this difference. ally unavailable. Estimates of human and capital stock are vital for this sort of analysis. The contribution of education For this Report, a consistent set of data for out- put, capital stock, labor force, arable land, and Many studies document the high returns on in- years of education of the working population has vestment in education. In past studies of growth, been constructed. For GDP growth, national ac- education has been roughly proxied by literacy counts data have been used. Their limitations need rates, or by primary school enrollment ratios. Re- to be borne in mind (Box 2.4). Estimates of physi- search for this Report suggests that increasing the cal and human capital were prepared for sixty- average amount of education of the labor force by eight countries. The group includes some of what one year raises GDP by 9 percent. This holds for are now high-income countries (Japan, Greece, the first three years of education; that is, three Spain, and Portugal), but none of the results is years of education as compared with none raises sensitive to their inclusion. Of the other countries, GDP by 27 percent. The return to an additional twenty-seven are in Africa; fifteen in Latin Amer- year of schooling then diminishes to about 4 per- ica; nine in East Asia; eight in Europe, the Middle cent a year-or a total of 12 percent for the next East, and North Africa; and four in South Asia. three years. These results are consistent with ear- lier studies. The contribution of capital and labor Almost everywhere, growth rates fell after 1973 (Table 2.2). Two possible causes were examined: For the sample of developing countries used, the slower growth of inputs, particularly capital, and estimated elasticity of output to capital for the slower growth in the efficiency with which the in- 1960-87 period is about 0.4; for every 1 percent puts were used. Slowing growth of the capital Table 2.2 The growth of GDP, inputs, and TFP (percent) GDP Capital Labor TFP Region, group, or economy 1960-73 1973-87' 1960-87' 1960-73 1973-87' 1960-87' 1960-73 1973-87 1960-8 7' 1960-73 1973-87' 1960-87 Developing economies Africa 4.0 2.6 3.3 6.3 6.3 6.3 2.1 2.3 2.2 0.7 -0.7 0.0 East Asia 7.5 6.5 6.8 9.8 10.7 10.2 2.8 2.6 2.6 2.6 1.3 1.9 Europe, Middle East, and North Africa 5.8 4.2 5.0 7.7 7.5 7.6 1.4 1.9 1.7 2.2 0.6 1.4 Latin America 5.1 2.3 3.6 7.4 5.6 6.3 2.5 2.8 2.6 1.3 -1.1 0.0 South Asia 3.8 5.0 4.4 8.0 7.2 7.7 1.8 2.3 2.1 0.0 1.2 0.6 Sixty-eight economies 5.1 3.5 4.2 7.4 7.1 7.2 2.2 2.4 2.3 1.3 -0.2 0.6 Industrial economies France 5.5 2.1 3.9 5.7 3.8 4.8 0.4 -1.0 -0.2 2.3 0.9 1.7 Germany" 4.3 1.8 3.1 5.3 3.0 4.2 -0.3 -0.9 -0.6 1.9 0.9 1.4 United Kingdom 3.3 1.3 2.4 3.6 2.6 3.1 0.1 -0.5 -0.2 1.7 0.6 1.2 United States 3.7 2.2 3.0 3.8 2.8 3.4 1.8 1.9 1.8 1.0 -0.1 0.5 Note: Estimates for developing countries are based on a sample of sixty-eight economies; see the technical note at the end of the main text. Until 1985 for industrial economies. The Federal Republic of Germany before reunification with the former German Democratic Republic. Sources: World Bank data; Boskin and Lau 1990. 43 Box 2.4 Measurement informs policyor does it? The demand for economic data in policy analysis has with imputations, the pricing of such volumes is less intensified since Simon Kuznets pioneered national in- than satisfactory. Multiple exchange rates, enforced come accounting in the 1920s. With Keynes's macro- through rationing or other means, distort GDP mea- economic models and Leontief's input-output models, sures because the prices used do not reflect true values. the data, analytical tools, and computing capabilities Parallel or underground market activities lead to incen- have mushroomed. But serious problems of data and tives for evading taxes; these activities are not captured measurement still plague quantitative economic fully in GDP. If the share of such activities in measured analysis. GDP changes over time, estimated growth rates based Dubious quality on measured GDP will be off the mark. Externalities associated with resource overuse and In many countries, estimates of agricultural production environmental degradation present another difficult is- are not based on reliable estimates of crop area and sue for proper accounting. If an economy overuses its yields. Estimates of industrial production are based on environmental resources and if market prices do not partial coverage of enterprises, ignoring for the most fully reflect this use, conventional GDP measures over- part small-scale production units. Measures such as na- state the capability of the economy to sustain the flow tional savings, investment, and consumption are indi- of goods and services. rectly estimated, derived as the difference between two other magnitudes, which are themselves subject to Tenuous policy inferences error. Can we infer, from an observed positive association There are serious gaps in the data on literacy, school between policies and performance, that performance enrollment, poverty levels, and nutritional levels. Reli- responds to policy? Econometric tests of causality often able estimates of life expectancy at birthbased on re- cannot be applied with the available datanot to men- cent censusesand measures of births and deaths are tion the complex problems of interpreting the results of only available for thirty countries for the years after such tests or of drawing statistical inferences from 1980 (Box table 2.4). Only twenty-seven countries have them. Policy conclusions based on analyses of meager series for more than one period. Thus, most of the data sets can be seriously biased. Ultimately, it is a available estimates are based on assumptions about matter of judgment whether an observed association mortality. between policy and performance is causal or simply the Poor comparability result of both being driven by a third set of unobserved (or latent) variables. GDP measures pose important problems in compara- bility across countries and over time. Among the major Implications for analysis hurdles are price changes accompanying quality These cautionary remarks should not lead us to aban- changes, changes in relative prices, the choice of base don quantitative analysis. Nor do they relieve us of the periods, and the extent of coverage of economic activ- responsibility of deriving policy lessons from such ity. The conventional use of official exchange rates in- analysis. We have no serious alternative to empirically troduces biases during periods of volatile exchange based analysis for policymaking. Judgments will have rates. Purchasing power parities (PPPs) generally yield to be made. And insights from analytical descriptions a more accurate measure of output by comparing the of economic history will have to be combined imag- value of a specified basket of goods and services in the inatively with purely econometric analysis. This Report domestic market, expressed in national currency, with reflects the results of such an effort. Although there the value of the same basket in foreign currency. can be no finality about its conclusions, it does repre- Own-account consumption and subsistence produc- sent a careful assessment of the available evidence. tion are often inadequately measured, if at all. Even Box table 2.4 The availability of relatively reliable data for selected social indicators in developing economies (number of countries or areas) Number with data on life Number with data on infant Number with data on expectancy at birth mortality rate probability of dying by age 5 Region, total Before Before Before number of economies Total 1975 1975-79 1980- Total 1975 1975-79 1980- Total 1975 1975-79 1980- Africa, 50 16 9 4 3 36 11 10 15 35 12 10 13 Latin America, 27 24 5 3 16 26 1 3 22 26 2 4 20 Asia and Oceania, 40 20 1 8 11 27 3 9 15 27 3 10 14 Total, 117 60 15 15 30 89 15 22 52 88 17 24 47 Source: United Nations 1990c. 44 stock is not, it seems, to blame. It grew on average Table 2.3 Percentage share of output growth by slightly more than 7 percent a year before and accounted for by factor input growth, after 1973. Even in Africa, the rate of capital forma- sample of world economies, 1960-87 tion was 6.3 percent a year in both periods. Region or group and period Capital Labor TFP With certain technical caveats, if input growth was broadly unchanged in the second period and 1960-73 output growth declined, then growth in the pro- Africa 59 22 17 East Asia 50 16 35 ductivity of input use must have fallen. The data Europe, Middle East, support this viewstrikingly so (Table 2.3). Varia- and North Africa 51 10 38 tions in productivity growth reflect changes in re- Latin America 55 20 25 source allocation, technologies, and dynamic com- South Asia 81 20 0 Total 56 18 26 parative advantage. Slower TFP growth points to diminishing advances in technology, fewer im- 1973 -87 provements in the efficiency of input use, or both. Africa 92 37 27 East Asia 62 17 20 Since 1960, growth in productivity has ac- Europe, Middle East, counted for a relatively small proportion of output and North Africa 68 19 14 growth for most developing countries. The excep- Latin America 94 51 48 tion is East Asia, where the share is more than 25 South Asia 55 19 24 percent. For the industrial economies, produc- Total 76 28 6 tivity growth has been much more important. A 1960-87 recent study of the United States suggests that Africa 73 28 0 East Asia 57 16 28 technical progress alone accounts for more than 50 Europe, Middle East, percent of output growth since 1945 and labor and North Africa 58 14 28 force growth for 27 percent (Boskin and Lau 1990). Latin America 67 30 0 Another draws this conclusion: "a major differ- South Asia 67 20 14 Total 65 23 14 ence between [developing and developed coun- tries] seems to be that growth in the former is Selected industrial largely accounted for by the accumulation of in- countries, 1960-85 puts rather than the growing efficiency in their France 27 5 78 Germanya 23 10 87 deployment" (Chenery and Srinivasan 1988). Japan 36 5 59 The small role that productivity growth plays on United Kingdom 27 5 78 average in developing countries is unlikely to be United States 23 27 50 explained by lower rates of technological change. Note: For economy classifications and estimates, see the technical note at the end of the main text. In East Asia, productivity increased at 2.6 percent a. The Federal Republic of Germany before reunification with the a year for the period 1960-73, about the same as in former German Democratic Republic. Sources: For developing economies, World Bank data. For industrial the industrial countries. The importance of pro- economies, Boskin and Lau 1990. ductivity growth, despite its small share, is indi- cated by the fact that differences in it account for more than half of the variation in growth rates 1931-38). During periods of slow growth, produc- across countries. Economic policy, as this Report tivity stagnated or declined (it fell by 0.2 percent will explain, goes a long way to explain these during the period 1918-31). In the period 1960-73, differences. output grew at 9.2 percent and productivity at 3.4 The association between productivity growth percent. In the period 1973-87, output grew at 3.7 and aggregate growth is strong and positive (Fig- percent and productivity at 0.8 percent. ure 2.4). It holds across regions and in different periods. In the period 1973-87, the average decline The contribution of domestic policy in growth rates (about 1.5 percent) is exactly matched by the decline in TFP growth (Table 2.2). Policies can affect both the quantity of inputs and Historical data for Japan also support this strong their productivity. A policy of import substitution, association between economic growth and produc- for example, may increase investment but de- tivity growth (Ohkawa and Rosovski 1973). Dur- crease efficiency and technological progress, and ing periods of rapid growth, such as 1912-18 or hence productivity. It can be argued that an import 1931-38, TFP grew as well (at 2.1 percent a year in tariff has only a once and for all effect on efficiency the period 1912-18 and at 3.8 percent a year in and does not affect the rate of technical progress. 45 and 5 confirms this positive association between Figure 2.4 The average annual growth of per openness and competition, on the one hand, and capita income and productivity, selected growth, on the other. Other studies have found economies, 1960-87 similar results. (percent) Third, macroeconomic instability diminishes the return on investment and the growth of output, as Per capita income growth country studies have suggested (see Chapters 4 8 and 6). This is only weakly supported by one proxy used in the cross-country estimation, the 6 foreign exchange premium. Finally, the data sug- gest that an increase in the share of government consumption in GDP results in a decline in pro- 4 ductivity growth later on. This is consistent with the results of other studies (Barro, forthcoming). 2 The evidence suggests that good policiesas- sumed to be reflected by alternative measures 0 and investments, both physical and human, are complementary. Both better policies and more ed- ucation contribute to growth. Furthermore, they -2 seem to interact. Thus, the effect on growth of better policy and more education together is -4 greater than that of each separately (Table 2.4). -4 -2 0 2 4 6 8 Similar results are obtained for changes in educa- TFP growth a tion and for investment. a. The unexplained residual of GDP growth after controlling for These results appear fairly robust for alternative growth in conventional inputs (labor, capital, land). groupings of countries and measures of policy. Source: World Bank data. The variables under consideration may not be in- dependent sources of good performance; causality has not been established, and variables omitted from the analysis may be affecting the results. But Alternatively, it has been claimed that tariffs make the evidence still suggests that simultaneous ef- it harder to adopt new technology and therefore forts to improve policy and to augment human slow the growth of productivity. Theory, there- and physical capital can have exceptionally high fore, is ambiguous. Evidence from country studies returns. brings out the aspects of policy that affect produc- tivity, which are further discussed in Chapters 3 The effects of external factors and 7. Three suggestive overall findings are men- tioned here. The terms of trade facing developing countries, First, the contribution of additional education in growth in the OECD countries, international inter- raising total output and productivity has already est rates, and capital flows are just some of the been noted. In addition to this effect, the level of external factors that can affect development. The education (as opposed to changes in the kind of importance of these factors for the aggregate pros- education) of the population also seems impor- pects for development is discussed throughout tant. A three-year-higher initial level of education this Report (see Chapters 1, 5, 6, and 8; also see is associated with an increase of 0.4 percent in the Dell and Lawrence 1980). But can they account for annual growth rate (or 11 percent extra output differences in performance among individual coun- during a twenty-seven-year period). tries? A study of thirty-three developing countries Second, openness and competition are associ- did not find a statistical association between differ- ated with growth in productivity. This holds for ences in growth rates and the magnitude of exter- the various measures of openness used in this Re- nal shocks (Mitra and Associates 1991). port, including the two used in this chapter: Capital flows are another external factor that af- movements in the domestic prices of traded goods fects development. Concessional aid is an impor- toward international prices, and changes in trade tant source of financing for low-income countries, shares. The more detailed review in Chapters 4 and its volume makes a difference to these coun- 46 Table 2.4 Interaction of policy with education and investment, 1965-87 Probability Probability of of higher Average Average TFP higher than median than median TFP Interacting variables GDP growth growth GDP growth growth Policy "distortion" and education" Low distortion and high education level 5.5 1.40 63.7 53.9 Low distortion and low education level 3.8 0.25 52.0 499* High distortion and high education level 3.8 0.00 35.7 38.1 High distortion and low education level 3.1 -0.40 42.0 46.0* Policy "distortion" and change in education Low distortion and high rate of increase in education 5.3 1.30 57.0 54.3 Low distortion and low rate of increase in education 4.0 0.40 55.1 48.8* High distortion and high rate of increase in education 3.5 -0.16 35.0 39.7 High distortion and low rate of increase in education 3.4 -0.19 39.2 447* Policy "distort ion"a and investmentd Low distortion and high investment 5.2 0.91 73.6 56.5 Low distortion and low investment 3.5 0.75 35.6 46.4* High distortion and high investment 4.6 0.07 53.8 44.0 High distortion and low investment 2.6 -0.36 26.7 41.2* Note: All results are significant at the 5 percent level unless marked with an asterisk (*), in which case they are not significant. High distortion here is reflected by a foreign exchange premium of more than 30 percent; low distortion, a premium of 30 percent or less. See the technical note at the end of the main text. Education is measured by the average years of schooling, excluding postsecondary schooling, of the population age fifteen to sbty-four. High education is defined here as more than 3.5 years; low education, 3.5 years or less. Five-year increase (above or below the median). Investment rate as a share of GDP (above or below the median). Sources: For foreign exchange premium, International Currency Analysis, Inc., various years. For all other variables, World Bank data. tries. At the same time, the efficiency with which Second Plans has gone up by 42 percent and the aid is used matters, and improvements in both the per capita income by 20 percent. A legitimate quality and quantity of aid are needed. Efficiency, query is where has this gone . . . I can see that in turn, depends on the policies of lenders and people are better-fed and better clothed, they build borrowers alike (Box 2.5). Overall assessments of brick houses . . . But some people probably have aid effectiveness are inconclusive, but country hardly benefited." (India 1964). Meeting basic studies yield four important lessons that can needs requires both economic growth and a range strengthen the effectiveness of aid. First, aid often of well-targeted social programs. serves multiple objectives. When it is determined Several studies using household data show that primarily by political considerations, special care is social spending can significantly improve the wel- needed to ensure that its economic effects are sat- fare of households. Yet only a few studies have isfactory. Second, foreign assistance can reinforce examined the effects of social spending using ag- good domestic policies as well as bad ones, and in gregate data. It would be especially helpful to the final analysis, efforts to support good policies know whether social spending or overall growth are crucial. Third, a country's capacity to absorb in incomes was the more effective way to improve aid depends on its human, financial, and adminis- social welfare. Several indicators are typically used trative capabilities. Strengthening these capa- to measure welfare: life expectancy, infant mortal- bilities must be a priority. Fourth, stability in the ity, and school enrollment, none of which is de- volume of funding and transparency of conditions void of drawbacks. on the aid help its recipients put it to better use. Data for public expenditures, income growth, and the educational status of adult females were Components of overall development examined for their effects on infant mortality and secondary school enrollment. The results from Meeting basic needs is an important part of eco- these cross-country analyses are mixed (Chapter nomic development. The governments of many 3). Evidence in this Report and in other studies developing countries have made it a priority. In- stresses the importance of well-designed social dia's first prime minister, while introducing the spending for development. Greater efficiency in country's third five-year plan in 1960, stated: "It is the delivery of services and more accurate target- said that the national income over the First and ing are recurring themes (Sen and Drèze 1990). 47 Box 2.5 The contribution of aid When aid can be ineffective When aid is effective Sometimes aid can permit countries to postpone improv- Aid improves the credibility of economic reform by pro- ing macroeconomic management and mobilizing domes- viding assistance in the design of reform packages and tic resources. External agencies continued to provide aid by holding down the cost. Structural adjustment lending to Tanzania while the country experimented with disas- has triggered and helped sustain reforms in many coun- trous rural policies and institutions. The ready availabil- tries that have been committed to reform, including ity of foreign assistance to Pakistanlargely for political Chile, Mexico, and Turkey. In the Republic of Korea, the reasonsenabled it to postpone fiscal reform. Some- infrastructure and education projects of the 1950s helped times aid can strengthen lobbies that have a strong the economic takeoff that followed the reforms of the vested interest in a distorted policy framework and so early 1960s. Humanitarian relief is another unassailable make policy reform more difficult. reason for aid. Aid at times can replace domestic saving and flows of Aid provides external resources for investment and fi- trade, direct foreign investment, and commercial capital nances projects that could not be undertaken with com- as the main sources for investment and technology de- mercial capital because of debt overhang or a long project velopment. Several countries have allowed food aid to gestation period. Aid discussions also inform industrial depress agricultural prices. They have also postponed countries about reforms in developing countries. This critical investments in rural infrastructure and ignored knowledge improves the developing countries' access to the need to build agricultural institutions. capital and direct foreign investment and, as in the cases of Korea, Malaysia, and Thailand, helps them become commercial borrowers. Aid is sometimes turned on and off in response to the Project assistance helps expand much-needed infrastruc- political and strategic agenda of bilateral funding agen- tureroads, railways, ports, and power generating facil- cies, making resource flows unpredictable. This resource ities. It also builds technical expertise in project evalua- instability can result in interruptions in development tion, monitoring, and implementation. Aid also programs, as in Egypt, India, and Pakistan. contributes to personnel training and institution building (for example, in Korea, Pakistan, Thailand, Colombia, and Mexico). In addition, information on best practices such as Bangladesh's Grameen Bank, Bolivia's Emer- gency Social Fund, and Jamaica's Food Stamp Scheme helps recipients tailor practices to their circumstances and avoid mistakes. Uncoordinated and competing bilateral agencies can Domestic policies, institutions, and administrative ca- transfer incompatible technologies and deliver conflict- pacity also vitally affect the success of project aid. An ing projects and advice. These problems of bilateral aid excellent example of their contribution to the effective- arise partly from the widespread practice of tying aid to ness of project aid is the green revolution in South Asia the purchase of equipment, shipping, and technical ad- in the 1960s. It was successful both because of technol- vice from agency sources, which substantially reduces ogy transfers, research, and infrastructure financed by net resource transfers. In Pakistan, for example, the cost aid and because of the responsiveness of domestic insti- of using agency shipping lines to transport aid-funded tutions. procurements (often a substantial proportion of total project costs) was 50-115 percent higher than the cheap- est alternative. Swings in policy advice from funding agencies can add Aid can support better economic and social policies. Ex- to the cost of aid for developing countries. Many recip- ternal aid and finance agencies are more and more sensi- ients, advised to dismantle industrial protection and tive to a project's effects on the environment and on marketing boards, complain that agencies had encour- social conditions. The emphasis on policies has also re- aged these strategies in the 1960s and 1970s, when im- sulted in successful programs to reduce poverty, for ex- port substitution and regulation were in vogue. Agen- ample, in Bolivia, Côte d'Ivoire, and Malaysia. In cies can often adjust rapidly to the changing thinking on Pakistan, concern with low achievements in education development, but recipients of aid need more time to and health is prompting more lending for human re- adjust because of their weak administrative structures. sources to complement efforts to alleviate poverty. 48 The results are quite clear about the importance of educating women. The educational status of Figure 2.5 Female educational attainment adult women is by far the most important variable and decline in infant mortality, selected explaining changes in infant mortality and second- economies, 1960-87 ary school enrollments (see Figure 2.5). An extra year of education for women is associated with a Average annual decline in infant mortality (percent) drop of 2 percentage points in the rate of infant mortality. Household-level studies have reported 01234567 even larger reductions of 5-10 percentage points. Buridna Faso Low female Ethiopia Mali education As noted at the outset, overall development in- Burundi Sudan cludes more than economic variables: it includes Central African Rep Senegal noneconomic features which enrich the quality of CEte diveire Pakistan life. Some noneconomic variables are associated Bensn with economic development, although lines of causation are generally difficult to establish. For Nigeria lhnzania Uganda Morocco - = Toga example, some of the economic and social indica- Rwanda Bangladesh tors discussed above are positively associated with Zaire Cameroon noneconomic components of development, such Haiti India as civil and political liberties (Box 2.6). Kenya Ghana Equity is a separate concern in its own right. It Gabon Algeria has two aspects: income distribution and the inci- Zambia Guatemala dence of poverty. There is no clear link, in either Malawi Congs, direction, between growth and changes in income Madagascar Egypt distribution (see Chapter 7). But economic growth Syria Turkey is strongly associated with a reduction in the inci- Indonesia Bolivia dence of poverty. A review of twenty developing Zimbabwe countries found that growth was associated with China Nicaragua an improvement in absolute poverty in all but one Brazil Hong Kong Colombia country (and the exception had negative per capita Venezuela growth during the period considered). Lal and El Salvador Mexico Israel Myint (in preparation) find the same effect in their Pertugal Peru detailed country studies. World Development Report Singapore 1990 also found strong evidence that growth re- Rep. of Korea Thailand Mauritania duces absolute poverty. Greece Malaysia Philippines The way forward Costa Rica Argentina Chile Spain Perhaps the clearest lesson from work on develop- Yugoslavia Sri Lanka ment during the past thirty years is that there is a Hungary High female education premium on pragmatism and an open mind. Ideas Japan that were once the conventional wisdom, and Note: Economies are listed in ascending order by level of female education, defined as the average years of schooling, excluding which guided governments and multilateral insti- postsecondary schooling, of females age fifteen to sixty-four. For tutions in forming their approaches to develop- the method of estimation, see the technical note at the end of the main text. ment, have now been largely set aside. New ideas Source: World Bank data. stress prices as signals; trade and competition as links to technological progress; and effective gov- ernment as a scarce resource, to be employed spar- ingly and only where most needed. many different sorts of success. And success In development, generalizations can be as rash needs to be evaluated according to the various di- as unbending commitments to theories. Quantita- mensions of development, not just income tive evidence of the sort reviewed in this chapter is growth. suggestive, but no more. There is no magic cure The fastest-growing economies of the sixty-eight for economic backwardness. There is more than analyzed are the four newly industrializing econ- one way to succeedif only because there are omies of East Asia. The best performer in terms of 49 Box 2.6 Noneconomic components of development: liberties itively and significantly correlated with real national income per head and its growth." Scully (1988) also What connection, if any, is there between economic reports a positive effect. development and liberties, one of the noneconomic Finally, after controlling for income growth and re- components of overall development? One possibility is gional effects, liberties appear to be strongly and pos- that a free press and open public debate might expose itively associated with measures of welfare improve- actions by the government or the private sector that ments such as women's education, overall education, might otherwise hold development back. A free press and infant mortality declines (Box figure 2.6). These and expanding flow of information often spur social results do not show the lines of causation, but they and economic progress. India's free press can plausibly suggest that these important components of overall de- be credited with preventing famines, because it forced velopment go together. the government to act promptly. But it can also be said that freedoms in general make it harder for govern- ment to take tough but necessary decisions. The latter view is often advanced to explain the success of coun- Box figure 2.6 The association between political and tries such as the Republic of Korea (with its "good" civil liberties and women's education, selected authoritarian rule) in contrast to countries such as India economies, 1973-86 (where liberties and policy weaknesses may have gone together). Ratio of female to male educational attainment To examine this further, data on political and civil 1.2 liberties were taken from Freedom in the World (Gastil 1989). This survey has been undertaken every year but one since 1973. It ranks countries according to thirty 1.0 specific tests under two criteria: political rights, de- fined as "rights to participate meaningfully in the polit- ical process"; and civil liberties, or the "rights to free 0.8 expression, to organize or demonstrate, as well as rights to a degree of autonomy such as is provided by 0.6 freedom of religion, education, travel, and other per- sonal rights." The resulting index is highly correlated with another constructed by Humana (UNDP 1991). 0.4 All such measures are crude. They cannot support firm conclusions. However, the results are interesting. There is a strong relation between income growth, edu- 0.2 cation levels, and declines in infant mortality; between female education levels, and changes therein, with in- 0 fant mortality decline; and between political and civil 4- Less liberty More liberty -3 liberties and achievements in male and female educa- tion and infant mortality decline (Box table 2.6). Note: Data are period averages for a sample of sixty-seven The results of regression analysis do not go as far as economies; data for 1974 were unavailable. Educational to suggest that liberties contribute positively to income attainment is defined as the average years of schooling, excluding growth, but they imply that they do not hold growth postsecondary schooling, of the population age fifteen to sixty-four. For the method of estimation, see the technical note at back. Some studies find that the relationship between the end of the main text. freedom and growth is ambiguous (Crier and Tullock Sources: For data on political and civil liberties, Gastil 1987; for data on education, World Bank. 1989). Dasgupta (1990) reports a clearer effect for 1970-80, finding that "political and civil rights are pos- Box table 2.6 Correlation matrix for measures of overall development, 1973-87 Measure 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 1. Growth 1.00 0.30 0.12* 0.23 0.31 0.42 0.37 0.19* 2. Decline in infant mortality 1.00 0.27 0.41 0.29 0.67 0.71 0.59 3. Change in education 1.00 0.92 _0.18* 0.30 0.25 0.32* 4. Change in female education 1.00 0.22 0.52 0.48 0.28 5. Change in female-male education gap 1.00 0.55 0.56 0.39 6. Education level 1.00 0.98 0.57 7. Female education level 1.00 0.63 8. Political and civil liberties 1.00 Note: Numbers are penod averages; data are for a sample of sixty-eight economies. All correlation coefficients are statistically significant at least at the 10 percent level, except for those marked with an asterisk (*), a. Because of low data quality, these data cover only the period 1973-84. Sources: For political and civil liberties, Gastil 1989. For others, World Bank data. 50 progress on infant mortality is Chile, along with ably less well on gender equality in education. In a Japan. Jamaica and Japan score highest on educa- spirit of pragmatism and open-mindedness, it is tion (although Costa Rica and Venezuela are better right to conclude that income growth has been with regard to gender equality). Costa Rica, along overemphasized as a measure of welfare, but also with Japan, ranks highest in political and civil lib- that income growth usually does not militate erties. Some of the poorest performers in the eco- against success in the other dimensions. nomic sphere also fared badly in some of the non- The challenge for governments is to translate the economic aspects. broad lessons of development experience into poli- The statistical research therefore shows that the cies that work. To help in this task, the next four various measures of development are linked, more chapters of this Report examine different areas of closely in some cases than in others. But there are policyhuman capital, domestic markets, foreign always exceptions. If indicators are ranked, then trade, and macroeconomic policyin detail. In Algeria, Brazil, and Gabon are in the top one-third each case the Report asks: What have govern- ranked by income, but half way down the rank- ments done, and what appears to have worked ings for infant mortality and education. Pakistan best? also scores well on income growth, but consider- 51 Investing in people If you plan for a year, plant a seed. If uiui Figure 3.1 Male life expectancy at birth, for ten years, plant a tree. If for a hundred years, selected countries, 1855-1985 teach the people. When you sow a seed once, you will reap a single harvest. When you teach the Years .l.ui1 75 people, you will reap a hundred harvests. K'UAN-TZU, 551-479 B.C. 70 In the past century, vast progress has been achieved in human welfarethe ultimate goal of 65 uirni iiiii development. This advance has usually taken uiwaririu 60 place hand in hand with economic growth. Even where growth lagged, however, the quality of life 55 improved. Governments have played a leading role. Public spending on classrooms and text- 50 books, safe drinking water and sanitation, nutri- ...-- tion and immunization programs, and family plan- 45 fling clinics have been critical, especially for the world's poor. But the demands of the future re- quire better targeting, new and more efficient methods of delivery, fewer regressive subsidies, 40 IAF4UU_ and closer partnership with the private sector in 35 the provision of certain services. 1840 1860 1880 1900 1920 1940 1960 1980 2000 During times of economic hardship, such as the 1980s, tough choices need to be made, and short- Argentina -- Bangladesh Chile term gains in economic growth need to be bal- Czechoslovakia Egypt anced against long-term threats to human devel- England and Wales France Japan opment and the quality of life. One lesson from Sri Lanka Sweden United States the past is that the economiessuch as Japan and the Republic of Koreawhich committed them- Note: Countries were selected because of the availability of long- selves to education and training made great strides term life expectancy data based on census data and life tables, in both human development and economic rather than on extrapolations. Sources: United Nations 1982a; World Bank data. growth. Equally, however, investing in education buys no guarantee of faster growth. When econ- 52 I Box 3.1 Nutrition and life expectancy The age-standardized death rate in the United States tional status accounted for as much as four-tenths of declined from 40 per thousand in 1700 to 5 in 1980. the secular decline in mortality rates, with nearly all of During the same period, the British death rate fell from this effect concentrated on infant mortality. Data from 28 to 7 per thousand. Life expectancy at age 10 years for eight European countries from 1880 to 1970 reveal that a U.S. native-born white male increased from about 50 a 1 percent increase in height was associated with a 5 years in 1700 to 57 in 1925, whereas British males percent decline in crude mortality rates, and a three started at a lower life expectancy of 39 and achieved 54 times larger decline in infant mortality. Increases in in 1925. The causes of these changes remain controver- height accounted for 39 percent of the decline in the sial. They have been widely attributed to improve- infant mortality rate, whereas growth In per capita in- ments in medical technology and expansion of hospital come accounted for 27 percent, and the remaining 33 services. Considerable evidence points to the impor- percent was attributable to unmeasured factors. More- tant role disease control has played in increasing life over, using a body mass index in addition to height at expectancy. Others have argued that improvement in maturity as an indicator of nutritional level appears to nutrition was the principal factor and that the decline explain most of the decline in mortality rates in En- in rural mortality before 1920 is largely attributable to gland, France, and Sweden between 1775 and 1875, the rising living standards of the rural population. and about half the mortality decline between 1875 and Recent studies have strengthened the nutrition argu- 1975. ment. For national populations in North America and Eliminating chronic malnutrition may not depend Europe, average adult height has been found to be solely on agricultural production. Famines have coex- highly correlated with life expectancy. Americans were isted with surpluses, the result not of natural calamities found to have achieved modern heights by the mid- or inadequate farm technology but of a sharp loss in eighteenth century and to have reached levels of life purchasing power of a section of the population and expectancy that were not attained by the general popu- failures in the system of food distribution. The English lation of England or even by the British peerage until experience during the period 1600-40 showed that the first quarter of the twentieth century. One of the hunger could also be avoided by appropriate govern- reasons given for this difference is the higher average ment policies on food inventories and food prices in meat consumption by Americans, even in middle of times of shortage, combined with advances in agri- the eighteenth century. cultural technologies. The studies have found that improvements in nutri- omies are badly managed, investments in people Health may go to waste. The Philippines had great prom- ise in the 1950s; its per capita income and literacy Better diets, housing, and control of communica- rate were almost as high as in Korea. Today it lags ble diseases have raised the quality of life every- behind the other economies of Southeast Asiaa where. By reducing illness, these improvements result of highly protectionist industrial policies have increased people's alertness, capacity for and years of authoritarian rule, which squandered learning, and ability to cope with and enjoy life. By foreign borrowings and undermined domestic prolonging life, they have made investments in entrepreneurship. knowledge and skills even more worthwhile. And the benefits of good health flow well into the fu- Welfare and growth ture: a mother's good health strongly influences the early physical and mental development of her In 1890, Alfred Marshall wrote that "health and children. strength, physical, mental, and moral . . are the. Between 1880 and 1985, average life expectancy basis of industrial wealth; while conversely the at birth of males in industrial countries rose by chief importance of material wealth lies in the fact twenty-five to thirty years (Figure 3.1 and Box 3.1); that when wisely used, it increases the health and female life expectancy rose even faster. Similar in- strength, physical, mental, and moral, of the hu- creases in life expectancy have been achieved more man race." The historical experience of nations quickly and at lower levels of income in some de- bears witness to this statement. veloping countries since the 1940s. Average male 53 Table 3.1 The economic burden of adult illness, selected countries and years Potential income loss Days ill Work days absent (percentage of Country and year (past month)' (past month)' normal earnings)b Ghana, 1988/89 3.6 1.3 6.4 Côte d'Ivoire, 1987 2.6 1.3 6.4 Mauritania, 1988 2.1 1.6 6.5 Indonesia, 1978 1.0 0.6 2.5 Philippines (Bicol region), 1978 0.9 0.6 2.5 Bolivia (urban), 1990 1.2 4.4 Peru, 1985/86 4.5 0.9 3.1 Jamaica, 1989 1.2 0.5 2.1 United States, 1988' 0.3 1.5 Note: Countries were selected on the basis of data availability. To calculate these numbers for the eight developing countries, the probability of being ill (or absent from work) was multiplied by the number of days ill (Or work days lost because of illness) in the month before the survey. Potential income loss is the probable number of days of absence from work as a percentage of reported normal days at work. For the United States, data are reported for the number of restricted-activity days resulting from illness in the population aged eighteen to forty-four years. Sources: For the United States, U.S. Department of Health and Human Services 1989. For other countries, household surveys; see the Chapter 3 section on adult illness in the technical note at the end of the main text. life expectancy increased in Japan from about 60 Household survey data from nine countries sug- years in 1950 to 75 years in 1985, surpassing levels gest that the economic effects of illness may be in other industrial countries; in Sri Lanka it in- substantial. An average adult worker in Peru creased from 45 years in 1945 to 64 years in 1971. might expect to be ill 4.5 days a month and miss Many factors have contributed to these improve- about one day of work as a result; in Ghana the ments. For example, UNICEF (1991) estimates that corresponding figures were 3.6 and 1.3 days (Table vaccines given to children in developing countries 3.1). In the United States, workers aged between in the past ten years have prevented 1.6 million eighteen and forty-four years miss, on average, polio cases. The percentage of developing-country one-quarter of a day's work a month. households with access to safe water (vital in the The potential income loss from illness in eight control of infectious diseases) rose from a mean of developing countries averages 2.1-6.5 percent of 48 percent in 1975 to 57 percent in 1985. The im- yearly earnings. Reducing illness could raise GDP provements in life expectancy, however, have accordingly. Averting illness obviously requires re- been distributed unevenly: life expectancy (at fif- sources, but these figures suggest that it might teen) in the poorest countries is still as much as yield a large benefit even in narrow economic twenty years less than in other developing coun- terms, in addition to its human benefits. There are tries. In developing countries, about 25 million complications. These estimates assume that other children and young adults die each year-most household members will not compensate by work- from preventable causes. About 1.5 billion people ing more. Yet potential loss of earnings is only a still lack basic health care (UNDP 1991). partial measure of output loss. The full cost would Better health is desirable as an end in itself. But include the value of lost nonmarket work (such as it also brings substantial economic benefits- child care and food preparation), forgone earnings releasing resources that can then be used to of other household members, costs of treatment, achieve other development goals. Better health and so on. On the whole, the strictly economic and nutrition raise workers' productivity, decrease case for effective efforts to improve health is the number of days they are ill, and prolong their strong. potential working lives. By reducing morbidity Health and nutrition also have long-run effects and debility, the malaria eradication program in on productivity and output because they influence Sri Lanka in the 1940s and 1950s led to a 10 percent a child's ability and motivation to learn. Disease rise in incomes. In Sierra Leone, a 10 percent in- and malnutrition in infancy may retard mental de- crease in the caloric intake of farm workers con- velopment, and illness and temporary hunger suming 1,500 calories a day raised output by 5 per- may reduce children's ability to concentrate and cent. Similar results have been found among keep them away from school. Among Nepalese Kenyan road construction workers with a daily in- children, height-for-age, a measure of nutritional take of 2,000 calories. history, was found to be the most important factor, 54 after family income, in explaining grade or school long-run effects of nutrition on wages can be large enrollment and attainment. In the Philippines, and positive. weight-for-height was a significant predictor of Education performance in mathematics achievement tests among urban school children. These effects, in By improving people's ability to acquire and use turn, influence adult productivity. Studies in information, education deepens their understand- south India and the Philippines suggest that the ing of themselves and the world, enriches their I Box 3.2 Educating women: a key to development When schools open their doors wider to girls and are higher at every level of male enrollment. Countries women, the benefits from education multiply. Con- which achieved near universal primary education for sider the scatter plots in Box figure 3.2, which show boys in 1965 but in which enrollment rates for girls lag primary school enrollment rates of males in 1965 com- far behind have about twice the infant mortality and pared with infant mortality and fertility rates in 1985. fertility rates in 1985 of countries with a smaller gender The scatter plots confirm the expected negative correla- gap. tion between education and infant mortality and fertil- This illustrates a point confirmed by other studies: ity; they suggest that raising a country's education failing to raise women's level of education closer to level (here represented by male enrollment rates) can men's detracts from the social benefits of raising improve the health and life expectancy of children and men's. If the cost of increasing enrollment rates rises as create incentives for reducing family size. But in the a country approaches universal enrollment, then it group of countries with a large gender gap (repre- may be more cost-effective to spend the additional re- sented by the top trend line in each plot)where the sources on girls who have lower enrollment rates than enrollment ratio of girls is only three-fourths or less on boys. that of boysinfant mortality and total fertility rates Box figure 3.2 The effect of the gender gap in education on infant mortality and total fertility, 1985 Infant deaths per 1,000 live births, 1985 Total fertility, 1985 (number of children) 250 10 200 8 150 6 100 4 50 2 0 0 0 20 40 60 80 100 120 140 160 0 20 40 60 80 100 120 140 160 Male primary school enrollment, Male primary school enrollment, 1965 (percent) 1965 (percent) Countries with large gap Countries with small gap Note: The figure assumes that primary school enrollment affects infant mortality twenty years later. The gender gap in education is the ratio of female to male enrollment at the primary school level. Source: King and Hill, forthcoming. 55 important in determining child mortality that it Figure 3.2 Adult literacy, selected countries, makes up for the absence of medical facilities in 1850-1985 the community (Barrera 1990; Caldwell 1979). Other studies have found that if women are better Percent literate educated, couples are more likely to use 100 contraception. 90 A century and a half ago, the countries that are now industrialized achieved levels of literacy 80 higher than those in many developing countries in Africa and Asia today (Figure 3.2). But literacy 70 rates have also risen rapidly in some developing 60 countries. Two striking examples are Chile, which reached a literacy level comparable to that of in- 50 dustrial countries at a lower level of income, and Indonesia, where adult literacy rose from just 17 40 percent in 1950 to 67 percent in 1980. Govern- ments everywhere have declared universal literacy 30 to be a principal goal. 20 An increase in formal schooling accounts for most of the literacy gains in the developing world 10 in the past three decades. Even in low-income countries, primary school enrollments have out- paced the growth of the youth population, and 1850 1870 1890 1910 1930 1950 1970 1990 gross enrollment rates (excluding China and India) rose from 38 percent in 1960 to 76 percent in 1987. - Brazil Chile - China Egypt France But countries have not progressed at the same Hungary - Indonesia - Japan rate. More than 1 billion adults are still illiterate in - Nigeria - Sweden the developing world (UNDP 1991). Some coun- tries in Sub-Saharan Africa have extremely low en- rollment ratesBurkina Faso, Ethiopia, Guinea, Note: Countries were selected because of the availability of census- Mali, Niger, and Somalia enrolled only 20-40 per- based literacy rates; the exception is Japan, for which estimated data for 1850-1920 are also included. Because adult literacy may be cent of children in 1987and enrollment rates defined differently across countries and within countries across stagnated or fell in the 1980s in other countries that years, these data should be used with care. Sources: Vanhanen 1979; World Bank data; United Nations data. had been performing well. For example, gross pri- mary enrollment rates fell from 93 percent in 1980 to 66 percent in 1987 in Tanzania, and from 94 to 76 percent in Zaire. Moreover, within countries, wide minds by broadening their experiences, and im- disparities persist. Among women, only one out of proves the choices they make as consumers, pro- two is literate in Asia and only one out of three in ducers, and citizens. Education strengthens their Sub-Saharan Africa. The gaps between majority ability to meet their wants and those of their family and minority groups and between rural and urban by increasing their productivity, and their poten- populations also remain large. tial to achieve a higher standard of living. By im- Again, progress on education is to be sought proving people's confidence and their ability to mainly as an end in itself. But the evidence that create and innovate, it multiplies their oppor- education promotes economic growth, and thus tunities for personal and social achievement. puts other goals of development within reach, is Consider the evidence on the benefits of firm. A one-year increase in schooling can aug- women's education (Box 3.2). Better-educated ment wages by more than 10 percent after allow- women, who are more informed about the value of ing for other factors (Table 3.2). An additional year health care and personal hygiene, tend to be less of schooling has raised farm output by nearly 2 affected by the absence of community health pro- percent in the Republic of Korea and 5 percent in grams and tend to use them more frequently when Malaysia. And in family-owned enterprises in ur- they are available. In Nigeria and the Philippines, ban Peru, education appears to be more critical to studies suggest that the mother's education is so earnings than physical capital. 56 Table 3.2 The effect of an additional year of schooling on wages and farm output, selected countries and years Percentage increase in wages Percentage increase Country and year Male Female in farm out put Sources Côte d'Ivoire, 1987 12 P van der Gaag and Vijverberg 1987 21 S Ghana, 1988/89 5 Glewwe 1990 Korea, Rep. of, 1976, 1974 6 2 Lee 1981, Jamison and Lau 1982 Indonesia, 1986 8 12S Behrman and Deolalikar 1988 France, 1987 11 Riboud 1985 Peru, 1986 13 12P 3 King 1989, Jacoby 1989 8 8S Malaysia, 1987 16 18 5 Jamison and Lau 1982, World Bank data Nicaragua (urban), 1985 10 13 Behrman and Blau 1985 Philippines, 1980 18 Griffin 1987 Spain, 1979 10 Hernandez-Iglesias and Riboud 1985 Thailand, 1986; 1973 17 13P 3 Schultz, forthcoming; Jamison and Lau 7 25S 1982 United States, 1967 Smith 1979 Whites 6 7 Blacks 5 11 P. primary school level. S, secondary school level. Note: These results were all estimated controlling for other factors such as work experience and other individual characteristics. In most cases, the estimated effects have also been corrected for any statistical bias resulting from selecting a sample of wage earners only. The estimates for Côte d'lvoire, Ghana, and Korea pertain to combined samples of men and women. Education affects productivity and growth 1950s, focusing on universal primary education through several channels. A better-educated per- and adult literacy; higher education was also ex- son absorbs new information faster and applies panded, and many students were sent overseas unfamiliar inputs and new processes more effec- for technical and advanced training (Pack and tively. When a new product or process is intro- Westphal 1986). duced, much needs to be learned about how it Contrary to popular belief, education appears to works and how it applies to specific circumstances promote entrepreneurship at least as powerfully and environments. In the dynamic and uncertain as cultural factorsimportant though these have environment of technological change, more highly sometimes been. Legal restrictions on the owner- educated workers have a big advantage. In Peru, if ship of land forced the Jews of medieval Europe farmers had an additional year of schooling, it in- into commerce; and cultural taboos often create creased their probability of adopting modern farm economic opportunities for ethnic minorities (mi- technology by 45 percent. In Thailand, farmers grant Hakka Chinese dominate northern India's with four years of schooling were three times more leather-tanning industry, which is thought to be likely to use new chemical inputs than farmers polluting by high-caste Hindus; Basu, forthcom- with one to three years of schooling. ing). But, more generally, entrepreneurship is a Japan's rapid industrialization after the Meiji matter of skills, not cultural inheritance. That is Restoration was fueled by its aggressive accumula- why entrepreneurship may be one of the most im- tion of technical skills, which in turn was based on portant channels through which education raises its already high level of literacy and a strong com- economic productivity. mitment to education, especially the training of In market economies entrepreneurs are the link engineers (Box 3.3). Korea's relatively strong base between innovation and production. They per- of human capital in the early 1960s speeded its ceive new economic opportunities, take risks, and own industrialization. This accumulation of hu- change their methods of production and distribu- man capital started during the period 1910-45, tion. Entrepreneurial ability has been charac- with substantial on-the-job training and foreign terized as a combination of moderate risk-taking, technical assistance. Important education pro- individual responsibility, long-range planning, grams were launched during the late 1940s and and organizational ability. Education promotes all 57 Box 3.3 Meiji Japan's penchant for education Countries with a longstanding commitment to educat- eigners employed by the government and private ing their populations have the most advanced econ- firms. omies today. The policy changes associated with the What is less well-known, but probably more impor- restoration of the Meiji emperor in Japan in 1868 are a tant for Japan's sustained success, is that extraordinary case in point. Japan had been isolated from global tech- changes were made in the educational system. At the nological developments for more than two centuries, beginning of the Meiji era, literacy was only 15 percent, and was agricultural and largely feudal. In the but by 1872 a universal and compulsory system of ele- mid-1800s, it came under intense pressure from mentary education had been introduced and the foun- European and U.S. traders to open its ports and, more dations for secondary education had been laid. On the generally, to match the economic and military prowess basis of careful investigation, the education system was of the West. A revolution brought a new, technocratic patterned on the French system of school districts; the government to power. The government's initiatives to university system was patterned on that of the United import technology are by now legendary: missions States. Primary school attendance rates grew from less were sent abroad to learn about science, technology, than 30 percent in 1873 to more than 90 percent in 1907. and administration; machinery was imported; legions The number of secondary schools expanded tenfold of foreign advisers were hired; and model factories during the period 1885-1915. Japan became one of the were established in textiles, glass, cement making, and world's most educated and most education-conscious machine tools. The salaries of hired foreigners who ac- nations. Achieving this required a strong commitment. companied imported new machinery between 1870 Japan consistently expended a greater share of its real and 1885 averaged 42 percent of total annual expendi- domestic product on education than any European or tures of the Ministry of Industrial Affairs. Engineers other Asian nation. and technicians accounted for 40 percent of all for- four. In a study of entrepreneurs in northern Thai- cades, despite initial signs of declining fertility in land, 40 percent had a university degree. In Malay- Botswana, Kenya, and Zimbabwe. sia, even when ethnicity and family wealth are Rapid population growth has caused serious controlled for, entrepreneurs in larger enterprises concern about the outlook for economic growth, are more educated than entrepreneurs in smaller human development, and the environment in de- firms. In Bolivia, Côte d'Ivoire, Ghana, and Peru, veloping countries. Although not a threat in every entrepreneursdefined narrowly as persons who country, for many developing countries it is a criti- own a nonfarm enterprise with at least one hired cal issue. For example, in some countries, high workerare not more educated than wage em- fertility rates and poverty together form a vicious ployees; but, as in Malaysia, enterprise size is pos- circle that threatens the welfareor even sur- itively associated with the entrepreneur's years of vivalof the population, especially children. education (Figure 3.3). Through malnutrition and disease, poverty leads Population to more infant and child deaths, which in turn induce couples to have more children to guarantee The decline in death rates from about thirty per the survival of some. At the same time, high birth thousand in 1945 to about ten per thousand in rates have been shown to be associated with 1988a decline that has outweighed the decrease higher infant and maternal deaths. in fertility rates during that periodhas fueled Although mortality rates still differ widely rapid population growth in the developing world. among countries, differences in population The world's population has doubled since 1950, growth are mainly the result of differences in fer- and the share of the world's population living in tility rates. Fertility reflects decisions made by in- the poorest developing regions rose from two- dividuals, which raises the question of how such thirds in 1950 to three-fourths in 1985. The average decisions can come to be detrimental to society as a population growth rate in developing regions in- whole. Why should the social costs and benefits of creased to more than 2 percent in the period having children differ from the private costs and 1950-75 (Figure 3.4). It has since dropped in Latin benefits? It has often been argued that rapid popu- America and steadied in Asia as a whole; but it will lation growth promotes development because a continue to rise in Africa during the next two de- large population makes it possible to achieve scale 58 economies in production. But removing barriers to international trade means that a country's own Figure 3.3 Educational attainment of population is no longer a barrier to achieving econ- entrepreneurs in five developing countries omies of scale. The small industrializing countries Average years of schooling of Asia demonstrate this benefit from trade. 14 Singapore, with a population of 2.7 million, annu- ally exports about $35 million worth of manufac- tured exportsabout twice as much as does Brazil, 12 with a population of 147 million. The effect of population growth on the natural environment is another source of divergence be- 10 tween private and social costs (Box 3.4). The pres- sure of population can raise agricultural demand, leading in turn to the abuse of marginal land and other natural resources, The annual rate of de- forestation in the 1980s was 0.5-2.3 percent in Bra- zil and 0.4 percent in Bolivia, whereas extensive deforestation in Nepal is thought to have caused land erosion and floods in Bangladesh and India. Although many parts of Sub-Saharan Africa still have large areas of potentially cultivable lands and relatively low population densities, a rapidly ex- panding population moving into the tropical for- ests already poses environmental problems. Côte d'Ivoire is said to have an annual deforestation rate of 6-16 percent; its forests could disappear in Peru, Bolivia, Malaysia, Ghana, Côte less than twenty years. 1985-86 1989 1975 1988-89 d'Ivoire, 1987 Policies to slow population would help to ease the long-term threat to the natural environment Number of employees in enterprise from global warming and other ecological prob- a lems. But these dangers reflect other pressures, 0 1-2 D 34 0 10 or more too: the widespread use of natural-resource-inten- sive technologies; ineffective regulation of com- a. For Côte d'Ivoire and Ghana, this category includes all mon-property resources; land tenure systems that enterprises with five or more employees. do not secure long-term rights to land use; and Source: Derived from household surveys; see the technical note at the end of the main text. policies that distort the prices of nonrenewable re- sources. Action on such matters must be a priority for governments everywhere. Population growth may exacerbate other market failures besides the depletion of resources. The concerns will not be the same as Thailand's or Tur- congestion of urban areas is one. Here, again, key'salthough all three are lower-middle-income population control needs to be accompanied by countries with roughly the same population. De- other measures: better city planning, rural devel- spite the diversity, however, most countries have opment, traffic control, and so on. Universal edu- the following goals in common: to slow population cation helps motivate people to limit the number growth, to improve health and nutrition, to build of children they have and to improve the quality of technical capacity, and to reduce poverty. their children's lives; it is one of the most effective population-control policies. Slowing population growth Challenges in human Family planning has been promoted by external development aid and finance agencies as a means to control overall population growth. This approach has The agenda for human development differs widely been accepted by some governments. But others from country to country. Egypt's most pressing have reacted negatively to the idea of population 59 Figure 3.4 Population change by region, 1850-2025 Average annual rate of population growth Regional distribution (percent) Percent 4.0 1850 3.5 21.3 3.0 2.5 2.0 2025 66.9 1.5 1.0 0.5 58.2 (I I ,. I I 1 1 ,.f I Africa 0 Asia Canada and United States Europe U Latin America U Oceania 0 World Note: All data for periods after 1985 are projections. Sources: McEvedy and Jones 1978; Bulatao and others 1990. control as an end in itself, preferring instead to But income growth is neither necessary nor suf- view family planning programs as a way to enable ficient to control population. Family planning pro- couples (especially women) to exercise choice, to grams can work. The implementation of these pro- improve the health of mothers and children, or to grams has contributed significantly to the decline reduce poverty. of fertility in low-income countries such as Indo- Urbanization and economic growth in develop- nesia and Sri Lanka. Thailand has successfully re- ing countries both tend to reduce population duced its population growth rate from 3.1 percent growth. They make caring for many children more in the 1960s to 1.9 percent in the period 1980-89, difficult or more expensive; they encourage par- and the total fertility rate declined from 6.3 chil- ents to spend more on educating each child rather dren in 1965 to 2.5 in 1989. Family planning can than on supporting a bigger family. In general, also have additional effects on child survival by high-income countries have low fertility rates and improving maternal health or increasing resources high levels of education and health; low-income available per child. Studies have found that a dou- countries have high fertility rates and low levels of bling of government expenditures per capita on education and health. In India, farm households in family planning programs in urban areas would higher-growth areas, which were exposed to the reduce infant mortality by 3 percent in Colombia, new technologies of the green revolution, had and that a 20 percent rise in the proportion of vil- fewer children and gave them significantly more lages with a family planning clinic would reduce schooling than did those in other areas. infant mortality by more than 4 percent in India. 60 Box 3.4 Population, agriculture, and environment in Sub-Saharan Africa Rapid population growth, agricultural stagnation, and The pressure on land has been exacerbated by peo- environmental degradation are closely interrelated and ple's needs to gather fuelwood and graze their live- mutually reinforcing. Until recently, it was generally stock. Fuelwood accounts for about 80 percent of en- believed that controlling population was not a priority ergy needs in Sub-Saharan Africa, and it is in very in Sub-Saharan Africa, where population density is short supply. As the situation worsens, farmers have to low and land is abundant. However, population den- burn animal dung and crop residues instead of using sity and land availability vary greatly across countries them to enrich the soil. With an estimated 160 million in the region. Countries with low per capita arable land head of cattle in Africa, overgrazing is acute. More than and high population growth, such as Burundi, Ethio- one-quarter of Sub-Saharan Africa's land area of 750 pia, Ghana, Kenya, Nigeria, Rwanda, and Togo, are million hectares is moderately to very severely deserti- experiencing an economic and environmental crisis of fied. The agricultural potential in these areas may have agricultural stagnation, deforestation, land degrada- been lost for years. tion, and desertification. Per capita arable land de- Agricultural stagnation and environmental degrada- clined from 0.5 hectare per person in 1965 to 0.3 in tion also affect population growth. High infant and 1987. The traditional system of shifting cultivation is child mortality rates caused by food shortage and mal- under stress as land has become more scarce, and nutrition induce men and women to have more chil- fallow periods are gradually being reduced. In Kenya, dren, partly to ensure that some survive to support Lesotho, Liberia, Mauritania, and Rwarida, fallow pe- them in old age. Fertility is high in the region, at 6.6 riods are no longer sufficient to allow soil fertility to be children for an average woman, compared with 4 in restored, and crop yields have fallen as a result. People other developing countries. To break this vicious circle, are forced to migrate onto marginal land in semi-arid policies are urgently needed to control population; in- areas and into tropical forests to establish new farms, crease agricultural productivity without damaging the so population pressure is causing not only soil degra- environment; and reduce malnutrition, poverty, and dation, but also deforestation, desertification, and fall- infant and child mortality. ing agricultural output. Contraceptive use has been lowest, and fertility demographic turning point, but it is too early to rates highest, in Sub-Saharan Africa. A compelling tell. reason for trying to slow population growth in the region is the already mounting cost of providing Improving health and nutrition basic health care and schooling, services that need to be not merely maintained but greatly improved. In this Report, infant mortality and life expectancy However, the trends in African population growth at birth have so far received the most attention as are not well understood. Low contraceptive use measures of social welfare. This is partly because has been attributed to ignorance: only about half of the availability of data. However, it should not of Africa's women have heard of a way to prevent distract attention from the chronic deprivation and pregnancy, compared with 85-95 percent in other morbidity of living children and adults. Two tasks regions. But evidence also shows that African are urgent: to provide nutrition to improve the women, on average, want larger families mental and physical well-being of children and between six and nine childrenthan women in adults; and to improve the control and treatment other regions. This suggests that even more infor- of disease. mation and family planning services might make Undernutrition and micronutrient malnutrition little difference to begin with. Recent surveys, affect the more than 1 billion people who live in however, indicate that a growing proportion of poverty in developing countries. In infants and women want no more children. In the 1970s, only pre-adolescent children, micronutrient deficien- 16 percent of Kenyan women wanted no more cies have been associated with stunted growth, children, according to the World Fertility Survey; mental retardation, and learning disabilities. In in 1989, 49 percent gave that answer, according to adults, they cause a higher incidence of disease the most recent Demographic and Health Survey. and worsen performance at work. Preventive and The same trend is appearing in other countries. curative approaches to the problem have been This may indicate that the region has reached a tried. The best techniques vary according to cir- 61 and parasitic diseases account for almost half of all Figure 3.5 Distribution of deaths by cause, deaths, nearly all of which are children under five about 1985 years; in the industrial countries, circulatory and (percent) degenerative diseases are the main killers, accounting for more than half of all deaths (Figure 38 million 3.5). When a new disease such as AIDS erupts, dcaths however, these patterns can shift dramatically (Box 3.5). Among developing countries, epidemiological profiles vary widelybecause of different levels of 43.5 government efforts to control communicable dis- eases, different fertility rates, and many other fac- tors that alter the risks of various diseases. For example, the profiles of Brazil, China, and the 9.8 Republic of Korea have more and more resembled those of wealthier, industrial countries. In Brazil, 6.6 rapid urbanization and industrialization in the 6.1 1970s were accompanied by an increase in the 20.0 3.4- number of traffic-related deaths and industrial in- 17.1 juries; cardiovascular diseases have become the 51.9 6.3 leading cause of death, accounting for a third of the deaths in the country as a whole and even 6.8 10.6 12.6 higher proportions in urban areas. In China, in- Industrial Developing dustries are exposing the population to severe en- countries a countries vironmental pollution. In some parts of the coun- try, exposures to lead and dust are sixty to eighty o Infectious and parasitic diseasesb times the maximum allowable limits; mercury con- o Maternal and perinatal causes centration in the air is twelve times the limit; and o Cancers noise pollution is bad enough to have caused hear- o Chronic obstructive pulmonary diseases ing loss among workers. In Korea, rapid industrial U Circulatory and degenerative diseases growth and urbanization have also changed life- U External causes styles and shifted the epidemiological profile. In U Other and unknown causes the 1980s, the main causes of deaths were cancer, heart disease and stroke, and injuries from acci- Note: Data are reported for 1985 or the closest year, depending on dents and violence; these accounted for 60 percent availability by country. of deaths in 1987. Including Eastern European countries and the USSR. Infectious and parasitic diseases in developing countries include What is the best way to improve developing- diarrheal diseases (13.2 percent), tuberculosis (7.4 percent), acute respiratory illness (19.5 percent), and others (3.4 percent). country health care? In particular, how much Source: Lopez, forthcoming. should be spent on preventive, as opposed to curative, care? WHO and UNICEF estimate that nearly 43 percent of the 14.6 million child deaths each year could be prevented through vaccinations cumstances. One lesson, however, is that educa- (at an average cost of $13 per child) or low-cost tion about nutrition is important. Failure to edu- interventions such as oral rehydration therapy (at cate the public is a major reason why diet- $2 to $3 per child per year). A recent World Bank fortification programs in some Latin American study (Jamison and Mosley, forthcoming) ranked countries have failed. A second lesson is that nu- various policies by cost-effectiveness (as measured tritional initiatives can be carried out by all sorts of by cost per year of healthy life saved). One conclu- different institutions. For example, schools can be sion is that measles immunization programs and used to deliver micronutrients to children as well programs to reduce perinatal mortality are very as to the general community. cost-effective. With such measures, an extra year The appropriate methods for treating and con- of healthy life costs just $5. The appropriate bal- trolling disease will again vary from case to case. ance of spending between preventive and curative In the developing countries as a whole, infectious care depends, however, not only on cost but also 62 on reach. Health promotion and disease preven- nutrition education and supplementation, and tion are generally neglected in favor of expensive perinatal care are also highly cost-effective. Once treatments that reach relatively few and are often these needs have been met, however, the pre- ineffective, such as for many kinds of cancers. Im- sumption in favor of preventive over curative pro- munization programs still deserve priority in low- grams is weaker. Tuberculosis treatment pro- income countries. Programs for family planning, grams, for example, have proved cost-effective. Box 3.5 AIDS in developing countries Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome (AIDS) is a ing from 78 to 932 percent of per capita GNP in Zaire fatal disease which strikes an adult on average eight or and from 36 to 218 percent of per capita GNP in Tan- ten years after being infected by the human immu- zania, depending on the type of treatment used. nodeficiency virus (HIV). Since 1985, the cumulative number of persons infected with HIV has risen world- wide from 2.5 million to between 8 and 10 million, and in Africa from 1.5 million to about 5.5 million. By the year 2000, the World Health Organization estimates that 25 to 30 million adults worldwide will have been infected with HIV. The share of developing countries has grown from 50 percent in 1985 to 66 percent now, and is expected to increase to 75 percent in the year 2000 and to 80-90 percent by 2010. Infection rates Box figure 3.5 HIV infection rate and socioeconomic among adults in several large African capital cities and status in selected urban samples, Sub-Saharan Africa even in some rural areas are already 25 percent and are expected to climb to this level in other cities over the Percent next ten years. Because every 10 percent increase in the infection rate increases annual mortality by at least 5 30 per thousand, previously high levels of adult mortality are tripling and quadrupling in these areas. Outside 25 Africa, new infections appear to be rising most rapidly in Asia. This human tragedy is imposing a potentially crip- 20 pling burden on Africa's peoples, economies, and al- ready inadequate health care systems. It is a human 15 and economic disaster of staggering dimensions. Infec- tions strike adults in the prime of life, plus up to one- third of all children born to infected mothers. By 1992, 10 the total number of infected children in Africa alone is expected to reach 1 million, and many more will be- come orphans. In contrast to malaria and other causes of excess adult mortality in developing countries, AIDS does not spare the elite. In some African cities, rela- tively well-educated and more productive workers are infected in disproportionately large numbers (Box fig- Rwanda, 1987 Zambia, 1985 Zaire, 1987 ure 3.5). The epidemic is therefore likely to have a de- o Low status tectable, and possibly substantial, effect on per capita income growth and welfare for years to come. More- lj Middle status over, AIDS patients fortunate enough to be admitted to 0 High status hospitals will occupy places thereby denied to others, many with conditions that would otherwise have been Note: HIV, human immunodeficiency virus. For definitions of curable. They will require long hospital stays, expen- socioeconomic status and the samples used, see the Chapter 3 sive drugs, and the time of skilled staff. In some central section on AIDS in the technical note at the end of the main text. African capitals, more than 50 percent of admissions to Sources: Bugingo and others 1987; Melbye, Nselesani, and Bayley 1986; Ndilu 1988. hospitals are now AIDS cases. The direct costs of treat- ment have also been estimated to be quite high, rang- 63 Building technical capacity education of scientists and technologists and of spe- cialization in certain fields of study. In particular, Building and strengthening technical capacity where the number of scientists and technicians is the ability of people to use new and existing tech- small, specialization may be premature. Science re- nologiesis necessary for economic growth. A search is also important in the long term, but it major technological change in the workplace in re- must be tied closely to production on the shop floor cent years is the use of computers, even in jobs if it is to have a significant and immediate effect on usually regarded as requiring less skill. This has productivity. profound implications for education needs. It calls Estimates of the social returns from investing in for learning primarily through symbols rather than education indicate that the strongest case for pub- visual observation, and for problem-solving in dy- lic support of education is at the primary level in namic situations. To meet these needs, the govern- low-income countriesthis meets the goal of pro- ment could play two roles: expand and improve moting equity as well as that of raising produc- the quality of primary and secondary education, tivity. These results do not mean that investments and create incentives to increase the supply of and in higher education are unimportant. Educated, demand for more specialized technical training. well-trained people can provide the leadership Many developing countries are expected to be needed in agriculture, the emerging industrial sec- able to achieve universal primary education by the tor, and government. The public cost of such in- year 2000. But making this expansion in enroll- vestments may be too high, however, especially ment worthwhile requires improvements in the when it drains resources from primary education quality of education. A large proportion of stu- and other basic social services, for which govern- dents who complete primary education in low- ment support is essential. Governments will need income countries fail to reach national or interna- to be more selective in choosing which level of tional standards of achievement in mathematics, education or training to improve, which costs to science, and reading. Industrial countries too must meet (for example, academic materials rather than continually improve and update their educational boarding expenses), and whom to subsidize. systems as rapid changes in technology make fail- Reducing poverty ures to learn more costly. The perceived decline in the competitiveness of U.S. industry has been at- More than 1 billion people in the developing world tributed to a decline in the quality of the technical today live in poverty. World Development Report preparation of students relative to other industrial 1990 concluded that this number could be reduced countries. A 1986 survey of adults aged 21-25 by a strategy of both labor-intensive economic found that 20 percent had not achieved an eighth- growth and efficient social spending. Economic grade reading level, whereas many job manuals growth is necessary to reduce poverty, but experi- require tenth- to twelfth-grade skills. And al- ence shows that it is insufficient. Social expendi- though only 1 percent were unable to perform sim- tures on health care and schooling expand oppor- ple arithmetic operations, 35 percent were not able tunities for the poor, but again may not be enough. to answer questions involving simple quantitative Even in countries where basic social welfare indi- problem-solving. cators have improved, segments of the population Beyond the basics, what is the right educational remain relatively underserved. In Brazil, more base for rapid economic growth? In lower-middle- than 10 percent of infants born in the northeastern income developing countries where workers al- region do not reach their first birthday, a higher ready are assembling electronic devices for interna- infant mortality rate than that in many African and tional markets, skifi needs will change quickly as Asian countries. In Peru, the infant mortality rate trade and employment patterns shift and technol- in the Andean provinces is five times or more the ogy advances. Managerial and advanced technical rate in Lima. And the health problems of the fe- skills will be crucial for exploiting new oppor- male population are exceptionally acute in Ban- tunities and technologies. The newly industrialized, gladesh, Bhutan, Nepal, and Pakistan. The life ex- export-oriented countries will have different pectancy at birth of girls in these countries is lower needsin particular, indigenous technological in- than that of boys; in other low-income countries, novation to maintain their competitiveness. This women live longer than men. These countries are will require investing in research and development, different because families spend more on their but it will also depend on achieving even higher sons than on their daughters. standards of general education. There may be a Safety nets are needed to protect the most vul- conflict between the goals of greater breadth in the nerable groups: the unemployed, the disabled, the 64 aged, and (often) women, who all lack access to tional dollar of public health spending per capita public programs that are tied to employment; and would be associated with a decrease in infant mor- the poor, who suffer most when times are hard. tality rate of 16 per thousand, if the government Guaranteeing food security through food-price expenditure were twice as efficient. Note that, in subsidies, food rations, or food supplementation these countries, average health spending per cap- schemes meets basic needs, provided the mea- ita is very much lower than the average for coun- sures are well targeted. Carefully targeted income- tries with low mortality (about $1 per capita com- support programs for the elderly or the infirm pro- pared with about $20). Thus, a large percentage vide safety nets for people who are otherwise hard increase translates into a modest increase in to reach. Public employment programs, such as money termsbut with substantial effects on those used in South Asian countries, build and mortality. maintain infrastructure that could benefit the poor Many well-designed and well-targeted pro- while cushioning their incomes during spells of grams have workedand not necessarily with a unemployment. heavy drain on public resources. In the health sec- tor, the eradication of malnutrition and greater Public policy availability of health facilities reduced mortality rates. Chile's infant mortality dropped from 120 The queen of Travancore in what is now the state per thousand in the 1960s to 19 in 1989, and the of Kerala, India, announced in 1817 that "the State percentage share of malnourished children de- shall defray the entire cost of the education of its clined from 37 to 7.5 percent. Nutritional programs people in order that there may be no backward- for children and pregnant women as well as an ness in the spread of enlightenment among them, improvement in the country's basic health infra- that by diffusion of education they become better structure contributed to this steady progress. subjects and public servants." Most governments China reduced infant mortality significantly from would agree that public policy must play the lead- an estimated 265 per thousand in 1950 to 44 in 1981 ing role not just in education, but in social services (Ahmad and Wang 1991), a decline attributable to generally. Not only the quantity but also the qual- a broad, publicly financed disease-prevention ity of public expenditure is important. How suc- strategy, coupled with accessible and affordable cessful has public policy been in these areas during primary care as well as income growth. Lower recent decades? mortality rates in Kerala than in the equally The correlations of income growth and govern- densely populated state of West Bengal in India ment spending with social indicators were as- could not be explained by the difference in their sessed for this Report using cross-country, time- per capita incomes, income and asset distribu- series data. The limitations of the quality of data tions, and extent of industrialization or urbaniza- and aggregative analysis were fully recognized. tion. They do seem to be attributable to the wider With these caveats, it was found that for industrial distribution and greater utilization of health facili- countries, income growth, not government spend- ties in rural areas of Kerala. Another study found ing, explains improvements in infant survival and that 73 percent of the decline in infant mortality in secondary enrollment. This is unsurprising. These Costa Rica during the period 1972-80 could be ex- countries had already achieved high levels in these plained by the greater availability of primary care two indicators by 1960; changes in their social facilities (rural and community health programs spending since then have been geared to other ob- and vaccination campaigns) and secondary care jectives. The results for developing countries, (such as clinics), after controlling for income however, were mixed. According to one model, a growth. 10 percent increase in health spending reduces in- Similarly, in education, a labor retraining pro- fant mortality by 0.8 percent, and a 10-percent in- gram in Mexico in the 1980s was successful in up- crease in income decreases infant mortality by 1.1 grading the skills of tens of thousands of workers, percent. Using a different model, only the income increasing productivity and alleviating poverty effect remains statistically significant. A 10 percent among them. In Peru's push to expand primary increase in private income is associated with a fall enrollment since the 1950s, government programs of 0.5 percent infant mortality. Similarly mixed re- played a key role by building more schools in rural sults were found for secondary school enrollment areas and by increasing the supply of textbooks. (see the Chapter 3 section on public spending in This narrowed the gap in access to schools be- the technical note at the end of the main text). tween rural and urban residents. In countries with high infant mortality, an addi- Where more public spending is warranted, it 65 needs to be better targeted. Government spending poor teacher preparation and shortages of learning is not always efficient or equitable. Many countries materials. An Indonesian study found that the av- spend a disproportionate share of their education erage primary school teacher had mastered only 45 budgets on higher education; students from percent of the subject matter in science subjects, upper-income groups benefit most. In Chile, Costa and that most textbooks were out of date. Public Rica, the Dominican Republic, and Uruguay, the health facilities in some countries are underused, top income quintile has received more than half even in areas with high mortality and morbidity. the higher education subsidies, the bottom quin- The decline in outpatient attendance in Ghana has tile less than one-tenth. In Bangladesh, India, been blamed on the shortage of essential drugs Nepal, and Papua New Guinea, the best-educated and other medical supplies, and on poor staff mo- 10 percent have received more than hail of what rale caused by falling real wages. Capital invest- the government has spent on education; in Ban- ments in the social sectors are often rendered inef- gladesh, the worst case, the top 10 percent get 72 fective by a failure to provide for current spending percent of the education budget. on essential inputs. Governments often seem un- In health, an emphasis on expensive hospital able to set standards, monitor quality, and target and other kinds of elaborate curative care instead programs accurately. of inexpensive, preventive care means that basic health indicators show a smaller improvement. Providing resources Public spending for hospital care is high in Brazil, at 78 percent of total health expenditures in 1986, Social programs have come under severe financial compared with spending for immunization, pre- pressure in the past decade. Regional averages natal care, and control of communicable diseases. conceal this; they show a rising, or at least con- Côte d'Ivoire's infant mortality rate is higher than stant, share of education and health expenditures that of other countries in the region with similar or to GDP during the period 1975-85 (Table 3.3). But lower income levels and smaller health budgets. in about half of the countries for which data are This has also been attributed to its emphasis on available, public expenditures for education and hospital care, which draws resources away from health as a percentage of GDP fell between 1980 rural primary care facilities that are understaffed, and 1985. In the fewer countries that have more lack essential inputs, and often run without super- recent expenditure data, the decline was even vision. larger after 1985. In many cases this will have The evidence also shows that many programs meant a falling standard of provision-but not al- have been ineffective. Despite the remarkable rise ways. For example, spending on health was cut in in primary school enrollment, a large proportion Chile during the country's difficult macro- of pupils have failed to achieve functional literacy economic adjustment, but real per capita resources and numeracy. This is frequently attributed to for primary health care and nutrition increased. Table 3.3 Government expenditures for education and health as a percentage of GDP, 1975, 1980, and 1985 Number of Number of count ries countries with Education with declining Health declining expenditures, expenditures, Region or group 1975 1980 1985 1980-85 1975 1980 1985 1980-85 Industrial countries 6.0 5.9 5.5 12 (21) 3.3 3.4 4.0 8 (18) Central and West Asia 3.9 4.1 4.4 4 (13) 1.1 1.1 1.4 5 (8) South Asia 2.0 2.4 3.1 0 (4) 0.7 0.8 0.7 2 (4) East Asia 2.8 2.9 3.1 0 (9) 0.9 0.9 1.0 2 (6) North Africa 6.0 5.7 6.9 1 (5) 1.5 1.5 1.4 2 (3) Sub-Saharan Africa 4.2 4.6 5.0 13 (23) 1.1 1.3 1.2 6 (10) LatinAmericaandtheCaribbean 4.2 4.6 4.4 13 (24) 1.7 2.3 2.2 5 (13) Eastern Europe 4.9 4.8 4.7 4 (7) .. 0.9 1.1 1 (2) Total 47 (106) 31 (64) Note: The numbers of countries with data for 1975, 1980, and 1985 are in parentheses. For purposes of comparability across countries, data are taken only from consolidated budget accounts; countries that report only budgetary central government expenditure are not included. Government social spending before 1975 is reported by a much smaller number of countries and is therefore not shown. a. Number of countries in which public education (health) expenditures as a percentage of GDP declined between 1980 and 1985. Sources: IMF data; Unesco data. 66 It often makes sense to shelter some social pro- Table 3.4 The government share in total grams from short-term economic pressures for the education and health expenditures (percent) sake of long-term investments in social welfare. But the state's role need not be limited to financing Country and year Education Health and provision. By setting and enforcing standards Low-income countries of provision, and by otherwise influencing the pri- Tanzania, 1975 .. 57.0 vate sector, it can widen its role even in the face of India, 1980 45.4 20.2 Ghana, 1975 .. 60.2 tight budgets. For some publicly provided ser- Sri Lanka, 1988 73.1 44.5 vices, it may be appropriate to charge users. Other Sudan, 1980 17.2 services can often be provided by the private sec- Sierra Leone, 1985 40.5 tor, though governments will need to establish Average 39.9 safety nets for the poor. Such measures will con- Middle-income countries serve scarce public funds and promote efficiency at Zimbabwe, 1985 69.0 50.2 the same time. Honduras, 1985 21.2 Thailand, 1988 13.6 Ecuador, 1985 .. 24.1 ALTERNATIVE FINANCING SCHEMES. Most devel- Colombia, 1985 73.0 20.3 oping countries already have a fee-for-service pri- Peru, 1985 .. 27.4 vate health care system; introducing elements of Jordan, 1985 57.5 27.0 cost recovery into the public health system there- Fiji, 1985 .. 67.4 Malta, 1988 94.1 60.3 fore ought to be feasible. The government's share Venezuela, 1980 44.4 in total spending in the social sectors has been Korea, Rep. of, 1988 .. 4.2 substantial, especially in education, but house- Greece, 1985 88.0 44.6 holds have also borne part of the cost (Table 3.4). Iran, Islamic Rep. of, 1975 43.3 In the Republic of Korea, for instance, spending on Average 34.5 public health as a proportion of GDP has been Average for sixteen rising, but the role of the government is still small high-income countries, compared with the private sector's. The govern- mid-I 98Os 88.5 58.2 ment concentrates on preventive care for rural res- Note: Countries were selected on the basis of data availability. Data are for 1975 or the latest year available. idents and the poor. User charges have risen as a. Presented for purposes of comparison. insurance coverage broadened and firms increased Source: United Nations 1990b. the subsidy for their employees' health care. Since 1980, Zimbabwe has made impressive progress in health care, especially in rural areas, through in- future demands for health care, especially expen- creases in public spending and a broadening base sive curative care. There are concerns, however, of finance. By source of funds, the private sector about equity (because these plans generally start covered 35 percent of costs in 1988 (50 percent in in the formal employment sector) and the risk that 1985, according to United Nations data); this in- costs will rise too quickly (because consumers and cludes costs met from private insurance, industry, health care providers lack incentives to and out-of-pocket spending. The diversity of pro- economize). viders of services and sources of funding has in- In education, several countries have encouraged creased the ability of the government to maintain community participation and parental support at services despite economic pressure (Box 3.6). the primary level. Korea's experience in pro- Many other financing options besides fee-for- moting primary education in the 1950s shows that service are available. Health insurance systems can this need not create inequities. Students and par- play a useful role. Although broad insurance cov- ents covered 71 percent of the costs of constructing erage may not be currently attainable in most de- and operating schools, learning materials, and veloping countries, limited health insurance is fea- transportation, and the central and local govern- sible. Brazil, Korea, and Mexico demonstrate that ments financed teacher salaries and the remaining the coverage of health insurance can be gradually expenses. Later, when the central government fi- expanded-in Brazil and Mexico, from a third or nanced a larger share, local sources continued to less of the population to nearly 100 percent in provide about one-fourth of the cost of local edu- 15-20 years; in Korea, from less than a tenth of the cation. Zimbabwe's success in expanding educa- population in 1977 to 47 percent in 1986. Many tion in the 1980s was built on a strong partnership other developing countries are experimenting with between the public and private sectors. Govern- private health insurance plans as a way to meet ment schools were built by local groups and par- 67 Box 3.6 The role of international aid in the social sectors In the 1980s, the share of education and health in bilat- Box table 3.6 International aid for the eral aid to developing countries fell from 18 percent to social sectors, 1980-88 16.3 percent, and in multilateral aid from 14 percent in (percent) 1985 to 12 percent in 1988. Nearly 10 percent of bilateral Source and type aid and 5 percent of multilateral aid were allocated to of aid 1980-81' 1983-84 1985-86 1987 1988 education, which represented an average annual fund- Bilateral" ing of $4.3 billion. Five to 6 percent of bilateral aid and Education 12.7 11.9 10.9 10.6 11.0 8 to 9 percent of multilateral aid was spent on health Health and and population programs, with an average annual flow population 5.5 5.1 5.3 5.2 5.3 of $2.7 billion (Box table 3.6). Total 18.2 17.0 16.2 15.8 16.3 Evidence suggests that aid has not been allocated to Multilateral' priority areas. More than 95 percent of education assis- Education 5.0 4.3 4.3 tance was targeted to the secondary and higher levels Health and of education, rather than to the primary level. More- population 8.9 7.8 7.8 over, the bulk of aid given to primary education was Total 13.9 12.1 12.1 not allocated to increasing the supply of critical re- Data not available for 1982. Bilateral aid, which accounts for about three-fourths of total aid sources for learning, such as teaching materials and for the period 1980-88, includes aid from member countries of the teacher training, which have been found to be the most Development Assistance Committee of the OECD: Australia, Austria, Belgium, Canada, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, cost-effective. In low-income countries, quantitative Ireland, Italy, japan, Netherlands, New Zealand. Norway, Sweden, expansion has been the focus; buildings, furniture, and Switzerland, United Kingdom, and United States. equipment accounted for 57.8 percent of all aid. Only Multilateral aid includes aid from international organizations such as the European Community, the World Bank, and various 1.5 percent of total aid is given for primary health care, other U.N. agencies. and only 1.3 for population assistance. Source: OECD 1980 through 1989. ents' associations; the government paid for main- Cooperation between the public and private sec- tenance and repair, staff salaries, instructional tors may be particularly appropriate if nongovern- materials, and operational expenses. Other mental providers are experienced and efficient and schools were established and maintained by non- if the government has been unable to expand rap- governmental or local government organizations: idly enough to satisfy demand. In Rwanda, reli- the central government paid a grant for each en- gious missions, which have traditionally provided rolled student and covered up to one-fourth of the most health care services, are reimbursed by the total costs of building. government for 86 percent of staff salaries; these missions continue to provide 40 percent of health NONGOVERNMENTAL PROVISION OF SOCIAL SER- services. The governments of Zambia and Zim- VICES. It is always important to ask whether gov- babwe also cover a substantial part of mission ex- ernments have the capacity to implement their so- penditures on health services. As with other goods cial programs. In some cases, large and complex and services, competition among for-profit pro- programs could overextend the government's viders in the social sectors is important to ensure planning and administrative resources. Relying for efficiency in the delivery of services. Any public some services on nongovernmental organizations, subsidies to the for-profit sector (whether in the both nonprofit and for-profit, helps to broaden ac- form of tax breaks or import subsidies) are best cess to adequate schooling and health care. Pri- linked to the quality of services provided. vate, nonprofit providers tend to be smaller and Past increases in literacy, numeracy, and techni- more flexible in their planning and budgeting; the cal skills have been achieved not only through for- government, constrained by civil service laws and mal schooling, but also in many other ways. These employees' unions, is less able to change ineffec- range from village literacy projects to national tive programs. Allowing private organizations to campaigns, from agricultural extension services to provide services under controversial programs- firm-based training and technical assistance. All such as family planning in some Latin American these lend themselves well to community support countries-enables the government to keep its dis- and private sector provision. There are lessons tance while still ensuring that services are here for building technical capacity in the future. available. Japan and Germany developed successful training 68 systems, voluntarily provided by firms that recog- more educated workers and also spent more on in- nize training on the job to be particularly impor- house training. tant when the pace of technical change is rapid. In Deteriorating macroeconomic conditions (high several developing countries, private firms also inflation and interest rates that discourage invest- played an active role, but the incentives to provide ments) and restrictive labor market policies dis- job training were shaped by policy. In Brazil, firms courage innovation and entrepreneurship (see that develop their own in-service training are enti- Chapter 4). East European countries generally tled to deductions from a payroll tax; this program have higher education levels than countries with has been used to develop and run a national sys- similar levels of income. The region's rigid labor tem of youth apprenticeships since the late 1950s. markets and restricted wage differentials have, It is said that the program has enabled Brazil to however, led labor to be allocated inefficiently and meet the needs of firms and national goals for investments in skills to be wasted. The established training, as well. In Nigeria, a 1 percent payroll tax systems for training and education cannot respond levied in 1971 was also meant to encourage more to the new demands. In Hungary, apprenticeship employer-sponsored training. Firm-sponsored training provides narrow occupational training in training programs, however, were slow in coming. obsolete skills; people trained in management, The tax program has now become a financing commerce, and high technology industrial skills mechanism for establishing vocational training appear to be in short supply. centers. Greater mobility in the domestic labor market, by increasing the rate of return for the most highly THE ROLE OF THE POLICY CLIMATE. Human devel- educated and trained technicians and scientists, opment does not depend solely on the policies of promotes efficient transfers of technology and education and health ministries. Other enabling skills and reduces the "brain drain." Laws that policies are also important. Expanding work op- restricted labor mobility in pre-reform China and portunities for women and providing day care ser- the Soviet Union are still in place. Radical market- vices for mothers create incentives for women to oriented reforms are urgently needed in both stay in school longer. Family planning programs countries. Employers need greater control of sal- have been most successful in countries that have ary scales, promotion policies, and hiring and fir- seen improvements in the education and work op- ing. If China's new labor contract system, estab- portunities of women. Clean water and improved lished in 1986, were extended to permanent waste disposal are important for controlling the workers, it could transform labor relations and spread of communicable diseases. Environmental productivity. Labor exchanges have placed more regulations limiting air pollution and the disposal than 6 million workers in new enterprises in China of toxic chemicals have long-run health benefits. since 1988; this will improve labor mobility and Finally, economic growth is crucial. Countries lead to better allocation of investments in skills. A with high growth rates between 1975 and 1985 national social security system that does not tie have infant mortality rates that are 15 percent workers to a specific place of employment will fur- lower than countries that had an average annual ther encourage mobility. growth rate lower than 5 percent. The overall stance of policy also influences the productivity of Investing in people social investments. The performance of World Bank investment projects in the social sectors is Development requires a careful balancing of the associated not on'y with the project design and roles of the government and the private sector institutional arrangements, but also with the over- across a broad range of policies. In social spend- all economic policy framework. Policies that en- ing, there are large, and largely unexploited, op- courage innovation and investment and that in- portunities for a more successful partnership be- crease the demand for workers who are better tween public and private providers. But in this educated and better trained provide the crucial area, more than in any other except macro- conditions for development. In India, returns on economic policy, the state usually is cast in the investments in schooling were higher in areas that leading role. Governments need to make a clear were able to adopt the modern high-yielding grain commitment to this task, and put it among their varieties of the green revolution, and investments highest priorities. The evidence shows that invest- in schooling in those areas also increased. In the ing heavily in people makes sense not just in hu- United States, firms with newer physical capital, man terms, but also in hard-headed economic especially in the high technology industries, hired terms. 69 The climate for enterprise Sustained growth requires more than a high rate tractual framework for their activitiesone that of capital formation. It requires using that capital protects property rights, facilitates transactions, productively, which in turn requires the right mar- allows competitive market forces to determine ket incentives, the right institutions, and the right prices and wages, and lets firms enter and exit. supportive investmentsthree key ingredients of The public sector can play a crucial role in lower- productivity. ing the transaction costs to farms and firms by sup- Above all, appropriate market incentives are porting them with investments and institutions. necessary. Getting price signals right, and creating When this happens, the economic rate of return of a climate which allows businesses to respond to projects is higher. Public investments and institu- them, can raise the rate of return on investments tions are needed to foster competition. To that by halfeven double it, where distortions had end, there is also scope for promoting more pri- been particularly large (as indicated by the statisti- vate sector provision of goods and services that are cal analysis later in this chapter). That difference in usually publicly provided: power and telecom- the productivity of investments can make a differ- munications, small-scale and rural credit, research ence of 1 to 2 percentage points in the annual and development, and agricultural extension. growth rate of GNP per capita. It can help to trans- Good government policies, institutions, and in- form a stagnating economy into a vigorously ex- vestments are vital. But the key to rapid develop- panding one. ment is the entrepreneur. Governments need to But market incentives are not enough on their serve enterprise, large and small, not supplant it. own. If farms and firms are to respond to appro- priate signals, they need access to information and Entrepreneurs unleashed markets, and the ability to transact at acceptable costs. Often these conditions are not met, some- Irene Dufu, a Ghanaian nurse turned business woman, times because of misguided government interven- shows what access to resources in a more and more com- tions. But inappropriate interventions are not al- petitive economy can do to spark the entrepreneurial ways the culprit; the absence of public institutions spirit. She registered her fishing companyCactus En- and investments frequently prepetuates market terprise Ltd.in Tema, Ghana, in 1978, having started failure. Markets for goods, inputs, labor, and capi- operations informally two years earlier. She began with tal need to be better integrated; from the farm to a small wooden vessel and a crew of twelve. Today she the town, from the city to the market abroad. And employs sixty-five fishermen on three boats. Her turn- information is often poorly transmitted, even over in 1989 was more than $1.2 million. when there is appropriate pricing. Entrepreneurs What was Mrs. Dufu's route to success? While serv- need access to appropriate infrastructure and to ing as a nursing officer at the Accra military hospital, research and extension services; these foster the she was approached by a group of artisan fishermen from integration of markets and help to spread new a village where her father had served as regent. These technology. Businesses also need a legal and con- fishermen were seeking a loan to buy new canoes. They 70 were illiterate and lacked collateral, so the banks had five that their microwave was designed by Mr. Chu and turned them down. Mrs. Dufu received a loan on their produced on that assembly line. The conglomerate's em- behalf, using her house as security. The fishermen re- phasis on quality control and its in-depth knowledge of paid it in six months. This started Mrs. Dufu thinking the market account for this startling success. Chu and about a career switch. Salaries in the army and public other engineers often travel abroad to understand design enterprises were not keeping pace with the rapidly rising and marketing better. And as elsewhere in Korea, every- cost of living, and she had three children to educate. body works hard: eleven hours a day, twenty-seven days Many successful trading businesses and bus transport a month, managers and workers alike. companies in Ghana are owned by women. Why not go The Patels of Tanzania started Afro Cooling to manu- into fishing and marketing on her own? With an end-of- facture car radiators. They bought the technology from service gratuity from the army, she bought a truck, an Indian firm that had been making radiators for which she then used as collateral for a loan to purchase a twenty-five years and had adapted the technology to secondhand wooden fishing boat. Then she recruited a Indian needs. Production started in 1979 with the help captain with a nose for tracking down shoal movements of twelve expatriate expertswho had left by 1983. Afro and a crew willing to spend weeks at sea. Cooling's production increased steadily thereafter, when She found she could compete with the state-owned trade reforms began. The firm is efficient. It uses labor- fishing company, selling cheaper yet still enjoying good intensive techniques and simple equipment, but it em- margins. She then bought and repaired an inexpensive phasizes strict quality control. Its managers and skilled tuna ship which allowed her to break into the market for workers have assimilated the technology of a labor-inten- canned tuna, supplying a U.S. company. Since the lib- sive engineering product, and adapted it. They marketed eralization of Ghana's foreign exchange market in 1987, their products aggressively at home and overseaseven Mrs. Dufu has been able to keep a foreign exchange during times of economic decline and unhelpful eco- account, making it easier to raise the money to buy and nomic policies. Despite the recent import liberalization, repair the two secondhand vessels. Refitting the engine they continue to dominate the local market for radiators. in one boat will need to wait, however. Ghanaian banks They have diversified into industrial coolers and heat give priority to government borrowing: only 10 percent exchangers. They export nearly half of their production. of overall credit was allocated to the private sector in In varied settings and circumstances, Dufu, 1989. Despite the credit constraints, Mrs. Dufu is con- Chu, and Patel illustrate the power of entrepre- tributing to Ghana's economic resurgence. neurship: the ability to seize new and often risky Yoon Soo Chu shows what a modest start, hard work, opportunities and to adapt, innovate, and expand. and several doses of learning-by-failing can do in an Countless other cases are less encouraging. enabling policy and institutional environment. In 1977 The Morogoro Shoe Company, a parastatal in Tan- Chu and his small team of engineers were given 15 zania, started business in 1980 with World Bank financ- square feet in the corner of an old lab in the electronics ing. It was to be one of the largest shoe factories in the division of a conglomerate in the Republic of Korea. It world, and to export more than 80 percent of its produc- seemed absurd that a tiny and spartan laboratory in tion. But the factory was badly designed and built; prob- Korea could challenge giant U. S. and Japanese corpora- lems have plagued it from the beginning. Capacity use tions. But Chu also knew that his senior managers has averaged less than 4 percent. It has not exported a wanted to produce microwave ovens. Soon he had gath- single pair of shoes. The company has had inadequate ered the world's top oven models and was choosing the management, bad product design, and nonexistent qual- best parts of each for his prototype. After a year Chu was ity control. It produces negative value added at world ready to test a prototype. He pushed the "on" button: prices. It cost the economy half a million dollars a year in the plastic in the cavity melted. So Chu spent many the mid-1980s to keep the firm in businessnot count- more eighty-hour weeks to come up with a new design. ing the interest and principal on $40 million of capital This time, the stir shaft melted. The Japanese and Amer- costs. icans were selling more than 4 million microwave ovens The conditions for success and failure can be a year, and Chu did not have a working prototype. seen in these contrasting examples. Although they By June 1978 he was ready with a new version. Noth- are only illustrative (and need to be complemented ing melted. Chu 's managers at the conglomerate ap- by the analysis given below), these cases are sug- proved a makeshift production line. Soon three ovens a gestive: success requires an appropriate set of sig- day were being produced. Four years later microwave nals to provide entrepreneurs with the incentives production topped 200,000 units a year. By the late to embark on productive and profitable activities. 1980s, production exceeded 1 million units. Among Then entrepreneurs must be able to respond to U.S. buyers nowadays, the odds are more than one in these signals. For this, they need skillswhich is 71 why education is so important. But they also need tax policies have done. Import restrictions and access to information and markets; knowledge high tariffs to protect industry reduce the availabil- about appropriate technological choices and best ity of agricultural inputs and increase their prices. practices; and access to credit, inputs, and outlets They also push up the prices of urban-produced for their products. and of imported goods consumed in the rural Morogoro Shoe is not aloneanything but. It is areas. And an overvalued exchange rate, which possible to find "value subtracting" firms in all reduces producer prices for agricultural exports, continents; they range from Polish shipyards to usually coexists with restrictive trade policies. Ex- Chinese car plants. They can be found in the pub- cessive government spending (often including lic as well as private sectors. For Morogoro Shoe, subsidies to industry) further contributes to the access to potential markets and investment finance currency overvaluation, imposes an inflation tax was not a problem. But the other conditions for on rural incomes, and crowds out resources from success were not met. Heavily restricted trade, a agriculture. Worse still, direct agricultural policies, distorted pricing regime, and an overvalued ex- such as low producer prices (to channel subsidized change rate destroyed the incentive to export and food to urban consumers) often compound the hence to be competitive. The result is an extreme negative incentives originating in nonagricultural case, but not an uncommon one. As reviewed in sectors. Chapter 2, the aggregate cross-country evidence What does all this mean for the beleaguered mirrors the lessons from these individual cases. farmer? A recent study of eighteen developing Respectable levels of investment per se have not countries reveals the extent of the biases against automatically ensured high GDP growth; invest- agriculture and their adverse effects on agri- ment also needs to be productive. cultural performance. The largest agricultural lossesmeasured by the difference between the Enterprise in agriculture actual and the potential rate of agricultural growthare found for the "extreme discrimina- A clear lesson of experience is that high produc- tors" in the sample: Côte d'Ivoire, Ghana, and tivity in agriculture is especially important for in- Zambia. Government policies implicitly taxed the dustrialization and growthand is feasible. As in- farmer by more than 50 percent, resulting in the dustrialization gets under way, manufacturing lowering of their crop prices by more than half in firms depend heavily on rural demand for their twenty-five years. Ten other countries, classified products, on agricultural products as inputs for "representative discriminators," set an average processing, and on agricultural exports to generate implicit "tax" of more than 35 percent on agricul- foreign exchange. An explicit push for industrializ- ture. These, too, incurred large losses in agri- ation at the expense of agriculture has often under- cultural value added. By contrast, agricultural mined agricultural incentives, largely via the indi- losses were small or nonexistent for the countries rect and direct taxation of the agricultural sector. that discriminated mildly or not at all: Brazil, This was often justified by mistakenly viewing ag- Chile, the Republic of Korea, Malaysia, and riculture as having low potential for productivity Portugal. growth and technological progress, in contrast An extensive empirical literature confirms that with industry. Coupled with agricultural export farmers respond very significantly to government pessimism, these meant that the establishment of policies: when the prospects for farm profits are appropriate incentives and institutions in agricul- good, they innovate, adapt technologies, improve ture was neglected. existing practices, and increase production. But in The effects of inappropriate exchange rate, assessing the farmer's response to policy condi- trade, and pricing policies have been devastating tions, all factors affecting farm profits need to be for agriculture: market signals become so distorted considered, not just pricing. And the effects of pol- that farmers receive only a fraction of the value (or icies on individual crops need to be distinguished border price) of the commodities they produce (of- from their effects on aggregate agricultural output. ten between 25 and 50 percent), while the inputs The crop-specific supply response to improved and goods they consume become scarcer and more pricing incentives can be very large, even in the expensive. short term. For milk for instance, the response to Policies outside agriculturesuch as those af- better prices to farmers can be almost instan- fecting trade and industryhave often imposed a taneous: it can involve no more than changing the "tax" on the farmer and hampered agricultural feed mix. For annual crops the response can be growth at least as much as sector-specific price and especially strong: Tanzania's cotton production 72 doubled within a year when producer prices were risky business because of weather, pests, disease, substantially increased in 1986/87. Agricultural ex- and volatility in input supplies and prices. Gov- port crops can also react quickly to changes in ernments can help by providing research and prices and exchange rates very significantly in the extension services, secure land-tenure arrange- short term, much like individual crops. Agri- ments, better education, and physical infrastruc- cultural export response to incentives has in fact ture such as roads and irrigation. been estimated to be even higher than the re- These complementary factors are not fully inde- sponse for all exports. pendent of economic policies. Appropriate pricing When policy conditions have been very bad, promotes institutional change and investment, leaving factors of production substantially under- both public and private. When pricing is right and utilized, even the aggregate agricultural supply re- agroclimatic conditions are appropriate, farmers sponse to improved prices can be impressive in the demand additional infrastructure, extension, and short term. In Ghana, before the reforms in the credit services; research institutions intensify ef- early 1980s, cocoa prices paid to farmers were so forts to develop and adapt varieties highly benefi- low that crops were left to rot; improved pricing cial to farmers; and private traders and mon- resulted in large production increases that boosted eylenders proliferate. Some of the demand for overall agricultural output. these services is met by farmer groups themselves However, where excess capacity is not so large and by other private enterprises, and some by p01- the aggregate supply response to reform, though icymakers approving public programs where sup- positive, is often limited in the very short termin ply response is expected to be particularly high. contrast to the crop-specific response. Aggregate But when the public sector plays a fuller comple- output can grow only if inefficiencies are reduced, mentary part and anticipates the demand for pub- more resources are devoted to agriculture, or tech- lic services, the eventual supply response can be nology changes. But it takes time to improve estab- greater and can come sooner. lished practices, adopt new techniques, and to China's experience shows the power of the in- overcome constraints of labor, capital, and land. teraction between price incentives and a suppor- With time, laborers migrate, and also farmers can tive institutional setting. Extensive crop-breeding adjust the mix of crops, use additional factors of work had been done since the 1950s; the number production, and improve techniques. Five to ten of extension-service stations increased from a few years after a one-time increase in agricultural hundred to more than 17,000 in 1979. But output prices, overall farm production can increase signif- only accelerated after 1979, when prices were icantlyoften by a percentage similar to, or even raised substantially and the "household responsi- larger than, the price increase itself. bility system" was introduced. This gave house- Implementing an integrated package of reforms holds control over the land they occupied and let in the exchange rate, agricultural pricing, and pub- them keep their net income. Output growth accel- lic expenditure policies can result in a substantial erated from about 3 percent a year during the pe- production response for the overall sector. When riod 1965-80 to more than 6 percent during comparing the performance of Sub-Saharan Afri- 1980-88. can countries that implemented reforms with those that did not, a slight difference between the Investing in research and extension two groups began to emerge in the early 1980s, when the reforms were initiated. The differences Agricultural research and extension have a sub- between the two groups increased over time; by stantial public good component: as a result, the the late 1980s the agricultural growth rate was government's role in their promotion has long more than 2.5 percentage points higher for the re- been recognized. Research resulting in a new pat- forming groupsuggesting the responsiveness of tern of crop rotation, for instance, can be used by Africa's agriculture to policy changes. one farmer without reducing its availability to To strengthen and sustain the farmers' response others (it is thus a "nonrival" or public good); it to changed incentives, complementary institutions would also be difficult and costly for the private and investments are essential. Farmers require sector to exclude farmers that do not pay for such knowledge about improved practices to minimize research from using the new information. It is waste and better utilize the resources at their dis- therefore hard for private researchers to appropri- posal. They also need to learn about new technolo- ate enough of the rewards to make their invest- gies and to get access to markets, storage facilities, ment worthwhile. And once new techniques are credit, and inputs. Further, farming is inherently a developed and available, farmers need to be ac- 73 quainted with the technologies, and shown how to result, feed-efficient hybrid poultry has been get the most out of them. That is the role of exten- adopted more rapidly in the Philippines than in sion services. Experience shows that both these India. forms of agricultural investment can pay. In some applied areas, there are incentives to do private research when the results can be embodied RESEARCH. A combination of international and in naturally protected or patented proprietary indigenous agricultural research is crucial for the products. But private incentives are weak in basic development and adaptation of new techniques biological and physical research, and in generic and varieties suitable to the crops and agroclimatic and applied research when results cannot be pa- systems of the developing world. The returns on tented, or protected by intellectual property laws. investing in research and development (R&D) in Innovative farmers, both wealthy and poor, ex- agriculture can be very highoften between 30 periment with new techniques and often allocate a and 60 percent, according to many crop-specific small portion of their plot for informal trials of new studies. Examples include research on maize in technology. But they rarely conduct formal re- Peru, rubber in Malaysia, and wheat in Chile and search because the farm is generally too small to Pakistan. Such high returns suggest that too little capture more than a small share of the potential is still being invested in these activitiesdespite benefits from the farmers' own research. Even a the substantial increase in spending and scientific private firm in the technology-supply industry (for effort during the past thirty years. example, a seed company) may be too small to Private R&D has grown in recent years, but it appropriate a significant share of the benefits from rarely exceeds 10 percent of national spending on its own research. It will rely instead on improved agricultural research. This is not just because it is varieties from public research, whether domes- difficult to capture the returns. Governments often tically or internationally funded (Box 4.1). restrict and regulate private R&D. Pakistan, for in- Biotechnology research has barely begun in the stance, did not allow private companies to do re- developing countries. It promises to improve the search on plant breeding in the past. Restrictions tolerance of crops and animals to stresses and on buying plant and animal germplasm, equip- pests; increase the efficiency with which plants ment, and scientific expertise from abroad have and livestock use nutrients; and relieve the pre- further hampered private efforts in some coun- sent biological constraints on higher yields. tries. India restricted imports of grandparent stock Equally important, it may reduce the need for agri- of commercial poultry to encourage local breeding chemicals, which would be beneficial for the envi- and production of chicks; the Philippines, in con- ronment. Although the scope of the green revolu- trast, encouraged technology transfers by private tion was limited (it focused on just a few crops, companies through tax incentives for R&D. As a which responded to irrigation), the biorevolution Box 4.1 A different sort of enterprise: Gurdev Khush breeds super rice at the International Rice Research Institute In Asia rice is the main source of calories for 2.7 billion techniques could be used to increase rice production by people. A crucial achievement of the green revolution 25-30 percent during the next decade. has been to increase rice production in the past twenty- But to meet the growing demands for the next cen- five years faster than Asia's population has grown. tury, Khush and his colleagues is breeding a new super During this time, the real price of rice has been halved, rice, capable of feeding many more mouths from less and the disastrous famines predicted by so many peo- land. It will look very different from existing varieties: pie never happened. The first high-yielding variety of sturdier stems, dark green leaves, more vigorous roots, rice for the tropics, 1R8, was made available in 1966 by and genetic resistance to a multitude of diseases and the International Rice Research Institute, based in the insects. Farmers will be able to get a higher yield from Philippines. A cross between a dwarf Chinese rice and seeding it directly, rather than by transplanting seed- an Indonesian variety, 1R8 changed the architecture of lings, which is what makes rice farming so laborious the rice plant. Improved varieties, such as 1R36, have now. It is expected to produce 13-15 tons per hectare been developed since then, permitting up to three from each crop, compared with a maximum output of crops a year. It is now the most widely grown crop current varieties of 8-9 tons. Biotechnology may hold variety in the world. Gurdev Khush, IRRI's chief plant the key to developing this new variety. breeder and the creator of 1R36, believes that existing 74 Box 4.2 Extension and the African agricultural services initiative Food production in Africa will have to grow by at least search, infrastructure, and supplies of credit and in- 4 percent a year from 1990 to 2020 to meet the growing puts. Improvement of economic policy is a vital Compo- demands of the region's people. In 1988 the World nent. The initiative provides resources, including the Bank launched an African Agricultural Services Initia- stationing of technical staff in nonexecutive positions tive to improve agricultural performance by helping to in Africa. It differs from earlier programs because it develop and disseminate new technology, and by en- encompasses all agricultural services and because the couraging the better use of the technology that already services provided will be managed by local staff, not existssuited to the prevailing farming conditions. For expatriates. Accordingly, great emphasis is placed on instance, dissemination of a technology requiring ex- training managers and on working with farmers. Fur- tensive weeding would only be advocated in settings ther, the initiative envisages expanding the role of where labor Constraints are not prevalent. farmers' groups and of the private sector in the man- The initiative concentrates on establishing national agement and provision of extension and other support T&V-type extension services, and on strengthening re- services. can reach the entire rural population. Thus it holds ent farm systems or areasso, for instance, costly promise for all continents. fertilizer and labor-saving technologies are ex- It is possible, however, that as a result of bio- tended in labor-abundant, low-yield areas. technological advances some commodities pro- Just as important for successful extension is the duced for export in developing countries may be presence of a political, managerial, and budgetary displaced by new products from industrial coun- commitment. Budgetary crises too often leave ex- tries and that very different patterns of agricultural tension workers on the payroll but without funds production and trade may emerge. Yet the benefits for daily subsistence and fuel while on the road. of biotechnology research for the developing The quality of rural infrastructure matters. So do world may still outweigh the costs, particularly if the skills and experience of extension staff, who domestic response to changing circumstances is frequently know less than farmers about appropri- flexible, and the new techniques developed in in- ate practices. dustrial countries are shared with developing Farmer participation, particularly in program countries. In low-income economies such as those development and feedback, significantly improves in Africa, improved indigenous scientific educa- the chances that an extension program will suc- tion and agricultural training programs will be ceed. Interaction with farmers is part of the train- needed to help adapt and spread the new technol- ing and visit (T&V) approach to extension. This ogies. It will be some time, though, before new attempts to strike a balance between delivery (f 0- varieties to suit the developing countries are cusing on the professionalism of staff, who work ready: up to five years for potato and rice (Box full time on extension services under a single line 4.1); five to ten years for banana, cassava, and cof- of command) and feedback (through regular visits fee; and ten or more years for coconut, oil palm, to the farmers, with the extension worker spend- and wheat. ing a large part of the day in the farmer's field). Success has not been universal, in part because EXTENSION. Publicly provided extension ser- the farmer's feedback has been insufficiently em- vices can be successful. A review of almost fifty phasized, yet the T&V system appears to have public sector extension programs in the develop- raised production in a variety of settings. In some ing world showed a significantly positive effect in African countries, T&V, though not without its most of them. But public programs have also problems, has brought better management and failed. Success usually requires an appropriate set discipline where once there was duplication of ef- of complementary agricultural policiesnot to fort and lack of direction. External agencies such mention having new technologies and better prac- as the World Bank have become more and more tices to extend. Often extension systems have committed to the support of this structured ap- failed to offer new techniques or have extended proach (Box 4.2). technologies without taking account of the specific The private sector is too little used as an avenue agroclimatic and resource constraints facing differ- for providing extension services. The experiences 75 of coffee growers in Colombia and cattle ranchers BKK and Kupedes in Indonesia are successfully in Argentina show that in commercial agriculture reaching farmers and other small-scale operators regional or crop-specific associations can function while maintaining financial viability. But such in- effectively, spreading the costs and benefits of ex- stitutions are rare. tension among their members. In Kenya, veterin- Formal banking institutions usually require col- ary services are provided through a mixture of lateral, such as equipment, land, or even livestock. public and private farmer support. Traders, seed But because poor households usually lack such as- suppliers, and agroprocessors often provide exten- sets, they generally have no access to formal sion services. In Thailand, a diversified commer- credit. The cost of informal credit from money- cial agricultural enterprise improved the quality lenders can be high; real interest rates often exceed and quantity of the crops it procured for process- 80 percent. Loans are scarce or expensive when ing by establishing its own extension services to lenders lack information about borrowers and face farmers. It began by recruiting extension agents difficulties in enforcing repayment. Gathering in- from the graduates of agricultural extension formation on borrowers can be costly. In rural schools. After this approach failed, the company Pakistan moneylenders devote an average of one hired farmers instead, who were paid to provide day per applicant to obtaining information, and part-time extension to other farmers. The program reject one applicant in two. is now successful. A large food-product multina- Informal finance for the poor farmer can also tional has set up its own extension service in Costa come from a range of other sources: family, Rica; this has successfully disseminated better friends, traders, and loan associations. Rotating techniques for growing pineapples. Such exam- fund associations are common in rural areas; they ples illustrate that, as restrictions on private are a main source of credit in Asia and Africa, initiative in trading, marketing, and production where powerful social sanctions, including rejec- are removed, and as the commercialization of agri- tion by the community, help to enforce repay- culture widens, the private sector can play a larger ment. In northern Nigeria and in many areas of role in extension services. China, there are active loan markets that do not require collateral. Information and enforcement Credit and marketing rely on kinship and village sanctions. But because lenders operate within a limited geographical area The private sector can also be a provider of agri- and the demand for credit is seasonal, such ar- cultural credit. rangements can break down. Local credit markets Banco del Desarrollo in Santiago, Chile, is a hybrid collapsed in Thailand during a regional drought. between a profit-oriented credit union and a church- These private credit institutions are evidently supported nongovernmental organization (NGO). It partial and imperfect. This may justify interven- traditionally offers consumer and small-scale manufac- tion: the government, it is argued, can overcome turing and agricultural credit to low-income families. market failure because it has the power to enforce Since late 1989, microenterprise credits, averaging $50 repayment. This may be so in principle, but rarely each, have been offered on a pilot basis for food produc- in practice. Governments often find it politically tion, textiles, and services. The interest rates are based impossible to enforce lending terms. In India, poli- on the cost of funds. The recipients of these credits are ticians compete with each other by promising, if normally considered uncreditworthy, but Banco del De- elected, to have such debts forgiven. And there sarrollo gets around this by lending to members of a have been many other problems. Governments group of four or five borrowers who unconditionally have proved far less skillful in collecting and as- guarantee each other's promissory notes. The group sessing information than lenders who know the thus provides implicit appraisal and supervision. After community well. Cheap public credit in rural areas one year of operations, only 3.5 percent of loans were has largely failed to reach poor farmers. Public non performing. credit programs have often run into financial diffi- Banco del Desarrollo is not the only institution culties early on; frequently they have collapsed or to combine credit to the poor with financial disci- become a drain on the government budget. pline. Before it was nationalized in 1969, the Syn- What then is the role for public policy? To begin dicate Bank in India was a pioneer in lending to with, a stable macroeconomy and a nondistorting very small operators, such as roadside sellers of regulatory framework are preconditions for devel- vegetables. Nowadays Grameen Bank in Ban- oping the financial sector. The emergence of an gladesh, ADEMI in the Dominican Republic, and independent, solvent, and competitive banking 76 sector, which is free to set market-clearing interest Empowering the manufacturer rates, and not unduly influenced by pressures to lend from the public sector or politicians, improves In coping with their economic environment, in- the mobilization and allocation of credit. It can of- dustrial firms have many advantages over farms. ten improve allocation by shifting resources from They tend to be larger, fewer in number, and less some large, unproductive state-owned enterprises dispersed, so their transactions costs are not so to efficient private activities, including farms. great. They are less subject to uncontrollable risks, But even a healthy financial sector will not al- such as the weather. And they often have more ways ensure an adequate supply of credit to the assets, making credit easier to get. All this means small farmer. To increase the supply, governments that firms are better placed than farms to embark can foster the development of credit institutions on investments in information and technology and and markets. For instance, modifications to the to reap their benefits. In other ways, however, fac- law of contract can make it easier for traders to tories and farms have much in common. Factories extend credit, by allowing them to deduct repay- also need infrastructure (roads, ports, water, and ments from the value of the crop. Improving the electricity). Very small enterprises may find it diffi- security of land tenure creates collateral in some cult to borrow. Above all, firms are just as vulner- settings. Public spending on rural infrastructure able to harmful regulatory policies. promotes competition in credit (and other) mar- In 1978, a major expansion of India's Sindri Fertilizer kets. Improving the literacy and numeracy of the Company was designed to produce 2,000 tons of ammo- poor makes them more creditworthy. nia and urea a day. Regulations required the firm to buy This illustrates an important point: an efficient a high proportion of locally made equipment for the new intervention in one market often helps another complex, including turbo-compressors never previously market to work better as well. Policy toward risk in manufactured domestically. The equipment did not work agriculture is another example. Public crop-insur- and had to be rebuilt; then it kept breaking down. Utility ance and price-stabilization programs have not companies with exclusive licenses for local distribution been very effective in reducing risks or reaching could not provide reliable supplies of electricity. When the poor, and have proven costly. A better way for problems with the railway system reduced the plant's the government to lessen the risks faced by petroleum supplies, the government refused to authorize farmers is to let markets work and to facilitate the fuel imports to meet its requirements. Converting to emergence of private programs, both domestically other fuels more than doubled production costs. Union and externally, such as improving access to inter- pressures led to chronic overstaffing. Of the plant's national commodity futures markets for private 8,000 workers, only 4,400 were directly productive. In traders, millers, and farm associations. Equally im- its first eighteen months, the new facility operated at 33 portant in order to lower risk is to invest in infra- percent of capacity for eight and was closed for ten. Its structure, including public utilities, storage facili- rate of return was negative. ties and irrigation. In India, for instance, erratic In contrast, a competitive domestic environment al- electricity supplies for irrigation have often hurt lowed Tomds Gómez in Chile to thrive. He started a very farm productivity. If the public sector's electricity small business in the late 1970s, producing leather shoes producers could be made more efficient, one in two rooms in Santiago. Competition in the domestic source of risk for farmers would be removed. industry was fierce, so the company had to be efficient to Access to wider markets is essential if farmers survive; but an overvalued exchange rate and high tar- are to adopt new technology and raise their pro- iffs on competing imports discouraged exports. Follow- ductivity. Government has a role here, too. Infra- ing the external trade liberalization of the early 1980s, structure is again critical, as is a policy and regula- potential importers visited Chile and placed orders with tory environment that allows the private sector to the company. Mr. Gómez devoted 20 percent of his pro- flourish. But as in the case of credit and insurance, duction to exports. Today he exports 80 percent of his direct public involvement has often failed in mar- production, worth $2.5 million a year, or almost one- keting. State monopolies in agriculture have often tenth of the country's exports of shoes. He employs 350 paid farmers too little and too late, in order to fi- workers in a large and modern factory. nance their own inefficient operations and subsi- dize urban consumers. The consequences for the Industrial regulation government's budget, for farmers' incomes, and for agricultural production have often been disas- A good rationale exists for various industrial regu- trous (Box 4.3). lations. Rules on health standards, environmental 77 Box 4.3 Parastatal marketing institutions and producer prices: impairing competition and incentives to farmers State enterprises in agriculture were created in many All these defects have made the agricultural parastatals countries during colonial times to regulate small a heavy drain on public sector finances (Box table 4.3). growers and protect European farmers against compe- tition. They have expanded over the past three decades and now monopolize many markets for agricultural in- Box table 4.3 Losses from the marketing puts, outputs, services, and trade. Agricultural prices of parastatal agricultural products, selected are commonly set either by the parastatals themselves countries and periods or by legislation much below their international levels. Transfers Often one price is set throughout the country and as percentage Transfers of current and credit throughout the year. Maintaining the same prices year Country government as percentage round, irrespective of the proximity of the harvest or and period Products expenditure of GNP the state of stocks, discourages the private sector from China, 1988 Grains 10.5 2.0 holding supplies in reserve and building private stor- India, 1984-85 Grains 4.6 0.5 age facilities. Year-round uniform pricing encourages Gambia, consumption and discourages production off-season, 1982-87 Groundnuts 10.8 2.8 when the full cost of providing the product (growing it Mali, 1982-85 Grains 8.8 1.3 plus storing it for a long period) is highest. And when Mexico, producers are paid the same price throughout the 1982-85 Milk, grains, country, production close to consumption or shipment oilseeds 3.5 Tanzania, centers is usually discouraged. 1980-81 All crops 12.4 1.7 Agricultural marketing institutions have also been Zambia, plagued by corruption: funds are "lost" and supplies 1980-86 Maize, "leak" to the parallel market. Poor forecasting of fertilizer, crops, excessive accumulation of stocks, and selling at cotton 4.0 3.2 the wrong times have often destabilized the very mar- Zimbabwe, kets the institutions are intended to stabilize. And po- 1983-87 All crops 5.6 4.6 litical constraints have led to overstaffing and waste. Source: Knudsen and others 1991. protection, worker safety, as well as rules to pro- ministratively regulated allocation of key re- tect consumers and producers from restrictive or sources, such as credit and even physical inputs. monopolistic practices, are part of the legal and Barriers to entry and exit can do enormous institutional framework that any economy needs. harm. In Argentina, large subsidies that favored All too often, however, governments in develop- well entrenched firms discouraged new entrants. ing countries have failed to provide or enforce Industrial concentration has risen while smaller such rules. Instead, they have regulated purely firms have lost market share. Exit barriers such as economic aspects of firms' behavior, hampering the inability to take firms to court or to liquidate competition and often causing high costs in lost themthe norm for parastatals in Africa, China, output and income. and Eastern Europeencourage unprofitable and The main "anticompetitive" weapons in the do- inefficient firms and, again, discourage new en- mestic regulatory arsenal have included (a) entry trants. This also hampers the introduction of new barriers, such as establishment and capacity licens- technologies, because inefficient production lines ing, exclusivity arrangements, and other market and obsolete plants can stay in business. reservation policies often used to promote state Large and expanding firms are not always bene- enterprises or protect powerful interests; (b) exit ficiaries of government policies. The emergence of barriers, such as weak enforcement or a lack of large, efficient private corporations, which are im- appropriate laws; (c) price controls, ostensibly to portant conduits for technology transfer and in- protect consumers; (d) canalization or confine- dustrial modernization in countries such as Brazil ment policies, which give only specific firms the and the Republic of Korea, has been obstructed in right to buy and sell certain goods according to other developing countries by regulatory restric- centralized guidelines and priorities; and (e) ad- tions. Where the government has allocated indus- 78 trial capacity, reserved subsectors to state enter- on technological progress and industrial produc- prises, and decided on plant locations, firms have tivity. However, the neglect of internal regulatory failed to expand and thus to benefit from scale reform in many countrieswhich often entails re- economies and greater specialization (Box 4.4). In forming institutionshas meant that domestic de- Pakistan, capacity licensing prevents producers regulation has not always proceeded apace with from reaching an efficient scale of production. In external trade openness. As a result, anticompeti- the cotton-spinning industry, licensing require- tive regulatory policies can be present in econ- ments keep mills to an average size of 15,000 spin- omies that are open to foreign trade, as in some dles; the most efficient scale is almost twice that. African countries. Their external liberalization pro- More difficult to quantify, yet equally damaging, grams still left elaborate licensing, internal trade are the extra transactions costs caused by a regula- restrictions, and regulatory systems in place; this tory maze. For large firms the constraints of re- hampers competition and dampens the response strictive regulatory and domestic trade policies is to liberalization. Despite increased openness to ex- not so much the explicit exclusion from access to ternal trade in Malawi, investment response has resources, as it is the waste of effort associated been limited: regulatory barriers continue to block with manipulating the rationing and licensing sys- entry in key industries, such as textiles. tem. Further, under restrictive trade practices benefits accrue to large firms from manipulation of Labor-market regulation the system itself, rather than from the innovation, adoption of new technologies, and efficient pro- The goal of government regulation of labor mar- duction that would be demanded from the rigor of kets usually is to protect individual welfare, not to competitive marketsat home and abroad. influence the pattern of industrial development. Internal and external restrictions often exist side Restrictions on child labor, working hours, and by side, compounding each other's adverse effects health and safety risks at work all fit this goal. Box 4.4 The payoffs from regulatory reform: India and Indonesia India's strategy for industrialization has been based on investment was restricted to certain areas; there were import substitution and an unusually comprehensive capacity limits and ceilings on the number of permitted and restrictive regime of regulation in domestic mar- projects. Before starting operations, even approved in- kets. In eleven subsectors that produce about 50 per- digenous firms had to obtain import and export li- cent of Indian manufacturing output, the main results censes, a domestic trading license, land rights, a per- of this strategy have been that: (a) A few large firms manent operating license, and storage and location dominate, while medium-size producers are permits. All this often took two years. Total factor pro- "squeezed out." (b) Average plant sizes are below eco- ductivity fell by 2.5 percent in the mid-1980s. nomic scales of production for most products. (c) Pro- In India, recent partial reforms proved successful. tected firms have captive markets and thus garner high Industrial licensing has been eased since the mid 1980s, rents: net pretax profits in India's manufacturing sector as have some import controls on some raw materials were on average 20.8 percent of value added in 1982, and intermediate goods. These changes, though mod- compared with 3.5 percent in the Republic of Korea in est, have nonetheless had a positive effect. Competi- 1981. (d) Technological innovation is slow. Total factor tion has squeezed the profits of large firms (the top 100 productivity in these industries fell by more than 1 per- firms reported a drop of about 24.3 percent in 1986-87 cent a year between 1966 and 1980. despite a 9 percent rise in sales), and many new, Unsurprisingly, India's international competitive- smaller firms have been created. ness has suffered. Is manufactured exports as a share In Indonesia reform has been more comprehensive: of developing countries' manufactured exports has de- foreign investors are now able to acquire firms in prior- clined, and its share of manufacturing in GDP has not ity areas as long as 20 percent of the equity is domes- increased since 1978. Other results are harder to quan- tically owned; rules on domestic investment have been tify: transaction costs are high; and resources are diver- significantly relaxed. Private investment grew in 1989; ted by excessive administration, by unproductive rent- the growth of total factor productivity has been posi- seeking, and by uncertainty and delays. tive in recent years; and the average rate of return on In Indonesia, the private sector has also been hin- investment increased from 13 percent in the period dered by regulation. Until 1988, domestic and foreign 1982-85 to 22 percent in 1986-88. 79 With the same goal in view, however, many gov- prises is substantial, and inefficient enterprises are ernments also regulate wages and job security not liquidated because bankruptcy laws are not en- and these policies, although well-intentioned, of- forced. This impairs labor allocation still further. ten have the perverse effect of reducing incomes Ultimately, the expansion of productive employ- and employment. ment opportunities is slowed as a result of em- Minimum-wages rules and wage indexation in- ployment regulations that were originally in- crease the cost of hiring workers. This leads firms tended to help workers. to adopt an input mix that employs fewer people The minimal use of labor regulations in the Re- and more capital. This can result in unemployed or public of Korea and other East Asian economies underemployed labor. Meanwhile the unwar- has not impeded rapid growth in employment and ranted shift toward capital intensity will make the real wages. Working hours in Korean manufactur- economy less productive. ing, including overtime, which is often manda- The precise effects vary. Some countries in Af- tory, are the longest in the world. But since the rica and Asia rarely enforce their labor regulations, mid-1960s growth in manufacturing wages and often because it would be too costly to do so. Only employment has exceeded 8 percent a yearfaster the more visible firmsthose employing a large than in any other economy (Table 4.1). number of workersmay have to comply, because A government's policies toward its own public small and medium-size enterprises find it easy and employees can have a big effect on the economy, advantageous to evade the regulations. In con- partly because of the sheer size of the public sector trast, labor regulations in much of Latin America in many developing countries, partly because of (for example, in Uruguay and, until recently, Chile the importance of the services that public workers and Colombia) appear to have directly influenced provide. In Ghana, government employment resource allocation and employment, because the grew by 15 percent a year between 1975 and 1982, modern sector consists mainly of large and visible even though real GNP per capita was falling, re- enterprises. In Chile in the early 1980s, low aggre- ducing resources available for maintaining real gate demand combined with labor market rigidi- wage levels and for financing other recurrent ties, such as minimum wages and lack of wage costs. Indeed, governments have tried to protect flexibility in the protected formal sector, accounted public employment in the face of economic and for an open unemployment rate that exceeded 20 financial hardships in many African and some percent. Asian and Latin American countries. The result Most economies have a mandatory minimum has generally been a steep decline in the real wage wage. But during the 1980s it fell significantly in of public workers. Financial stringency has led real terms in many developing countries. Only governments to use fewer highly skilled staff and when labor in the protected formal sector wields to economize on inputs. Hence agricultural exten- significant power, distortions and inequities in the sion workers without fuel for their vehicles; hence wage structure are likely to remain. In Brazil, wage corridors crowded with idle messengers and tea indexation has been used to maintain real wages in servers; and so on. Low wages have led to wide- the formal sector, interfering with structural ad- justment and resource allocation, and contributing to income disparities. Table 4.1 Annual percentage growth rates Employment regulations, such as job-security of real earnings, employment, and labor laws, can undermine the link between pay and productivity in manufacturing, selected performance and also lead employers to hire fewer economies and periods permanent workers. In Senegal, tight rules on dis- Economy and period Earnings Employment Productivity missals virtually guarantee employment; un- Brazil, 1965-85 1.7 4.6 4.7 surprisingly, many workers are poorly motivated, Colombia, 1966-84 0.8 3.1 2.1 and firms are wary of increasing employment. In Japan, 1950-70 5.4 4.6 6.9 China, employment regulations have fulfilled so- Korea, Rep. of, 8.1 8.2 7.3 cial objectives by maintaining high levels of urban 1966-84 employment, but the economic costs have been Portugal, 1966-84 0.7 2.1 0.9 Turkey, 1966-84 3.0 5.0 2.1 high. Although overall reform has helped, Yugoslavia, 1965-85 1.3 4.2 1.9 workers are still not allowed to move freely and Taiwan, China, 6.4 6.7 7.0 seek out jobs in which their skills are most needed 1966-85 and rewarded. Overemployment in state enter- Source: Lindauer 1989. 80 Box 4.5 Tax reform Taxes provide revenues to finance public spending and tween the tax system and administrative capacity. A influence savings, investment allocations, and the main objective has been to broaden the tax base so that structure of production. The level of revenue collection the tax structure can be simplified and the tax rates helps to determine whether a country can finance pub- lowered, thereby reducing tax-induced distortions and lic sector capital formation, maintain its infrastructure, evasion. For taxes on goods and services, base broad- and provide for an adequate level of health and educa- ening implies a shift from trade taxes to consumption tion services. In general, income taxes, taxes on foreign taxes, such as a value added taxsetting the central trade, and taxes on goods and services (sales and excise rate in the range of 10-20 percent. For income taxes, taxes) each account for about one-third of revenues. this can be achieved by reducing exemptions and low- Although tax patterns differ across countries, tax-to- ering the top marginal rates to between 30 and 50 per- GDP ratios in developing countries are in the 10-20 cent. Further, selective excise taxes on luxuries and percent range, about half of the levels of the industrial nonessentials can simultaneously enhance revenues countries, whereas expenditure levels are in the 20-30 and increase the progressivity of the tax systemwith- percent rangemuch closer to the levels of industrial out significant efficiency losses. countries. Many tax systems in developing countries Comprehensive tax reform can work. In Jamaica, do a poor job of collecting revenue and introduce large Malawi, and Mexico, tax reforms have limited the use distortions into the economy. Weak tax administration of selective tax breaks and have also raised revenues by leads to widespread tax evasion, which also fosters in- widening the tax base rather than by increasing the tax come inequality. rate. In countries such as Indonesia, a value added tax The objective of tax reforms is to raise revenue and has been effective in raising revenue and reducing dis- reduce the costs of tax-induced distortions. Recent re- tortions. By replacing cascading sales taxes, it has re- forms have emphasized revenue adequacy, horizontal moved the burden of double taxation on final goods equity, simplicity and neutrality, and compatibility be- and of indirect taxation on exports and investment. spread absenteeism, petty corruption, moonlight- amount of revenue, therefore, tax rates must be ing, and a general breakdown in morale and disci- higher. This increases the disincentives faced by pline. All this goes on to reduce the productivity of the taxed and widens the distorting gap between the private sector, too, because the quality of the the taxed and the untaxed. In Sri Lanka, for in- social and physical infrastructure and other public stance, growing enterprises that become limited services deteriorates. liability corporations have faced very large in- creases in tax obligations. As a result, small- and Taxation and productivity medium-size firms limit their effort at expansion, Governments need to tax households and busi- and the emergence of large, dynamic, national ness to finance their spending. But taxes have an firms is hampered. economic cost. Taxes on commodities or expendi- Recent experience suggests, however, that tax tures (such as a sales tax) lower incentives to work; distortions can be reduced and that the multiple tax exemptions or taxes that vary across categories objectives of revenue, economic efficiency, equity, also distort the incentives to invest and produce and administrative effectiveness are attainable particular goods. High taxation of the final prod- through a systemic approach to tariff and tax re- uct of an enterprise significantly reduces the pri- form. Reductions in customs tariffs to promote ef- vate return to the investor; the investor will often ficiency gains is more sustainable when domestic choose a different project or decide not to invest at taxation is simultaneously broadened to maintain all. revenue targets. Improvements in tax administra- It is difficult to estimate the economywide effi- tion, reductions in tax exemptions to the nonpoor, ciency loss caused by the overall rate of domestic and simplification of the tax structure are key com- taxation. But it is clear that highly unequal and ponents of revenue and efficiency-enhancing tax discretionary tax rates can be extremely damaging. reforms. Developing countries such as Colombia, Governments in many developing countries lack Indonesia, Korea, Malawi, Mexico, and Turkey the administrative capacity to apply their tax sys- have revamped their tax systems through a com- tems to a broad base of taxpayers. To raise a given prehensive approach to reform (Box 4.5). 81 Evidence on the productivity Projects implemented in an undistorted policy cli- of investment projects mate can have, on average, an ERR that is at least 5 percentage points higher than in a distorted cli- A policy climate that promotes enterprise-by let- mate (Table 4.2). To put this finding another way, ting price signals be seen and acted upon-can with a few exceptions, undistorted policies makes radically increase the productivity of investments. an investment at least one and a half times as pro- The experiences of the World Bank and Interna- ductive. The implication for growth is striking: a tional Finance Corporation (IFC) as lenders in sup- difference in the ERR of 5 percentage points, if port of public and private investment projects con- achieved across the economy, would translate into firm this. a difference in the annual rate of GDP growth per World Bank and IFC projects are evaluated after capita of more than 1 percentage point every year. their completion using standard cost-benefit In broad terms, the result holds for different methods. For 1,200 of these projects-imple- measures of distortion, and across sectors of the mented during the past twenty years-economic economy. The premium on the parallel-market for- rates of return (ERRs), which measure the contri- eign exchange rate captures distortions caused not bution of the project to the economy (or its produc- only by exchange rate policies, but also by other tivity), have been compared with various indexes policies affecting the economic agent's demand for of market distortion. (For a discussion of how parallel market transactions, such as trade restric- ERRs are computed and of the analytical methods tions, taxes and regulations, constraints on capital used in this section, see the Chapter 4 portion of flows, and macroeconomic and political instability. the technical note at the end of the main text.) This indicator is highly correlated with ERRs. The indicators of distortion look, for instance, at Where the official exchange rate is close to equilib- trade (how high are tariffs and how prevalent are rium levels-as approximated by virtually no pre- nontariff barriers?), the value of currency (how big mium on the parallel-market exchange rate-the is the premium on foreign currency in the parallel average ERR for public projects exceeds 18 per- market?), interest rates (are real rates negative or cent. Where the premium exceeds 200 percent, the positive?), and the public sector's financial de- ERR is less than 9 percent. For agriculture, indus- mands (how big is the government's budget def i- try, and nontradables (transport, housing, public cit?). By every measure, ERRs are highest in undis- utilities, and energy), the average ERR of public torted markets, and lowest in distorted markets. and private sector projects combined is between 5 Table 4.2 Economic policies and average economic rates of return for projects financed by the World Bank and the IFC, 1968-89 (percent) Public Public Public projects in All All All public agricultural industrial nontradable private Policy distortion index projects projects projects projects sectors projects Trade restrictiveness High 13.2 13.6 12.1 INSF 14.6 9.5 Moderate 15.0 15.4 15.4 INSF 16.0 10.7 Low 19.0 19.3 14.3 INSF 24.3 17.1 Foreign exchange premium High (200 or more) 8.2 7.2 3.2 INSF 11.5 INSF Moderate (20-200) 14.4 14.9 11.9 13.7 17.2 10.3 Low (less than 20) 17.7 18.0 16.6 16.6 19.3 15.2 Real interest rate Negative 15.0 15.4 12.7 12.7 17.9 11.0 Positive 17.3 17.5 17.0 17.8 17.9 15.6 Fiscal deficits High (8 or more) 13.4 13.7 11.7 10.3 16.6 10.7 Moderate (4-8) 14.8 15.1 12.2 21.0 16.8 12.2 Low (less than 4) 17.8 18.1 18.6 14.1 18.2 14.3 Note: INSF, insufficient number of observations (less than 10) to make inferences. a. Percentage of GDP. Source: World Bank data. 82 and 13 percentage points higher when the pre- mium is small then when it is large (Figure 4.1). Figure 4.2 Rates of return for projects Projects in the nontradables sector are, it seems, financed by the World Bank and the IFC just as vulnerable to a bad economic climate as the under varying degrees of trade restrictiveness, others. 1977-88 Trade restrictions were measured using a yearly index of tariff and nontariff barriers in thirty-two Economic rate of return (percent) countries. The pattern of the results is roughly the 25 same, and it applies to private sector projects as well as to public sector ones (Figure 4.2). Private projects can readily go wrong if policy conditions are distorted (Box 4.6). Using budget deficits or interest rates as measures of distortion, the story is similar, although their overall effects on ERRs are not as large. But there is more to success than a good envi- Figure 4.1 Rates of return for projects financed by the World Bank and the IFC under varying foreign exchange premiums, 1968-89 Economic rate of return (percent) 20 All pubIc Public transport, All private 15 sector projects urban, public sector projects utility, and energy projects Trade restrictiveness 10 0 High U Moderate El Low Note: For the definition of trade restrictiveness, see the technical note at the end of the main text. Calculated for 530 public and private projects. Sources: World Bank data; Halevi, Thomas, and Stanton, 5 background paper. 0 ronment. The Tanzanian firms of Afro Cooling and Morogoro Shoe show that firms can perform very Industrial Agricultural Transpor , urban differently even in the same policy and national projects a projects public utifity, and energy setting. The analysis of the Bank- and IFC-fi- projects nanced investment projects reveals a wide varia- Foreign exchange premium tion in ERRs even within the same country, rang- El More than 200 percent El 50-200 percent ing from negative to highly positive ERRs- El 20-50 percent 0 0-20 percent exceeding 50 percent. Only some of that variation can be attributed to the economic climate. The background research done for this Report Note: Calculated for 1,200 public and private projects. makes it possible to be more precise. Under rela- a. Insufficient data for projects implemented under a foreign exchange premium of more than 200 percent. tively undistorted conditions, as measured by low Source: World Bank data. parallel premiums, the probability that a project will be an extreme failure (that is, have a negative 83 Box 4.6 Wrong incentives often make private projects go under When market incentives are inappropriate, and com- for its inputs, which were not controlled. It tried to plementary investments and institutions absent, pri- circumvent the wholesale-price restrictions by setting vate sector projects will tend to be inefficient. During up its own retail shops, but the required licenses were the late 1970s, millions of dollars were invested in a never granted. Poor public services made matters private meat-production company in a developing worse: the parastatal electricity company was unable to economy. The enterprise was designed to process provide adequate supplies. The firm bought a standby 40,000 head of cattle a year and export 80 percent of its generator, but it was unable to purchase enough diesel production of frozen meat. Export demand did not ma- fuel because its administrative allocation of foreign ex- terialize: an overvalued currency made the foreign sell- change was too small. The enterprise's purchases of ing price too high. Export taxes and wholesale-price cattle for processing never reached 10 percent of capac- controls on domestic sales lowered the firm's revenue ity: it lost money steadily before closing in the early even further. Meanwhile the firm paid market prices 1980s. ERR) is less than 10 percent; under more distorted project has its own institutional objectives, such as conditions, the probability of failing altogether is better techniques of management, higher technical nearly three times larger. Conversely, the proba- standards, and adequate accounting procedures. bility of a very successful project (one with an ERR But lack of competent managers and inadequate of 20 percent or more), is twice as likely in an un- technical skills and accounting procedures are all distorted climate than for projects implemented in too common. Of seven hundred World Bank proj- a more distorted one. But even with undistorted ects reviewed in the late 1980s, only one-third policies, a merely satisfactory project (one with an were judged to have substantially attained the in- ERR of 10 percent or more) is not assured; the stitutional objective of strengthening project- probability is about 70 percent. This raises the related organizations and agencies; almost one- question of why many projects are unsatisfactory quarter showed negligible results in this respect. even with undistorted policies. The weaknesses of implementing agencies have One reason is that the indicators that measure been especially important in agricultural projects the quality of the economic climate are partial, at in Africa, all the more so in complex ventures such best. The four policy indexes used in the research, as integrated rural development programs. They even taken together, do not capture the quality of help to explain why the record of many such proj- economic institutions (such as the legal and regu- ects is not good. latory framework) and of complementary public The data show that the productivity of invest- investments. And possibly the biggest reason for ments is much higher when the project's institu- variability in ERRs, even after accounting for the tional objectives are achieved. Before implementa- policy climate, is simply that some firms will al- tion, the expected ERR for the appraised public ways be more successful than others: success re- sector projects was, on average, 22 percent. When sides in firm-specific factors such as skill, drive, institutional objectives had been attained after determination, willingness to take risks, a measure project implementation, the reestimated ERR of luck, and an ability to learn from mistakes turned out to exceed 20 percentthat is, it was witness Chu in Korea. close to expectations. This contrasts sharply with public projects for which institutional objectives The importance of institution-building had not been attained; in those cases the reesti- mated ERRs averaged less than 10 percent. The World Bank's experience with investment Difficulties in recruiting and retaining qualified projects also points to the importance of institu- staff greatly affect the performance of the imple- tionscontractual arrangements (including, for in- menting organizations. These difficulties, in turn, stance, land-tenure systems and rules on entry often are the result of labor and financial policies. and exit), property rights, norms of behavior, and Many such policies are external to the firm, such as the organizational structures at the project level. limits on hiring skilled personnel in response to Implementing an investment project is often, in budgetary difficulties in government or legislative itself, an exercise in institution-building. Each constraints on shedding unproductive labor. 84 Others are internal to the state organization itself each in their own power supplies. They also invest weak pay incentives, for instance, or underfinanc- in private boreholes because of the unreliable wa- ing the costs of operation and maintenance. Some- ter supply, and employ messenger motorcycles or times the private sector has responded to these radio transmitters because telephones and postal failures with innovative approaches of its own. services do not work. The cost of such private facil- These have demonstrated the benefits of involving ities ranged between 10 and 25 percent of the value local peoplethrough NGOs and community of all the firms' equipment. This clearly reduces groupsin designing and implementing projects. the productivity of each firmbut the effects can Community participation has proved successful in be broader. Weak infrastructure can alter the char- improving project effectiveness and promoting in- acter of a country's development. In Thailand, for stitution-building in many different settings. Wa- instance, regional cities have stayed small, and in- ter supply projects in Malawi are a typical example dustrial growth has been held back by poor trans- (Box 4.7). port and by the absence of an infrastructure for technology, information, and business services. Supportive public investments in infrastructure Infrastructure is at least partly a public good. It is not easily divisible, so it is difficult to exclude Investments in infrastructure help to reduce costs, nonpayers; it is often subject to economies of integrate markets, and disseminate information. scale, resulting in natural monopolies. The private As a result they make entrepreneurs more produc- sector is thus unlikely to produce enough; the tive. In Nigeria, for instance, the costs of weak public production and provision of many infra- infrastructure for manufacturing enterprises are structure services are required for development. very high. Every firm of more than fifty employees The ERR evidence from the World Bank's and that was surveyed had its own standby generator IFC's projects provides evidence that public in- despite being connected to the power grid; alto- vestments matter. The productivity of projects in gether, firms had invested an average of $130,000 agriculture and industry increases significantly as Box 4.7 Participation enhances project efficiency and benefits the poor In 1968, a community of 2,000 people in Malawi started ministration shifted from a top-down management ap- work on a novel water supply system. Community proach to heavy reliance on local farmers in the design, members began the planning, construction, and opera- operation, and maintenance of local irrigation systems. tion of their own water supply and distribution. Field The canals and structures worked better, rice yields staff for the project were recruited locally; traditional were 20 percent higher, and the irrigated area 35 per- community groups formed the basis for water commit- cent greater, than in a control group without tees; government support was limited. Virtually all of participation. the more than 6,000 standpipes installed nationwide Agricultural extension, rural infrastructure, urban are still in working order. More than 1 million Mal- upgrading, and the social sectors also benefit from the awians have high-quality, reliable, and convenient wa- involvement of community groups. In Kenya, partici- ter through systems that they themselves built, own, pation-based agricultural extension among local and maintain. groups of women farmers doubled the number of An analysis of rural and urban development over farmers reached and promoted the adoption of new thirty years found high correlations between project techniques. In a mountainous district in Nepal, local performance and levels of participation. A survey of communities efficiently managed the construction of twenty-five World Bank agricultural projects evaluated sixty-two suspension bridges. But not all projects have five to ten years after completion found that participa- high returns from popular participation. Large-scale in- tion was an important determinant in project perfor- frastructure and dam construction, for example, cannot mance and sustainability. In one World Bank project, benefit from the expertise and supervision of local com- Peruvian farmers in San Lorenzo formed thirty-two munity groups. Nevertheless, public discussion and community groups and successfully took over all as- evaluation of such projects by directly affected commu- pects of an irrigation project that had been designed nities helps to identify potential environmental dam- and run by the national government. During a ten-year age and economic dislocation. period in the Philippines, the National Irrigation Ad- 85 as a share of total (Figure 4.3). Interestingly, if the policy climate is bad, the ERR of these projects is Figure 4.3 The share of public investment in very low regardless of the share of public invest- total investment and the rates of return of ment in total investment. Put differently, the re- agricultural and industrial projects financed by the World Bank and the IFC, 1968-89 sults suggest that there is a strong interaction be- (percent) tween policies and complementary public investments: the effects of enhancing the latter are substantial only when policies are appropriate; Economic rate of return and the beneficial effects of improved policies are 25 much larger when an appropriately balanced pub- lic investment program is present. A subsectoral decomposition of World Bank 20 projects indicate that investments in transport are highly productive. In good economic climates, the ERRs for public transportation projects have aver- aged more than 25 percent; this is considerably 15 higher than the average returns from other public or private projects. Projects implemented under The strong case for public investment, however, a foreign exchange premium 10 of less than 30 percent need not preclude more private participation. Carefully regulated private monopolies can be effi- cient providers of infrastructure. Africa provides recent examples of successful private sector provi- Projects implemented under a foreign sion: private bus operators in Ghana, for instance, '..\.. exchange premium of 30 percent or more I I I or private contractors for water supply and refuse 15 25 35 45 55 65 75 collection in Togo. Private participation works well Share of public investment in Thailand's power sector, and in the Chilean, in total investment Czech, Hungarian, and Turkish telecommunica- tions systems. Power and telecommunications Note: Calculated for 650 public and private projects. Source: World Bank data. have in fact recently seen a big increase in private activity. Technological advances have reduced the scale of efficient investments in these sectors and radically altered their monopoly characteristics, es- pecially in telecommunications. Competing firms the share of overall public investments in GDP can now serve the same population. growsup to a point. On average, the ERR in- creases by more than 6 percent as the share of Implications for policy public investment in GDP is raised from 5 to 10 percent, but as the share of public investment con- The quality of policies can make a big difference to tinues to increase the ERR tapers off and then the productivity of investment projects. But how declines. quickly will the productivity of investments Thus, although identifying country-specific change as a result of improvements in policies? turning points in the relation between public in- Even radical reforms may not succeed in raising vestment and ERRs is difficult on the basis of this ERRs overnight. Some benefits should come evidence, the data suggest that striking an appro- quickly; for instance, stronger price incentives can priate balance is important. This is also seen when have a rapid effect on annual crop yields, and the relative importance of public and private in- hence on the returns from existing irrigation sys- vestment is analyzed by plotting the share of pub- tems. For other projects, however, the need to re- tic investment in total investment (rather than structure themor to start anewwill delay some GDP) against the projects' ERRs. Assume that the of the benefits. policy climate is goodas measured by a low cur- Overall, then, improving economic conditions rency overvaluation. For projects in the tradables will take time. But significant benefits should be sectors, the ERR is significantly higher when pub- visible in a few years. The evidence from the tic investments are neither very low nor very high World Bank's and IFC's projects suggests that bet- 86 ter conditions can pay off handsomely within the Table 4.3 Average economic rates of return time it takes to complete a new project. for projects financed by the World Bank and Table 4.3 compares the ERRs on the projects ac- the IFC under varying initial and final cording to (a) the policy climate before they were foreign exchange premiums, 1968-89 (percent) initiated and (b) the climate when they were com- ERR under varying premiums pleted. Projects that were identified in a distorted at project Corn pletionb Premiums before climate but completed in an undistorted one show project starta More than 30 Less than 30 an average ERR of almost 18 percent. This is the More than 30 11.7 17.8 same high average ERR as for projects initiated Less than 30 13.2 17.7 and completed in an undistorted environment. In Note: The number in each cell is the average of the ERRs of public other words, it is never too late to improve a dis- and private sector projects. Average foreign exchange premiums during the year of project torted climate. Conversely, projects identified and appraisal, which takes place about a year before project prepared in an undistorted climate but completed implementation starts. Three-year average of the foreign exchange premiums at about in a distorted onethat is, cases in which markets the time of project completion. became more distorted while the project was un- Source: World Bank data. der wayshow a much lower return. The parallel-market foreign currency exchange premium is used as the measure of distortion in quisition of skill and access to technology are also Table 4.3. Improving the policy climate even in this extremely important. narrow sense usually requires changes not just in An enabling economic climate, complemented the exchange rate but in other aspects of policy. by institutional development and investments, More generally, better policies also mean fewer will not always prevent market failure. But, as in distortions in the other three measures introduced the cases of small-scale credit and crop insurance, above: trade restrictions, interest rates, and macro- the government cannot be expected to deal with economic stability. The next two chapters pursue market failures whenever they arise. In recogniz- these themes. Chapter 5 looks in much more detail ing their limitations, governments should encour- at the importance of openness to the international age the private production or provision of public economy; Chapter 6 deals with macroeconomic goods and services, and also involve NGOs and policy and the financial sector. the local users of the services and investments in The case for openness to trade and for prudent their design and implementation. macroeconomic policies is gaining wider accep- This has implications, too, for the aid commu- tance. The need for domestic liberalizationfor nity in general and the World Bank in particular. the reform of ill-advised programs of regulation First, it pays to limit public sector investment and and licensingis sometimes forgotten in the pro- institutional support to areas that help foster com- cess. It deserves to be emphasized; a competitive petition and the private sector, rather than crowd domestic economy is all too important. Restructur- it out. Second, external aid and lending agencies ing the regulatory framework, which requires should promote the involvement of private sector institution-building and legal reform, is often more and local communities in decisions about the pro- difficult technically and delicate politically. It is in- vision of public services. Third, aid is likely to dispensable nonetheless. Entry to and exit from work much better when used for projects under- activities should be easy for workers, entrepre- taken in competitive and market-oriented cli- neurs, and capital. Institutions that establish se- mates. And finally, external agency support for cure property rights and legal remedies should be improvements in the policy climate pays off. Per- strengthened, so that entrepreneurs can manage haps the most powerful rationale for supporting their risks, gain access to credit, and lower their structural reforms is that they raise the produc- transaction costs. Institutions that promote the ac- tivity of investmentspublic and private. 87 Integration with the global economy Opennessthe free flow of goods, capital, people, search centers. Direct foreign investment (DFI) has and knowledgetransmits technology and gener- contributed to technology transfer and fostered ex- ates economic growth across nations. Two hun- port growth in economies such as Brazil and Mex- dred years ago, imports of machinery and the ico. Yet the gains from foreign investment depend emigration of skilled workers helped carry the in- critically on the policy climate. DFI in a protected dustrial revolution from Britain to Europe. Japan sector, for example, is likely to generate net losses and the United States were both highly successful instead of welfare gains. at borrowing established technology and exploit- By increasing competition and expanding access ing linkages with more advanced industrial coun- to technology, trade generates benefits which may tries to become major players in world markets. In even exceed the gains from improved resource al- the past forty years, East Asia has grown rapidly location. Yet almost all industrial and developing through the expansion of trade. countries have restricted trade to promote indus- The linkages between openness and technologi- try and raise revenue. In retrospect, these objec- cal change are twofold. First, increasing global tives would have been better attained in other competition raises the demand for new technol- ways. Where protection accompanied rapid devel- ogy. Second, the supply of new technology for opment, as in East Asia, competition was main- industrializing countries is determined largely by tained in external and domestic markets. These the degree to which they are integrated with the countries preserved incentives for technological global economy. New products and processes are change by using export success as a yardstick for transmitted through imported inputs and capital performance. Trade intervention was also mode- goods, sold directly through licensing agreements, rate and restricted in time, minimizing costly dis- and transmitted through direct foreign investment tortions from protection. or export contacts with foreign buyers. Yet a mar- ket-friendly approach also requires government Channels of technology transfer action to help producers master new technology. Governments must ensure the educational base, Technology is the knowledge that leads to im- which is essential for developing technological ca- proved machinery, products, and processes. Addi- pability; promote competition; coordinate efforts tions to this knowledge reduce the real cost of pro- for quality control; and protect intellectual prop- duction and lead to the introduction of new erty rights. products. Technology also includes the knowledge Flows of capital and skilled workers across na- embodied in management know-how. Chapter 2 tions continue to provide an important avenue for showed that growth in productivity, the best technology transfer. The East Asian countries have proxy for technological change, has accounted for successfully assimilated technology by sending as much as 30 percent of GDP growth in the East students abroad, exploiting linkages with overseas Asian countries. nationals, and encouraging exchanges with re- Integration with the global trading system af- 88 fects technological change in two ways. First, it foreign technology imports by Argentina, Brazil, improves the supply of new technology. Second, it India, the Republic of Korea, and Mexico in the raises the demand for new technology. 1960s and 1970s shows that Korea relied exten- sively on imports of embodied technology. In Supply-side channels 1985, India increased access to imported capital goods and components for the electronics sector, Technology is embodied in imported inputs and and it liberalized restrictions on the entry and exit capital goods, sold directly through licensing of firms. Since then, out-of-factory prices have agreements, and transmitted through direct for- fallen as much as 60 percent for some products, eign investment, labor movements, or contacts and exports of electronics have increased. with foreign buyers. In all these ways, openness The second source of technology transfer from increases the supply of new products and trade occurs through exporting (Box 5.1). Expo- processes. sure to international markets keeps exporters in- formed of new products, and foreign buyers are an TRADE. Technology is embodied in many kinds important source of information that can be used of imported inputsranging from capital equip- to upgrade technology. In a survey of 113 Korean ment and turnkey plants to sophisticated compo- export enterprises in the 1970s, 20 percent of the nents for electronic assembly. One explanation for firms cited contacts with foreign buyers and sup- the observed relation between high trade shares pliers as important; only 8 percent considered li- and GDP growth is that increasing trade allows censes and technical agreements important. From countries to import capital goods. A comparison of contacts with foreign buyers, firms received blue- Box 5.1 Export takeoffs: two success stories The two stories below suggest that successful entry Rice exports in Viet Nam into export markets requires a combination of access to In the mid-1980s, Viet Nam was a net importer of rice information, the appropriate incentive structure, and and requested international food aid several times dur- domestic entrepreneurship. ing the decade to avert famine. By 1989, it had become Garment exports in Bali, Indonesia the third largest exporter of rice, following the United States and Thailand. Rice trade shifted from net im- Foreign exchange earnings in the Bali garment industry ports of 280,000 tons in 1988 to net exports of nearly 1.5 increased from less than $3 million in 1975 to more than million tons in 1989, representing one-third of total $65 million in 1987. The industry began in the early hard currency exports. 1970s as a tourist-oriented sales effort by local busi- No major change in weather accounted for this re- nesses and expatriates who financed their travels by versal in performance. Rather, a series of interrelated returning home with suitcases full of clothing. These policy reforms transformed Viet Nam from a net im- expatriates, who generally had little business experi- porter to a net exporter of rice. During 1988 and 1989, ence, provided limited but inexpensive capital, foreign contacts, and international mobility. Several of these agriculture was decollectivized and rice returned to early joint ventures were quickly replicated once their family-farm production. Price controls were elimi- nated, and a large real devaluation of the currency in profitability was demonstrated. 1989 strengthened financial incentives to export. Fi- A recession in 1981 led many local producers to reev- nally, trade institutions were reorganized to eliminate aluate their informal relationships with local expatri- state monopolies in imports and exports, which intro- ates and turn to more highly skilled foreign partners, duced competition among the mostly state-owned who were drawn to Bali by its new reputation as a trading companies. profitable production site. By 1986 Bali had a suffi- The lessons from these two case studies are quite ciently strong reputation as a boutique supplier that different. Traditional reforms (price decontrol, privatiz- many foreign buyers were willing to purchase gar- ation, and devaluation) transformed Viet Nam from a ments under more arms-length arrangements. Yet net importer to a net exporter of rice. In Bali, access to stricter enforcement of established immigration laws, information on international markets, technical man- which regulate the employment of expatriates, seems agement, and capital provided the vital push. to have contributed to a temporary slowdown in the improvement of the quality of garment exports. 89 prints and specifications, information on the pro- techniques in economies with abundant labor. In duction techniques and technical specifications of Côte d'Ivoire, the textile sector was developed in competing products, and feedback on the design, the 1960s primarily through direct foreign invest- quality, and technical performance of exported ment, which was induced by income tax and im- products. China's heavy reliance on foreign trade port duty exemptions, interest subsidies, high tar- corporations to mediate trade arrangements be- iffs, and restrictive import licensing. Subsidized tween Chinese enterprises and world markets has credit, by lowering the cost of capital, led to more lessened the degree to which exporters have capital-intensive plants. Firms' choice of sophisti- gained access to free technical assistance. Recent cated technology, which required a high level of reforms, however, have greatly increased the in- expatriate employment, also inflated their wage volvement of manufacturing enterprises in trade bill. These high production costs were passed on and should facilitate technology transfer. to consumers in a protected market. In contrast, the textile industry in Japan developed as a highly BUYING TECHNOLOGY THROUGH LICENSING. Con- labor-intensive sector, using imported secondhand cern about the monopoly power of technology machinery modified to substitute labor for capital. suppliers, combined with balance of payments In Japan and the Republic of Korea, the technology problems, led many developing countries to con- for textile production became capital-intensive trol the flow of disembodied technology and re- only when relative prices changed and labor be- strict royalty payments in the 1960s and 1970s. In came the scarce factor. India, restrictions on the size and time allowed for An escalated tariff structure can also affect the making royalty payments encouraged suppliers to choice of technology. In the Philippines, as in favor lump-sum transfers. Yet by discouraging many other countries, the more processed the long-term relationships between suppliers and product, the higher its import duties. This has en- buyers, this form of payment made suppliers less couraged assembly and packing operations that responsible for ensuring successful technology are heavily dependent on imported materials and transfer. Other countries sought to limit payments equipment. Typically, governments respond with for technology imports by restricting access to sev- local-content regulations requiring finished prod- eral firms, which in turn discouraged competition. ucts to contain a certain share of domestically pro- In contrast, Japan's Ministry of International Trade duced components. Local content rules are often and Industry (MITT) reinforced interfirm rivalry by applied across the board, without regard for com- making sure that foreign technologies were avail- parative advantage, further reducing the compet- able to a number of domestic firms. itiveness of the assembled products. Trade flows and the licensing of foreign technol- Export competition, like import competition, ogies allow countries to avoid the cost of duplicat- also forces firms to the forefront of technological ing established technologies. Restrictive policies developments. One of Brazil's vehicle-compo- on technology imports in Brazil, China, and India nents firms, Metal Leve, entered the international have frequently led to intensive scientific activity market in 1965 to use up excess capacity and ex- that could have been accelerated through greater ploit fiscal and credit incentives. The entrepre- use of established technologies developed abroad. neurial ability of the firm's leadership and the firm's entry into international markets created a The demand for technology dynamic process of technological change and ex- panding export shares, driven by foreign demand In a more competitive environment, firms respond for high quality. Exporting also strengthens the in- to international competition by trying more and centive to adopt new technology by increasing the more to minimize costs. This may simply lead to returns from innovation through expanded market better use of established technology, or to efforts opportunities. In the computer industry, for in- to acquire and adapt new technology. In Turkey, stance, firms must target global markets from the which liberalized trade and reformed its financial beginning in order to make their investments sector during the 1980s, the private sector has ac- profitable. celerated technology importsembodied in ma- chinery that is available through licenses or techni- Government technology policy cal agreementsas well as the purchase of designs and know-how. One of the clearest lessons of Japanese and East By distorting relative prices, protection has of- Asian experience is the value of a strategy of im- ten led to the costly adoption of capital-intensive porting, and building on, established technology 90 from abroad. Countries which rely on imported not be sufficient if import distributers have mo- technology have generally made very strong inter- nopoly power or goods are nontraded. In the nal efforts to diffuse and develop technology. This United States, all recent antitrust cases involved ability to select, diffuse, and build on imported nontradable goods such as trucking and dentistry technologysometimes referred to as technologi- services. Yet poorly designed antitrust policies can cal capabilityis also determined by policy action be "captured" by the very interests that they are in several areas, in addition to openness. One of supposed to regulateas in India. A simple anti- these is education (discussed in detail in Chapter trust code which only prohibits price-fixing and 3). The others are domestic competition (also dis- other clearly restrictive practices is a good ap- cussed in Chapter 4), the macroeconomic frame- proach. Policies which go furthersuch as restrict- work (discussed in detail in Chapter 6), informa- ing mergers or joint-venturesmay increase com- tion services, norms and standards, intellectual petition but could hurt efficiency if scale property, and research and development. economies are important. DOMESTIC COMPETITION. Innovation and the dif- THE MACROECONOMIC FRAMEWORK. The macro- fusion of technology are promoted by domestic economic framework affects the pace and choice of competition, especially if the domestic market is technology transfer through its effect on interest large. One study of the United States in the early rates, exchange rates, and the availability of for- nineteenth century showed that as navigable in- eign exchange. High national saving rates and cap- land waterways expanded, patent activity in- ital formation in the Republic of Korea and Japan creased. Access to larger markets and more re- were associated with a fast diffusion of technology gional competition sped up the pace of innovation. in that the cost of capital declined and the turnover A recent study of successful industries in six Eu- of the capital stock accelerated. Studies have ropean countries, Japan, Korea, Singapore, and shown a strong association between equipment in- the United States found that domestic competition vestment and economic growth for the industrial was a key to global success (Porter 1990). In Japan, countries; Chapter 2 showed that a rapidly in- almost every sector that became a major exporter creasing capital stock has contributed a significant on world markets had numerous domestic com- share to GDP growth in developing countries petitorsthe machine tool industry alone has since 1960. more than 100 manufacturers. Domestic competi- An unstable macroeconomic framework gener- tion is important even in industries with substan- ally results in foreign exchange rationing, which, tial economies of scale (for example, the chemical for instance, leads to restrictions on royalty pay- industry in Germany, the car and truck industries ments for technology licenses. Particularly in the in Sweden, and pharmaceuticals in Switzerland). less industrialized countries, where a large share Barriers to internal competitionlicensing re- of technology is transferred either in the form of strictions limiting entry, pricing policies, and capital-goods imports or licenses, foreign ex- bankruptcy or labor laws regulating exit, in addi- change restrictions are likely to be a significant de- tion to tariffs and nontariff barriersoften discour- terrent to technology development. age technological change (see Chapter 4). In In- An overvalued exchange rate can also distort the dia's fertilizer sector, where competition has been process of choosing technology by lowering the virtually eliminated by government controls on cost of imported machinery and biasing the pat- entry and by pricing policies which pass on higher tern of development toward capital-intensive costs, older plants using obsolete processes sur- growth. If the cost of capital is either too high (as vive despite operating at less than 30 percent ca- in India, which imposes high tariffs on capital- pacity. In Europe's computer industry, sheltered goods imports) or too low (as in Ghana, the Philip- national markets were handed over to "national pines, and Tanzania during the 1950s) the speed of champion" firms that never left their protected technology transfer and the benefits from im- markets. ported technology under local conditions will Yet market-friendly government policies may decline. mean more than removing barriers to internal competition. Governments may need to use anti- INFORMATION SERVICES. Government agencies trust provisions to ensure that producers and dis- and industry associations can make a valuable tributors do not collude or exploit monopoly contribution by coordinating the exchange of in- power. Import competition generally provides a formation among technology importers, which in powerful check on collusive practices, but it may turn encourages the standardization of compo- 91 nents and devices. Government agencies have, tion has been perceived in industrializing coun- however, had mixed success in getting informa- tries as benefiting foreign companies more than tion to exporters of manufactures. Exporters need domestic industry. Patent protection can promote detailed information on production specifications the development of innovative technology by do- and marketing optionswhich the public sector mestic firms and the transfer of existing technol- usually lacks the expertise to provide. To increase ogy from industrial countries. But it can also raise the efficiency of public information services, they the cost of using newly patented technology. Yet could be sold. This would oblige the supplier to for the newly industrializing economieswhich find information worth paying for. Such services are now reaching the technology frontier in several also need to be judged against performance stan- areasthe gains from greater protection of intel- dards. For example, services designed to promote lectual property may soon become important. His- manufactured exports could be evaluated through torically, industrial nations strengthened their in- changes in export shares. In the East Asian econ- tellectual property protection as they developed. omies, trade promotion agencies only became suc- Even industrializing economies are capable of cessful after a long build-up of experience by pri- quickly reversing their attitudes. A resolution by vate suppliers, private associations, and small the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) units of government officials who promoted trade. mandating that germplast be available at no cost to Governments should encourage competition be- all countries was supported by developing coun- tween public and private sector providers of infor- tries in 1983. By 1985, however, many of these mation by eliminating restrictions on entry of pri- countries wanted to protect the new crop varieties vate and foreign suppliers of consultancy services. they had developed. They joined the United States in its reservations against the FAO proposal, NORMS AND STANDARDS. A strong central system which was defeated. of metrology, norms, standards, testing, and qual- Better protection of intellectual property is rap- ity control helps an economy to upgrade and dif- idly becoming a central issue for other reasons. fuse technology. In economies as diverse as the The changing nature of technology is making it Republic of Korea and Turkey, testing and quality more difficult to assimilate new developments by control services have contributed to export success copying imported productsleading more firms to and created incentives to invest in upgrading. Ex- seek licensing arrangements. Industrial countries perience, however, suggests three important con- which view unauthorized copying in the context of siderations. First, unless there is vigorous compe- trade losses are pressing for greater patent and tition so that inferior products cannot easily be trademark protection in industrializing countries. sold, quality control services will not be supplied. By leveraging the issue in the context of bilateral Second, entry into this sector should not be re- trade negotiations, including potential trade retal- stricted to public organizations. These services are iation, the United States and the European Com- successfully provided by domestic and foreign munity (EC) have been instrumental in strength- firms in a number of industrializing countries. ening the patent laws in Korea and Mexico. Third, an economy's standards should conform to Yet multilateral agreements negotiated through international specifications. Otherwise, country- the GATT and the World Intellectual Property Or- specific standards can become a form of protec- ganization would be preferable to case by case bi- tion. Moreover, cooperative standards also help lateral efforts. This would provide a more compre- prevent monopolies. Industrial countries can play hensive global approach and would minimize the an important role in disseminating technology by threat of trade retaliation. Intellectual property encouraging open standards, which allow firms to protection is most critical for areas in which indus- link products as well as communication between trializing countries would benefit from industrial machines without special equipment or permis- country research, such as the prevention of tropi- sion. Korea made use of open standards for per- cal diseases. Research in industrializing countries sonal computers to launch their exports. is often based on extensions of established designs and processes, which could also be protected. Ac- INTELLECTUAL PROPERTY. Most industrializing cess to licenses for foreign innovations could also countriesespecially the least industrializedare be actively promoted. Industries in developing engaged in adapting and diffusing products and countries could seek to limit restrictive clauses in processes developed in the industrial countries. their international licensing agreements, such as Consequently, until now, increased patent protec- those which ban exports. 92 RESEARCH AND DEVELOPMENT. In agriculture, the which adopting and adapting new technology is rate of return on publicly sponsored crop research even more important. Successful policies will en- has typically ranged between 30 and 60 percent courage both the most efficient use of established (see Chapter 4). Yet the returns from publicly technology and its rapid diffusion through internal sponsored research in industry have probably not and external competition. Governments can im- been so high. Studies suggest that Japanese suc- prove technological capability best by providing cess in developing new technologies results more education, fostering domestic and external compe- from improving incentives to private industry tition, and encouraging the development of infor- than from expanding government-subsidized mation services and quality control. programs. Governments in developing countries often Labor flows and direct foreign investment spend a large share of the resources available for technology transfer on national research and de- International flows of capital and labor affect velopment institutions. In many cases, as in India growth and welfare in two ways. First, foreign in- and Thailand, they have had little effect. Particu- flows can finance domestic investment and help larly in low-income countries, a large share of re- economies adjust to temporary shocks. (Official search and development could better be used to and commercial inflows are discussed in Chapters assimilate and monitor technology development 4 and 6; this chapter looks primarily at the poten- abroad. Yet government-sponsored R&D centers tial for foreign investment as a new source of addi- are more likely to follow the interests of their staff tional capital, in light of the dwindling supply of in basic research. The Republic of Korea has made commercial flows.) Second, foreign investment such centers more accountable to their users by and labor migration are potentially important ave- forcing them to increase share of revenues from nues for transferring technology. But the gains private contracts. from foreign investment depend on the policy cli- mate. Greater foreign investment in a protected TECHNOLOGY TRANSFER: AN ASSESSMENT. Is domestic market could hinder development rather openness equally important at all levels of devel- than promote it. opment? In Africa, strong protection of industry and reliance on public enterprises discouraged Labor movements competition, leading to low rates of productivity growth. Countries of all income levels could create Migration, transfers of skilled personnel, and re- the demand for new technology by fostering com- turning workers from abroad all contribute to the petition and building the educational base needed diffusion of technology. After legal barriers were to absorb changes in the marketplace. There is a removed from the emigration of skilled workers in critical need for broadly based primary and sec- the United Kingdom (1825) and exports of machin- ondary education, combined with on-the-job ery (1842), British entrepreneurs and workers training programs. In 1986, only 20 percent of the helped to develop railways and coal mining in Eu- school-age population (13 percent for women) rope and elsewhere. In the period after World War were enrolled in secondary schools in Sub- II, large numbers of foreign students received sci- Saharan Africa. Despite heavily subsidized univer- ence and engineering training in the United States sity education, Africa has skill shortages in sci- and then returned abroad to useand diffuse ence, engineering, auditing, and higher-level their knowledge. In Pakistan, a cottage industry in accounting and management. Low-income coun- soccer ball exports was initiated by a Kashmii im- tries also need to encourage partnerships with migrant from India, who had studied the sports firms which have gained experience in adapting equipment business in Germany. technology and marketing. The recent export suc- Labor mobility provides other benefits apart cess of Mauritius in garments may be traced to a from technology embodied in migrating workers. combination of favorable policies, a well-educated It is another avenue for reducing the disparity in labor force, and a large influx of direct investment incomes worldwide. In several industrial coun- from Hong Kong. tries, such as Norway and Sweden, high unem- The recent acceleration of technical change in ployment accompanied the transition from agricul- old and new fields such as microelectronics, tele- ture to manufacturing. Emigration helped to communications, and biotechnology is creating a relieve population pressure in those countries: 25 more and more complex, competitive world in percent of the Swedish population emigrated to 93 the United States between 1865 and 1920. Higher costs by eliminating subsidies to those who can labor mobility could improve welfare for labor- afford higher education, or to those who are likely scarce regions as well. The trade-increasing poten- to move abroad. Governments may also wish to tial of regional integration plans put forth by such tax the incomes of skilled emigrants, especially if bodies as the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) they remain citizens of their home countries. and the Central African Customs and Economic Union (UDEAC) is likely to be limited. Yet these Technological change and direct foreign investment plans could alleviate unemployment or shortages of skilled labor in member countries if they permit After 1945, direct foreign investment was a major greater labor mobility. conduit for know-how between the United States Looser immigration and emigration policies in and Europe. Case studies of Hong Kong and Mex- both industrial and developing economies are ico show that the presence of foreign firms has likely to lead to global gains in human welfare. increased the diffusion of technology and im- One cost, however, is the loss of skilled and highly proved the efficiency of local firms. In Brazil, a trained people emigrating to industrial countries large share of manufactured exports originates the brain drain. In Bangladesh, the share of profes- from firms with foreign investment. Evidence sionals emigrating abroad was so large that it is from Côte d'Ivoire and Venezuela suggests that believed to have contributed to shortages in some foreign-owned manufacturing firms are more pro- professional categories. After completing their ed- ductive and that joint ventures export a higher ucation, 63 percent of students from the Republic share of total output than domestically owned of Korea, 49 percent from Jordan, and 33 percent firms (Table 5.1). This is true even after capital in- from Greece remained in the United States be- tensity and firm size are taken into account. It tween 1962 and 1976. seems plausible that a foreign presence could raise The net losses from brain drain may be miti- the productivity of firms that remain wholly do- gated by other factors. Net remittances from mi- mestically owned. For the three countries shown grants in France, Germany, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, in Table 5.1, however, the evidence on this is and some other countries are often high. Migrants inconclusive. send back from 10 to 50 percent of every dollar The diffusion of management and marketing earned. In addition, emigrating workers may con- skills is likely to be as important as the transfer of tribute to the diffusion of new ideas and technolo- product and process technologies. In Bali, Indo- gies, either when they return home or simply by nesia, and Taiwan, China, foreign investment has facilitating the exchange of information. In sum, generated positive spillovers by overcoming the the net losses from emigration of skilled workers informational costs of entering world markets. Be- are not clear. Governments can mitigate these cause foreign firms already have marketing link- Table 5.1 The relative performance of foreign firms in manufacturing, selected countries and years Net foreign exchange earnings Relative output per worker of as share of sales foreign relative to domestic firms' (percent)' Firms with majority Firms with minority Firms with majority Firms with minority Domestic Country foreign ownership foreign ownership foreign ownership foreign ownership firms Côte d'Ivoire 1976 1987 4.2 2.2 3.8 2.1 3 8 37 28 818 Venezuela 1976 0.9 1.4 1988 1.3 1.2 13 36 11 Morocco 1985 0.7 0.6 14 13 21 1986 0.7 0.6 17 16 21 1987 0.9 0.8 18 17 24 1988 0.8 0.7 22 16 28 Note: All averages weighted using firm sales. Foreign firms are defined as all firms of which at least 5 percent of assets are foreign owned. Ratio of foreign firm to domestic firm productivity (output per worker). Equal to exports minus imported inputs divided by sales. For Morocco, equal to exports divided by sales because no data were collected on imported inputs. Source: World Bank data. 94 ages, know-how, and production experience, some host economies have actively encouraged Figure 5.1 Annual net flows of capital to global exporters to establish production units in developing economies, 1970-88 their country. Economies which have exploited the linkages of foreign firms with global markets in- Billions of dollars clude Ireland, Malta, Mauritius, and Singapore. 20 Despite its significant role for diffusing technol- ogy, direct foreign investment in an economy with highly distorted policies is likely to generate net losses for the host country instead of welfare gains. In Côte d'Ivoire (as mentioned above in this chapter), selective protection and subsidies to mul- tinational textile firms led to inefficient produc- tion. Another study found that more than a third of foreign investment projects earned negative re- turns for the host country because of import pro- tection. As shown in Table 5.1, majority-owned foreign firms generated less foreign exchange than joint ventures or domestic firms. In all three coun- tries, much of the manufacturing sector has been 1970 1974 1978 1982 1986 1990 protected, so both foreign and domestic firms have concentrated on the domestic market. In addition, Multilateral - Bilateral Direct foreign investment Private both Morocco (for phosphates) and Venezuela (for Other flows, net petroleum and aluminum) imposed restrictions on foreign ownership in sectors with high export earnings. Following the trade reform which began Note: Based on a sample of fifty-five developing economies. in Morocco in 1984, however, productivity and ex- Singapore; Taiwan, China; and economies unable to borrow on market terms are excluded. Flows are in constant 1970 prices. port sales increased faster in the foreign firms than Source: World Bank data. in their domestic counterparts (Table 5.1). Host countries can maximize potential gains from DFI with evenly enforced investment codes, a low level of protection, and a minimal reliance on three countries considered most attractive for min- income tax breaks or credit subsidies to foreign eral investmentBotswana, Chile, and Papua firms. Taxes which restrict repatriation of profits New Guineahave quite high tax rates by devel- also discourage direct investment. To reduce the oping-country standards. possibility that multinationals could exploit their advantages in information and charge higher Aggregate flows of direct foreign investment prices, host countries can encourage competition and growth between foreign firms and avoid granting exclu- sive privileges to any one foreign investor. In Tur- The fall in access to commercial bank lending for key, for example, liberalization of foreign invest- developing countries has increased the attractive- ment has created competition among local joint ness of direct foreign investment. In 1988, DFI sur- ventures and licensees to upgrade the national au- passed all other forms of lending as a source of tomobile sector. It is best for local and foreign firms foreign capital to developing countries (Figure 5.1; to face equal tax policies: a lower uniform tax rate see also Table 1.3). is preferable to a schedule that discriminates for or Although DFI grew at a slower rate than com- against multinationals. mercial flows, averaging 6 percent annually in real Foreign investors are also likely to prefer a clear terms from 1970 to 1989, it fluctuated much less regulatory system. A World Bank study of forty- than private flows. After a steady upward trend in four international mining companies found that the 1970s, DFI dropped off between 1981 and 1986, most of the companies surveyed preferred work- recovering to its 1981 level in 1988. But the aggre- ing within the bounds of a clearly defined invest- gate picture hides significant differences in the ment and corporate tax code to negotiating indi- growth of these flows to various regions. In real vidual agreements on tax breaks or subsidies. The terms DFI increased 12 percent a year between 95 Table 5.2 Investment, growth, and net flows of capital, 1970-89 (percentage of GDP) Period and Official Direct foreign Private correlation flows/GDPa investment / GDP flows / GDP Between domestic investment / GDP and flows 1970-75 0.14 0.50* 0.45' 1975-82 0.13 0.26' 0.26' 1982-89 0.10 0.24 0.24 1970-89 0.16 0.39* 0.31' Between GDP growth and flows 1970-75 0.34* 0.52* 0.21 1975-82 0.17 0.24 0.23 1982-89 0.07 0.15 0.05 1970-89 0.16 0.33' 0.02 * Statistically significant at the 5 percent level. Note: All values shown are period averages for sixty countries. a. Official flows include bilateral and multilateral flows. Source: World Bank debt reporting service. 1970 and 1989 in Asia, compared with 3 percent in domestic investment, technology transfer, and Latin America and a decrease in Africa. employment generation. Yet the evidence on tech- Apart from potential gains through technology nology transfer through DFI is mixed. The extent transfer, DFI generates employment, accounting to which foreign inflows contribute to growth de- for as much as 60 percent of manufacturing em- pends largely on the effectiveness of host-country ployment in some economies, such as Singapore. policies. The scope for increased inflows of DFI to As DFI in industrializing countries continues to developing countries will also be determined by shift into services, its favorable effect on employ- industrial-country policies. Regional integration ment is likely to rise. DFI also shifts the burden of has made Europe even more attractive to foreign risk for an investment from domestic to foreign investment, which will discourage flows to the de- investors. Repayments are linked to the prof- veloping countries. In general, increasing protec- itability of the underlying investment, whereas tion in industrial countries diverts DFI from other under debt financing the borrowed funds must be destinations and makes developing countries less serviced regardless of the project's success. Table attractive as sites for export-oriented foreign 5.2 shows that DFI is the only capital inflow that investment. was strongly associated with higher GDP growth during the period 1970-89, although the direction Trade policy and economic growth of causation is not clear. If DFI is likely to promote growth, the converse is also true. When developing countries establish open trading Prospects for enhanced flows of DFI to develop- regimes, they attract DFI for the right reason: for- ing countries in the 1990s remain uncertain. One eign investors see opportunities to create interna- study estimates that the share of developing coun- tionally competitive businesses. But the gains from tries in global foreign investment flows declined in liberal trade go far beyond this. Trade restrictions the 1980s from 26 to 21 percent. In addition, DFI in distort the allocation of investment and encourage developing countries is highly concentrated: in the lobbying by private interests and governments. 1980s, fifteen countries attracted 75 percent of all Consumers pay the costs of restrictive trade poli- investment. DFI cannot be viewed as a substitute cies, while protected sectors gain. In the United for commercial lending or official flows; it is at best States, one study estimated that the cost to con- a complement. The flow and effectiveness of DFI sumers of restraints on imports of Japanese auto- will be improved by adequate domestic and official mobiles was between $93,000 and $250,000 for financing by organizations such as the World Bank each job saved. to support the expansion of infrastructure, health Dispersion in the level of protection can lead to care, and education. significant distortions, even if the average level of To sum up, direct foreign investment is a poten- protection is low. Buyers of inputs from protected tially important source of capital to supplement sectorssuch as automobile producers who must 96 purchase locally made steel in Brazil, India, or called effective protection for these products is of- Pakistanare at a disadvantage in world markets. ten much higher than indicated by official tariff In the United States, manufacturers of personal levels. computers complain that duties on components High tariffs often invite discretionary enforce- reduce their international competitiveness. But if ment: in many countries, official levels of protec- policymakers protect final products instead and al- tion are high but actual tariff collections are low. low inputs to be imported duty-free, then the so- Brazil's import-weighted statutory tariff level for Box 5.2 Protection in industrial countries: a historical perspective Centuries before the industrial revolution, countries those prevailing in developing countries today (Box had learned to protect domestic markets. Beginning in table 5.2) shows that average levels of protection in the thirteenth century, England enacted a series of laws industrial countries never reached the level of protec- that restricted the type and origin of fabrics which tion presently found in developing countries. In 1820, could be worn. Although some laws had a social objec- the average level of tariffs on manufactures for seven tiveto identify social classes through their costumes countries was 22 percent. Although industrial coun- the basis for others was clearly economic. In addition to tries did benefit from higher natural protection before laws against imports of French products, the British transport costs declined, the average tariff for twelve also protected producers against countries such as In- industrial countries ranged from 11 to 32 percent from dia. British producers in the seventeenth century suc- 1820 to 1980. For example, in Japan low tariffs were ceeded in getting a law passed which prohibited im- mandated through foreign treaties until 1899. Once porting or wearing silk and calicoes from China, India, these restraints were removed, rates seldom rose above and Persia. Restrictions on imported calicoes provided 10-15 percent until 1911. Even after 1911, the overall an impetus to England's calico-printing, silk, and level of tariffs never exceeded 20 percent. In contrast, cotton-linen industries. the average tariff on manufactures in developing coun- Yet a comparison of protection levels in industrial tries is 34 percent (Table 5.3). countries during the past two hundred years with Box table 5.2 Tariff rates in industrial countries, 1820-1987 (unweigh ted average percentages) Kind of goods and country or region 1820 1875 1913 1925 1930" 1950 1987 Manufactures Austria 15-20 18 16 24 18 9 Belgium 7 9-10 9 15 14 11 7 Denmark 30 15-20 14 10 . . 3 France 12-15 20 21 30 18 7 Germany 10 4-6 13 20 21 26 7 Italy 8-10 18 22 46 25 7 Netherlands 7 3-5 4 6 . . 11 7 Spain 15-20 41 41 63 . Sweden . 3-5 20 16 21 9 5 Switzerland 10 4-6 9 14 19 . . 3 United Kingdom 50 0 . . 5 . . 23 7 United States 40 40-50 25 37 48 14 7 Average 22 11-14 17 19 32 16 7 Al! goods Australia . 16 18 14 17 Canada 14 17 14 13 9 6 Japan 4 20 [3 19 4 8 United States 455 41 40 38 45 13 6 Average 6 23 21 23 11 7 For manufactures, the average is for 1931 instead of 1930. Data are for 1821 instead of 1820. Sources: For 1820 and 1875 (average tariff on duties), Bairoch 1976. For 1987, GATT data reported in Kelly and others 1988. For other years: for the United States (ratio of customs revenues to dutiable imports), U.S. Department of Commerce 1975; for Japan (ratio of customs revenues to dutiable imports), Ohkawa, Shinohara, and Umemura 1979; for Canada and Australia (ratio of customs revenues to dutiable imports), Mitchell 1983; for 1913 and 1925 (average statutory tariffs), League of Nations 1927. 97 the private sector was 40 percent in 1985, yet total Table 5.3 Tariffs and nontariff barriers customs revenues as a share of import volumes in developing countries, 1987 were only 6 percent. Exemptions (including those Manufactures All goods for public sector firms) explain a significant part of Region Tariffs NTBs Tariffs NTBs the discrepancy. In many countries such exemp- East Asia 22 20 21 22 tions are often granted ad hoc, giving politicians a South Asia 81 47 77 48 powerful tool for illicit gain. Europe, Middle East Freer trade is even more desirable when domes- and North Africa 26 31 24 32 Africa 30 30 33 30 tic markets are dominated by only a few firms. In Latin America and the Pakistan, where the domestic market is too small Caribbean 34 20 33 21 to sustain many bicycle manufacturers, imports Average 34 27 32 28 could spur competition to improve product quality Note: NTBs, nontariff barriers. Data are unweighted tariff averages. and lower prices. Evidence on profit margins from Source: UNCTAD 1987, based on eighty-two individual country sources. For Republic of Korea, World Bank estimates. countries as diverse as Chile, Colombia, Côte d'Ivoire, Morocco, and Venezuela suggests that imports are an important source of competition. In percent, and that was after a decade of extensive markets that require large production volumes for reforms (UNCTAD 1987). Tariff protection in efficiency, trade leads to consolidation of output South Asia is more than twice as great as the his- and allows specialization in production. Under torical average for industrial countries. free trade, Venezuela would not be able to support Industrial countries rarely used nontariff mea- fifteen auto assembly firms. sures during industrialization, although lately this By affecting the nature of inputs as well as pro- has been changingwitness the increase in volun- duction processes, trade could generate gains tary export agreements for autos and steel and the which greatly exceed the short-term benefits from Multifibre Arrangement (MFA) for textiles. Yet for improved resource reallocation (Grossman and a sample of eighty-two developing countries, non- Helpman, forthcoming). Access to better-quality tariff barriers were applied to 28 percent of all im- inputs is likely to improve productivity and accel- ports in 1987 (Table 5.3). Overall, the evidence erate output growth. Exporters and importers suggests that the industrial countries grew with learn about new products and processes arising somewhat lower tariffs and substantially fewer from international advances in technology. Larger nontariff barriers than those employed today by markets, which provide greater returns from re- developing countries. search efforts and increase competition, motivate Studies which measure the short-term (static) producers to develop or adapt new technology. Yet gains from moving to freer trade find that the it is sometimes argued that monopoly profits are gains vary from less than 1 percent to as high as 6 necessary to reward producers for investing in re- percent of GDP. The gains are larger still if domes- search and adapting imported technology to local tic markets are dominated by only a few pro- conditions. If domestic investors cannot fully ap- ducers, or if there are economies of scale in pro- propriate the gains from innovation or adaptation, duction. These studies, however, only measure they will underinvest in technology. In industry, changes at one point in time; they are not de- however, many efforts to apply and diffuse knowl- signed to analyze the potential linkages between edge require in-house technical expertise and may trade policies and long-term growth. therefore be fully captured by the firm. What does Most of the studies which have analyzed GDP the historical evidence suggest about the relation growth and openness to trade have found a posi- between protectionist systems and technological tive relation (Box 5.3). Figure 5.2 also shows that change? The answer seems to be that openness there is a positive association between produc- has generally promoted faster growth. tivity growth and trade and exchange rate policy, using seven different measures of openness. The The evidence on trade accumulated evidence suggests that the long-run As industrial countries developed, they relied less gains from increased competition and the spillover on protection than do most countries developing of technology are likely to be much greater than today. Since the beginning of the nineteenth cen- the short-term gains. tury, tariffs in industrial countries have averaged Yet a degree of skepticism is warranted for two less than 25 percent (Box 5.2). In 1987, the average reasons. First, most studies examine the relation tariff in developing countries was more than 30 between economic growth and trade volumes, not 98 Box 5.3 Trade policy and growth: the evidence In this chapter, openness means access not only to indicates the percentage of imports covered by trade goods, but also to services, technology, foreign invest- barriers, an extremely effective barrier that excludes ment, and capital flows. Neutrality in trade policy almost all imports in one category would receive little means that incentives are neutral between saving a weight. Most studies based on these direct measures of unit of foreign exchange through import substitution policy find a positive relation between trade and and earning a unit of foreign exchange through ex- growth (for example, Heitger 1986). ports. Price comparisons between goods sold in do- Microeconomic studies also have generally shown a mestic and international markets provide one measure positive association between increased exports and of neutrality. If domestic markets are competitive, price productivity growth. However, the relation between comparisons incorporate the effect of the trade and ex- imports and productivity growth is sometimes positive change rate policies that affect domestic prices: tariffs, and sometimes negative. (For the work summarized in quotas, different exchange rates for imports and ex- the last two sentences, see both Nishimizu and Page ports, and subsidies. But information on relative prices 1990 and Tybout 1991.) Empirical work has been un- is often unavailable, so many other proxies are used able to distinguish between the expected positive effect instead (for examples, see Barro, forthcoming). of imports on productivity growth in the long run and The simplest measures of trade orientation are based the fact that imports are initially drawn to sectors with on actual trade flows, such as imports plus exports as a low productivity in which a country does not have an share of GDP. (For an overview of the literature on international advantage. openness and growth, see the background papers by Another difficulty in measuring the effect of trade Dollar, Harrison, and Jen.) Most of these measures policies on growth is that trade policy itself may be a show a positive association with GDP growth, even function of other variables, including growth. Studies after controlling for other factors. Unfortunately, they that have tried to identify the causal relation between are at best an imperfect proxy for trade policy. Other GDP growth and growth in exports or imports have factors, such as country size or foreign capital inflows, had mixed results (for example, Hsiao 1987; Jung and also affect trade: for example, large countries tend to Marshall 1985). have smaller trade shares. One improvement over this The majority of the evidence now available shows approach is to use the deviation of actual from pre- a positive relation between opennesshowever dicted trade flows, based on variables such as country measuredand growth. Yet the difficulties in isolating size (Balassa 1985; Syrquin and Chenery 1989). the impact of trade policies per se and establishing cau- The use of administrative data, which include tariffs sality suggest that the debate is not fully resolved. and nontariff barriers, are difficult to aggregate into an More effort needs to be devoted to gathering detailed overall index. Coverage ratios for nontariff barriers data on quotas and tariffs for developing countries. cause the greatest difficulty. Because the coverage ratio policies; this is partly because measuring "policy" Intervention and growth poses difficult questions. Some East Asian econ- omies have achieved high shares of trade in GNP The evidence supports two broad conclusions. with trade policy intervention. Nevertheless, more First, there is a general statistical association be- recent studies have tried to identify the effect of tween less intervention and lower price distortions trade policies in their own right, using information on the one hand and higher productivity growth on tariffs, quotas, and relative prices. These still on the other. Second, there is considerable varia- show a positive relation between openness and tion in country experiencehence the dispersion growth. of points around the general trends in Figure 5.2. Second, interpreting the observed correlation In part, this is because openness is only one factor between trade policies and growth is difficult. Poli- which explains productivity growth; this Report cies that are not directly concerned with trade also documents the importance of establishing (macroeconomic policy, measures to promote do- macroeconomic stability, providing social services, mestic competition, and so on) may be responsible and fostering a productive climate for enterprises. both for superior export performance and for high Yet it is also true that such countries as Korea GDP growth. Moreover, it is difficult to establish achieved high rates of export growth in conjunc- the direction of causality between trade policies tion with selective protection. Why is intervention and growth. more risky on average? Why are there exceptions? 99 Figure 5.2 Openness and growth in productivity: partial correlations for developing countries, 1960-88 (percent) a Productivity growth Productivity growtha 0.04 0.15 S 0.03 0.10 S 0.02 . 0.05 s ills S 5 0.01 0.00 5 S 5 0.00 5 S S -0.05 S -0.01 . S -0.10 j55 -0.02 5 -0.15 S -0.03 -0.20 Weak Strong Weak Strong 197888b Trade hberahzation, 1960-84 b Trade liberalization, Productivity growtha Productivity growth' 0.06 0.06 0.04 0.04 0.02 0.02 0.00 0.00 -0.02 -0.02 -0.04 -0.04 -0.06 -0.06 Significant Insignificant Significant Insignificant Foreign exchange premium' Price distortion b.c Productivity growtha Productivity growth a 0.06 0.04 S 0.04 0.02 _S I . S S 5 3s. 0.02 1 2 0.00 .: 0.00 .s 1 -0.02 :. -0.02 IS S S : S -0.04 -0.04 -0.06 I -0.06 Small Large Significant Insignificant Movement toward international prices b Bias against agriculture b Productivity growth a Nate: The measures of trade liberalization, foreign exchange premium, 0.06 price distortion, and change in trade shares are significant at the 5 percent level in a regression of GDP growth on openness, input growth 0.04 (capital, labor, education, and land), and dummy country variables. The measure of bias against agriculture is significant at the 10 percent level. 0.02 Data are averages for 1960-66, 1967-73, 1974-81, and 1982-88, except for 0.00 the trade liberalization index for 1978-88, which uses annual data because of the shortened period. The number of countries sampled -0.02 ranges from sixty to eighteen. Unexplained residual of GDP growth, after controlling for input -0.04 growth and country effects. This represents a proxy for trade and exchange rate policy, after -0.06 controlling for input growth and country effects. Small Large The relative price of consumer goods is purged of its nontraded component by taking the residual from a regression of this price index on Change in trade sharesb urbanization, land, and population. See also Dollar, forthcoming. Source: See the technical note at the end of the main text. 100 From a purely practical point of view, govern- entrywhich resulted in excess capacity and ruth- ment intervention in trade is risky for several rea- less competition. sons. Countries often underestimate how difficult Successful intervention has also been tempered it can be to offset trade-induced distortions. A by a flexible, highly pragmatic approach. The abil- duty drawback scheme to reimburse exporters for ity to terminate special treatment when interven- tariffs paid on inputs is a second-best measure to tion fails is critical. In 1980, Korea quickly reversed attack distortions caused by protection. To ensure its 1970s policies of broad supportthrough pro- that incentives to produce for domestic and export tection and subsidiesfor the development of markets are truly equal, exporters must also be heavy industry. In contrast, many industrializing compensated for any tariffs on their products countries have continued to subsidize ailing public (which shift incentives toward producing for the sector firms and have restricted exit by poor per- domestic market) and the exchange rate over- formers. valuation that arises with protection. One study of Second, their intervention was moderate in the Latin American countries found that export sub- sense that it did not lead to large price distortions. sidies offset only a small fraction of the anti-export Botswana, Canada, and Malaysia used relatively bias arising from tariffs and distorted exchange low tariffs and avoided nonprice measures such as rates. In addition, countries which provide export quotas to diversify production. Measures of effec- subsidies become vulnerable to countervailing du- tive protection for Korea suggest that relative ties (imposed mainly by the United States) if they prices never became significantly distorted in fa- have signed the GATT subsidies agreement. vor of production for the domestic market (West- In many countries, the costs of failures in imple- phal 1990). In part, price distortions were mini- mentation have exceeded gains there might have mized in some of the East Asian economies been from correcting market failures. In Argentina because of their orientation toward global markets. and Côte d'Ivoire, efforts to distribute export Their commitment to world markets provided an credits to offset trade and exchange rate distor- external check on interventionist policiesguiding tions were short-lived. Subsidies create financing policy on exchange rates, protection, and problems and are often allocated to favored groups subsidies. or sectors. In Costa Rica, subsidies for nontradi- In practice, few economies have successfully tional exports were 5 percent of total central gov- used infant industry protection to create viable, ernment expenditures in 1990; 80 percent of these internationally competitive industries. The cost of subsidies were received by fewer than 20 firms. government failures has been shouldered most of- Korea, which tied credits and subsidies to success- ten by the agricultural sector and by the con- ful export performance, also made mistakes: the sumers who pay higher prices for low-quality drive to establish heavy industry through wide- products. If governments do intervene, the guid- spread subsidies in the 1970s was at best only a ing principles should be (a) to impose competition partial success. Often, policies designed as short- by fostering outward orientation and domestic term measures to give domestic industries a competition, (b) to intervene at the source of the chance to grow or restructure are never dis- distortion (for example, to subsidize education mantled. The main arguments for and against in- rather than use protection when the problem is tervention are reviewed in Box 5.4. lack of human capital), and (c) to intervene only What distinguishes the countries which inter- through nondiscretionary, time-bound policies vened in trade and yet were also able to grow rap- that do not encourage rent-seeking. Economies idly? First, the successful interventionists pre- which do choose to use trade protection should served incentives for technological change by use low tariffs instead of nontariff barriers such as maintaining international and domestic competi- quotas or price controls. tion and imposing performance requirements in return for any credit subsidies, import protection, Conditions for success in trade reform or restrictions on domestic entry. In Japan and Ko- rea, subsidies and protection were strictly tied to In recent years a growing number of developing achieving export success within a defined period. countries have embarked on programs of trade Companies which did not perform well were al- policy reform. Where these programs have been lowed to fold. In the Japanese synthetic fiber in- maintained, they have generally succeededthat dustry, MITT helped firms obtain licenses from is, both trade and overall output appear to have several different national sources to ensure new expanded as a result. But in many cases programs 101 Box 5.4 Should states intervene in trade or shouldn't they? Arguments for intervention may be underinvesting in research and development. For industry, less evidence is available, but several Selective state intervention has figured promi- studies on industrial development of computers and nently in two of the impressive success stories of devel- computerized axial tomography scanners in the United opment: Japan and the Republic of Korea. Both coun- States suggest that consumer benefits from innova- tries employed taxes and subsidies, directed credit, tions have greatly exceeded research costs. An often- restrictions on firm entry and exit, and trade protection mentioned failure concerns industrywide learning by to encourage domestic industry. In other countries, in- doing. In principle, governments could use subsidies cluding resource-rich Canada, Malaysia, and Bot- instead of protection to encourage domestic producers swana, moderate intervention supported diversifica- to learn by doing or enter markets with high setup tion of the export base and helped new industries get costs. In practice, protection has been a more popular established (Lewis 1988). In Canada, moderate tariffs tool because it is more practical administratively and (10-30 percent) protected industry into the early twen- financially. tieth century. The government did not use quotas or A recent argument for trade intervention calls for exchange controls, however, nor attempt to prevent using trade policy as a strategic tool to give domestic the decline of uneconomic industries. In 1988, manu- firms an edge in global markets (Helpman and Krug- factures exceeded 50 percent of total exports. Malaysia man 1989; Brander and Spencer 1985). When large oh- has also employed modest tariff protection, but it has gopolies compete in world markets, governments used exchange controls and import sparingly. Manu- might want to subsidize national firms to shift oligop- factures rose from 6 percent of exports in 1965 to 46 oly profits to them. Similarly, a government could try percent in 1988. In Botswana, which has one of the to subsidize the entry of national firms into global mar- highest GDP growth rates in the world for the postwar kets with scale economies that preclude more than a period, the value of manufactured exports surpassed few players. that of beef exports in the mid-1980s. At independence beef products had provided almost all of Botswana's Arguments against intervention export earnings. Although skillful management of the mining sector has been critical to success, modest use The high costs of intervention in trade policy have of import restrictions promoted both manufactured been documented by a number of studies (Balassa and and horticultural production, with protection condi- Associates 1971; Bhagwati 1978). Even in the Republic tional on production at import-equivalent prices. of Korea, some prominent import-substituting projects A long-term decline in the terms of trade for non- were costly failures. The "Big Push" to develop heavy fuel commodities, combined with more inelastic de- industry in 1973-79 contributed to real appreciation of mand for some of these products, suggests that coun- the exchange rate, loss of competitiveness, and distor- tries could well boost export earnings by diversifying tions in financial markets (Collins 1990). GNP growth into manufactures. In the past, government interven- in Korea fell to 4.8 percent in 1980. It turned around tion was sometimes necessary because producers again to 6 percent in 1981-82 following devaluation, lacked the information or expertise needed to enter in- liberalization of price and import controls, and tax re- dustrial production (for example, Brazil, Korea, and form. Where interventions have been successful, the Turkey). evidence suggests that countries do better if the inter- A wide range of market failures, from lack of infor- ventions result in neutral incentives. Success also de- mation to incomplete capital markets, could justify an pends on a time limit for the interventions. But most industrial policy. High rates of return on innovation in countries do not have the administrative capacity to agriculture and industry suggest that private agents collect all the information needed to ensure that inter- have been only partly maintained, and often they Choksi 1990). A study of trade reforms which ac- have collapsed altogether. How far can countries companied World Bank loans in the 1980s found and the international community (which also has a that many countries realigned their exchange rates stake in these reforms) improve the chances that and offset biases against exporters, and converted trade liberalization will succeed? quotas to tariffs. Only a few of the countries exam- One study of thirty-six trade reforms in nineteen ined, however, reduced their tariffs substantially. developing countries between 1945 and 1984 Evidence suggests the merits of phasing out quan- found that only fifteen of the reforms were fully titative restrictions rapidly, and reducing tariffs to sustained, nine were partially sustained, and reasonably low and uniform levels, such as a range twelve collapsed (Papageorgiou, Michaely, and of 15-25 percent. Experience supports a substan- 102 coming). Growth rates for reforming countries were higher even when other effects were taken into account, including external financing, ventions result in neutral incentives. And protected changes in the terms of trade, movements in the sectors may continue to lobby for protection of infant real exchange rate, and faster growth in the OECD industries long after they mature. Europe and Japan countries. provide examples from the industrial countries of the difficulty of trying to dismantle protection of Microeconomic aspects agriculture. Efforts to encourage diversification out of com- Successful reforms have usually reduced the cov- modities and into industry have often resulted in high erage of quantitative restrictions and the level and levels of protection for manufacturing sectors. In the process, many countries undermined their agricultural dispersion of tariffs. Quantitative restrictions may base and created industrial sectors that depended on be phased out in various ways. Where product indefinite protection for survival (for example, Argen- quotas are used, the quota ceiling can be gradually tina, Egypt, and India). raised until the quota becomes redundant, a In practice, trade policy is generally not a desirable method used by Australia, the EC, and New Zea- instrument for encouraging domestic industry. Al- land. Where import licenses are used, licensing though protection may encourage learning by doing can be phased out by reducing the number of by promoting productionand draw more workers to the protected sector, relative prices become distorted in products to which licenses apply, making the li- favor of production for domestic markets. To offset the censes transferable, and shifting to "negative anti-export bias, additional measures are necessary, of- lists," which permit unrestricted imports of all ten resulting in a labyrinth of interventions. products not listed. The case for strategic subsidies to help national Tariffs may be reduced either by making equally firms in developing countries compete on world mar- proportional cuts in all tariffs or by reducing the kets is weak (Bhagwati 1989). Apart from a few isolated top rate to a target level, which is gradually low- casessuch as the Brazilian aircraft industrypro- ered. A nonuniform tariff structure may in princi- ducers are more likely to have oligopoly power in home than in global markets. That makes protection ple generate more revenue, with higher tariffs on even more costly than in the perfectly competitive case. goods with the most inflexible demand. Designing If other countries retaliate by subsidizing their national such a system, however, requires massive firms, everyone may be worse off. Studies of the gains amounts of information and could also adversely from promoting entry by domestic firms into world affect income distribution. Equally important, markets have shown the gains to be small or nonexi- nonuniform tariffs are subject to lobbying pres-. stent (Grossman 1989). A study of the Brazilian aircraft industry found no welfare gains from subsidizing ex- sures, raise administrative difficulties, and intro- I duce the perception of inequity. Next to a no-tariff ports, in part because other countries also subsidized entry (Baldwin and Flam 1989). A study of the global system, the best practical policy is to establish a rivalry between a large U.S. airplane manufacturer and relatively low uniform tariff structure and a duty- a large European one estimated that government sub- drawback program for exporters. sidies imposed a considerable welfare cost on the Reforms to promote a more competitive domes- United States and brought little (if any) welfare gain to tic economy (discussed in Chapter 4) are crucial. Europe (Baldwin and Krugman 1987). Restrictions on market entry or exit, price and pro- duction controls, or regulations that reduce com- petition in the nontradables sector may dampen the expected supply response to trade reforms. In Mexico, entry barriers made it difficult for firms to tial and comprehensive reform within, say, five respond to the new incentives. Until recently, reg- years, with major and decisive actions in the first ulations in the transport sector steeply increased year. the cost of shipping products to ports or the U.S. Despite these difficulties in implementing re- border. Regulations inhibiting exit by insolvent form and sustaining it once introduced, liberaliz- companies (such as bankruptcy laws and institu- ing countries outperformed the others. A study of tional or political constraints) also prevent im- developing countries in the 1980s found that, provements in the structure of production under holding other factors, countries that implemented trade reforms. Restrictions on exit partly explain trade reforms experienced a higher annual in- the failure of earlier trade liberalization attempts in crease in GDP growth (Thomas and Nash, forth- Poland and Yugoslavia. Such cases confirm one of 103 on the mix of policies. Governments need to as- sess the potential revenue effect of reforms. A Figure 5.3 The share of imports affected by all switching from quantitative restrictions to tariffs nontariff measures, 1966 and 1986 can be undertaken under almost any fiscal situa- tion. Tariff reductions, however, need to be accom- Percentage of trade affected by nontariff measures panied by measures to convert remaining quotas 60 to tariffs, together with a reduction in tariff exemp- tions. Declines in tariff revenueif expenditures 50 cannot be reducedmay need to be compensated for with other measures. Reformers have im- 40 proved tax administration and collection (in Ghana, Pakistan, and Thailand); increased rates and coverage of sales and excise taxes (in Malawi, 30 20 p Mauritius, Mexico, and the Philippines); intro- duced a value added tax (in Jamaica, Morocco, and Turkey); or increased the price of public sector out- put and services. 10 The timing of compensatory revenue measures is of critical importance. Although trade reform in nIn OECDa both Mexico and Morocco led to a decline in trade tax revenues, Mexico cushioned the loss through n In In Japan higher revenues from a value added tax instituted European United States Community before the reform. Morocco, however, rolled back some of its tariff reforms initiated in 1984 when El 1966 El 1986 implementation difficulties with its new value added tax and the collapse of world phosphate prices added to its revenue problems. a. Excludes data for Australia, Austria, Canada, Iceland, New A World Bank study of nineteen trade-reforming Zealand, and Sweden. Sources: Laird and Yeats 1990b; Walter 1972. countries found that appreciation of the real ex- change rate was often associated with the collapse of a reform episode. Trying to implement trade reforms when the exchange rate is grossly over- valued will make balance of payments problems the main themes of this Report: success in one worse and is likely to sabotage the reform effort. aspect of reform requires complementary efforts in As controls on imports are relaxed, a real deprecia- others. tion will increase the prices of tradables, making export production more attractive and temporarily The macroeconomic context dampening the impact of competition for pro- ducers of import-competing goods. (The role of This point applies to macroeconomic policy with macroeconomic policy in development is dis- equal, if not greater, force. Large fiscal deficits and cussed in detail in Chapter 6.) money financing of those deficits worsen the ex- ternal balance and generate inflation, frequently Political-economy considerations leading to losses in reserves. If the nominal ex- change rate is not allowed to adjust, foreign ex- Even the best-conceived trade reform may fail be- change shortages often oblige the government to cause of problems which are not purely economic. return to licensing, higher protection, and trade Those who stand to lose from a trade reform are restrictions. generally more organized and politically powerful Although tariffs are a much more distortionary than those who stand to gain, such as consumers means of raising revenue than sales taxes or value at large or rural agricultural interests. Reform also added taxes, administrative weaknesses in many threatens vested interests within government, countries lead them to rely heavily on trade taxes from protected state enterprises to trade regulators as a revenue source. who derive rents from the status quo to politicians The effect of liberalization on revenues depends who seek to cultivate support. Getting the pace 104 and sequencing of reform right can help to over- come such difficulties. (Chapter 7 returns to these Figure 5.4 Hard-core nontariff measures issues in the art of reform.) applied against industrial and developing countries, 1986 The global climate for trade Percentage of trade covered by nontariff measuresa Industrial-country protection 30 Trade reform in developing countries is much more likely to go ahead if success in trade is not punished. During the past several decades, aver- age tariffs in industrial countries have been re- duced to less than 6 percent. But the use of other protective measures such as quotas, subsidies, vol- untary export restraints, and countervailing and anti-dumping measures, has risen alarmingly since the 1960s. Increased protection is largely the result of greater competition on world markets, exacerbated by the inability of the GATT to control nontariff barriers. Between 1966 and 1986, the share of imports affected by all nontariff measures increased by more than 20 percent for the United States, almost 40 percent for Japan, and 160 per- cent for the EC (Figure 5.3). By 1986, 21 percent of In In In Japan In OECDb imports from developing countries to the OECD European United States Community were covered by so-called hard-core nontariff bar- riers: quotas, voluntary export restraints, the El Against industrial countries MFA, and other highly restrictive measures (Fig- El Against developing countries ure 5.4). This number does not even include other restrictions such as price restraints or health and safety regulations. If these measures were in- Calculated using 1981 trade weights. Hard-core nontariff measures include quotas, voluntary export restraints, the Multifibre cluded, the share of trade covered by nontariff bar- Arrangement, and other highly restrictive measures. Excludes data for Australia, Austria, Canada, Iceland, New riers in industrial countries could be equal to the 28 Zealand, and Sweden. percent of trade covered by all nontariff measures Source: Laird and Yeats 1990a. in developing countries in 1987. Subsidies to agriculture increased by 80 percent in the United States, by 60 percent in Canada, and by 21 percent in Japan between 1980 and 1985, while the number of countervailing and anti- equal to the value of total official development as- dumping cases filed by Australia, Canada, the EC, sistance in that year. Action by developing econ- and the United States more than doubled. New omies to reform their trade policies must be met by evidence suggests that anti-dumping and subsidy equal efforts to reduce protection in the industrial investigations are being used as a threat against world. But developing economies should not slow foreign imports, even when the countervailing their own reform efforts simply because of rising and anti-dumping duties are not applied. Since protection in industrial ones. The four East Asian the mid-1980s, industrial countries have done al- NIEs were able to increase their share in total most nothing to roll back the accumulated protec- world trade and manufactured exports more than tion. The increasing use of such measures by in- eightfold between 1965 and 1989, despite rising dustrial countries during the past 30 years protection in industrial countries. The scope for provides a disturbing precedent for retaliatory ac- increased trade in manufactures for the rest of the tion and for the enactment of similar measures by industrializing economies remains significant: developing countries. they accounted for only 5 percent of manufactured Laird and Yeats (1987) estimated that the cost (in exports in 1988. Can they too continue to benefit 1990 dollars) to developing economies in terms of from trading opportunities despite declining terms forgone exports was $55 billion in 1980almost of trade for commodities? 105 Commodity price movements Nevertheless, falling primary commodity prices since the 1970s and volatility in these markets pose The evidence in Box 5.5 shows a relatively small serious problems for low-income primary pro- decline in primary commodity prices in relation to ducers. The solution is not an easy one. If coun- manufacturers during the course of this century. tries produce a large share of world exports (such -a Box 5.5 Commodity price movements Can a country still benefit from trade if a large share of paper). In addition, small exporters of commodities its exports is primary products? In the 1950s, Raoul such as coffee or cocoa have probably benefited from Prebisch and Hans Singer suggested that the gains improved terms of trade as grain import prices have from trade for developing countries would decline as declined. Consequently, the terms of trade for develop- the price of commodity exports relative to manufac- ing countries have probably fallen by much less than tures imports fell. The Prebisch-Singer hypothesis pro- the nonfuel commodity decline. vided a rationale for import-substituting industrializa- Nor do changing prices take into account offsetting tion. The evidence is not persuasive. increases in trade volumes. Despite significant declines Between 1900 and 1986, nonfuel commodity terms of in the relative price of nonfuel commodities since 1973, trade declined by an average of 0.6 percent a year (Box revenues from commodities have stayed relatively con- figure 5.5a). If we choose a different period, however, stant in relation to those from manufactures. Export the decline is much smaller. Between 1920 and 1986, volumes from developing countries over this period the terms of trade fell less than 0.3 percent a year. In nearly doubled, offsetting the declining terms of trade addition, these figures are likely to overstate the de- (Box figure 5.5b). Because of differences in domestic cline because they ignore improvements in the quality policy, some countries did much less well than others: of manufactured goods. nonfuel commodity export revenues fell 50 percent in Many developing countries have diversified their ex- South Asia and increased by about the same amount in ports: the share of manufacturing in the nonfuel ex- East Asia. ports of developing countries increased from 15 per- cent in 1963 to 62 percent in 1987 (Balassa, background Box figure 5.5b Trends in exports and the terms of trade of developing countries, 1965-88 Box figure 5.5a Nonfuel primary commodities versus manufactures: relative price index, 1900-90 Index: 1965 = 100 190 Index: 1977-79 = 100 Volume of exports4 200 170 150 - Income terms of trade 150 100 110 A 90 70 50 Barter terms of trade 50 1965 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 0 Note: Barter terms of trade are the weighted export unit values of 1900 1915 1930 1945 1960 1975 1990 primary commodities deflated by the weighted import unit values of each region. The barter terms of trade multipled by the actual Note: The manufactures price index used is the U.S. wholesale volume of exports yields the income terms of trade. Data are price index. based on a sample of ninety developing countries. Sources: World Bank data; Grilli and Yang 1988. Source: World Bank data. 106 as coffee or cocoa) or if increasing export volumes creased competition from larger markets, particu- from some groups of exporters depress prices, a larly in countries with emerging infant industries case could be made for controlling production and low domestic demand. Yet a trading bloc may through export taxes. In practice, however, at- also lead to losses if members replace lower-priced tempts to stabilize international or domestic pro- goods from outside the bloc with more expensive ducer prices have not met with much success. In goods produced by other members. Even if a re- many cases, the implicit tax on agriculture is too gional trading bloc can be designed to generate net high because of a combination of export taxes and gains for its members, these gains are exceeded by the protection of manufacturing. Although new fi- the benefits from unilateral trade reform. nancial instruments designed to hedge commodity What about primary product exporters? The evi- price risk hold promise, their use has been limited dence presented in Box 5.5 shows that primary because many poor countries pose an unaccept- product exporters also stand to gain from rising able credit risk for commercial financing. exports. Yet both developing and industrial countries The historical evidence (Table 5.4) suggests that have recourse to policies which can make a signifi- regional blocs in all but the EC have not generated cant difference (see also Box 5.4). In some low- and a large share of total trade in the post-World War II middle-income countries during the 1970s, inap- period. Why? In a number of cases (CARICOM propriate policies led to losses in market share and and the Central American Common Market in greater dependence on a few primary commodity Central America; UDEAC in Africa) intraregional exports. Industrial countries, which impose conflicts have made it difficult to liberate internal greater protection for goods at a higher stage of trade. In many blocs, such as the Andean Pact, processing, discourage the development of local participants sought to rationalize production by al- processing capacity for industrializing countries. locating specific markets to designated producers instead of allowing the competitive process to de- Regional trading blocs termine the allocation of production. These desig- nated producers were not necessarily the most ef- The unification of Europe in 1992, the United ficient; nor were tariffs low enough in relation to States-Canada free trade agreement in 1989, and the rest of the world to provide external competi- the proposed inclusion of Mexico in the United tion. Consequently, the expected benefits from ra- States-Canada agreement could herald a new era tionalization of production or increased competi- of regional trading blocs. Although such blocs may tion have been limited. Developing-country constitute a step toward global free trade, it re- trading blocs have often imposed high tariffs or mains to be seen whether they will support or hin- quotas against nonmembers, increasing the likeli- der the goal of a more open global trading system. hood that net losses from the bloc will exceed In principle, the formation of a trading bloc gains. In addition, except in the EC, trading op- leads to net gains for its members when goods portunities and pro-competitive effects have been which were domestically produced are now im- limited by the small size of regional markets in ported from lower-cost partners. Other potential comparison with the rest of the world. Finally, re- sources of gain include economies of scale and in- gional trading blocs have frequently produced Table 5.4 Intraunion trade as a percentage of total exports, 1960-87 Economic union 2960 1970 1976 1980 1983 1987 European Community 34.6 48.9 .. 52.8 52.4 58.8 Association of South-East Pacific States 21.7 14.7 13.9 17.8 23.1 17.7 Central African Customs and Economic Union 1.6 3.4 3.9 4.1 2.0 0.9 Central American Common Market 7.5 26.8 21.6 22.0 21.8 11.9 Caribbean Community 4.5 7.3 6.7 6.4 9.3 6.3 LAIA-Latin American Free Trade Area 7.7 10.2 12.8 13.5 10.2 11.3 Andean Group 0.7 2.3 4.2 3.5 4.3 3.2 West African Economic Community 2.0 9.1 6.7 6.9 11.6 7.7 Economic Community of West African States 1.2 2.1 3.1 3.9 4.1 5.5 Economic Community of the Great Lake Countries 0.0 0.2 0.2 0.2 0.2 Mano River Union 0.0 0.1 0.2 0.1 0.1 Regional Cooperation for Development 1.0 0.8 5.3 8.5 5.2 a. Includes the original six members up to 1970 and nine after 1980. Source: Lachler 1989. 107 similar products, limiting the opportunity to ex- trade through unilateral reforms. Postponing re- ploit differences in skills or endowments. forms to win agreement with other members of the Do trading agreements between industrial and trading bloc will greatly increase the costs of such developing countries show more promise? Larger arrangements. markets and greater differences in the structure of production could in principle generate greater Trade routes to growth gains for the participants. But such a strategy could also undermine the GATT and the multi- Openness to trade has improved resource alloca- lateral trade system, and thus reduce the incen- tion, increased competition and product specializ- tives of partners within such blocs to move toward ation, and provided a broad avenue for technology global free trade. Other countries, reacting to the transfer. Ironically, greater competition and a more formation of such blocs, may set up their own net- integrated world have also resulted in a global work of trading blocs. Such a system is likely to trading system which is now poised at a critical reinforce current protectionist trends, and it could juncture. The world faces two important trade be a blow to developing countries' efforts to re- challenges in the 1990s. First, regional trading ar- form trade. rangements must be carefully managed to ensure Unilateral trade liberalization and multilateral that multilateral commitments are strengthened, efforts to free up global trade are preferable to the not forgotten. Second, and even more urgent, the formation of trading blocs; however, steps can be Uruguay Round of trade talks must be revived. taken to maximize the gains from such unions. However difficult, all participants must reach First, members should commit themselves to mul- agreement to open up agriculture, expand the tilateral reform and the GATT. The EC, for exam- GATT to eliminate quantity restrictions (on autos, ple, continued to participate in multilateral trade steel, and textiles), and restrict the use of so-called negotiations in the post-World War II period at a fair trade legislation (anti-dumping and subsidy pace similar to other industrial countries (except in measures). In this, the developing countries can agriculture). Second, the external tariffs set by re- play a key role; in their own interests, they should gional blocs should be reduced or limited to those press for free trade and continue to reform their of the most open member; meanwhile, internal ef- own trading systems. The industrial countries of forts should concentrate on freeing up trade and today grew prosperous through trade. No effort ending efforts to allocate production. Third, par- should be spared to ensure that the developing ticipants should continue to move toward freer countries can follow that same path to progress. 108 The macroeconomic foundation The experience of the 1970s and 1980s indicates of program design will be addressed later in this that macroeconomic stability is necessary for sus- chapter. Some of the political difficulties raised by tainable growth. Sound fiscal and monetary poli- reform, and how they can be overcome, will be cies create a hospitable climate for private invest- examined in Chapter 7.) ment and thus promote productivity. The previous In many developing countries, long-term chapters have shown that macroeconomic stability growth requires a higher level of investment. certainly does not by itself lead to development Countries that lack access to adequate supplies of but without it all other efforts are likely to be in foreign savings will find this difficult to finance. vain. They must do all they can to encourage domestic Countries often experience external or internal saving. A stable macroeconomy can help greatly; it macroeconomic shocks. Flexibility in adjusting is likely to promote saving and investment alike. quickly to the fiscal and monetary problems that The microeconomic reforms suggested elsewhere these shocks cause is crucial if growth is to be sus- in the Report should then help to ensure that these tained. Lack of adjustment may result in high in- bigger volumes of investment are used more flation, an overvalued exchange rate, and a bal- productively. ance of payments crisis. These lead in turn to low Good macroeconomic policies will also make it investment and slow growth. The contrast is illus- easier to attract foreign savings. External debt will, trated by comparing the experience of the East however, remain an obstacle to growth in many Asian economies in the 1970s and 1980s with that countries. A heavy burden of debt service pre- of Latin America in the past decade. For a country empts resources that could otherwise be used for experiencing significant domestic and external im- domestic investment; it also acts as a disincentive balances, a credible reduction in the fiscal deficit is for investment because it makes firms anxious almost always necessary to reduce inflation, and about future exchange rate devaluation and higher an appropriate exchange rate is needed to reduce levels of taxation. Debt and debt service reduction, the balance of payments deficit. in parallel with the necessary policy changes, can These macroeconomic prescriptions may seem smooth the path of reform, improve the program's straightforward, but putting them into practice credibility with private investors, and contribute to rarely is. The pace and sequencing of macro- fiscal adjustment. economic stabilization policies are difficult issues in their own right. The task is all the more de- Policies to promote stability and growth manding when macroeconomic reform is merely an element of a broader program of economic re- The adverse macroeconomic shocks of the early formas this Report says it usually needs to be. 1980s led to sharp declines in growth rates, and Potential conflicts among various reforms need to many countries have since been slow to recover. be minimized, and complementarities need to be As a result, much more attention has recently been taken advantage of. (The purely economic aspects paid to the relation between macroeconomic policy 109 ing on how they are financed, the rate of inflation (Figure 6.2). Monetary policy in developing coun- Figure 6.1 The current account balance and tries largely follows fiscal policy. In many coun- the fiscal balance in Korea and Morocco, tries the absence of well-developed capital markets various years (percentage of GDP) limits the instruments of monetary policy to credit controls, interest rate ceilings, and changes in re- Republic of Korea serve requirements. The degree of central bank au- tonomy may affect the conduct of monetary pol- Current account balance Fiscal balance icy: money creation is in many cases the residual 15 2 source of financing, so if the central bank is obliged to finance a big deficit it may be unable to 10 implement a restrictive monetary policy targeted 0 at controlling inflation. 5 The mode of deficit financing is crucial. When a deficit is financed by printing more money than 0 -2 the public wants to hold, prices will rise, inflation may bring a reduction in private wealth insofar as -3 -5 the value of financial assets may be erodedthe so-called inflation tax. But this effect is likely to be -10 1976 It itt 1978 1980 I 1982 I I 1984 1986 I I 1988 -4 5 short-lived and to diminish as inflationary expec- tations strengthen; the longer the experience of inflation, the less economic agents will be willing to hold the non-interest-bearing assets on which Morocco the tax" is levied. Moreover, if real tax revenues Current account balance Fiscal balance also fall with inflation because of delays in collec- 15 0 tion, the deficit will widen; that will cause faster money creation and even higher inflation. After a 10 -5 certain point, therefore, high inflation may actu- 5 ally reduce the inflation tax. This appears to have -10 occurred in Ghana, Malawi, and Zaire between 0 -15 the periods 1973-78 and 1978-83, and in Chile be- -5 tween 1963-73 and 1973-78. -20 When budget deficits are financed by excessive -10 domestic borrowing, they can lead to higher inter- -15 -25 est rates that crowd out the private sector. There are limits to a rapid accumulation of domestic -20 -30 debt; at some point, the public will be unwilling to 1972 1974 1976 1978 1980 1982 hold more debt or will do so only at higher interest Sources: World Bank data; IMF data. rates, further increasing the cost of debt service, as happened in Argentina and Brazil. Eventually def- icits must be brought down with cuts in spending, or through higher taxes. Otherwise inflationary fi- and growth. The lesson is that durable growth re- nancing of the deficit is inevitable. quires sustainable policiesones that do not give rise to accelerating inflation or unfinanceable cur- Inflation and growth rent account deficits. Macroeconomic stability must be a top priority. Countries with different rates of inflation have been able to achieve long periods of growth. But Fiscal and monetary policy high and unstable inflationand high inflation is usually unstableis likely to reduce growth by cre- A prudent fiscal policy is the foundation of a stable ating an unstable economic climate, causing dis- macroeconomy. Taxes and public spending affect tortions in relative prices, and absorbing re- resource allocation, and fiscal deficits affect both sources. Inflation requires frequent price the balance of payments (Figure 6.1) and, depend- adjustments. These tend to blur the information 110 embodied in relative prices. Entrepreneurial effort is diverted from production and investment deci- Figure 6.2 Inflation rates and the fiscal sions to short-term financial matters. Distortions balance in Sri Lanka and Tanzania, in key prices such as the real interest rate and the various years real exchange rate are also likely to hamper growth. Corrective inflation (the increase in prices Sri Lanka needed to achieve a change in relative prices that Fiscal balance represents an adjustment to a real shock) can be Inflation rate (percent) (percentage of GDP) more efficiently achieved when inflation is low 55 0 and is expected to remain that way. 50 -5 Inflation may also worsen the distribution of in- 45 come by harming low-income groups (which tend 40 -10 to hold a larger share of their assets as cash bal- 35 -15 ances) more than other groups. High rates of infla- 30 tion, as in Argentina, Brazil, and until recently Is- -20 25 rael, can also lead to nonproductive expansion of 20 -25 the financial system. The demand for financial-in- 15 -30 termediation services rises with the public's at- 10 tempt to protect the real value of its assets. Banks 5 -35 proliferate, trying to capture the part of the infla- 0 -40 tion tax that falls on non-interest-bearing deposits. 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 In Brazil, the financial sector's share of GDP dou- bled between 1975 and 1987, a waste of resources Tanzania caused by a demand for services that existed only because of high inflation. Fiscal balance Inflation rate (percent) (percentage of GDP) -25 Exchange rate policy 55 50 -50 A competitive real exchange rate is necessary to 45 -75 support the expansion of the export sector and to 40 avoid the emergence of balance of payments diffi- 35 -100 culties that might lead to calls for import restric- 30 -125 tions. Countries that have allowed their real ex- 25 change rate to become grossly overvalued have 20 -150 experienced both a slowing of the expansion of 15 -175 their export sector and capital flight. Exchange rate 10 overvaluation retards growth and has contributed 5 200 1973 1975 1977 1979 1981 1983 to the decline of the agricultural sector and the deterioration of the external position of many Afri- Sources: World Bank data; IMF data. can countries. The equilibrium real exchange rate is not fixed for all time; its level depends on the terms of trade, real interest rates abroad, the outlook for capital eroded rather quickly when fiscal and monetary flows, the level of import tariffs, the extent of capi- policies are lax or price indexation is widespread. tal market controls, and the composition of gov- A fixed exchange rate has sometimes been used ernment spending. Correcting external imbalances to control inflation, serving as a nominal anchor generally requires adjusting the exchange rate to- for domestic policies and demonstrating the au- ward its equilibrium level to redirect resources to thorities' commitment to low inflation. In this the tradable goods sector and to reduce spending. case, exchange rate policy takes priority; other pol- In the short run, most of any nominal devaluation icies should adjust to support it. is also a real devaluation. If it is to endure, this real Does this approach work? The argument, as ad- devaluation has to be supported by anti-inflation- vanced for some countries in Latin America, is that ary policies, including in many cases lower fiscal it restores the credibility of the government's com- deficits. Evidence shows that a real depreciation is mitment to reduce inflation. But as the experience 111 of Argentina, Brazil, and Israel shows, the fixed The fiscal deficit doubled, reaching 17.2 percent of exchange rate will not be sustainable unless the GDP in 1982, and foreign debt accumulated rap- macroeconomic fundamentals are right (that is, idly, setting the stage for the debt crisis of that unless the fiscal deficit has been cut). India, year. Nigeria's response to the oil windfall was to Pakistan, and Thailand have maintained a fixed increase government spending by more than the exchange rate for long periods of time, but this rise in revenues; the resulting fiscal deficit was f i- seems to have been a by-product of low inflation, nanced with external borrowing and the inflation rather than a means of achieving it. Inflation con- tax. The response to the second oil price boom was tinued to be relatively low even after their commit- similar (large budget deficits and a continuing ment to a fixed exchange rate was abandoned. overvaluation of the currency), except that the mix of public spending shifted further toward Booms and busts consumption. The investment boom in Côte d'Ivoire began No country is ever in a stable equilibrium. Econ- with a series of sugar projects; increases in world omies are always adjusting to internal and external coffee prices led to further expansion. Between shocks. The past two decades have been unusually 1974 and 1978, the investment-to-GDP ratio in- turbulent. Two oil price shocks and a debt crisis creased 10 percentage points. But even when the have rocked the world economy, and sharp fluctu- terms of trade began to decline, investment expan- ations in commodity prices have had enormous sion continued, financed by domestic and external effects on large producers. For some, these shocks borrowing, and debt accumulated rapidly. Mo- were favorable; for others, unfavorable. Countries rocco's economy experienced two large shocks in varied in their response. Following favorable shifts 1974 when the price of world phosphates quin- in their terms of trade, many countries pursued tupled and military spending increased rapidly be- unsustainable policies, financing them with the cause of the conflict in the Western Sahara. In windfall gains of positive shocks or external bor- 1974-77, an ambitious investment program fi- rowing. In other countries the origin of the boom nanced with external borrowing increased the in- was internal; an increase in government spending, vestment-to-GDP ratio by 11 percentage points. for example. The short-term effect of such booms The budget deficit tripled to 11.7 percent of GNP; depended on how the additional spending was di- however, monetary discipline cushioned the infla- vided between tradable and nontradable goods, tionary effect of these policies. whereas the medium-term effect depended on Commodity booms increase spending, raise the whether the additional spending was directed to price of nontraded goods relative to that of traded consumption or investment. goods, and shift capital and labor to the expanding Boom and bust episodes show it is important to sector. The real exchange rate appreciates, squeez- pursue policies that do not give rise to large macro- ing the nonboom tradables sector in a phenome- economic imbalances, to adjust quickly, and to re- non known as "Dutch disease." When booms are spond cautiously to shifts in terms of trade. There temporary, a devaluation may be necessary. Indo- is an important distinction between terms of trade nesia, for example, devalued the rupiah in No- shocks that give rise to a permanent change in vember 1978 to prevent a real appreciation of the wealth and those that do not. The windfalls from currency. This prevented a decline in the farm sec- temporary changes in terms of trade should be tor and helped to increase Indonesia's share in saved. It is difficult, however, to determine a priori world agricultural exports. Nigeria, in contrast, whether a shock will be permanent or temporary. failed to offset the appreciation of its currency be- Prudence calls for treating all favorable shocks as tween 1974 and 1984; large premiums were temporary, at least until the dust settles. charged in the parallel currency market, and for- eign exchange was rationed. The oil price boom, External booms together with poor marketing and pricing policies, disrupted the farm sector, causing a steep decline Favorable shifts in the terms of trade induced a big in the production of traditional cash crops and increase in government spending in, for instance, heavy migration to the cities. Mexico and Nigeria and fueled domestic booms that were already under way in Côte d'Ivoire and Internal booms Morocco. Mexico grew rapidly after increases in government expenditures following major oil dis- Internal booms usually result from excessive gov- coveries in 1977 and the second oil price shock. ernment spending, as in Brazil in the 1970s, or 112 from a surge in private spending in response to changes in policy, as in Chile in 1980-81. Easy ac- Figure 6.3 The growth of GDP and private cess to external financing sustained the increases investment in Chile and Turkey, 1970-88 in spending, but excessive borrowing created a (percent) balance of payments crisis later. Between the two oil price shocks, Brazil substantially increased its Chile public investment, largely in public enterprises. GDP growth Private investment Countries such as Colombia experienced more 10 40 moderate domestic booms but did not experience debt crises because they borrowed abroad more modestly or at low interest rates. The end of Col- 30 ombia's coffee boom in the 1970s was followed by a large increase in public investment, particularly in the energy sector, that raised the current ac- -10 20 count deficit to 10.8 percent of GDP by 1983. Col- ombia avoided a debt crisis because its debt was small to begin with, because the authorities bor- rowed cautiously, and because the response to -20 10 macroeconomic imbalances was swift. The lesson of such episodes is that countries should try to keep their spending consistent with their perma- -30 0 nent income. Turkey Busts 10 30 The good times generally ended with a reversal in 25 the terms of trade or a cutoff in external financing. 5 In several countries the landing was hard. In Mex- 20 ico, prosperity ended abruptly in 1982, with lower oil prices, higher interest rates, and massive capi- 0 15 tal flight. Mexico's creditors refused to roll over - the country's short-term debt, and the country 10 suspended interest payments. The next four years -5 saw high inflation and a decline of 10 percent in 5 per capita income. Turkey lost its access to external financing in 1977. In the next three years, GDP stagnated, investment and consumption declined, -10 1970 1975 iiiilIuii 1980 1985 1988 0 unemployment increased rapidly, and inflation reached 100 percent. In Chile's bust of 1982, GDP GDP growth D Private investment fell by 14 percent (Figure 6.3). These cases show how large the costs of unsus- Sources: World Bank data; Pfeffermann and Madarassy 1989. tainable polices can be. That is why it is far better, whenever possible, to anticipate rather than react to emerging macroeconomic imbalances; the tran- sition to a sustainable path will then be far less they also have supply-side effects). Structural poli- painful. Fiscal adjustment can be more moderate, cies are concerned with the supply side; they ad- making it easier to protect investment in infra- dress the efficiency of resource use, emphasizing structure, education, and health from cuts. reforms in specific sectorsespecially trade, f i- nance, and industry. It is possible to postpone From stabilization to growth structural reforms during stabilization, but the converse is rarely true: structural reforms are un- In the 1980s many countries embarked on pro- likely to succeed unless they are preceded or ac- grams of stabilization and structural reform. Stabi- companied by stabilization. Similarly, stabilization lization policies work mainly on the demand side is unlikely to be sustainable without structural to reduce inflation and external deficits (though reforms. 113 Adjustment and fiscal reform many countries macroeconomic stability has been an elusive goal. In Brazil and Argentina, the inabil- Adjustment programsusually supported by the ity to reduce the fiscal deficit has been a major International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World cause for the failure of several stabilization Bankaddress internal and external imbalances attempts. and, in varying degrees, incentives and institu- Fiscal reform often involves difficult trade-off s. tions. In the short run, stabilization can lower out- Cutting capital spending may create less political put growth. The benefits take a lot longer to come resistance than cutting current spending (mainly through, as do the gains from structural reform. wages and subsidies). Abolishing inefficient in- Several studies have found a strong association vestment projects is fine, but cuts in productive between adjustment programs and improvements investment in infrastructure and education, for ex- in the balance of payments, but the effects on ample, are likely to hurt long-term growth. All growth are less clear. One study found a negative sorts of spending should be reviewed; dispensing effect on growth immediately after a program; but, with some programs, especially in military spend- for countries where programs had been in place ing, will do much less harm than dispensing with for three or more years, several Bank studies have others. On the revenue side, tax reform has a role found a positive effect on growth (Box 6.1). to play. Exemptions, inefficient tax collection, nar- Adjustment programs very often include mea- row bases, and low compliance all mean that high sures to reduce the fiscal deficit. Some countries tax rates are needed to raise relatively little reve- have cut their primary deficits (which exclude in- nue. In Pakistan, for instance, the agricultural sec- terest outlays) by as much as 10 percent of GDP. tor (one-fifth of GDP) is exempted altogether from The composition of the reduction varies from case direct income taxes; there are many exemptions to case. Ghana, Jamaica, and Mexico, for instance, for industry, too. reduced both current and capital outlays; Côte A further complication for many countries' ad- d'Ivoire and Indonesia cut mainly capital spend- justment was the burden of public debt. Although ing; Morocco cut mainly current spending. In domestic and foreign public debt often grew si- Box 6.1 What the assessments of adjustment programs say about income performance Since the early 1980s, many developing countries Other assessments compared changes in the perfor- have launched economic adjustment programs. These mance of countries that had programs with changes in programsusually supported by the IMF and the a control group of nonprogram countries. These World Bankaddress internal and external imbalances studies found improvements in the balance of pay- and, to varying degrees, incentives and institutions. ments in the program countries relative to the control Have they succeeded? Answering this question is group, but no conclusive evidence on growth. Another not straightforward. Changes in external factors may study found moderate improvements in economic per- affect performance during the course of an adjustment formance. The drawback of this approach is that unless program. Even without such changes, it may be diffi- the two groups share the same initial conditions, the cult to say how the economy would have performed if group participating in the program or receiving a loan the program had not been implemented. And the mere may not represent a random sample of the overall set fact that a program is supported by the IMF or World of countries. Bank does not necessarily mean that policy reforms A third approach is to construct a counterfactual sce- have been pushed through. nario, guided by the country's history of similar macro- Adjustment programs usually include stabilization economic imbalances. Studies of this kind have found measures as well as structural reforms. In the short a strong association between the program or loan and run, stabilization may lower output growth. The effi- improvements in the balance of payments, a negative ciency gains and growth in output that are expected effect on investments, but little effect on growth. Khan from structural reforms typically take much longer. (1990) found a negative effect on growth immediately Several assessments examined performance before after the program. World Bank studies have found a and after an IMF program but without controlling for positive effect on growth, but only for early loan recip- external factors or estimating a counterfactual scenario. ients (countries for which three or more years had These studies found improvements in the balance of elapsed since initiating the reform). payments, but the evidence on growth and inflation was inconclusive. 114 multaneously, the underlying processes were dif- policies may take longer to emerge than the rela- ferent. Domestic debt expanded with the shift tively short period considered in most studies. A from external to internal financing; public external review of the trends in social indicators shows that debt grew as government guarantees were ex- most countries made progress in the 1980s, al- tended to public enterprises, and as private debt, though progress was slowest in the countries amortization, and interest payments were re- where the indicators were poor to begin with. Lack scheduled. This shift of external liabilities to the of good data, and the difficulty of projecting what public sector further weakened the fiscal position. would have happened if adjustment had not been In Turkey, continued deficits and the shift to more undertaken, make most evaluations of the effects costly domestic financing helped to increase the of adjustment inconclusive. public debt from about 12 percent of GDP in 1980-81 to 30 percent in 1987-88. And there is an- The art of reform other dilemma: when the external debt is a public liability, devaluation may be in conflict with fiscal The scope of the economic reforms that are needed adjustment. In Turkey a real depreciation of the in the developing world varies widely. Some coun- currency improved the current account position, tries urgently need to rationalize prices and incen- but it increased interest payments denominated in tives; others need to privatize state-owned enter- domestic currency and hence the fiscal deficit. prises or invest in education, health, and infrastructure. Everywhere such measures need to The social effects of adjustment be grounded in macroeconomic stability. Experi- ence shows that the surest path to development is Labor markets play an important role in determin- to improve policies in all these respects. But how ing the outcome of adjustment. Downward flex- are such diverse elements to be combined? In what ibility of real wages will cushion the effect on out- order should reforms be undertaken, and how put and employment of policies that are intended quickly? There are few hard rules, but history does to reduce domestic absorption. The evidence sug- suggest some general principles. gests that real wages are in fact flexible. In Bolivia, Reforms have to deal with trade-off s among pol- Chile, and Ghana, real wages declined signifi- iciesthe so-called competition of instruments cantly during adjustment. However, when labor problem. For example, reform of the financial sec- markets bear a disproportionate share of the ad- tor often calls for distressed financial institutions justment burden, the fall in real wages may cause to be restructured; in the short run, this may raise an excessive decline in aggregate demand, which public spending and make it harder to cut the bud- in turn may jeopardize the recovery of output. In get deficit. Adopting positive real interest rates Malaysia in the mid-1980s, changes in the ex- will lower the burden of credit subsidies but in- change rate, interest rate, and commodity prices crease the cost of servicing domestic debt. Lower all helped to cushion the effect of adjustment on tariffs may initially reduce government revenues real wages and employment. As a result, the sub- (as in Mexico and Morocco), whereas shifting from sequent recovery was faster. quantitative restrictions to tariffs will generally Recently attention has focused on the short-run raise them (as in Indonesia and Peru); the net ef- effect of adjustment on the poor. Fiscal consolida- fect may be a bigger fiscal deficit. These trade-offs tion often involves cuts in government programs make it harder for governments to adopt programs and a temporary rise in unemployment. Different which, taken as a whole, appear to add up. Yet it is groups are affected in different ways by fiscal cuts. essential that programs not merely add up, but are The needs of the persistently poor and the newly seen to do so. poor (those who lost jobs as a result of adjustment) Many reform programs have successfully dealt are not the same; nor are those of urban and rural with conflicts and tradeoffs. But reforms have also households. Special programs, as in Bolivia and failed. In Tanzania in 1977, in the aftermath of a Ghana, can include temporary measures to protect coffee boom, import controls and foreign ex- the groups that are most at risk. This is a worthy change licensing were removed without comple- goal in its own right, but it may also help to main- mentary changes in exchange rates and macro- tain political support for adjustment. economic policy. Within months, the balance of The evidence on countries that undertook payments turned sharply negative and the coun- strong programs does not point to a clear relation try lost most of its foreign exchange reserves. The between adjustment and changes in employment reforms were abandoned, leaving the external sec- or the social indicators. The social effect of new tor more restrictive than before. Zambia in 1985 115 adopted an ambitious program to cut public ex- adding pressures for a reversal of the reforms. Ex- penditure, auction foreign exchange, and reduce pansionary monetary and fiscal policies are the subsidies to urban consumers amid significant in- single greatest threat to trade reform. ternal political opposition within the government. Macroeconomic stability also makes reform of A year later, however, the price of copper, the the financial sector more likely to succeed, and dominant export, fell sharply while the country's thus supports the development of capital markets fiscal and monetary situation deteriorated. Con- that can foster private investment. The aim of fi- sumer subsidies on some food staples were re- nancial reform is to increase savings and to see moved overnight while stockpiles of others were them used more efficiently. In many cases it in- not at hand. Urban unrest followed, and the gov- volves removing interest rate ceilings to achieve ernment, strongly dependent on urban political positive real interest rates, and abolishing regula- support, reversed the reforms. tions that affect the size and allocation of bank credit. Close links with world financial markets re- Credibility quire domestic interest rates to be high enough If reform is to succeed, investment must respond. relative to international rates for investors to keep Expectations are crucial. The private sector may their financial assets in the country. For this to choose to wait and see, and let the government work, macroeconomic stability and strong bank prove its commitment to the new policies. But this supervision both need to be in place. Otherwise, may be a vicious circle, because if it takes too long expectations of inflation, exchange rate devalua- to restore confidence and investment, the program tion, or government borrowing may push real in- may fail for that reason alone. If the reforms are terest rates too high, increasing the fiscal deficit credible, however, additional transfers of re- and contributing to further macroeconomic insta- sources from abroad will raise confidence and fuel bility. Excessively high interest rates and inade- an even greater investment recovery than the pro- quate supervision of the banking system (espe- gram was counting on. cially in the presence of deposit insurance) may Credibility can be improved by first achieving cause defaults and instability in credit markets. In macroeconomic stability. This may reduce the ex- Argentina, Chile, the Philippines, Turkey, and tent of the competition of instruments problem. Uruguay, rapid interest rate liberalization under Even then, in countries with a record of aborted conditions of macroeconomic instability and inad- programs, the private sector may be rightly skepti- equate bank supervision led to financial crises that cal about the government's bold new initiatives. severely damaged their economies. The longer the history of high inflation and unsuc- Timing cessful remedies, the harder the taskwitness Ar- gentina and Brazil, as compared with Chile and The timing of reforms involves political considera- Mexico. Often, the government has no choice but tions. New governments are in a strong position to to rebuild its reputation, and then guard it jeal- initiate reforms: they are less obligated to defend ously. In this respect, it is important not to prom- the status quo, and their clients and opponents ise too much. It may also be necessary for policy to may not yet be well organized. Economic crisis "overshoot" (as Poland's arguably did in the cur- also improves the conditions for reform by rency devaluation of January 1990), to prove that strengthening coalitions that favor reform and this time the reformers really do mean business. helping to subordinate special interests. (These is- sues are further discussed in Chapter 7.) Economic Macroeconomic stability and political crises are opportunities for radical change. In Indonesia, reformers designed their Low inflation is vital not just because it makes the plan for liberalization (complete with estimates of reform program more credible, but also because effective protection) well before the crisis of 1983. without it other elements of the program will be When the choice came to implement it, the home- directly undermined. Macroeconomic instability work had already been done. contributed, for instance, to the failure of several trade reforms. Reforming the trade regime usually Speed calls for a real devaluation of the currency in re- sponse to the effects of reductions in tariffs and Should reform be gradual or "shock therapy"? nontariff barriers. An expansionary fiscal policy, Some principles are set out in Box 6.2. Gradualism however, contributes to a currency appreciation, may sometimes be justified when reform faces par- 116 Box 6.2 The speed of reform The case for gradualism The case for shock treatment Gradualism in implementing reforms is defined Shock treatment implies that reforms are imple- here to mean that reform is spread out over more than mented quickly in a concentrated period lasting less two years. Indonesia, the Republic of Korea, than two years. Bolivia, Ghana, Mexico, and Poland Mauritius, Morocco, and Turkey have used a gradual introduced reforms to eliminate substantial distortions approach. Trade liberalization through the GATT was during a short period. Chile carried out most reforms, also a steady but gradual process. and Mexico liberalized trade rapidly. In an economy with rigid prices and wages or If reform improves welfare, the optimal policy is to other structural distortions that prevent optimal adjust- implement the program rapidly so that the welfare gain ment, shock therapy may have perverse effects. If the is achieved as quickly as possible. It may be that adjust- policy shift is sudden, potentially viable factories may ment costs increase more than proportionately with the collapse and potentially productive employees may be length of time taken to implement a reform. Although dismissed from their jobs. In such a distorted climate, a it might then make sense for the private sector to gradual policy change may reduce the overall costs of spread the adjustment over time, it does not follow that adjustment by spreading out the adjustment over time. policy reform itself must be introduced gradually. In- If there are imperfections in the market that prevent deed, the cost of relocating labor and capital may often private economic agents from choosing the most ap- be less when the relocation is spread over time. propriate pace of adjustment, gradualism in policy re- Workers have time to acquire new skills, capital can be form may have the same effect by allowing agents to allowed to become obsolete, and factories can be recon- spread out the costs of adjustment. figured or modernized. Gradualism allows for midcourse adjustment. As Concerns with the cost of adjustment should affect reforms occur under distorted economic conditions, the speed of reform only when inefficiencies prevent there is considerable uncertainty about the outcome of the private sector from adjusting at a socially optimal any specific reform. Structural reforms, no matter how rate. But these inefficiencies can work both ways. ambitious, will not eradicate all market failures and When reforms lack credibility or capital markets work distortions. Unexpected interactions between reforms poorly, adjustment may be too slow from a social per- and any remaining market failures could lead to disap- spective-.-.making a case for even more drastic reform pointing results. than otherwise. Gradualism allows for political fine-tuning. Policy- Rapid action can improve the political sus- makers have time to learn about the probable gainers tainability of reform if it prevents a joint assault by and losers and to forestall opposition. Policymakers special interest groups against changes that are in the can defuse potential oppoents by giving them some- general interest. Bold changes are especially necessary thing they want from reform and can mollify losers if a government lacks credibility. In countries where through temporary transfers that help them thorough policies have vacillated and reform programs have the transition. come and gone, private agents are likely to respond Gradualism may be the preferred approach to re- sluggishly to the announcement of yet another reform form when there is a substantial administrative con- packageespecially if it is gradual. A conclusive re- straint or when new institutions have to be built. If form can help to reshape expectations about the gov- capital markets are not well developed, for instance, a ernment's commitment and so contribute to its rush to privatize may result in an underpricing of as- success. sets and less than optimal allocation. Adjustment usually occurs in a climate of crisis. Governments do well to capitalize on the broad, poten- tially short-lived mandate for reform that crisis confers by front loading the reform program. ticularly large economic uncertainties. And, by tively strong and stable economies. In general, the their nature, some reforms take longer than analytical case for speed is strong. Often, erring on others: price reforms can be done quickly, but new the side of speed appears to be best because swift institutions (such as contract laws) take time to actions bring the benefits of reform more quickly. develop. Many gradual reforms have worked. Speed also makes sense if the political opportunity But some gradual reforms (for example, in Ja- for reform is unlikely to last. Gradualism may not pan, the Republic of Korea, and Thailand) may be feasible for economies in acute crisis or for gov- have succeeded because they took place in rela- ernments with limited credibility. 117 Scope liberalization of the external sector, the trade ac- count best precedes the capital account. Asset Comprehensive packages of reform exploit the markets adjust faster than goods markets, so the complementarities stressed throughout this Re- premature deregulation of capital flows can lead to port and therefore promise the greatest benefits. speculation and financial instability. The dangers of partial reform are all too clear. Sta- It would be fair to criticize this as a counsel of bilization has caused stagnation for lack of policies perfection. Political considerations, and a host of to promote investment (Bolivia and the Philip- other factors, both economic and noneconomic, in- pines in the 1980s); trade liberalization has failed terfere with a reforming government's planning. in economies with distorted factor markets, But in broad terms, this approach to reform avoids macroeconomic instability, and inappropriate ex- many of the obstacles that have driven govern- change rate policies (Argentina, Brazil, and Sri ments off course during the past twenty years. Lanka in the 1960s; Peru, the Philippines, Portu- gal, Turkey, and Uruguay in the 1970s); domestic Investment and saving deregulation or privatization has created monopo- lies in the absence of trade reforms that check do- Comprehensive programs of economic reform are mestic market power (Poland and Togo in the the key, for many countries, to increasing both the 1980s); financial sector reform failed because of quantity and quality of saving and investment. high inflation (Argentina in the 1970s, Israel in the During the 1980s, saving and investment declined early 1980s, and Turkey in the early 1980s). In all in the middle-income countries. Gross invest- these cases, broader programs attacking interre- ment, which had averaged about 26 percent of lated ills would have been more likely to succeed. GDP in the period 1974-80, declined by 3 percent- age points. Lower foreign saving accounted for Sequencing two-thirds of the decline in total saving. Invest- ment remained fairly stable in low-income coun- To achieve these benefits, it might seem that re- tries (excluding China and India) because higher forms should be implemented simultaneously. Of- foreign saving compensated for lower domestic ten, this is indeed desirable. Import liberalization, saving (Table 6.1). The reduction in investment re- for example, makes domestic producers more eff i- flects in part the decline in public investment, cient. But the reallocation of resources may be which was inevitable for many countries where hampered by controls and other rigidities in the unsustainable expansion in public investment had financial markets or elsewhere. In this case dereg- taken place, usually in the latter part of the 1970s. ulation should proceed at roughly the same pace During the past two decades, both the aggregate as trade reform, so that the program raises output level of investment and the private and public rather than unemployment and financial specula- shares have varied significantly across countries tion. Equally, introducing domestic reforms with- and over time. For example, the relative stability of out liberalizing import policy can cause even more both public and private investment and the high resources to be misallocated in highly protected level of the latter in the Republic of Korea contrast sectors. sharply with the declining trends and low private Because it may not be practical to implement investment in Argentina, the wide fluctuations of reforms simultaneously, the need for sequencing private investment in Jamaica, and the dramatic is implied. Effective sequencing usually calls for turnaround in the composition of investment in strong initial steps against the most costly distor- Côte d'Ivoire (Figure 6.4). Such vast differences in tions, taking care to avoid back-and-forth move- investment behavior raise questions about what ments of resources. This suggests the following determines private investment and what role gov- order for reform. At the outset comes macro- ernment policy plays in raising it. economic stabilization, which can either precede or accompany structural reform. Many kinds of The quantity and quality of investment structural reform (the substitution of quantitative restrictions by tariffs, for example) complement Countries that have kept inflation low and real stabilization. Next comes the liberalization of interest rates moderate, and that have allowed suf- product markets, including deregulatory reform. ficient credit to flow to the private sector, have It would be preferable not to delay domestic re- been more likely to have high levels of private in- forms until after trade reform. In the area of the vestment as a share of GDP. A large external debt 118 Table 6.1 Investment and saving, 1965-89 (percentage of GDP) Gross domestic investment Foreign savings Gross national savingsb Economy group 1965-73 1974-80 1981-89 1965-73 1974 -80 1981-89 1965-73 1974 -80 1981-89 Low-income 19.6 24.4 26.4 1.2 1.1 3.4 18.4 23.3 23.0 China 24.8 31.0 34.9 -0.3 -0.1 5.5 25.2 31.1 34.4 India 17.1 21.3 23.9 1.7 1.1 3.6 15.3 20.3 20.4 Indonesia 13.7 23.6 29.5 2.6 -3.0 2.7 11.1 26.7 26.9 Kenya 21.0 24.1 23.7 4.4 8.9 7.1 16.6 15.2 16.6 Nigeria 14.1 22.2 12.0 4.3 -1.3 2.7 9.7 23.5 9.3 Low-income, excluding China and India 14.1 19.6 19.1 2.8 2.3 6.2 11.3 17.2 12.9 Middle-income 21.6 26.4 23.2 3.0 5.3 3.4 18.1 21.0 19.7 Brazil 20.5 23.8 19.8 1.9 4.6 1.8 18.5 19.2 18.0 Korea, Rep. of 23.3 30.0 29.8 8.2 7.1 0.8 15.1 22.9 29.0 Morocco 14.3 26.0 24.4 2.7 14.5 13.0 11.7 11.5 11.4 Malaysia 21.2 27.3 30.7 -1.5 -1.2 3.3 22.7 28.5 27.4 Philippines 20.5 29.3 20.1 1.4 5.4 2.4 19.0 23.9 17.7 Thailand 23.9 26.6 25.8 2.4 5.1 4.2 21.5 21.5 21.6 Gross domestic investment minus gross national savings. Excludes net transfers from abroad. Source: World Bank data. and wide policy swings that raise the variability of In general, countries with positive real flows of output and the real exchange rate deter private credit to the private sector, such as Colombia, In- investment. And to the extent that public and pri- donesia, Korea, and Thailand, have also had stable vate investment are complementary, cuts in public levels of investment. Investment has tended to de- investment have also contributed to the decline of cline in countries where the flow of private sector private investment. credit was negative. Even without widespread credit rationing, not all firms are able to borrow as FINANCIAL CONDITIONS. Statistically, cross- much as they would like. This is particularly true country differences in macroeconomic conditions in the absence of adequate collateral and an effi- explain differences in investment quite well. This cient system to settle disputes, when credit alloca- is presumably because variability in output makes tion is linked to a firm's reputation rather than to investors wary, and more likely to postpone proj- the rate of return of the project. In Egypt, where ects. Inflation increases the riskiness of long-term credit availability is important to investment deci- projects and distorts information about relative sions, government borrowing seems to have prices, and so it may also dampen private invest- crowded out less well-known firms, but not those ment. Macroeconomic stability increases confi- with well-established reputations. dence and thereby fosters private investment. Cross-country evidence also suggests that high Macroeconomic policy also affects investment real interest rates reduce private investment. In- by influencing the quantity of credit available for vestment decisions depend on the internal rate of the private sector's use. Evidence supports the hy- return on investment (the marginal efficiency of pothesis that credit flows have a positive and sta- capital) and the cost of capital. The cost of capital tistically significant effect on private investment. depends partly on the mix of financing, bonds, Because interest rate ceilings are an important tool equity, and bank borrowing. Because bank bor- of monetary policy for many developing countries, rowing represents a main source of financing, an the quantity rather than the price of credit be- increase in its cost relative to the marginal effi- comes the relevant variable for investment deci- ciency of capital will reduce investment. This inter- sions. Tighter monetary policy or a change in the est rate effect is likely to be stronger in countries composition of credit that favors the public sector which have well-developed financial markets and reduces private investment. When bank loans are which use open market operations, rather than a main source of financing, which is often the case, credit ceilings, to control the money supply. lower government borrowing releases resources In principle, a real currency depreciation has an for private investment. ambiguous effect on investment. It may reduce it 119 Figure 6.4 Differing patterns of private and public investment in four countries, 1970-88 (percentage of GDP) Argentina Côte d'Ivoire 20 20 15 10 1970 1974 1978 II 1982 19861988 0 1970 1974 1978 1982 19861988 ii Jamaica Republic of Korea 25 30 20 25 A p-. I. r&r4I 20 -: 5 0 - up 1970 1974 1978 1982 19861988 1970 1974 1978 1982 19861988 Public investment Private investment Source: World Bank data. by increasing the cost of imported intermediate would fall unless all the burden of adjusting to inputs and capital goods, and by reducing the changes in relative prices fell on private and public quantity of credit in real terms, as prices rise fol- consumption.) In the medium term, however, and lowing the depreciation. But it may also encourage if the real devaluation is expected to last, invest- investment by improving profitability in the ment is likely to rise, in part as a result of the traded goods sector and, sometimes, by increasing sustained improvement in the profitability of ex- the supply of foreign exchange, which can be used ports. In Chile and Indonesia, investment fell in to pay for additional imports of capital goods. the short term in response to large real devalua- One study found that a real devaluation may in tions but recovered in the medium term with the practice reduce investment in the short run, espe- expansion of the traded goods sector. Recovery cially if it lowers output. (In that case investment took about five years in Chile and three years in 120 Indonesia. The negative effects of a devaluation should exist between the two, but at the margin it may persist longer in low-income countries be- is likely that they make different contributions to cause of a slower supply response. growth. Equipment investment (mainly machin- Evidence suggests that countries with a heavy ery) appears to be more closely associated with debt burden have lower investment ratios. A large productivity growth than the rest. Discrimination debt is likely to be associated with external credit against capital goods (through high tariffs or taxes) rationing or high risk premiums, which reduce pri- will increase their price and reduce the share in vate investment. The debt overhang also acts as an total investment of investment in equipment. This implicit tax; it discourages investment because it matters because new equipment is likely to em- implies that eventually some combination of body new technology and to bring important ex- higher taxes, currency depreciation, and lower do- ternal economies. mestic demand will be required to effect the re- quired external transfer. Determinants of saving PuBLIc AND PRIVATE INVESTMENT. Several coun- Individuals save to smooth their consumption tries have achieved fiscal adjustment, in part by over time. Their saving rate depends on current cutting public investment or postponing capital income, expected lifetime income, and the ex- outlays. Cuts in health care, education, and infra- pected return on savings. Saving patterns change structure programs may slow private investment over an individual's lifetime, with the peak com- and growth in the medium term. But public invest- ing during a person's prime earning years. The ment can lower private capital formation if it uses larger the fraction of income received by workers scarce resources or if its output competes directly at the peak of their earnings, the higher the overall with private goods. The complementary and saving rate. Demographic factors also influence crowding-out effects of public investment are not saving: the lower the dependency ratio (the pro- incompatible. In the short run, the financing of portion of the population below fifteen and above public infrastructure may increase interest rates or sixty-five years old), the higher the saving rate. reduce credit to the private sector and so crowd Faster-growing economies also tend to have out private investment. In the medium term, how- higher saving rates because the gap between the ever, it can increase productivity and private in- lifetime income of active workers and that of re- vestment. The evidence on the net effect is incon- tired workers is large, and because the aggregate clusive, mainly for lack of data. Some recent saving rate moves closer to the saving rate of active research, however, does suggest that public and workers. Faster growth is the best way to increase private investment are complementary. Other saving. These factors seem to explain the high rate cross-country work suggests that investments in of saving in Japan (Box 6.3). infrastructure (as opposed to, for example, invest- In many developing countries, agriculture ac- ments in state-owned enterprises or military hard- counts for a significant part of household income. ware) are especially likely to promote private Agricultureand the income derived from itis investment. subject to considerable uncertainty, which can This is plausible. Studies of individual countries spread to other economic activities closely linked show that firms' operating costs rise and invest- to agriculture. At the same time, imperfections in ment falls when infrastructure is weak. Govern- financial markets may prevent households from ment investment in infrastructure seems to have borrowing against future income. All this makes promoted private investment in Egypt, for in- the rate of saving more responsive to changes in stance. In Korea, public investment appears to expectations about future income; and the more have a positive effect on private investment in uncertain the future, the larger will be the demand both the short and long runs. An implication of for savings as a "buffer stock." these results is that capital outlays on infrastruc- Evidence shows a strong correlation between ture should continue during periods of fiscal ad- growth rates and saving rates. Changes in the justment; they are more likely than other types of growth rate explain most of the fluctuations in the public investment to complement and increase pri- saving rate in the Republic of Korea, for instance. vate investment. As the economy expanded rapidly, Korea's na- tional saving increased from less than 10 percent of THE COMPOSITION OF PRIVATE INVESTMENT. Pri- GNP in the mid-1960s to 32.8 percent in 1986. Vari- vate investment consists of both equipment and ability in income growth rates is also related to structures. Some degree of complementarity variability in saving. Indonesia and Myanmar had 121 Box 6.3 Determinants of household saving in Japan Household saving in Japan is higher than in most other degree of risk-aversion, the weakness of demonstra- countries. During the period 1970-86, it was 23 percent tion effects, and the prevalence of intergenerational of household income; in the United States, 14.3 per- transfers; (b) demographic and socioeconomic factors, cent; in the United Kingdom, 10.4 percent; and in such as the age structure of the population, the distri- Sweden, 7.8 percent. bution of income, and the high labor force participation Some of these differences can be explained by con- of the aged; (c) institutional factors, such as the bonus ceptual discrepancies. The procedures used to calculate system and the unavailability of consumer credit; (d) saving rates in the United States and Japan differ in government policies, including tax breaks for savings three main ways. First, depreciation is evaluated at his- (until recently) and a low level of social security bene- torical cost in Japan but at replacement cost in the fits; and (e) economic factors, such as rapid rates of United States. Second, capital transfers are excluded growth, and high and rising land and housing prices. from both savings and disposable income in Japan but A review of the literature on saving in Japan suggests are included in the United States. Third, interest paid that the low proportion of the aged, the country's by households to businesses or foreigners is excluded growth rate, and the bonus system can each account from personal income in Japan but is included in the for 2-3 percentage points of the gap between Japan's United States. An adjustment for these factors would saving rate and other countries. Other factors which lower Japanese household saving by 3-4 percentage may have in the past contributed to the high saving points. Other differences affecting cross-country com- rate (such as tradition, tax breaks for savings, the un- parisons are the treatment of consumer durables, pri- derdeveloped social security system, the extended vate pensions and life insurance, and social security family, and the unavailability of consumer credit) are funds. After all such adjustments, Japanese saving re- becoming less important. As Japan's demographic mains high. structure becomes similar to that of other countries, its Various explanations have been advanced: (a) cul- household saving rate is likely to decline. tural factors, such as the Confucian heritage, a high variable and sometimes negative real growth rates tern works reasonably efficiently, this is also during the 1960s, and low and variable saving desirable. rates. In recent years, however, as real growth Government policies can do little in the short rates stabilized, both countries experienced a rapid run to influence the demographic and cultural fac- increase in saving rates. tors that affect private saving. In the absence of capital inflows from abroad, therefore, the in- THE ROLE OF THE FINANCIAL SECTOR. Because few crease in savings needed to finance higher invest- developing countries have easy access to external ment will require higher public savingthat is, savings, most of any increase in investment will smaller public deficits. have to be financed domestically. The financial sector can play an important role by increasing the PUBLIC SAVING. The effect on private saving of efficiency of the transformation of savings into in- higher public saving depends on how that increase vestment. Evidence suggests that distortions of is achievedthrough lower expenditures or higher this sector that result in negative real interest rates taxes. A World Bank study of a sample of develop- are associated with low growth. Negative real in- ing countries found that less than half of the in- terest rates may reduce aggregate savings, dimin- crease in public saving obtained by cutting govern- ish the savings available for investment, and dis- ment consumption will be offset by lower private tort its allocation among investment alternatives. saving; in the case of a tax increase, slightly more Financial reform, when well-managed, usually of the increase in public saving will be offset. Per- leads to moderately positive real interest rates. The manent changes in taxation and spending have a net effect of higher real interest rates is ambiguous smaller effect on private saving than do temporary in principle. The empirical evidence suggests that measures, because most households are likely to an increase in the real interest rate has a positive, adjust saving rather than consumption when they though small, effect on saving. Positive real inter- believe measures are temporary. Reducing govern- est may also increase the share of savings chan- ment deficits appears to be the best way to in- neled through the financial system. Once that sys- crease national saving. 122 Global economic conditions External resources and growth The world recession of 1980-83 and the increase in External resources enable developing countries to international interest rates showed how great an raise their growth rate by financing additional in- effect macroeconomic developments in the indus- vestment or smoothing adjustment to external trial countries can have on developing countries. shocks. External finance could in principle help an The developing world's exporters of manufac- economy out of a low-growth trap, enabling it to tured goods appear to be most sensitive to fluctua- "take off" despite structural or political limitations tions in industrial countries' growthmore so to increased domestic saving. Concessional aid en- than the countries that export mainly primary ables countries to alleviate poverty and increase goods. Also, Asian and Latin American countries long-run growth. Industrial countries share the re- with close trade links to the United States bene- sponsibility for ensuring that capital flows are fited more from its 1983-84 expansion in demand used to aid, rather than hinder, development. For for imports than many African countries, which concessional flows to be effective, external aid and had stronger links with the European markets. finance agencies must coordinate their programs The importance of financial markets in transmit- and design projects which carefully evaluate the ting the effects of industrial countries' policies in- needs and administrative capabilities of the coun- creased with the integration of world markets and tries they assist. These agencies must also end pol- the accumulation of external debt by developing icies such as the tying of aid. countries. After 1979-80, when interest rates be- The debt crisis illustrates the costs of misused came more volatile, several Latin American coun- capital flows. The returns from foreign inflows tries with a high proportion of floating rate debt and the ability to repay foreign borrowing depend suffered a sharp increase in debt service pay- on the efficiency of those investments, which in ments. The consequent balance of payments prob- turn vary with country policies. In many countries lems were further compounded by the effects of during the 1970s, investment was channeled to the world recession and the reduction in the avail- public sector undertakings which had low rates of ability of external financing. return. Particularly in the late 1970s and early How important are external factors for develop- 1980s, some developing countries used external fi- ing countries? World Bank simulations suggest nancing to maintain unsustainable levels of con- that, other things being equal, an increase of 1 sumption in the face of shortfalls in export reve- percentage point in the growth of the OECD could nues or shifts in terms of trade. In other cases, raise the developing countries' growth over the alongside macroeconomic mismanagement, exter- long term by 0.7 percent. Conversely, a 1 percent- nal borrowing financed capital flight (Box 6.4). age point increase in LIBOR could reduce growth A significant share of foreign capital may be by 0.2 percentage point. A 1 percent increase in used to finance consumption instead of invest- the growth of the OECD is also estimated to lead ment, reducing the long-run effect of inflows on to a 0.2 percent increase in exports from develop- growth. Although a fraction of inflows will always ing countries. These effects, however, vary across translate into consumption increases, even with- countries, depending on their trade patterns and out domestic distortions, a recent study found that the structure of their external debt. for some countries, the share of external transfers The role of external factors needs to be stressed. used in consumption has been exceedingly high. In the short term, unfavorable external shocks, The additional consumption spending from an ad- higher interest rates, a decline in the terms of ditional dollar of foreign loans in the 1960s and trade, or inadequate external flows may derail the 1970s was 88 cents for Bolivia, and 99 cents for implementation of any well-designed adjustment Colombia. Yet in the Republic of Korea, which in- program. Over the long term, a strong world econ- creased domestic savings from 6 percent in the omy could encourage the adoption of economic early 1960s to 30 percent by the mid-1980s, foreign reforms. This would improve domestic efficiency savings were largely channeled to investment. and ensure that countries would fully benefit from Many studies, however, have found that foreign the continued expansion of global markets. Al- capital inflowsespecially before the late 1970s though the quality of economic management is and early 1980shave been positively associated what matters most, global economic conditions are with an increasing share of domestic investment in important in shaping the outlook for developing GDP. countries. Despite the cost of using foreign inflows to post- 123 Box 6.4 Capital flight Capital flight is an elusive concept. Statistically, it is above all a symptom of macroeconomic mismanage- hard to distinguish from the normal capital flows gen- mentin many instances compounded by political in- erated by trade relations and by growing world finan- stability. As investors choose from among domestic fi- cial integration. Some authors define it as capital that nancial assets, inflation hedges (consumer durables or leaves a country in response to perceptions of abnor- land), and foreign assets, they make their decisions on mal risk at home. Capital flight has also been defined the basis of domestic inflation and interest rates, for- as that part of foreign assets that does not yield an eign interest rates, and the expected rate of deprecia- investment income recorded in balance of payment sta- tion of the currency. If investors fear a devaluation, tistics. Alternatively, it can be defined as all capital out- they will move their funds abroad to avoid a capital flow, because any outflow entails some loss for the loss. Similarly, high inflation rates and repressive fi- domestic economy. So defined, capital flight can be nancial policies that keep real interest rates too low will measured as the stock of external assets acquired by encourage residents to invest abroad or to stockpile. residents or as net short-term capital outflows from the Because capital flight generally occurs during a pe- nonbank private sector (hot money). The error and riod of scarce foreign capital inflows, it imposes heavy omissions entry of the balance of payments is usually costs on an economy. As a symptom of macroeconomic incorporated in these measurements under the as- mismanagement, it also increases domestic insta- sumption that a large part of capital flight consists of bilityboth financially (because hot money flows can illegal transactions that appear only in this item. When impede the pursuit of domestic economic objectives) capital flight takes the form of underinvoicing of ex- and politically (because it reduces the political legit- ports and overinvoicing of imports, it will not be cap- imacy of efforts to service external debt). Capital flight tured in balance of payments entries. None of these also harms domestic growth by diverting savings out of definitions is entirely satisfactory, and all of them pose the country. It shrinks the tax base, which reduces gov- measurement problems. At best, they provide only a ernment income and shifts more of the burden onto range of estimates. low-income citizens. And it contributes to the debt The extent of capital flight has varied widely. For the problem by increasing the cost of borrowing (which period 1980-84 it has been estimated at about $16-17 rises with the amount borrowed), reducing the re- billion for Argentina, $40 billion for Mexico, and $27 sources available to repay debt. billion for Venezuela. In some years, capital flight in Reversing capital flight requires restoring confidence Argentina and Venezuela was equivalent to half sav- in the economy and the government through a re- ings in those countries. In Brazil capital flight has been sumption of growth and the adoption of sustainable relatively small, but it seems to have increased during policies. Unfortunately, it is much easier for a govern- the late 1980s. ment to lose credibility than to regain it. Capital flight, however defined or measured, is pone adjusting to permanent shocks, access to bor markets, financial markets, and public sector capital has been nevertheless essential in some management. By allowing expenditures to be countries to successfully cope with short-term higher than otherwise, the loans were intended to shocks. Korea (following its economic crisis in cushion the short-run adjustment costs to output, 1980), Turkey (during 1980-82), and Indonesia employment, and consumption. The evidence (during the mid-1960s) all received capital inflows suggests that such lending was reasonably suc- while implementing adjustment. Because all three cessful in allowing countries to improve their bal- faced their economic problems before the 1982 ance of payments position, and that a majority of debt crisis, they had the enormous advantage of participants adhered to agreed policy reforms. Al- continued access to capital inflows and favorable though the evidence is not conclusive, early loan borrowing conditions during the adjustment recipients were more likely to show a positive period. growth effect (see Box 6.1). But the share of invest- To facilitate adjustment to shocks, the World ment in GDP has not recovered for many Bank introduced adjustment loans in 1980. These countries. loans, which accounted for about 25 percent of to- tal World Bank lending by the end of the 1980s, A legacy of debt were intended to provide balance of payment sup- port for macroeconomic stabilization and long- The period of abundant inflows of financial re- term structural reforms in trade, domestic and la- sources to the developing world came to an abrupt 124 Table 6.2 Indicators of external debt for developing economies, 1970-89 (average percentage for period) Total external debt Interest paymentsb Net transfers Economy group 1970-75 1976-82 1983-89 1970-75 1976-82 1983-89 1970-75 1976 -82 1983-89 Low-income 10.2 14.8 28.5 2.9 4.3 9.8 1.1 1.2 0.7 Low-income, excluding China and India 20.5 28.5 60.7 2.9 5.3 11.8 2.7 2.4 1.0 Middle-income 18.6 3.4.6 54.9 5.1 11.0 15.4 1.9 1.9 -2.7 Argentina 20.1 46.1 80.3 14.1 17.9 41.6 -0.3 2.7 -5.4 Brazil 16.3 28.2 42.0 12.1 28.5 30.3 3.3 0.8 -2.5 Morocco 18.6 55.1 109.5 2.8 13.0 17.1 1.8 6.8 -1.7 Philippines 20.7 45.8 79.2 4.2 14.1 20.5 1.2 1.8 -3.4 Note: Variables are yearly averages calculated for the period; economy averages are weighted using the share of GNP in 1981. As a share of GNP. As a share of total export receipts. Source: World Bank data. end in 1982, setting off the debt crisis. With the tries was equivalent to their combined GNP. offi- crisis, increased private flows went primarily to cial creditors have engaged in debt forgiveness meet the debt servicing needs of debtor countries, and rescheduling, and they have provided new and little additional capital was available for in- flows at highly concessional terms. Otherwise vestment and sustained growth. As the crisis per- these countries would have had to devote more sisted throughout the 1980s, many debtor coun- than half of their export earnings to servicing debt; tries began to experience a reversal in resource in fact less than half of the scheduled amount was transfers (Table 6.2), lower investment and paid. Debt relief has been concentrated on official growth, and higher inflation. Contributing to the debt. Bilateral creditors have rescheduled under crisis was a complex brew of policy error (large the Paris Club arrangements, offering highly con- fiscal deficits, overvaluation, and a bias against ex- cessional conditions-the so-called Toronto terms. ports), external shocks (rapid increases in world Under these terms, bilateral official creditors who interest rates, falling commodities prices, and have extended nonconcessional loans may choose world recession), and the overly expansionary between canceling one third of the consolidated lending policies of 1979-81. amount, adopting the longer repayment used for Net transfers to developing countries became concessional debt (twenty-five years' maturity and negative in the second half of the 1980s (Figure a grace period of fourteen years), or cutting the 6.5). Principal and interest arrears (a form of im- interest rate. The debtors concerned are likely to plicit financing) reached about 6.9 percent of de- require further debt and debt service reduction if veloping-country debt in 1989. Current account they are to achieve higher investment and growth. deficits fell from 3 percent of GNP in 1980 to less For commercial debt, under the Brady Initiative, than 1 percent in 1987-89 as developing countries official creditors have offered to support debt and began to export more goods and nonfactor ser- debt service reduction for countries that adopt ad- vices than they received. Direct foreign investment justment programs and take measures to encour- has increased substantially from the level of the age direct foreign investment and the repatriation early 1980s, in part as a result of debt swaps. Most of capital. Reductions take place through debt of the expansion in DFI has been concentrated in buybacks-the exchange of old debt for new par- East Asia; China, Indonesia, Korea, Malaysia, and value bonds at a reduced interest rate or for dis- Thailand account for about one-fourth of foreign counted, partially collateralized bonds. investment in developing countries. Any expan- Several countries, starting with Chile in 1985, sion of DFI in other countries is likely to depend have used debt-equity swaps to reduce their exter- on their political and macroeconomic stability, and nal debt and encourage direct foreign investment. on their rules on taxes and remitted profits. When the buyback is financed by selling stock in Most of the low-income countries' debt is owed publicly owned enterprises, there is no fiscal ef- to official creditors, bilateral and multilateral; a fect; the government already owns the asset. But large part of the stock of private export credits is when the operation involves swapping public debt also officially guaranteed. At the end of 1989 the for private assets, the government needs to raise debt of the severely indebted low-income coun- money to acquire the private assets. How it is done 125 matters. Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico suspended lic airline in Argentina. Mexico's new swap pro- their formal swap programs in 1989 in part be- gram is restricted to state-owned enterprises, cause of concerns about their inflationary effects; infrastructure, and other development projects. this is particularly strong when the central bank Other types of debt swaps have also been intro- prints money to retire the debt. Some new swap duced: debt-for-trade swaps in Peru and Yugo- programs are linked to privatization efforts; for in- slavia, and debt-for-nature and debt-for-health stance, those for the telephone company and pub- swaps in other countries. By 1990, new debt agreements based on the Brady Initiative had been implemented in Costa Rica, Mexico, and the Philippines, and negotia- Figure 6.5 Net resource flows and net tions were under way in Morocco, Uruguay, and transfers to developing economies, 1980-89 Venezuela. In addition to their direct economic ef- (billions of dollars) fects, these agreements have favorably influenced expectations. Following Mexico's announcement All developing economies of an agreement in July 1989, real interest rates 80 declined substantially and capital inflows rose (Box 6.5). The Brady Initiative also led to a signifi- cant rise in the price of debt in the secondary mar- ket. It stabilized after the announcement of the initiative in March 1989 and then began to rise in the four countries with Brady plans. The price con- tinued to fall for other countries that continued to accumulate arrears, such as Argentina and Brazil. When other policies are adequate, debt relief may provide the right spark for an economic recovery Severely indebted middle-income economies and improve incentives for reform. Peru's recent 50 experience clearly illustrates that stopping debt 40 service does not solve the stabilization problem, 30 and the experiences of Argentina and Brazil show 20 that reducing the fiscal deficit remains the crux of 10 the matter. The failures of Argentina and Brazil to 0 reach debt settlements deepened the skepticism -10 about the likelihood of success of their stabilization -20 efforts. The experiences of Chile, Mexico, and -30 Venezuela show how debt renegotiation can sup- port domestic policies by increasing overall confi- Severely indebted low-income economies dence and encouraging the return of expatriated 7 capital. 6 Despite progress, the debt crisis continues to 5 threaten development. Factors that could sustain 4 and augment progress include the implementation 3 of strong, credible adjustment programs in highly indebted countries; expanded country coverage of 1 commercial debt and debt service reduction; more 0 concessional rescheduling for the poorest debtor -1 -2 countries; and a reduction of the stock of debt owed to bilateral agencies. Private lending is likely 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 to grow only modestly as commercial banks re- 0 Flows El Transfers build their capital. Yet additional private financing could take the form of repatriation of assets through instruments such as project and trade- Note: Data are for all economies reporting transactions to the World Bank and refer to long-term debt, excluding IME linked finance, direct foreign investment, joint Source: World Bank 1990d. ventures, and debt and equity issues abroad. Offi- cial flows are likely to grow somewhat faster than 126 Box 6.5 The 1990 Mexican debt agreement Since the 1982 debt crisis, Mexico has negotiated re- bearing a fixed interest rate. About 13 percent of credi- scheduling and new money packages in 1983-84 and in tors chose the new-money option, 40 percent chose the 1986-87. These agreements, which involved complex discount bond (at 65 percent of par), and 47 percent negotiations, failed to provide medium-term relief on chose the par bond at 6.25 percent interest. Bonds are the external front. In 1985 Mexico introduced impor- to be paid in a single installment at the end of 2019. tant reforms of external trade and of the financial sec- Their principal is secured by the pledge of U.S. Trea- tor, privatized many state-owned enterprises, and sury zero-coupon bonds, and the interest payments are overhauled regulations on direct foreign investment. secured for eighteen months. The collateral funds were Despite these efforts, external debt continued to cloud drawn from country reserves and loans from the IMF, the horizon. Large external transfers created uncer- World Bank, and Japan. Participating banks were eligi- tainty about future exchange rate and tax policies. To ble to take part in a new debt-equity swap program prevent capital flight, Mexico had to pay very high real linked to the privatization of public enterprises. interest rates on its domestic debt, which increased its The debt-restructuring agreement is expected to re- fiscal deficit and threatened the substantial fiscal re- duce Mexico's net transfers abroad by about $4 billion a forms that had been undertaken in recent years. Me- year during the period 1989-94. About half the reduc- dium-term debt relief seemed to be the missing ingre- tion comes from the rescheduling of amortization. dient for the success of the reform effort. These reductions will improve Mexico's fiscal position In March 1990, Mexico and its commercial creditors and should have a beneficial effect on growth. The implemented a debt restructuring agreement. Banks agreement has also altered expectations by diminishing could chose from a menu of options that included new the uncertainty about future exchange rate and tax pol- money and two facilities for reducing debt and debt icies. Following announcement of the agreement in service: an exchange of discount bonds against out- July 1989, real interest rates declined substantially and standing debt, or an exchange of bonds against out- capital inflows revived. standing debt without any discount (par bond) but the industrial countries' income, with multilateral form of new lending or debt reduction is likely to institutions remaining as the link between the in- depend on whether countries adopt policies to ternational capital markets and many developing maintain macroeconomic stability and improve countries. Whether net transfers grow either in the their creditworthiness. 127 Rethinking the state The important thing for government is be built. It has often been argued, for instance, that democracy and structural adjustment do not not to do things which individuals are doing mix well. Is this true? already, and to do them a little better or a little Governments also have other objectives in addi- worse; but to do those things which at present are tion to faster economic growth. Employment gen- not done at all. eration is a related goal. Most think it right to alter -JOHN MAYNARD KEYNES, the distribution of income in helping the poor or in "The End of Laissez-Faire" improving equity. How is this best achieved? Do such policies serve the goal of faster economic The agenda for reform that has emerged in the growth, or act as an additional constraint? And in course of this Report calls for governments to in- the narrower economic domain, how is the public tervene less in certain areas and more in others sector's performance to be improved? These ques- for the state to let markets work where they can, tions also are all part of reconsidering the role of and to step in promptly and effectively where they government in development. cannot. In many countries this calls for a stronger orientation toward the market and a more focused The political economy of development and efficient public sector role. History suggests that this is the surest path to faster growth in pro- Political instability is a fact of life in many coun- ductivity, rising incomes, and sustained economic tries. The past forty years have seen scores of ra- development. cial, tribal, communal, and guerrilla wars. Coups Judging by their recent activities, many govern- d'etat have occurred in many of the Latin Ameri- ments in industrial and developing countries have can countries (except in Mexico, Costa Rica, and a come around to this view. But economic policy few of the Caribbean island nations); in many cannot be implemented in laboratories; it has to be North African and Middle Eastern countries (for made to work in the real world. Reformers face a example, Algeria, Egypt, the Islamic Republic of variety of political constraints on their actions. In Iran, Iraq, Lebanon, Libya, the Syrian Arab Re- many developing countries, one of the obstacles to public, and Turkey); and in many parts of Asia and reform has been its political costs, actual or poten- Sub-Saharan Africa. Since 1948, there has been at tial. Political instability and other political consid- least one coup attempt per developing country ev- erations go a long way toward explaining why, in ery five years (Table 7.1). the first place, many of these countries adopted, to And there is more to political stability than their economic disadvantage, the policies they did. merely avoiding coups. Separatist movements, re- And they underline the difficulty many countries gional rivalries, ethnic frictions, and other some- face in changing course swiftly. So it is important times violent social conflicts can plague even the to ask whether sufficiently broad support for the most secure executive. Repressive governments sorts of reforms that have been recommended can can create a semblance of stability even when they 128 entirely lack popular support, as Eastern Europe showed until recently. In 1987, roughly half of the Figure 7.1 Nation-states by type of world's governments were not democratic (Figure government, 1850-1987 7.1), whereas about three-fifths of nonindustrial countries fell into that category. Number Social consensus helps governments to establish 160 legitimate authority to govern. Without this au- thority, even the most basic functions such as taxa- 140 tion and allocation of public spending can become problematic. When it began its modernization in 120 the second half of the nineteenth century, Japan's per capita income was the lowest among the coun- 100 tries which are today classified as industrialized. However, the country was already politically well- 80 developed, and this was undoubtedly a great as- 60 set. The government was not democratically elec- ted, but it was perceived to be legitimate by the 40 population; it had a strong administration and a broad tax base. All this helped it to undertake its 20 major reforms after the Meiji Restoration in 1868. As the industrial countries have discovered in 0 the course of their history, economic moderniza- 1850 1875 1900 1925 1950 1975 tion creates new sources of wealth. This can shake o Military rule 0 One-party system the coalition on which traditional social order was o Parliamentary system 0 Presidential system established. A transition of this sort affects many o Absolute monarchy developing countries today. Fragile social con- sensus, entrenched special interests, and weak ad- ministrative capacity have influenced their choice Sources: Vanhanen 1979, 1990. of economic policies, and the outcomes. To a large extent, governments everywhere tend to tailor economic policies to balance conflicting interests. Political rather than economic considera- Constituencies and interventions tions explain why the governments of many OECD countries intervene in support of ailing in- In many developing countries, political and eco- dustries or regions. The resurgence of protection- nomic instability have put the social consensus un- ism among OECD countries in the 1980s, the prob- der strain. Such difficulties are hardly new. For lems encountered in the current round of GATT many years they have tended to subordinate eco- negotiations, and the slow pace at which some in- nomic policy to the task of securing the support of dustrial countries addressed their macroeconomic influential groups for the government. The crude imbalances in the 1970s and 1980s highlight how, policy instruments which many governments of- even in societies with secure institutions, much- ten have as a result of these skewed priorities, needed economic reforms can be blocked. combined with their often-weak administrative ca- Table 7.1 Irregular executive transfers: average occurrence per country, 1948-82 Income group 1948-52 1953-58 1959-64 1965-70 1971-76 1977-82 Low-income 1.0 (21) 1.1 (24) 1.2(39) 1.4(51) 1.3 (53) 0.9(55) Middle-income 1.6(30) 1.7 (32) 1.4(41) 0.8(47) 0.9 (51) 0.6(55) High-income 0.0 (23) 0.2 (23) 0.1 (24) 0.2(25) 0.1 (28) 0.1 (28) Note: Number of countries considered is in parentheses. Both successful and unsuccessful executive transfers are included. Irregular successful executive transfers are changes in the office of the national executive from one leader to another, outside conventional legal or customary procedures for transferring power. Unsuccessful irregular executive transfers are failed attempts at such irregular transfers. Countries are ranked according to their per capita income in 1988. Sources: Taylor and Jodice 1983; data base supplied by the Inter-University Consortium of Political and Social Research. Income group classifications are from the World Bank. 129 pacity, have compounded the problemand made poorest), raise incomes in certain regions, or meet it potentially more damaging. Typically, govern- the demands of powerful groups such as the mili- ments have tended to centralize economic re- tary. In the 1970s and early 1980s, the Sri Lankan sources and decisionmaking. This tendency was government built several textile factories and reinforced by the prevailing belief in the 1950s, sugar refineries in backward areas with high rural 1960s, and 1970s, among many policymakers and unemployment. In Argentina throughout the development economists, and sometimes in exter- 1970s, industries run by the military were highly nal aid and finance agencies, that developing protected. countries could not rely upon markets and the pri- Programs of public expenditure have financed vate sector alone to develop their industries. the underpricing of utilitieswater, electricity, In the 1950s and 1960s, utilities, oil companies, telecommunications, railway, or city transport plantations, and assorted manufacturing indus- and supported untargeted food subsidies. Most tries were nationalized in many developing coun- staple foods in Egypt and Mexico were subsidized tries, including Algeria, Brazil, Chile, Egypt, Sri until recently, as was wheat flour in Brazil. These Lanka, and Tunisia. Governments regarded them- subsidies usually benefited the politically active selves as too weak administratively at the time to urban population at the expense of the agricultural tax and regulate private enterprises at arms' areas where most of the poor live. Uneconomic length. The nationalization of the major private public investment projects are often politically mo- Bolivian mining companies in 1952 followed de- tivated: a very large power project in Zaire, for cades of attempts by governments to tax the fami- instance, was intended to improve the govern- lies that owned the mines. An inability to regulate ment's control over an unruly region. In some and supervise the banking system led many gov- such cases, corruption in the execution of expendi- ernments to nationalize banks or intervene directly tures is also a problem (see below), sometimes in- in the allocation of credit. Interventions in agricul- volving foreign suppliers. ture have followed a similar pattern. Farming in Sub-Saharan Africa, for example, has been highly The costs taxed through currency overvaluation, state mar- keting boards paying low procurement prices, and By the 1980s, persistent difficulties in financing ex- export taxes. ternal and public sector deficits made the costs of In many developing countries, it is common to these interventions plain to see. When the supply find tariffs, tax incentives, or special regulations of external finance dwindled after 1982, demands designed to protect special-interest groups. In for special treatment outran the economy's capac- some cases, "predatory" states have designed ity to deliver. policies and programs to transfer resources to very Buying support at the cost of economic effi- narrowly defined interest groups, and they have ciency was, in the end, self-defeating. Govern- resorted to coercion when the legitimacy of such ments reacted to mounting civil service wage bills policies was questioned. The strength of urban in- by letting nominal wages lag behind inflation; this terests in Latin American and Africa helps to ex- generated the resentment of public servants and plain why the industrialization strategies adopted led to low morale and poor service. Together with by many countries in these regions were strongly discretionary interventions, their situation fueled biased against farming. corruption. Then, in some countries, corruption Many governments have assumed the role of brought the government down. The hope of em- employer of last resort, partly as a result of con- ployment in government induced migration from cerns about the social and political implications of rural to urban areas, aggravating the problem of unemployment. Until recently, university gradu- urban unemployment. Underpriced and over- ates had guaranteed employment in government staffed utilities meant poor serviceschronic in several Sub-Saharan African countries. In the power cuts, silent telephones, bad public trans- Gambia, the civil service doubled between 1974 port. This caused further dissatisfaction. More and 1984. The central governments of Argentina generally, this highly interventionist approach and Sri Lanka reckon that a fifth of their staffs are slowed growth, which in many countries again redundant; Brazil's government puts the figure at undermined political stability. half. Piecemeal interventions also made it harder to State-owned enterprises (SOEs) have been used establish essential public institutions. For instance, to create employment (though seldom for the direct control of the financial system meant there 130 was no effort to build capacity in banking supervi- tion creates vested interests which make it difficult sion. High tariffs and the inflation tax made it less to change the policy. Not all interventions need to necessary to broaden tax bases. The expansion of be reversed: investments in infrastructure, for ex- agricultural state banks, which was intended to ample, can generate enough resources to cover make credit widely available to farmers, made it their costs. But protection for manufacturing in the less urgent to develop cadastres and clarify owner- early stages of industrialization can only succeed, ship rightsthat is, to address the underlying rea- if at all, as long as it is temporary. Once protection sons for the high cost of rural credit. Meanwhile, is granted, however, it is exceptionally difficult to in many developing countries the agricultural remove. banks have failed to deliver, so farmers are as Protection creates rents: owners of some labor, badly off as before. capital, or land obtain higher returns than they would in the absence of intervention. This draws Market failure and government failure new resources to the protected industry until, at the margin, the rents disappear. Removing the As the earlier chapters of this Report made clear, protection penalizes not only the owners who first intervention by the public sector is not undesirable received the rents as a windfall, but also those who in itself. On the contrary, many sorts of interven- came later, seeking normal returns. Removing the tion are essential if economies are to achieve their tariff, in this case, can force into loss the firms that full potential. An abbreviated list of indispensable gained least. Thus, even when protection has not interventions would include the maintenance of been created by industrial interests, protection cre- law and order, the provision of public goods, in- ates industrial interests. These then become a for- vestments in human capital, the construction and midable obstacle to liberalization. repair of physical infrastructure, and the protec- tion of the environment. In all these areas (and Corruption arguably more) markets "fail" and the govern- ment must step in. But the countless cases of un- Excessive intervention breeds corruption. Again, successful intervention suggest the need for cau- the problem is by no means confined to govern- tion. Markets fail, but so do governments. To ments, or to the developing countries. In some justify intervention it is not enough to know that countries, it has grown to alarming and destruc- the market is failing; it is also necessary to be con- tive proportions. fident that the government can do better. Corruption weakens a government's ability to Governments are prone to fail, at least in eco- carry out its functions efficiently. Bribery, nepo- nomic terms, for a variety of reasons. As noted tism, and venality can cripple administration and above, economic goals may not be their highest dilute equity from the provision of government priority. A combination of political objectives and servicesand thus also undermine social cohe- constraints and weak administration may lead siveness. Corruption was identified as a serious governments to intervene in ways that are eco- problem in ancient China and India, in the Otto- nomically harmful. Also, the consequences of eco- man Empire in the fourteenth century, in England nomic interventions are difficult to predict. For in- in the early 1800s. Every other year a scandal is a stance, in the 1950s many Latin American reminder that it continues in Europe, Japan, and countries protected their industries to (among the United States. Corruption has also contributed other things) reduce their dependence on imports. to the fate of many governments: it was a major Later it became evident that they had increased justification for the military overthrow of the their dependence, because the new urban manu- Ghanaian civilian government in 1981 and the facturing sector that evolved under protection re- Nigerian one in 1983; an important theme in the lied heavily on imported inputs and machinery. 1982 Mexican presidential campaign; a major rea- Private firms are not always better at making son for the fall of the government in the Philip- decisions or predicting their consequences. But pines in 1986; and a problem the authorities con- tests of performance are usually clearer to private sider of the utmost gravity in the USSR. firms, which enables them to take corrective action Corruption manifests itself in a variety of ways. faster. Furthermore, without the help of the gov- A common one is bribery of customs officials, who ernment, it is harder for private firms to shift the then allow in illegal imports, or legal imports at costs of their mistakes onto taxpayers. below-legal duties, or expedite clearance pro- Another difficulty is that government interven- cedures. This has been a serious problem in nu- 131 Box 7.1 Fighting corruption Being a tax official in the Philippines Bureau of Internal nance and, shortly thereafter, a justice of the supreme Revenue (BIR) in the early 1970s was so lucrative that court. jobs and transfers to the bureau were sold. Manila's most "extensive, expensive, and lavish assortment of Solutions cars" was in the BIR's parking lot. Then-president Fer- dinand Marcos's New Society, announced in 1972, Plana's success was based on six innovations. First, aimed to alleviate poverty and fight corruption, a fight supervision and auditing were improved by using a that intensified in 1975 when 2,000 government offi- group of highly skilled outsiders teamed with irre- cials suspected of improper conduct were fired. In that proachable incumbent senior officials. Second, admin- sweep, the BIR's commissioner was replaced by Justice istrative systems were introduced to monitor perfor- Efren Plana. mance on the basis of objective criteria such as the number of tax assessments and taxes collected. Third, Problems about 100 high-level corrupt agents were punished by After a few months, Plana identified a number of se- being dismissed or reorganized. Fourth, tax laws were rious problems. Chief among these were practices simplified to make them more efficient and reduce the whereby officials would require payments to process a discretion left to tax officials. Fifth, control systems tax matter, provide a record, or make a routine clear- were tightenedtax payments began to take place ance; accept bribes to lower tax assessments or stop the through banks rather than tax agents, and confirma- harassment of taxpayers with no tax obligations; em- tion letters were sent to check tax-payers' payments. bezzle funds; illegally print fiscal labels and stamps; Sixth, personnel practices were improved. Recruitment succumb to cash, nepotism, and influence for person- became meritocratic, an antinepotism regulation for- nel decisions, such as transfers and appointments; and bade the appointment of even distant relatives, and break down the internal auditing systems (officials in promotions were based on performance. But these charge of investigating others routinely accepted bribes achievementsin a country where corruption re- from those being investigated). mained widespreaddid not last. In the early 1980s, The bureau was virtually free of corruption when nepotism became a problem once again, and tax assess- Plana left it in 1980 to become deputy minister of Ii- ments and tax collections dropped significantly. merous countries: in the United States at the turn for a well-connected businessman; the law re- of the century, in Singapore in the 1960s, in Indo- quires twenty-four different steps involving nesia in the 1970s, and in Cameroon in the 1980s. twenty separate offices. Anticorruption campaigns Police indulgence of extortion and other crimes in are periodically undertaken, sometimes with suc- Hong Kong led to the creation of an anticorruption cess (Box 7.1). But often the root causes remain: office in the 1970s. In the late 1970s, an inquiry in weak agencies fighting market forces with controls Massachusetts revealed that 76 percent of a sample society considers excessive, discretionary, or of public buildings had at least one "structural" illogical. defect that could not have occurred without in- spectors' complacency. Two-thirds of the names Remedies: democracy and institutions? on the civil service roster in 1978 in Zaire were fictitious. These and less malign forms of corrup- Authoritarianism often has been seen as a useful, tionabsenteeism, moonlighting, or lack of dedi- if regrettable, expedient for effective policymaking cationundercut public administration. in the face of political instability. A strongly held Corruption can seldom be reduced unless its view from the 1950s through the 1970s was that larger underlying causes are addressed. It flour- development policies took time to bear fruit, and ishes in situations where domestic and interna- that this was inconsistent with the politics of tional competition is suppressed, rules and regula- short-term electoral cycles. Democracies were seen tions are excessive and discretionary, civil servants as having a built-in inclination toward populist are underpaid, or the organization they serve has policies (Box 7.2). Benevolent authoritarian reg- unclear or conflicting objectives. In Cameroon, ob- imes (led by philosopher-despots) were needed, it taining all the authorizations and permits neces- was argued, to push through unpopular reforms sary to start a new business takes two years even and tame an unruly or otherwise ineffective ad- 132 ministration. Economies managed with varying duce good results in order to be reelected could degrees of authoritarianism have made progress at help, rather than hinder, economic change: it in- different times in the past, for example, Brazil, creases governments' incentives to perform well Chile, Spain, and some of the East Asian econ- and keeps predatory behavior in check. omies. Yet at the same time, some democracies Experience allows no hard and fast conclusion. old ones as in India or new ones as in the Philip- Peru is going through one of the worst economic pineshave been unable so far to make rapid crises in its history, mostly as a result of policies progress. implemented in the late 1980s by a democratically During the 1980s, however, severe disenchant- elected government. Bolivia has been unable to ment with authoritarian regimes set in. Now it is improve its government's administrative capacity better understood that such regimes are no less despite almost a decade of democracy. Literacy likely to yield to the interests of narrow constituen- rates in China in 1950 were similar to those in In- cies. Few authoritarian regimes, in fact, have been dia, and four decades later they are twice as high. economically enlightened. Some of the East Asian Yet India is one of the oldest and most sophisti- NIEs are the exceptions, not the rule. Dictator- cated democracies in the developing world. ships have proven disastrous for development in Democratic governments are not necessarily many economiesin Eastern Europe, Argentina, more adept at managing reform, either. Transi- Central African Republic, Haiti, Myanmar, tional democratic governments, perhaps because Nicaragua, Peru, Uganda, and Zaire, to name only their political base is still fluid, appear to be par- a few. ticularly vulnerable (Tables 7.2 and 7.3). Demo- Democracies, conversely, could make reform cratic governments have a better record than au- more feasible in several ways. Political checks and thoritarian governments in countries that are not balances, a free press, and open debate on the politically polarized; the reverse seems to be true costs and benefits of government policy could give in polarized societies. On the whole, the evidence a wider public a stake in reform. The need to pro- suggests that the democratic-authoritarian distinc- Box 7.2 Populist experiments The populist experiments in Latin AmericaAllende in subsidies increase, and taxes decline in real terms. In Chile (1971-73), Peron in Argentina (1946-49), and this unsustainable position, the government is forced Garcia in Peru (1985-88)are extreme examples of the to devalue the currency and cut subsidies. Inflation interaction between political and economic processes. accelerates and real wages fall. Populist policies have emphasized growth and short- The Chilean experience of 1970-73 clearly illustrates run distributional goals, brushing aside the risks of in- this sequence of events. To achieve rapid growth and flation and excessive deficits and ignoring external con- improve the living conditions of low-income groups, straints and the responses of firms and households to the government stepped up public spending. Public their aggressive anti-market policies. Addressing pov- sector wages were increased, adding to the fiscal defi- erty and income distribution issues, which populist cit. Agrarian reform was intensified, and the mining regimes viewed as the source of social conflict and po- and banking sectors as well as parts of the industrial litical instability, could not be done, however, through sector were nationalized. The combination of price con- unsustainable economic policies. trols and expansionary demand policies fueled re- In a typical populist cycle, the new administration pressed inflation; the parallel market flourished. For- sets in motion a marked shift in policies. Excess capac- eign reserves were so low that it was impossible to ity and the availability of foreign reserves at first sup- meet the surge in demand by increasing imports. By port higher output growth, which in many cases is 1972, the government was forced to devalue the escudo accompanied by an increase in real wages. Inflation is and adjust public sector prices. It was unable to control kept low with the help of price controls. But bot- wages, however. Between 1970 and 1973, inflation in- tlenecks soon appear as a result of the strong expan- creased from 35 percent to about 600 percent a year, sion in domestic demand; because of dwindling for- and the fiscal deficit jumped from 2.7 to 24.7 percent of eign reserves, these cannot be bypassed by increasing GDP. GDP growth accelerated to 9 percent in 1971 but imports. Shortages, accelerating inflation, and declin- turned negative in 1972 and 1973, when output fell by ing reserves lead to capital flight and the demonetiza- 5.6 percent. tion of the economy. The budget deficit worsens as 133 Table 7.2 The success of economies with Institutions and development differing political systems in implementing an IMF adjustment program Another approach to the problems of political in- (percent) stability, fragile social consensus, and weak gover- Continuous Continuous Transitional nance is to build more effective institutions. This is Percentage of democratic authoritarian democratic adjustment years systems systems systems an extremely broad concept. It encompasses the In which fiscal public bodies through which the state discharges deficits fell 49 50 25 its most fundamental responsibilities: maintaining In which expendi- law and order, investing in essential infrastruc- tures as per- ture, raising taxes to finance such activities, and so centage of GDP fell 38 46 29 on. But the idea goes further. It extends to the In which credit conventions that govern the way people deal with expansion each other: property rights, contracts, and norms slowed 61 62 43 of conduct. The discussion of how society's insti- Note: Based on reform episodes in seventeen countries from the tutions affect economic performance has been one 1950s through the 1980s. Source: Haggard and Kaufman 1990. of the liveliest in the economic literature in the past two decades. Although understanding of these is- sues is far from complete, it is clear that a primary Table 7.3 The success of economies with task of institutional development is to improve al- differing political systems in controlling locative efficiency and reduce transactions costs rapid inflation the costs of people dealing with people (Box 7.3). Measure Democratic systems Authoritarian systems People's values and ideologies affect institu- tions, and these in turn affect the economy. An- Percentage of inflation episodes alyzing the role in development of such factors as which ended in stabilization In nonpolarized environments 75 62 culture, religion, law, and politics has a strong in- In polarized environments 29 67 tellectual foundation in the work of Hayek, Hegel, Marx, and Weber. Centralized political institutions Percentage of adjustment programs that led to breakdown of system backed by a strong bureaucracy are argued to have twelve months or less after stifled entrepreneurship and productivity growth program started 11 14 in ancient Chinaeven though technologically the Note: Based on 114 standby arrangements from 1954 to 1984 signed country was far ahead of what is now the West. At by nine Latin American countries. Source: Remmer 1986. the level of organizations, recent research suggests that the superior performance of Japanese manu- facturing results (among other factors) from norms of behavior that promote the flow of information tion itself fails to explain adequately whether or between workers and supervisors; these lower not countries initiate reform, implement it effec- firms' internal transactions costs and help them tively, or survive its political fallout. adapt to markets demanding high-quality prod- But as indicated in Chapter 2, there is suggestive ucts with short life cycles. Another study has evidence that links features of democratic systems found that when workers in the United States get positively with overall aspects of development and a share of their firm's profits, it seems to have a welfare. A further result emerges from the empiri- favorable effect on their productivity. cal literature on the relation between economic Often, the institutions of government can affect performance and political systems: by developing economic performance more directly. Fiscal defi- human resources and, more particularly, by cits have led to very high inflation in Latin Amer- investing in education, countries have been found ica but not in South Asia, where central banks are to strengthen the basis for open political systems. more independent. Credit programs for small and Some studies suggest that for a given level of in- medium-size industries have been much more suc- come, improvements in social indicators are asso- cessful in Sri Lankawhere they have been imple- ciated with freedom and liberty. Other studies mented by a competent and motivated civil service suggest that political instability declines not only relatively independent of political interference as income rises but also as education improves than in Bangladesh. For the same reason, rural although further research is necessary to confirm development programs have enhanced produc- this finding. tivity in some parts of South Asia, but less so in 134 Box 7.3 The contribution of institutional innovations to development Over the centuries, market-mediated transactions have that made the community, not only the borrower, re- been a major force in institutional development, which sponsible for payments. in turn has been a major force in economic develop- Behavior also adapts to market needs and influences ment. As markets have expanded, market participants transactions costs. Stealing and trading have the same spontaneously have defined rights, formulated con- linguistic root in various languages because of the dis- tracts, and evolved norms of behavior with a view to honesty of early traders. Only after markets become improving the efficiency of their interactions. established, transactions become regular, and competi- The letter of credit, a contract that emerged in the tion increases do traders have an incentive to establish Middle Ages in Italy, increased the scope of exchange and maintain their reputation. Traders in industrial and contributed to the expansion of international market economies are more honest not only because trade. By better defining creditors' rights in regard to a sanctions are administered more efficiently, but also firm's assets, public liability companiesan innovation because a good reputation reduces transactions costs. in late-eighteenth-century Englandallowed firms to Norms of behavior not yet adapted to the needs of a take risks and attract resources to activities that other- modern economy substantially increase transactions wise could not have developed. Since the 1970s, leas- costs. Pilferage is serious in the ports cities of many ing contracts have allowed enterprises to reduce the developing countries partly because stevedores are risks associated with large investments in equipment. more loyal to their families, clans, or tribes than to the In Bangladesh, the Grameen Bank found innovative organization employing them. Not pilfering and being ways to lend to low-income groups while keeping de- honest deprives their families of a source of additional faults low. This was achieved by establishing contracts incomebehavior families would consider dishonest. Africa arid Latin America. State-owned enterprises The political weaknesses of developing countries have been efficient in Singapore and Taiwan, are often, however, manifested in the efficiency of China, where they were subject to competition their bureaucracies. By itself, an efficient bureau- and their access to the budget was restrictedbut cracy does not guarantee successful development, not in Argentina, Bolivia, and Nigeria. nor can it substitute for market forces. As indi- In many instances, the state has stimulated cated above, it can even retard development. growth by restructuring institutions: the abolition Nonetheless, an efficient bureaucracy enables gov- of feudal arrangements and the standardization of ernments to govern. It was key to the survival of currency, taxes, weights and measures, and inter- ancient civilizations such as Egypt (3000 B.C.) and nal tariffs in revolutionary France in the 1790s; pa- Chinawhere the well-structured bureaucracy tent laws in nineteenth-century Europe and the which had existed since at least 200 B.C. was still United States; the integration of customs, com- operating less than a hundred years ago. The basic mercial, and civil and commercial law in both Ger- principles of bureaucracy were already well under- many and Italy in the nineteenth century; the stood by the ancient Chinese. The civil servants, modernization of Meiji Japan in the second half of the mandarins, were recruited by competitive ex- the 1800s, and that of Turkey in the early part of amination. There were systems of promotion, ca- this century; Brazil's company-law reforms in the reer patterns, and job security. Serving the state early 1970s; the creation of stock exchanges in East was a privilege reserved only for those with dem- Asia and the economic integration of Western Eu- onstrated talents. Building efficient bureaucracies rope after 1945. All of these depended on state was also an essential step in the process of nation- action. They molded the framework of enterprise making in Europebut remains a priority in many in ways which increased entrepreneurial security developing countries. and eased the flow of resources and people. In Nongovernmental organizations most developing countries, strengthening or creat- ing institutions remains a difficult but necessary Nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) have be- task (Box 7.4). come an important force in the development pro- Supporting institutional development requires a cess which, to some extent, has mitigated the costs state with well-developed administrative struc- of developing countries' institutional weaknesses, tures and agencies responsive to markets' needs. which often include administrative shortcomings 135 Box 7.4 Setting priorities for institutional development: easier said than done The priorities for institutional development naturally In northern Brazil, Egypt, India, Indonesia, and vary with a country's history, culture, economic poli- Sri Lanka, the improvement of cadastres and land tit- cies, and stage of development. For most of Eastern ling is overdue and could greatly improve the effi- Europe, the priority is to establish the institutions nec- ciency of rural credit markets and reduce the generally essary for a market economy to function efficiently: extremely high costs of rural credit. property rights, corporate and bankruptcy laws, com- In many countries, better banking supervision is mercial courts, banking legislation, and stock ex- important for successful financial liberalization. changes. For low-income Africa and Latin America, the Identifying institutional needs is not easy, however. priority is to improve the management of the public First, institutions essential in industrial societies may sector, a goal that often requires a simultaneous reduc- prove superfluous in developing countries. Stock ex- tion in the size of the government and a strengthening changes, treasury-bill markets, credit-rating bureaus, of its capacity. land-titling offices, and metrology and standards bu- Elsewhere priorities may be less clear-cut. Particular countries have their own accomplishments and needs: reaus are expensive to set up, and it is difficult to de- cide whether they are being developed ahead of mar- In South Asia and some parts of Latin America, ket needs. Second, some institutions are unproductive training and visit programs have had a strong effect on in the presence of systemwide problems. For instance, agricultural productivity. an underpaid civil service renders most public institu- In Sri Lanka, a recent change in civil courts pro- tions a hindrance rather than a help to markets. Poorly cedures has greatly improved the workings of bank- planned public spending deprives institutions of cur- ruptcy laws and reduced financial intermediation rent inputs and reduces their efficiency. Third, there costs, after several years of complaints from the bank- are no simple indicators of institutional needs and pri- ing community. orities. There is scope, however, to develop quantita- In Brazil, mechanisms are being devised to im- tive indicators of the efficiency of public institutions; prove the flow of information among universities, re- for example, how long does it take to register a busi- search institutes, and industrymaking research more ness, obtain a passport, clear customs, get an import responsive to industry's needs. license, or pay taxes? In Malaysia, a recently created government bond- rating system is expected to reduce private firms' fi- nancing costs significantly. and an inability to carry out efficiently essential ily planning. Although many developing-country development tasks, such as providing social ser-- governments are suspicious about some NGOs' vices or protecting the environment. In response, self-appointed role as agents of change, govern- NGOs have grown rapidly in recent years, both in ments of countries such as Bolivia, Egypt, India, numbers and in the volume of resources they mo- Jordan, Mexico, the Philippines, Togo, and bilize. In 1987, NGOs transferred about $5.5 billion Uganda are seeking ways to encourage more NGO from industrial to developing countriesnearly $1 action. billion more than the International Development NGOs vary in coverage and effectiveness. In Association. Bangladesh, NGOs specialized in health and fam- Most of NGOs' resources (about 60 percent) are ily planning reach only one-sixth of the country's raised by themselves. The rest ($2.2 billion in 1987) 80,000 villages. Many small NGOs' managerial ca- are from official aid agencies, which channel funds pacity needs to be developed before they can be through NGOs because such organizations are effective. For others, little is known about fund- more effective in bringing about popular participa- raising costs. In addition, even the most effective tion, in working at the grassroots level, and in NGOs cannot fulfill all the gaps left by the com- operating in remote areas. NGOs have also been mercial and public sectors. Aside from their grow- important in sensitizing governments and interna- ing numbers and the volume of resources they mo- tional aid and finance agencies to the social and bilize, the importance of NGOs lies in their ability environmental aspects of development. In addi- to involve communities and grassroots organiza- tion, in many countries, they have taken the lead tions more effectively in the development process on controversial development issues such as fam- and in addressing poverty. 136 Equity and redistribution Figure 7.2 Income inequality and the growth Governments have always been concerned with of GDP in selected economies, 1965-89 equity. Income transfers in OECD countries (ex- cluding interest payments but including social se- GDP growth per capita (percent) curity payments) amount to 40 percent of govern- 8 ment expenditure and are as high as 20-30 percent Rep. of Korea of GDP in Austria, France, Germany, the Nether- 7 -Ihiwan, % Singapore S Hong Kong lands, and Sweden. A better distribution of in- 6 -China S Indonesia come may facilitate economic management. Politi- - Thailand Yjigoslavia 5 cal scientists have suggested that mechanisms to Egyp Malaysia redistribute income by sharing the benefits of - \ Tunisia S Brazil growth more equally have helped some OECD 4 Hungar7 S Zortugai,/ S ISSyna S governments to diffuse opposition against market- 3 - Israel5 Sri Lanka ____-Colombia Bcuador Turkey Spain MexicoS S oriented reforms; the short-term victims of change 2 India S Kenya S Panama are cushioned. Costa Rica UruguayS Philippines - Bangladesh An analysis of thirty-two countries (twenty-five S S Cote d'Ivoire %.__ Trinidad and developing and seven OECD countries) showed 0 - Chile" Tobago S Peru Argentina that the higher the risk of term of trade shocks that S Venezuela a nation faces in international markets, the more -2 I I likely it is to increase trade barriers. It also showed 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 that the larger its social-insurance programs, the a Income inequality less likely it is that the government will be protec- tionist (Bates, Brock, and Tiefenthaler 1991). Other a. The ratio of the income shares of the richest 20 percent and poorest 20 percent of the population. Data on income distribution recent research suggests that wage negotiations are from surveys conducted mainly in the late 1960s and early 1970s. through nonmarket mechanisms (negotiations be- Sources: World Bank data; Berg and Sachs 1988. tween unions, industrialists, and governments) that take equity into account may explain the rela- tively low unemployment in the Nordic countries (Jackman, Pissarides, and Savouri 1990). Some tween growth and equity, which helped to en- economists have also suggested that the relatively trench antigrowth policies in socialist economies egalitarian distributions of income in Asia allowed and antiequity policies in conservative ones, has countries there to adjust to the external shocks of been further discredited by the many economies the 1970s more rapidly than their Latin American that consistently outperform the rest on both counterparts. counts: Costa Rica, Indonesia, Japan, Korea, Ma- Despite such evidence, greater equality of in- laysia (Box 7.5), and the Scandinavian economies. come is still considered by some to be inimical to Greater equality is not achieved through income growth. Increasing the capital stock, it is argued, transfersexcept in the case of safety nets for vul- requires high saving rates; this in turn implies a nerable, small, and well-targeted groups of the distribution of income that is tilted toward the population. World Development Report 1990 showed (high-saving) rich. The Republic of Korea's tax re- that the pattern of development has strong distri- form of 1973 largely excluded capital income (inter- butional implications. Industrial protection and ests, dividends, capital gains, and other returns on discriminatory taxes on farming help to explain assets) from the tax base. The conventional wis- why income inequality is more severe in Latin dom among industrial countries as well as policy- America than in Asia. The bulk of developing makers in developing countries has been that countries' revenues generally consist of indirect things ought to be done "one at a time": first, taxes, which are generally less progressive than economic growth; second, social equity; third, income taxes. Subsidies for capital (in the form of civil and political liberties. tax incentives, subsidized credit, or currency over- In fact, there is no evidence that saving is pos- valuation) invariably lead to more capital-intensive itively related to income inequality or that income modes of production, and thus worsen inequality leads to higher growth. If anything, it distribution. seems that inequality is associated with slower Another lesson is that public expenditure can growth (Figure 7.2). The notion of a trade-off be- have powerful redistributive effects. Various 137 Box 7.5 The politics of inclusion: Malaysia and Sri Lanka Similar starts claimed tens of thousands of lives. The cost of de- stroyed infrastructure and forgone income from dis- Both Malaysia and Sri Lanka were British colonies rupted economic activities has been estimated to be until 1963 and 1948, respectively. Both had well-devel- close to two-thirds of GDP. In addition to its superior oped, export-oriented, tree-crop plantations in the growth, Malaysia has reduced the incidence of poverty 1960srubber and palm oil in Malaysia, rubber and tea from 50 percent in 1970 to 10 percent todayand re- in Sri Lanka. Both had sophisticated bureaucracies. duced the inequalities between and within ethnic Both had advanced democratic political institutions. groups. And both had relatively well-educated populations, with 90 percent primary school enrollment. Both coun- Reasons for the difference tries also had problems caused by the presence of Unlike Sri Lanka (until 1977, when the economy was highly differentiated ethnic groups, with a majority liberalized) Malaysia's authorities adjusted the anti- that was economically underprivileged but politically growth elements of their policiessuch as foreign in- dominant. In Malaysia, Bumiputras (Malays and other vestment and industrial licensing ruleswhen growth Sons of the soil) accounted for 55 percent of the popula- rates faltered. Trade policies were kept open, with tion, Chinese 35 percent, and Indians 10 percent. In Sri moderate tariff levels (although, in selected important Lanka, Sinhalese accounted for 72 percent of the popu- cases, highly effective protection was retained). Private lation, Tamils 18 percent, and other groups 10 percent. enterprises did not need permits to expand production Both countries adopted discriminatory policies specifi- or invest. Nor were they harassed by currency con- cally to improve the lot of the majority groups (legis- trols, extensive quantitative trade restrictions, or the latively in Malaysia and de facto in Sri Lanka). threat of nationalization without compensation. Minor- Both countries used public enterprises not only in the plantation sector, but also in other areas such as ity businesses that were discriminated against in do- mestic markets were thus not shut out from business airlines, cement, banks, and manufacturing. They sup- opportunities abroad. They could use their income to ported rice farmers through subsidized fertilizer, buy abroad goods and services (such as education) that credit, and irrigation. They gave preferred access to public employment and public procurement to the ma- were being denied them at home. Sri Lanka's heavy regulatory framework before 1977 jority ethnic group. And they emphasized education gave ample opportunities for discretion and discrimi- and health services for allbut biased higher education nation. Economic controls ended up becoming controls in favor of the majority. on individualsdespite Sri Lanka's democratic tradi- Different results tions. Travel was restricted because of exchange con- trols, and simple business transactions (such as obtain- In the early 1960s, Malaysia's per capita income (at $320) was twice Sri Lanka's. Three decades later, Ma- ing a permit to invest, to import, or to expand production) often ended up being highly politicized. laysia's per capita income is five times Sri Lanka's. The perception was that government could influence, Malaysia has also contained conflict among its ethnic and was influencing, the distribution of assets among groups without serious violence. By contrast, since ethnic groups. a 1983, ethnic and regional conflicts in Sri Lanka have -w studies have found that education is the most im- nants of wages, regardless of productivity. Help- portant single variable influencing income in- ing women to participate in labor markets has equality. Investments in education, health, and been an important reason for the improving distri- nutritionif well-designed and -implemented bution of income in Malaysia and Indonesia. Gov- can improve distribution and at the same time pro- ernment spending on improving infrastructure mote development in other ways. The reform pro- and the delivery of social services has traditionally grams of the 1980s and 1990s thus have empha- been the main mechanism to integrate markets, sized more and more the need to protect social and this remains of major importance. A variety of programs during fiscal adjustment. other public programs that can reduce inequalities When markets work well, greater equity often while improving allocative efficiency and spurring comes naturally. For instance, labor markets are growthfor example, programs designed to im- fragmented in many countries. People with similar prove access to infrastructure, credit, and land. attributes are unable to obtain similar rewards or Land reform often seems to have raised the in- employment: sex, ethnicity, location, and indus- comes of the poor. China, Japan, and Korea are all trial occupation consistently appear as determi- regarded as outstanding examples of economies 138 that have succeeded at land reform. The evidence ing their involvement in the economy, reviewing on its effect on agricultural efficiency is more their spending priorities, and undertaking fewer mixed, however. It is hard to separate the effects of commercial activities. For this reappraisal to suc- land redistribution from the effects of the comple- ceed, the administrative capacity of the state will mentary investments and institutions oriented to- need to be improvedand governments will have ward increasing agricultural productivity that have to cope with opposition from the vested interests typically accompanied land reform. There does ap- created by decades of excessive intervention. pear to be evidence, however, that the social stabil- ity resulting from land reform has contributed to Rationalizing public expenditure faster growth. For all these reasons, efforts to improve equity Government expenditure accounts for slightly can sit comfortably within reform programs aimed more than 20 percent of GDP in low-income coun- at promoting growth. It is clear, however, that tries, and close to 30 percent in middle-income market-distorting and overzealous redistribution ones. These ratios are much lower than in indus- can quickly pose overwhelming financial prob- trial countries today, but much higher than in in- lems. For example, the cost of food subsidies in dustrial countries at a comparable stage of devel- Brazil in the late 1970s, and more recently in opment (Tables 7.4 and 7.5). The evidence Egypt, ballooned as international food prices went suggests that many of the developing countries' up. Subsidies to protect declining industries have public spending programs provide very low to rise continuously to achieve the same effect, be- returns. cause maintaining preference requires that dy- namism elsewhere in the economy must be offset. PuBLIc INVESTMENT. The quality of public in- In Europe, for instance, maintaining farm incomes vestment significantly depends on the quality of relative to other incomes has become more and the economic climate (see Chapter 4). But some more expensive because of faster growth in other developing countries are experiencing economic sectors. difficulties because the projects themselves, very Also, crude transfers through market-distorting often financed with the support of external agen- interventions almost always end up worsening the cies, were ill-advised. A loss-making silver-smelt- distribution of income rather than improving it. ing plant in Bolivia, a value-subtracting shoe fac- Fertilizer subsidies in Bangladesh, Brazil, Ecuador, Egypt, India, and Pakistan accrue mainly either to Table 7.4 Percentage share of government fertilizer manufacturers or to better-off farmers. expenditure in GNP or GDP, industrial The large subsidy on wheat in the 1970s in Brazil countries, 1880-1985 reduced the demand for Leans grown by small United United farmers. Production of beans declined. Farmers Year France Germany Japan Sweden Kingdom States sold their land and migrated to the cities, where 1880a 15 10 11 6 10 8 they increased the demand for subsidized wheat. 1929a 19 31 19 8 24 10 Rich commercial farmers bought the migrants' 1960b 35 32 18 31 32 28 1985b 52 47 33 65 48 37 land at distress prices. GNP. GDP. Reforming the public sector Source: World Bank, various years. In about the fourteenth century, an Arabic treatise Table 7.5 Percentage share of government argued: "Commercial activity on the part of the expenditure and consumption in GNP or ruler is harmful to his subjects and ruinous to the GDP, industrial and developing countries, tax revenue . . . crowds out competitors; dictates 1972 and 1986 prices for materials and products which could lead Expenditure Consumptionb to the financial ruin of many businesses. When the Economy group 1972 1986 1972 1986 ruler's attacks on property are extensive and gen- Low-income 19 23 12 13 eral, affecting all means of making a livelihood, the Lower-middle-income 15 27 11 14 slackening of business activity too becomes gen- Upper-middle-income 25 27 12 14 Industrial market 28 40 14 19 eral" (Ibn Khaldun 1981). One of the most striking a. GNP. legacies of the 1980s is the rediscovery of these b. GDP. ancient truths. Many governments are reconsider- Source: World Bank, various years. 139 tory in Tanzania, and irrigation systems with low tion since 1985 and probably the farthest-reaching, rates of return in Sri Lanka are only a few of count- has yet to establish an effective system to control less possible examples. The costs can be consider- recruitment. able. In Zaire, the hydropower and transmission- None of the programs now under way appears line project that was mentioned earlier in this to embrace a serious examination of government chapter cost almost $3 billion in 1990 pricesabout functions to determine which can be privatized, a third of the country's external debt. The project delegated to the local community, or stopped alto- has never operated at more than 30 percent of its gether. Given the need for smaller, more efficient capacity, and it is now in the midst of extensive public sectors and a more dynamic private sector, rehabilitation, although it began operating only in future civil service reform efforts would definitely 1982. This is an extreme case, but unproductive benefit from tackling such larger issues. projects on a less spectacular scale are all too common. SUBSIDIES AND TRANSFERS. Expenditure on sub- sidies and transfers accounts for about 3 percent of WAGES AND THE CIVIL SERVICE. Wage bills are a GDP on average for a large sample of countries. It large part of government expenditure in most is difficult to generalize about them because they countries. Before the reform programs, the wage are one of the most heterogeneous categories of bill absorbed more than 60 percent of current reve- spending. Moreover, reporting systems are weak nues in the Central African Republicand more in most countries. The real cost of subsidies and than 40 percent in the Gambia. The tendency to transfers could easily be twice what is on the overstaff and underpay that in the last few dec- books. Subsidies often result from government in- ades has prevailed in many developing countries terventions in prices, and they may apply to all means that much of this spending is wasted. The manner of goods and services: wheat in Egypt and problem of poor motivation has often been com- the Soviet Union; bus travel in Sri Lanka; fertilizer pounded by ill-defined career structures, and by in Bangladesh, Ecuador, and India; and so on. politicized recruitment and senior appointments. Transfers are usually made to state-owned enter- In some countries the institutional structures and prises. They become necessary either because the systems originally established to staff and operate SOEs are inefficient, or because price controls and the civil service have collapsed. In Uganda, a civil other restrictions force them to operate at a loss. service census turned up not only numerous non- These transfers, however, are generally insuffi- existent workers but also entire nonexistent cient to meet the enterprises' needs for capital in- schools. vestment; as a result, standards of service have As a result, in Latin America, South Asia, and deteriorated dramatically in some countries. The Africa, civil service reform has become a high pri- telephone system and railways in Argentina and ority for many governments. Civil service reform the bus service in Egypt, for instance, have suf- programs generally have three components. The fered from far too little investment. first is a retrenchment effort to downsize the civil services to more manageable numbers of em- MILITARY SPENDING. The world spends $1,000 ployees. The second is pay and grading restructur- billion on the military every year. In the late 1980s, ing to increase incentives, reduce moonlighting military expenditure totaled $860 billion a year in and corruption, and provide a better framework high-income countries and $170 billion a year in for career development. The third is institutional developing ones. Of this $170 billion, $38 billion rebuilding to create the control structures and op- was spent on imports of arms, mostly from indus- erating procedures needed to manage a modern trial countries. and efficient civil service. If global military expenditure were reduced, the Most civil service reform programs have moved world would undoubtedly be a better place. But is on all fronts simultaneously. The more successful this realistic? Humanity is no stranger to wars and African programs have cut back on the numbers of conflictstwentieth-century humanity least of all public employees (Ghana, the Gambia, and (Box 7.6). The recent war in the Gulf region; ensu- Guinea). But their progress has been limited to ing conflicts there; continued violence in Af- improved pay structures and some reform of insti- ghanistan, Angola, Central America, and Indoc- tutional structures. No African country's ongoing hina; civil wars in Ethiopia, Mozambique, reform program has completely rebuilt its civil ser- Somalia, and Sudan; and the snail's pace of super- vice structures. The Ghanaian program, in opera- power disarmamentall make it only too clear 140 how difficult progress toward lasting peace will ternal threats. Military spending is more than 10 be. percent of GDP in several countries. After the eth- Unsurprisingly, military spending is higher in nic conflict that erupted in 1983, Sri Lanka's mili- the developing countries that face external or in- tary expenditure has increased from less than 1 Box 7.6 War and development The two world wars involved unprecedented numbers vador's oil refining and storage facilities and paralyzed of nations and resulted in unprecedented loss of life. the Central American Common Market. Military ex- But regional wars and civil upheavals since 1945 have penditure and forgone output during the first five also claimed lives and have devastated individual years of the Iran-Iraq conflict cost more than $400 bil- countries, many of them in the developing world (Box lion. The cost by the end of the war in 1988 was much table 7.6). The commonly reported estimates of 450,000 higher. Economic disruption is similarly severe in civil deaths in the Iran-Iraq conflict equal about 1 percent of wars. The conflict in northern Ethiopia's Eritrea terri- those countries' combined populations at the start of tory has cut the labor force; bombs and mines have the conflict in 1979. The 2 million losses in the Ethio- caused farmers to avoid some land, thus effectively pian Civil War constitute more than 7 percent of the taking it out of production-40 percent of land was country's 1974 population. estimated to have been left idle in 1987, which partly Battlefield death tolls underestimate war's impact. explains the food shortfalls in the region. War makes heavy claims on the most productive Inevitably, war retards development. The combined workers. In World War I, only 4.5 percent of Ger- costs of replacing lost equipment, providing health many's fatalities were more than forty years old; 63 care for the wounded, and enduring lower produc- percent were between ages twenty and thirty. In addi- tivity are paid long after armistice. In the Nigerian Civil tion, soldiers are not the only ones to die. Civilians War of 1967-70, the government sought to finance the succumb directly fighting and from war-related famine war without triggering high inflation or causing deteri- and disease; military mobilization results in lower birth oration in the balance of payments. It restricted bank rates. Totaled this way, the loss of life during the period credit to restrain internal demand; it raised taxes, cut 1914-21 (which includes the Soviet civil war) may ex- capital investment, and sharply decreased nondeferise ceed 60 million. Only about 8 million of these were expenditures, including those for general administra- mobilized men. tion, social and community welfare, and economic ser- The costs of fighting involve more than the cost of vices. But because of the high cost of importing bullets, uniforms, and equipment. The 1969 Soccer weapons and of forgone exports, these policies could War between Honduras and El Salvador lasted just 100 not prevent the deterioration of Nigeria's balance of hours. About 2,000 people died. But 100,000 people payments position. became refugees. The fighting destroyed half of El Sal- Box table 7.6 Deaths during wars, 1900-89 Total deaths Deaths during Deaths during as percentage Number of wars international wars (thousands) civil wars (thousands) of world Period Civil International Civilian Military Total' Civilian Military Total' population 1900-09 10 6 230 12 243 25 139 166 0.02 1910-19 15 9 7,045 13,470 20,556 1,140 139 1,327 1.13 1920-29 11 8 21 42 109 39 111 371 0.02 1930-39 11 8 933 838 1,770 646 1,109 1,796 0.17 1940-49 13 7 20,176 19,110 39,285 1,007 5 2,182 1.70 1950-59 20 5 1,073 1,926 3,031 1,571 253 1,879 0.17 1960-69 12 9 622 605 1,256 1,827 1,222 3,301 0.13 1970-79 18 7 639 606 1,246 3,543 1,236 4,957 0.16 1980-89 29 6 702 931 1,733 1,899 179 2,081 0.08 1900-89 141 63 31,440 37,539 69,229 11,697 4,393 18,059 Note: All but 11,000 of the war deaths following 1949 took place in developing countries. All numbers are estimates and are subject to significant error. Domestic conflicts are not always clearly definable as civil wars, and thus coverage of these statistics varies among studies. A variety of civil disruptions are excluded. For example, estimated deaths during purges and collectivization in the Soviet Union during the 1930s, which range from 5 to 20 million people, are not included. Figures for deaths resulting from other such events after World War II are also excluded because of poor data. Rough estimates for these range up to 15 million. Also, some wars are counted as civil even when foreign intervention occurred. Deaths during the Korean War, deaths during the Viet Nam War for the 1965-75 period, and the war in Afghanistan for the 1978-89 period are included under international wars. a. Totals include total estimated deaths. When breakdowns are unavailable, deaths are omitted from civilian and military subcategories. Totals may also differ as a result of rounding. Deaths were prorated when reporting periods spanned more than one decade. Sources: Sivard 1988, 1989. 141 Table 7.6 Public expenditure on the military compared with that on social sectors, 1986 (percentage of GNP) Military Expenditure on health and education expenditure 1-1.9 2-4.9 5-9.9 lOand above Less than 1 Brazil Mexico Barbados Gambia Costa Rica Ghana Niger Cyprus Luxembourg 1-1.9 Nigeria Argentina Haiti Algeria Papua New Austria Paraguay Bangladesh Nepal Central Guinea Finland Cameroon Philippines African Rep. Swaziland Ireland Colombia Romania Côte d'Ivoire Trinidad and Japan Dominican Rep. Rwanda Fiji Tobago Switzerland Ecuador Sierra Leone Jamaica Venezuela Guatemala Malta 2-4.9 Uganda Burundi India Bulgaria Malawi Australia Zaire Benin Indonesia Chile Mauritania Belgium Bolivia Mali Congo Poland Botswana Burkina Faso Myanmar Czechoslovakia Senegal Canada El Salvador Turkey Gabon Somalia Denmark Guinea Uruguay German Dem. Rep. South Africa France Hungary Spain Germany, Fed. Rep. Italy Tanzania Netherlands Kenya Thailand New Zealand Lesotho Togo Norway Liberia Yugoslavia Panama Madagascar Zambia Portugal Sweden 5-9.9 Chad Sri Lanka Bahrain Malaysia United Kingdom China Sudan Cuba Morocco Zimbabwe Pakistan United Arab Egypt Singapore Peru Emirates Ethiopia Tunisia Greece United States Honduras Yemen, Arab Rep. Korea, Rep. of Kuwait 10 and above Angola Iran, I.R. of Syria Guyana Iraq Israel USSR Libya Jordan Yemen, P.D.R. Nicaragua Oman Saudi Arabia Note: The ranges given in this table are illustrative of the differences in expenditures in the different categories; they are not necessarily indicative of precise differences across countries because of some differences in the definition of the categories. The estimates of social expenditure do not cover those by local bodies. Source: Sivard 1989. percent of GDP to about 5 percent. Many poor still an enormous sum; in many countries it would countries expend more on the military than on so- be more than enough to double government cial sectors (Table 7.6). During the past three de- spending on infrastructure or on health and cades, military and civilian regimes appear to have education. spent roughly the same share of their GDP on Governments need to take every possible step their armed forces. to reduce military expenditure. Costa Rica is an In high-income countries, military spending has outstanding example of a government which de- been increasing at the same rate as GDP. In devel- cided to reduce military spending and focus its oping countries, military expenditure has been de- efforts on the provision of health and education cliningfrom 6-7 percent of GDP in the late 1970s an approach which improved equity and achieved to about 5 percent in the second half of the 1980s, a degree of political stability unusual in the devel- This was mainly the result of a drastic reduction of oping world. Costa Rica's poor soils and sparse military spending in the Middle East (especially in natural resources meant, however, that the coun- Syria and Egypt) and in Latin America (after the try had few enemies; its experience may not be fiscal crisis of the 1980s). But 5 percent of GDP is easy to replicate. 142 Many countries have to deal with bigger internal virtually everywhere. Except for relatively ad- and external threats than those facing Costa Rica; vanced economies such as Argentina, Brazil, and even so, these threats hardly justify the sums be- Mexico, the infrastructure of privatizationlaw- ing spent today on armed might. Aid and finance yers, accountants, merchant bankers, and entre- agencies are entitled to ask whether it makes sense preneursis largely missing in most developing to help governments whose first priority is not to countries. The need to build up this infrastructure develop but to add to their military strength. is particularly acute in Eastern Europe, where it is difficult even to find qualified individuals to serve Privatizing and reforming state-owned enterprises as directors of companies. Departments compe- tent to handle privatization must be created, then In the 1980s and 1990s so far, transferring state- adequately staffed and funded: a challenge in itself owned enterprises to the private sector has been during times of financial stringency. an important government objective both in OECD Legal issues also complicate privatization. In countries such as New Zealand and the United Mexico, constitutional amendments had to be pas- Kingdom, and in developing countries such as Ar- sed in 1983 before privatization could go forward. gentina, Brazil, Chile, Ghana, the Republic of Ko- In Turkey, sales were canceled when the courts rea, Malaysia, Mexico, Nigeria, Togo, and Turkey. deemed them illegal. In socialist economies, laws In most of these countries, privatization has meant must be passed defining property rights, legaliz- much more than merely transferring assets to the ing private ownership, establishing guidelines for private sector. It has been part of a broader exer- articles of incorporation, and protecting minority cise aimed at stabilizing and liberalizing the econ- shareholder interests; all these are necessary if the omy on several frontsregulation, prices, trade, legality of a private purchase of a company is to be the financial sector. Governments have con- established. Similarly, the legality of the seller sciously set out to redefine the economic role of must be established. Contrary to popular belief, the state. As part of this shift, they have curtailed governments in socialist countries did not hold the SOEs' privileged access to the budget or credit clear titles to firms. In some instances, assets were system, tariff or nontariff protection for their prod- nationalized shortly after World War II, but the ucts, and regulatory protection from private com- promised compensation, which would have legal- petitors. They have signaled a new determination ized the nationalizations, was never made. not to pursue narrow distributional goals at the Czechoslovakia and the former German Demo- expense of efficiency. cratic Republic established new laws granting pre- Many countries have taken the view that unless vious owners priority rights to compensation or privatization were part of such a broad program of the return of their original property. Uncertainty reform, it would be an empty gesture. It would over whether there is a prior claim on the firm's merely transfer the control of rents from the public assets has made many potential investors wary of to the private sector. There have been variants on privatization. this general approach. In China, deregulation has Previous attempts at decentralization in socialist been accompanied by new institutional arrange- economies had given workers in many enterprises ments that allow the government to retain owner- rights that traditionally belong to shareholders in ship while improving the enterprises' efficiency. Western countries. Workers' councils in Poland In Argentina, and in Mexico to a lesser extent, pri- have the right to decide on mergers and enterprise vatization with heavy foreign participation has dissolution, asset sales, and appointment of chief been used to reduce external debt and increase executive officers; in Yugoslavia, workers' rights investment in basic infrastructure, such as energy are codified even more extensively. In addition, and telecommunications. In Argentina and Brazil, state-owned assets are one of the few positive leg- revenues from privatization are also expected to acies of years of communist rule; the people insist contribute significantly to balancing the fiscal on a fair distribution of this wealth as partial com- deficit. pensation for the suffering of the past. As a result, there is strong resistance to passing it into the PROBLEMS OF IMPLEMENTATION. Privatization hands of the old communist nomenklaturathe has proven to be an arduous exercise, however. managerial class, linked through party ties, who Thin markets for domestic capital, adverse eco- ran the economy. Yet this group is among the rich- nomic conditions, and the resistance of trade est, and it has the best information on the real unions and civil servants have slowed the process worth of enterprises and the business connections 143 to make firms run. These is a fear that an open pany, the national airline, some components of the market sale of assets will restore the nomenklatura national petroleum company, and the main dis- to its earlier dominance. tributor of electricity. More privatizations are ex- The experience of the former German Demo- pected in the near future. In Chile, privatizations cratic Republic suggests that, even under favorable have reversed the emergency nationalizations of financial, legal, and technical conditions, selling the preceding years; sectors traditionally domi- enterprises will take some time. The 9,000 state nated by the government, such as steel, petro- enterprises to be privatized in eastern Germany leum, and telecommunications, may be privatized correspond to about 30,000-40,000 firms in a mar- in the near future. ket economy. Even though state enterprise sales In Côte d'Ivoire, the private sector, already in- by Germany's privatization agency (Treuhan- volved in water supply, is also going into power danstalt) have now reached 300 per month (com- generation; in Togo, textile firms have been sold to pared with 25 per month during ten years in the foreign investors. More privatizations are expected British privatization program), it will take years to soon in Brazil, Peru, Sri Lanka, and Turkey. Liq- complete the process. Uncertainty about the value uidations of nonviable SOEs are going ahead in of the companies was initially so great that pur- several African countries. chase prices were to be settled later by arbitration. The first phase of drafting and implementing Although asset and enterprise values are now new legal statutes has been largely completed in clearer, price contingency clauses are being in- Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Poland, and Yugo- cluded in most sales contracts to enforce commit- slavia. Czechoslovakia and Poland seem commit- ments by buyers. ted to a quicker pace of privatization and to the Overall economic conditions, political consid- creation of a broader shareholding base. Hungary erations, and technical aspects of the process also has opted to go more slowly; it is creating joint- complicate privatization. In Chile, some of the stock companies whose shares are deposited with firms privatized during the period 1974-78 were a state holding company until the enterprises can renationalized within a few years to salvage them be valued and sold through public offerings. It ex- from the bankruptcies that followed the deep eco- pects to privatize about two hundred companies in nomic crisis. In the mid-1980s in Nepal, a privatiz- this way during 1991. ation was reversed because of opposition to the In Poland most shops, gas stations, and trucks transfer of the enterprise to a minority ethnic are already owner-operated, and a significant por- group. In Bangladesh, unresolved questions of tion of housing is now private. Typically, the as- share pricing and debt overhang led privatized sets have been leased, not bought outright. Auc- firms to neglect investment in maintenance and tions of small assets, coordinated by the central new capacity. Instead, the firms concentrated on authorities, have already started in Czecho- generating immediate cash flowand much of the slovakia. For the larger firms, programs of "free" efficiency gains expected from privatization evapo- distribution of shares are being planned to acceler- rated. In the former German Democratic Republic ate privatization. The Polish plan calls for the con- and Hungary, the first heads of the privatization version of several hundred large firms into joint- agencies resigned within a year; in Argentina, al- stock companies, with most shares allotted to leged corruption in some privatizations led to a workers, pension funds, banks, and other finan- cabinet reshuffle. Even where privatization has cial intermediaries (acting as trust funds for the encountered fewer setbacks, achievements have population at large); the remaining shares will be often been modest. In Mexico, for instance, two- sold to private investors. Similar arrangements thirds of SOEs have been privatizedbut these may be worked out in Czechoslovakia. sales account for less than 20 percent of the SOEs' total assets. LESSONS. Privatization is necessary and highly desirable, even though difficult and time-consum- A REVOLUTION NONETHELESS. The recent change ing. It is not to be undertaken as end in itself, but in government thinking on privatization has been, as a means to an end: to use resources more effi- despite such difficulties, extraordinary. Much of ciently. Removing price distortions and controls as what has been achieved would have been unthink- quickly as possible is essential for that purpose. able ten years ago. In Argentina, the government Unless prices are true indicators of costs and con- has privatized two television stations, and sumer demand, the true profitability of an enter- awarded sales contracts for the telephone corn- prise can not be known, so its asset cannot be 144 properly valued. Selling the enterprise at an ap- are to be found in many economies: for instance, propriate price may be impossible, and meanwhile Brazil, Ethiopia, France, Italy, Korea, Malaysia, managers will be unable to make informed deci- and Singapore. These show that SOEs can be run sions on investment and production. Letting the as efficient commercial concerns responsive to price system work as it should means removing consumers. In many developing countries, im- distortions such as price controls, distorted trans- proving the performance of SOEs is as urgent as fer prices between enterprises, subsidized loans, privatization in its own right. and preferential access to the budget and credit system; it also means getting macroeconomic p01- The challenge of reform icy right, and that includes avoiding an overvalued exchange rate. The challenge for governments is to implement re- It would be difficult to privatize all SOEs in the forms in the face of sometimes trenchant political near future even if governments wanted to. Mean- opposition. Structural reforms may hurt powerful while efforts to raise productivity cannot wait. interests. Streamlining the civil service threatens Governments need not hesitate to liquidate inher- urban workers with unemployment, especially in ently unprofitable enterprises, and the remaining Africa, where the public sector often employs up SOEs can be managed much more effectively. Soft to half the salaried work force. Groups that can budget constraints, interference in management organize against reform have to be reckoned with; and recruitment, and restrictions on competition the beneficiaries are often dispersed and unor- (either in product or factor markets) need to be ganized, making it difficult for the government to reduced or eliminated. Efficient state enterprises count on their support. Box 7.7 From a centrally planned to a market economy Transforming a centrally planned economy into a mar- posals some agricultural, retail, and residential assets ket economy requires complex and unprecedented re- would be privatized early.) The rationale is that private forms. There is no experience to guide transitions of ownership requires financial institutions, experience, the current magnitude. And most countries in transi- and expertise that do not yet exist in the transitional tion are simultaneously creating a new political order. economies. Without this infrastructure, rapid privatiz- There is relatively little disagreement that the transi- ation could lead to widespread corruption and eco- tions have to be made, but there is much controversy nomic and political chaos. Within each school there are about the theory, timing, scope, speed, and sequenc- further differences on the proper order for addressing ing of reforms. particular distortions. Three sets of issues arise. One concerns the eco- No single reform sequence will fit all the transitional nomic implications of a policy sequence: will one kind economies. Reform histories vary; unlike others, Hun- of reform achieve its objectives while other economic gary has had more than two decades of experience distortions remain? Another question is political: will with decentralized economic decisions. Macro- mounting opposition derail reforms scheduled near the economic conditions range from great instability (the end of the sequence? Finally, there is technical fea- Soviet Union) to relative stability (Czechoslovakia). Pri- sibility. New legal, accounting, and financial systems vate sector activity has been relatively higher in pre- will require greater technical expertise and longer ges- dominantly agricultural countries such as China and tation periods than reforms that include only price Viet Nam but negligible in more industrialized nations. deregulation. A preferred sequencing (Box figure 7.7) would in- One school of reform proposals puts change in own- clude early steps to stabilize the macroeconomy and ership at the head of the sequence before or alongside deregulate domestic- and external-sector prices to give changes that address macroeconomic stability and mar- clear, accurate signals for economic activity and for the kets. The rationale is partly political. With early priva- valuation of enterprises. These steps would be accom- tization, there is less risk that the economy will remain panied and followed by intense efforts to rationalize state-controlled and greater pressure for complemen- enterprises, improve economic decisionmaking, re- tary market-oriented reforms. But another school of form trade policy, and build managerial skills and a thought begins with macroeconomic and market-build- strong financial sector. Privatization of large state en- ing reforms: it leaves privatizationat least for large terprises would become the next priority. Protection state enterprisesto a second stage. (Under both pro- 145 Box 7.7 (continued) would be cut and the economy would be opened to pacities. Indeed, a three-to-five-year time span seems foreign competition on a firm, preannounced sched- optimistic in light of the progress achieved so far in the ulefirst in goods and later in capital markets. Institu- transitional economies. tion building would be a basic theme from the start and Reforms will surely involve painful adjustments. In- at all levels: the legal contractual system, the structure flation and unemployment will worsen as price con- of ownership, and the roles of key organizations in the trols are removed and the real economic losses of some economy would require reform and restructuring. activities are revealed. Political opposition may mount Large-scale privatization would not be at the head of with these developments and with the rise in income the sequence, but to address the risk in delaying it, inequality that comes after radical change in the incen- there would be early legal commitments (the distribu- tive structure. But progress in exports and the availabil- tion of shares) that would guarantee private ownership ity of consumer goods could soon follow. And, given within a reasonable time. The program would be fast, the relatively strong human resource endowments in in that each type of reform would move at the maxi- Eastern Europe, prospects for growth could be mum rate consistent with developing institutional ca- excellent. Box figure 7.7 The phasing of reform Area of reform Year of reform 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 I I I I I I Macroeconomy Maintain stability Markets Goods and services Prices es Liberalize prices of some necessities (including housing) Trade Remove QRs Adjust tariffs to modest level Distribution Privatize; demonopolize Develop Deregulate hiring Labor market and firing Liberalize wage bargaining Financial market Restructure and develop Liberalize and privatize Ownership structure Small enterprises Develop and privatize Large enterprises Evaluate Restructure and privatize Foreign investment Revise regulations Government Legal framework Institutional r'ti Extend reforms to other areas Reform legal and regulatory institutions and fiscal administration framework Social safety net gencies Institutionalize Note: Darker shading indicates intensive action. QRs, quantitative restrictions. 146 If output responds quickly to a program of re- Of course, there are limits to persuasion. Often, forms, support for the program will increase and it seems, reform can be born only of a full-blown the changes can be consolidated. Rapid growth in economic or political crisis. Examples range from exports bolstered reforms in Indonesia, Korea, Meiji Japan to contemporary Argentina, Ghana, and Turkey. Strong export growth can also help to Peru, and Poland. Sometimes, even in the face of prevent policy reversals caused by balance of pay- economic collapse, reform is blocked by the gov- ments problems and dwindling foreign exchange ernment's key supporters. In such cases, external reserves. Reforms that improve the investment cli- lenders and aid agencies face an extremely uncom- mate are more likely to be sustained because new fortable fact: despite the country's need of external investors will add to the forces in support. Ex- resources, such support may do more harm than panding output and investment would enlarge the good by helping to keep the anti-reform adminis- tax base, raise tax revenues, and reduce the budget tration in power. deficit. All this argues for reforms that are bold In countries that are not paralyzed by political enough to elicit a prompt supply-side response. forces, and where reform can go forward, the task Timid programs are unlikely to win converts to the for external aid and finance agencies is to promote cause of reform. Many reformers in Eastern Eu- it. They can do this by avoiding support for un- rope have taken these lessons to heart (Box 7.7). productive activities or for new projects that Despite the political difficulties, many govern- would be implemented under severely distorted ments have shown great ingenuity in implement- conditions. In many countries, external agencies ing controversial reforms. For instance, the gov- must help to strengthen the public institutions ernments of Bolivia, Ghana, Korea, and Mexico without which development assistance is likely strived to convince the public of the costs of inac- to be ineffectual. Reform sometimes imposes tion and to explain the thinking behind their re- heavy costs on those least able to bear them: the forms. International diplomacy can lend credibility poor. Well-designed safety nets (such as the emer- to the cause. Agreements with the EEC helped gency adjustment funds introduced in Bolivia and Greece, Israel, Portugal, and Spain adopt trade Ghana in the 1980s) can help the most vulnerable reforms in the 1960s; accession to the GAU and, in doing so, broaden the constituency for helped Mexico in 1986. Some governments have development. negotiated social pacts to distribute the burden of Reform will remain a formidable task, requiring adjustment equitably between labor and business, political courage and economic vision. Combining as in Mexico in the 1980s and Israel in 1986. In the many different elements described here and in Chile in the early 1980s and Sri Lanka in the other chapters is, in itself, enormously difficult. mid-1980s, the success of trade liberalization grad- The appropriate combination of factors will vary ually changed the orientation of the manufac- from country to country, according to circum- turers' association from import substitution to stances. And even when reform is well-designed, export promotion. In general, governments governments are sure to encounter unforeseen set- committed to addressing their societies' problems backs, some of them entirely beyond their control. have rarely lost power because of this deter- Development is indeed a challengebut, as his- mination. tory tells us, one that can be met. 147 Priorities for action The past forty years have witnessed many cases of forms have succeeded under varied economic and remarkably rapid economic advance among the political conditions. countries of the developing worldso rapid that The progress of development in the 1990s will some countries are on the point of "graduating" depend on concerted action by the global commu- to the ranks of the high-income industrial coun- nity, including industrial and developing countries tries. Most developing countries have made prog- and external finance agencies. Their joint task is to ress at a slower pace. Even so, in comparison with foster a global economic climate that promotes the the industrial countries at a comparable stage of exchange of goods, knowledge, and capital. It is development, these countries have still done well, the particular responsibility of the industrial coun- and their standards of living have improved tries and the finance agencies to greatly. Unfortunately, however, in some coun- Defend and extend the liberal order of inter- tries, especially in Sub-Saharan Africa, develop- national trade established after 1945 ment is moving too slowly to make much differ- Ease the flow of capital across borders ence in people's lives. For them, better economic Pursue domestic economic policies that pro- performance is not merely very desirable. It is lit- mote global saving and steady, noninflationary erally a matter of life and death. growth This wide range of experience has told us much, Support the transfer of technology though by no means everything, about what Protect the environment and conserve energy. works in development and what does not. Devel- In discharging these responsibilities, the indus- opment has emerged as a fragile and multidimen- trial countries will be directly furthering their own sional process. It depends on complex interactions interests. At the same time, they will be laying the among institutions, policies, and the global eco- foundation for more rapid advance in the develop- nomic climate. There have been no shortcuts. Nei- ing world. ther forced modernization of industry nor massive As important as these actions by the industrial inflows of external resources led to the gains ex- countries are, the future of the developing coun- pected a generation ago. But steadyeven excep- tries is largely in their own hands. Even if the in- tionalprogress has come through actions that dustrial countries fail to play their part, the devel- foster competitive markets, private initiative, and oping countries can do much to move forward investment in physical and human capital. more quickly. It would be a tragic mistake for them It is true that many countries must overcome to use the weaknesses of economic policy in the tremendous obstaclesadverse natural condi- industrial countries as a reason to delay essential tions, poor infrastructure, weak administrative ca- economic reforms. The right strategy for the devel- pacity, entrenched special interests, and inade- oping countries, whether external conditions are quate financial resources. Experience is supportive or not, is to nevertheless turning policy reform into the art of Invest in people, including education, health, the possible. Comprehensive, market-friendly re- and population control 148 Help domestic markets to work well by fos- in defense spending in developing countries be tering competition and investing in infrastructure sustained? The present vacuum in security ar- Liberalize trade and foreign investment rangements and the repercussions of the conflict Avoid excessive fiscal deficits and high in the Gulf region make the answer uncertain. It inflation. could take very little to shift the dynamics of re- gional relations toward either new arms races or These elements of the development strategy in- mutual restraint. An important complicating factor teract (see Figure 4 in the Overview). Investing in is that weapons producers will bid aggressively for people spurs productivity all the more powerfully developing-country business as their markets in in an economy that already has undistorted do- the OECD countries and the Eastern Bloc become mestic markets; at the same time, efficient domes- less lucrative. Developing countries and external tic markets increase the returns from education aid and finance agencies would do well to tilt in- and therefore make an expansion of investment in centives the other way by discouraging arms pro- education easier to bring about. A stable macro- duction and promoting nonproliferation. economy makes it easier to withstand the external The social and political dimensions of develop- shocks that linkages to the global economy cause mentpoverty alleviation, social justice, political from time to time; conversely, global linkages pro- and civil liberties, popular participation, and de- vide access to foreign capital, which makes it eas- centralizationhave been receiving more and ier to maintain domestic macroeconomic stability more attention from the development community. in the face of internal shocks. Two recent publications have addressed the impli- Perhaps the most fruitful interaction is between cations of a socially responsible development strat- efficient domestic markets and the global econ- egy for industrial and developing countries alike omy. Efficient markets attract foreign investment, (UNDP 1990; World Bank 1990c). For the world which boosts productivity. At the same time, trad- community, new challenges lie ahead: to act on ing links to the outside world let countries pursue the findings of these and similar studies and mea- their international comparative advantage; that sure performance such as the disparity between helps the domestic economy use its resources even spending on education and health and spending more efficiently. on arms. Similarly, strategies will need to be de- In many cases, there will be conflicts among pol- signed and implemented to accelerate develop- icies as well as complementarities. Investing in ed- ment for the most disadvantaged classes and com- ucation cannot be allowed to expand public spend- munitiesagain, in many industrial countries as ing in a way that threatens macroeconomic well as in the developing world. stability. In some countries there is a similar con- The challenge of development is formidable in- flict between liberalizing trade and prudent macro- deed. No more important task confronts the hu- economic policy: lower tariffs, unless offset by ad- man race. Enough has been learned, however, to ditional resource mobilization, may reduce justify some confidence about the future. The government revenues and increase public deficits. strategy outlined in this Report draws on this ex- To implement a market-friendly development perience. The measures suggested are not a coun- strategy while overcoming such conflicts requires, sel of perfection. As many countries have shown, in many countries, reconsidering the role of the they are a workable program. state. Many governments lack the administrative capacity to do as much as they might wish. Yet Tasks for global action careful intervention is sometimes essential for de- velopment to occur. If governments are to do more This Report has stressed that favorable interna- in such areas (notably, providing better education tional conditions can make rapid economic devel- and infrastructure) they must do less in others (es- opment all the more possible. Industrial countries, pecially micro-managing trade and industry). Ad- with only one-fifth of the global population, ac- ministrative constraints aside, such a realignment count for four-fifths of world output, more than would be highly desirable in any case. The re- four-fifths of world trade, and almost all exports of sources for more public spending where it is es- capital and technology. Their effect on develop- sential can be found by cutting spending where it ment grows as more developing countries turn is wasted. outward. The prospects for global economic Military spending is a particular concern for all growth and rapid development will be strongly countries, rich and poor alike. Can recent declines influenced by how industrial countries perform. 149 Global trade debt at the time negotiations were started. The Toronto plan to reduce bilateral official debt was The world trading system is facing its biggest test another breakthrough. But even if Toronto terms in more than forty years. The global trade talks were extended to all the official debt of the se- need to be revived, and the protectionism that has verely indebted low-income countries (excluding grown in recent years cut down. Quantitative bar- Nigeria), the remaining scheduled debt service riers and subsidies in labor-intensive industries are would be more than twice the actual debt service particularly damaging to development: studies paid in 1990. Thus these and new debt-reducing suggest that higher export earnings from ending initiatives will need to be strengthened and sup- these restrictions would exceed the value of aver- plemented in the new decade. In addition, the age annual aid flows from OECD countries. Trade nonofficial debt of low-income countries remains liberalization by OECD countries could roughly to be addressed. double developing-country exports of clothing The agreements concluded so far have increased and textiles. A 50 percent reduction in OECD agri- the debt exposure of the IMF and the World Bank cultural protection could raise export revenues of relative to that of commercial banks. Because of developing countries by 2-40 percent. Commodity the impact of the debt crisis on private sector lend- exporters would gain if the tilt in the industrial ing to the developing world, bilateral and multi- countries' protective structure against processed lateral grants and loans will most likely contribute commodities were removed. OECD reforms in more than half of all resource flows to developing trade policy would have a significant positive ef- countries in the 1990s. An adequate volume of fect on growth and employment in developing these flows is therefore crucial. The quality of countries. They would also redirect some foreign these flows could be raised through increased co- investment to developing countries as investors ordination among aid and finance agencies; more lost sheltered domestic markets in industrial effective support for market-oriented policy mea- countries. sures (providing greater support for fewer but The stalemate in the global trade negotiations more ambitious reforms); stronger emphasis on coupled with growing regional linkages among the supporting private sector initiatives; greater atten- world's economiesmay lead to new regional tion to environmental policies; and features that trading arrangements centered on Europe, Japan, "insure" debt-creating flows against price and in- and the United States. If these blocs fall into con- terest rate volatility. When funds are channeled to flict, the world economy will lose much. At the finance imports (whether inputs or generalized same time, it may be easier to liberalize trade re- balance of payments support), more fungibility gionally rather than globally, and regional agree- will be needed. Tying aid funds to imports from ments may provide new momentum for liberaliza- particular countries greatly reduces their value; tion worldwide. To be constructive, the regional tying them to particular beneficiaries impedes the arrangements need to be compatible with the working of domestic market forces. GATT. They also need to be designed to create new opportunities for trade (through low internal and Economic policies external barriers) without diverting trade away from partners outside the region (through large Industrial and developing countries both benefit differences between internal and external from an ample supply of world savings, from barriers). steady economic growth in the OECD countries, from sound financial markets, and from prices, ex- Capital flows and finance change rates, and interest rates that are free from shocks induced by policy. Industrial-country poli- Despite encouraging signs, the problem of exter- cies to increase private and public savings can sup- nal debt continues to depress the prospects for the ply the capital for new investment opportunities severely indebted countries. The Brady Initiative worldwidesuch as in Eastern Europe, in the So- to reduce commercial debt and debt service viet Union, and for rebuilding the economies of marked an important departure, but so far it has the Middle East. Policies that promote steady produced results in only a handful of middle-in- growth in the OECD countries will be helpful to come countries that have relatively strong eco- developing-country prospects for exports and nomic prospects. Debt relief has been modeston growth. As suggested in Figure 8.1, the growth average much smaller than the market discount on rates of industrial countries and developing coun- 150 tries track each other fairly well. At the same time, disciplined monetary expansion and firm pruden- Figure 8.1 The annual change in per capita tial regulation of capital markets can in turn reduce GDP in OECD and developing countries, the volatility of prices, exchange rates, and interest 1965-90 ratesall important for flows of international trade (percent) and capital and thus for the prospects of develop- ing countries. Technology Developing countries The price of imported technology is likely to rise OECD for most developing countries, as industrial coun- tries seek greater returns from innovation in such important fields as information technology, bio- technology, and new materials technology. As en- forcement of patents increases, the use of licensing agreements will rise. Nevertheless, more rapid technological diffusion can occur through interna- -2 tional action. Critical steps include multilateral 1965 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 agreements on intellectual property rights through the GATT and the World Intellectual Property Or- Source: World Bank data. ganization; international agreements that ensure developing-country access to licenses for foreign innovation; and limits on restrictive licensing clauses that ban or restrict exports. Encouraging firms in industrial countries to form alliances with maintenance and energy conservation. Degrada- producers in developing countries can promote tion of rivers in Eastern Europe and deforestation better access to established technologies and foster in Africa illustrate the dangers of poor or nonexi- new products and materials that are adaptable stent environmental policies. Often, a first step is worldwide. to eliminate subsidies for activities that harm the environment, including the colonization of forests The global environment that have poor soils and the excessive use of pesticides and fertilizer in agriculture. Removing Stewardship of the global environment calls for such distortions improves economic efficiency bold leadership in both industrial and developing (even as conventionally measured) while preserv- countries. The problems are unprecedentedthey ing the environment. If pollution is taxed and reg- involve great uncertainty, risks of future catastro- ulated, concern for environmental and energy con- phe, and large distributional effects, both within servation can be incorporated into public and and across countries. An international consensus private decisionmaking. It is also important to es- will have to be forged and maintained on ex- tablish clear property rights: owners have a stake tremely controversial issues, including protection in preserving a resource. In some cases property of the ozone layer and potential global warming. rights can be vested in the state, with charges for Need all countries share the burden of protecting the use of environmental resources, as in extrac- the environment equally? Or might developing tive reserves in the Amazon. countries bear a smaller share of present costs be- The global community is recognizing that eco- cause they contributed less to the stock of accumu- nomic development and environmental conserva- lated pollutants? International tensions could also tion need not be mutually exclusive: a wide range intensify over environmental spillovers, as in the of environmental actions have high returns. They case of rivers shared by several countries (the Nile, justify far stronger policies than those currently in for example, is essential to Egypt, Ethiopia, and force. International initiatives designed to support Sudan). lending to protect the global commonssuch as The main priority worldwide is to establish in- the new Global Environment Facility of the World centives, regulations, and safeguards that lead to a Bank,the United Nations Development Pro- proper allocation of resources for environmental gramme, and the United Nations Environment 151 Programmewill be important in building an in- tions that are likely to work in the future. The ternational consensus. World Development Report strategy recommended in these pages is a practical 1992 will have the environment as its theme. one, grounded as securely in experience as in eco- nomic principles. Reforms can encounter diffi- Specific actions that work culties of design and implementation (Box 8.1). But they have worked in various country contexts. Many of the problems countries face in the 1990s To show that the lessons add up to a workable have been solved somewhere, somehow, during program, the Report concludes with examples of the last forty years. Experience can point to solu- market-friendly reforms that have worked, and of Box 8.1 For policymakers everywhere: seven lessons in reform Successes provide the dos, failures the don'ts. The spe- tion of the fiscal deficit is paramount. Many structural cifics of reform programs may vary across different re- reforms can help: liberalizing agricultural marketing, gions and stages of development. But here are seven switching from quantitative restrictions to tariffs, pri- general pitfalls to be avoidedor, on the flip side, vatizing loss-making state enterprises, and improving seven lessons for stronger efforts and better results. tax administration. Vulnerable people must not be forgotten. The social Lack of ownership undercuts the program. Programs costs of inaction are generally much larger than those initiated primarily because of the external financing of adjusting, but it is necessary to cushion the effect of that supported them, not because of conviction about adjustment on the most adversely affected groups. their benefits, have often withered away for lack of Cutbacks in public spending can hurt vulnerable government commitment to carrying them through. groups. Reforms that allow agricultural prices to rise For a program to be viewed as a country's own, na- help poor farmers, but often hurt the rural landless and tionals need to participate in its design and develop- urban poor. Thus special programs of assistance to the ment. Building an internal consensus is critical. poor are needed during the reform. Attention to politi- Flip-flops in reform hurt credibility. Flexibility in poli- cally powerful groups is also often necessary to sustain cymaking is important. But when policies have been the changes. And programs to compensate and retrain reversed capriciouslyfor example, when a tariff re- discharged civil servants are often needed when the form was soon followed by an import surchargethe public sector retrenches. private sector has adopted a wait-and-see attitude. Partial attempts often fail. Partial efforts have been Rather than responding energetically to a new reform, ineffective. When domestic deregulation did not ac- private agents act tentatively, if at all. Flexibility is im- company external liberalization, investment and out- portant, yet bold, seemingly irreversible steps by the put responded slowly. And when trade reform did not government build confidence. They are especially accompany domestic deregulation, investment went to needed in countries with a record of policy reversals. the wrong sectors. When tariff reduction was not com- Institutional demands must not be glossed over. In plemented by a broadening of the domestic tax base many countries, ambitious changes could not be fol- and a reduction in tax exemptions and subsidies, fiscal lowed through because the country lacked trained per- imbalances emerged, threatening the trade liberaliza- sonnel and adequate institutionsan independent ju- tion. There is thus a premium on simultaneously tak- diciary, clearly defined and enforced property rights, ing complementary actions. and a strong central bank. Reform is a complex process It pays to be realistic. Policymakers and external of interwoven tasks, and there need to be mechanisms agencies need to be realistic in preparing the financing for interministerial coordination in order to carry them plan to support the reforms. Many countries may also out. The development of institutional capacity needs to need to reassign funds from low-priority to high-prior- be emphasized from the outset, because institution- ity areas, for example, by switching some expenditures building takes time and results will not be immediate. from the military to infrastructure and social programs. In the meantime, it helps to implement actions that Realism also applies to expectations about what the economize on scarce capabilitiessuch as deregulating reform is going to achieve. It pays not to promise too domestic markets, liberalizing agricultural marketing, much too soon, yet to be loud and clear about the im- and removing quantitative restrictions. portance of reformingand to contrast the outcome of Attention to macroeconomic instability is fundamental. reform with the alternative outcome of not reforming. Continuing fiscal imbalances can derail reforms. Se- Realistic expectations about the benefits and costs of vere macroeconomic instability has caused more than the changes make the sustainability of the program one trade and financial liberalization program to fail. In more likely. highly inflationary settings, upfront and drastic reduc- 152 opportunities to make reform work again in the centers and water supply and sewerage facilities are be- future. ing planned in neighborhoods of rural migrants. In high-poverty areas with no access to health and edu- Investing in people cation services, established organizations will be en- couraged to expand their activity in the underserved Few policies promote development as powerfully community. To minimize costs and ensure project as effective investment in human resources. An sustainability, appraisal criteria will be rigorous, includ- estimated 80 percent of the world's population ing economic analysis and recovery of operating costs if lives in the developing countriesa proportion appropriate. Such community-based programs can ad- that is rising. Crucial issues in many of these coun- dress the current needs of the poor and encourage the tries include expanding primary education, alle- institution-building that leads to sustained poverty viating poverty, and controlling population reduction. growth through better education, health care, and Fighting poverty with population policies. In family planning. Opportunities exist to improve the Sahel, resources are thinly stretched. Even with primary schools in Bangladesh, to reduce poverty much aid, there is too little for an adequate standard of in Bolivia through local action, and to fight pov- livingand much too little to finance human and physi- erty with population policies in the Sahel and cal investments. Yet fertility rates are among the world's elsewhere. highest, and the population is growing ever faster (2.2 Extending and improving primary education. percent a year in the 1960s, 2.9 percent in 1987). In- Bangladesh has few resources except its peoplemuch vestments in human resources are thus inadequate: pri- like Japan a hundred years ago. Yet more than two- mary school enrollments are half as high as in the aver- thirds of its adults are illiterate, a consequence of histori- age low-income country. In parallel with development cally low school enrollment. Primary school enrollment agencies, the governments of the Sahel need to act de- is currently only 59 percent (49 percent for females), and cisively to lower population growth. The scope for prog- the quality of education is poor. Teachers are often inade- ress is great: the proportion of women using con tracep- quately trained and supervised; they spend relatively tives is extremely low compared with such African few hours with students and have insufficient classroom countries as Botswana and Zimbabwe. Agency assis- materials. Only one-quarter of those children who start tance for population control programs is likely to be primary school complete it. Recently, Bangladesh has available. developed a comprehensive reform program. It will pro- vide new low-cost classrooms, an innovative curriculum Making markets work for students who do not go beyond primary school, and new teacher training institutions. There will be more To promote efficiency in the domestic economy, women teachers, and all teachers will have greater au- governments need to strengthen price signals, de- tonomy. These steps will receive considerable external regulate markets, and upgrade infrastructural in- support but will also require larger government expendi- vestments and key institutions. Opportunities in- tures. Although many resources must be committed to clude providing infrastructure in Nigeria, relief and reconstruction because of the recent cyclone, improving industrial markets in India, revitalizing long-term investments in primary education remain financial markets in Ghana, and establishing a crucial. To date, Bangladesh has spent only 1.7 percent new legal framework in Hungary. of GNP on education (compared with 3 percent for the Providing infrastructure. Poorly designed and poorest fourth of developing countries as a group); fur- maintained infrastructure has hindered growth in thermore, secondary and college education have claimed Nigeria. Firms have been forced into private provision, a large share of this budget. unproductive factor substitution, and output reduction. Alleviating poverty through local action. To Telecommunications services are unacceptably poor, protect the poor during the economic recovery of the with one telephone line per 500 inhabitants (50 percent mid-1980s, the government of Bolivia initiated an emer- of the average for Sub-Saha ran Africa); firms depend on gency social fund to finance small, technically simple private radios and messengers for basic communications. projects formulated and implemented by a variety of pub- Many infrastructure deficiencies are the result of rapid lic, private, and voluntary organizations. A new social population increases in urban centers and of inappropri- investment fund, also responding to local requests, will ate pricing policies. In Lagos, as the population grew by extend coverage of health, education, and sanitation ser- more than 3 million during two decades, water was vices to the poorest Bolivian communities. NGOs and freely provided; inadequate government financing pre- local authorities will develop and implement projects un- vented expansion of the service. National priorities in- der competitive bidding. In La Paz, for example, health clude improving both the physical and communications 153 infrastructure as well as the financial planning and This could be achieved by shifting monetary control to management of infrastructure projects. Nigeria is ini- indirect methods and by clearing the banks' balance tiating a long-term venture to decentralize infrastruc- sheets. Permitting new kinds of instruments and finan- ture services and to mobilize the private sector. Selected cial intermediaries would promote the growth of compet- merchant banks are already working with state and local itive financial markets, encouraging bankers and pro- governments to reappraise, cofinance, and supervise ur- ducers to take advantage of the economic recovery. ban infrastructural development. This will include reha- Establishing a new legal framework. In Eastern biliting and maintaining roads, water supply, solid Europe, Hungary has the most experience of markets waste disposal, and sanitation services. The national and private ownership. Yet its legal system has many telecommunications network is being commercialized. gaps. Most of the basic laws are recent: a company law Investments will be directed toward improving the utili- (1989) provides for limited liability organization; a zation of facilities and expanding them in high-demand transformation act (amended in 1990) spells out how areas. These reforms will promote the expansion of out- state companies are to be turned into joint-stock com- put throughout the Nigerian economy. panies; and a securities act (1990) provides rules for the Improving industrial markets. India's industry issuance of securities. Hungary has no act to determine has never achieved its potential. Manufacturing ac- rights over real estate, and there is no incentive to take counts for a smaller share of GDP than in comparable companies to bankruptcy under current laws. Account- countries. Along with highly protective trade policies, ing practices differ from the West's (the country's out- excessive regulation is to blame. Throughout the puts and inputs are not valued at market levels, which mid-1980s in many subsectors, an industrial license was makes it nearly impossible to estimate enterprise assets). required to establish a new plant, to expand out put by A new law in 1991 will require international accounting more than 5 percent in a year or 25 percent in five years, standards. An autonomous central bank is being intro- to manufacture a new product, or to relocate. Plants duced. Hungary needs experience with these new insti- remain uneconomically small, product mixes do not tutions. For example, an important public offering had match demand, technical progress is slow, and capacity to be halted recently because no clear provisions had been is underused. Recent experience with partial liberaliza- made for distributing shares when the offering was over- fionincluding relaxation of restrictions against entry subscribed. To establish confidence, the stock exchange and expansion, and foreign technology diversification needs a track record, and the legal system a body of has been positive. Excessive regulation remains, it in- precedents. All this will take time. Hungary will need to cludes barriers to adjustment and exit, and labor rules train thousands of accountants, bank staff and regula- that protect a small number of privileged workers. Liber- tors, lawyers, investment bankers, and others with re- alizing trade would complement deregulation, lowering lated skills. the overall cost structure and checking excessive profits in the monopolized sectors. These objectives will not be Opening up to trade and technology achieved easily because the government will have to overcome the opposition of protected enterprises and the Experience shows that policies for openness are regulatory bureaucracy. But past successes indicate that crucial for rapid growth. Equally important are do- further deregulation could attract reasonable public mestic efforts to improve the productivity of agri- support. cultural and manufacturing exports. The need to Revitalizing financial markets. Ghana needs to remain competitive is no less important for com- invigorate its financial sector. The country's remarkable modity exports than for manufacturing. Institu- 1983 Economic Recovery Program stabilized its economy tional reforms can also strengthen links with the and removed many structural distortions. But private global economy. Opportunities include liberalizing investment is still only 6 percent of GDP. Credit has trade in Pakistan and building institutions for tech- been an important constraint. Until 1989 the state-run nological development in Thailand. banking system functioned under strict credit limits for Liberalizing trade. Trade reform in Pakistan could reasons of macroeconomic stability. Sixty percent of the invigorate industry and lift a long-standing constraint system 's assets are non performing loans inherited from on growtha shortage of foreign exchange that is the crisis of the mid-1980s; this "credit" cannot be caused by a persistent anti-export bias. Until recently, shifted to profitable projects. Poor performance has made imports have been restricted by quotas and exports by bankers excessively risk-averse and encouraged large product- and firm-specific output licensing. Thus transfers of savings outside the banking system. Revi- Pakistan's exports still consist largely of primary com- talized financial institutions and markets could go a long modities (cotton and rice) which have volatile prices and way toward providing capital for private investment. uncertain growth prospects. Trade reforms are urgently 154 needed to make exporting attractive relative to import economic growth came mainly from rising oil revenues. substitution, Pakistan is now beginning such reforms. After 1983, spurred by declining oil prices, Indonesia Under the first phase of its program, protection is being has implemented ambitious adjustment measures and shifted from nontariff barriers to tariffs. Because many policy reforms. nominal protection rates will remain above 100 percent Macroeconomic reforms in 1983 focused on devalua- and the rate structure will remain highly dispersed, a tion, the reduction of the government's investment pro- sequence of tariff reductions will then be required to gram, tax reforms, and deregulation of interest rates. reduce protection and make the overall level of protection There was a second major devaluation in 1986 and a more neutral. Because import taxes are a large share of new, flexible exchange rate management program in total tax revenues, domestic tax reforms are needed as 1989. Microeconomic reforms began with bank deregula- well. A realistic exchange rate policy, coupled with fiscal tion and some liberalization of foreign investment. Start- and monetary discipline, is also needed to complete ing in 1986, the authorities streamlined the investment- Pakistan's shift to an outward-looking strategy. approval process; the Investment Priority List was later Building institutions for technological develop- replaced by a short negative list. The government also ment. For countries such as Thailand that have estab- deregulated key industries such as plastics and shipping. lished global links in a wide range of manufactured prod- Trade policies also needed reform: the import-licensing ucts, the next task is to strengthen technological system had put restrictions on more than 1,500 catego- linkages: to develop institutions that foster the absorp- ries. In 1985, customs administration was contracted to tion, adaptation, and diffusion of technology. Much of a Swiss surveillance company, and dismantling of quan- Thailand's technology trade is now conducted by subsid- titative barriers began in 1986. Within two years the iaries of foreign firms; the country's capacities to absorb share of imports subject to controls fell from 43 to 21 and generate technology have not yet caught up with its percent. competitive trading position. Technological inflows The early phases of adjustment, which concentrated could be strengthened by reducing duties on imported on macroeconomic stabilization, dampened economic ac- capital goods. Technology diffusion could be encouraged tivity, but growth was strong by 1987. Indonesia grew by eliminating the anti-subcontracting bias of tax policy. by nearly 7 percent in 1989, and investment recovered. Externalities in the absorption and diffusion of technol- Non-oil exports paid for 86 percent of imports, compared ogy, particularly in agriculture, also justify public in- with 29 percent in 1981-82. A former minister who vestments in Thailand's technological capabilities. Gov- oversaw the reforms attributes their success to the ex- ernment institutions and private providers that offer tended period of weakness in oil prices which forced the industrial extension (in technology search, assessment, government to pursue a consistent policy that eventually negotiation, design) should be strengthened, and public won popular support. research (in universities and other institutes) should be Stabilization as the prelude to growth: Mex- redirected toward commercial needs. Coherent systems ico. In the 1960s, Mexico grew rapidly under the early of standards, testing, and certification also need to be stages of an import substitution strategy. By 1976, it developed. Finally, there are strong reasons to invest in faced large fiscal and balance of payments deficits and human capital, especially in science and technology worsening inflation. These troubles receded with large training, secondary education, and international ex- discoveries of oil and heavy external borrowing. But changes in engineering and science. within a few years Mexico's debt more than quintupled, setting the stage for the collapse of credit and the sharp Fostering macroeconomic stability economic decline of 1982-83. Mexico has turned the corner on these difficulties. Low and stable inflation, which can only come Macroeconomic reforms began in 1983, when an IMF- from financial discipline in the public sector, is the supported stabilization program halved the fiscal deficit. best foundation for successful microeconomic re- By 1987, however, inflation was rising again because of form. It enables prices to do their job as signals for declining oil prices, rising interest payments, and a rap- resource allocation, and it strengthens the incen- idly expanding fiscal deficit. The government responded tives for saving and investment. Examples of stabi- by negotiating an "Economic Solidarity" pact with la- lization are Indonesia and Mexico. bor, farming, and business interests in order to contain Stabilization as a prelude to growth: Indo- basic prices and wages, and by adopting forceful fiscal nesia. In 1967 Indonesia's Suharto government inher- and exchange rate reforms. As a result, between 1987 ited an extensively nationalized, highly regulated, un- and 1989 the fiscal deficit declined from 16 to 3 percent stable economy. It gradually rationalized economic of GDP, and the annual inflation rate from 159 to 20 management during the next fifteen years, but strong percent. 155 Microeconomic reforms have concentrated on reduc- involve systematic attention to efficiency (40 percent of ing government involvement in the economy. The num- municipal water is "lost"), stiff fines for polluters, and ber of SOEs has been reduced from 1,100 in 1982 to 350 appropriate fees for irrigation (farmers now pay for only in 1990 through mergers, liquidations, and sales; the 13 percent of irrigation costs). Indonesia has been slow huge state telephone and steel monopolies are also sched- to address these problems because the mechanisms of uled for sale. Recently, the government deregulated water resource administration are still evolving. Au ton- large, politically sensitive industries such as tortilla omous river basin authorities could provide a better manufacturing and trucking; liberalized key prices; and framework for planning, coordination, and monitoring. has begun to restructure ownership rights in agriculture Clean water will not come cheap; it is estimated that and to reprivatize banking. Major external-sector re- $1 billion will be needed to meet the water supply needs forms began in 1985. Mexico acceded to the GATT elim- of Jakarta alone. inated more than three-quarters of its import-license re- Preserving the global commons. The Amazon strictions, lowered average tariffs by half, developed rainforests of Brazil, Colombia, Ecuador, and Peru are a favorable regulations for export processing, and substan- world resourcea symbol of the global environmental tially reduced export taxes and restrictions on fruits and challenges of the 1990s. Thirty thousand species of vegetables. By 1987, exports of manufactures overtook plants live in the rainforests. But the Amazon 's de- oil exports. The rules governing foreign investment forested area has grown from 1 percent in 1975 to were substantially liberalized in 1989; negotiations con- 8 percent in 1990. It is now larger than France. The tinue on a free trade agreement with the United States. entire world is threatened by the loss of biodiversity and The reforms are beginning to bear fruit. GDP growth increased carbon emissions. In Brazil, deforestation was climbed into the 2-4 percent range in 1989 and 1990 and encouraged because of massive road building in the Am- is projected to rise to 5 percent in 1991. Inflation is azon, tax incentives, and demographic pressures. Much under control and real wages, which had fallen by more new action is needed to discourage nutrient miningthe than 40 percent in the 1980s, are growing. The strategy one-time extraction of the nutrients of the forest canopy of reform was shaped by Mexico's broadly based, single- and soiland to encourage sustainable, forest-based ac- party system. Relatively conservative policies were fol- tivities. Road construction needs to be evaluated in lowed, but the burden of adjustment was distributed terms of global as well as local costs and benefits. Strong across different economic groups. Mexico's close rela- agroecological zoning can establish large, protected re- tions with the United States also helped by increasing serves and prevent the granting of titles on poor soils. the return from outward orientation and by facilitating Initiatives in this direction are currently mired in com- the renegotiation of Mexico's staggering debt. plex local politics. Compensation will be required to cre- ate incentives for local action, to relieve the financial Environmental policies burden on poor farmers, and to offset the opposition of ranching and logging interests. Because benefits will Water pollution and land degradation have grave accrue worldwide, international support will be both local consequences. Deforestation and air pollu- necessary and appropriate. tion have effects worldwide. These and other problems need to be addressed through more ef- Implications of good policies fective policies. Issues include reducing water p01- lution in Indonesia and preserving the Amazon What would happen if the world community im- rainforests. plemented policies in the spirit of those outlined Reducing water pollution. In Indonesia, worsen- above? No one can know for sure, but some broad ing water pollution has been caused by neglect of the estimates are possible based on the projections of environment during economic growth. Only 40 percent several country models at the World Bank, which of Java's population has access to safe water; the eight assess long-term growth under different assump- major rivers on the northern coast are seriously pol- tions about country policies and international con- luted; and groundwater withdrawal has caused saline ditions. These models reflect a wide range of coun- intrusion into the aquifers that provide water for domes- try-specific data and assumptions. Their results tic use. In Jakarta it costs $20-$30 million a year simply need to be interpreted cautiously, but nevertheless to boil water for home use. Costs associated with illness provide illustrative magnitudes for the changes and with reduced property values, although unquan- that are possible. tified, are undoubtedly high. With urban and industrial The results suggest the importance of both the uses of water expected to grow at rapid rates, large global context and domestic action for long-term shortages are forecast within a decade or so. Solutions growth (Table 8.1). The global economic climate 156 Table 8.1 Changes in GDP growth rates growth a year. After ten years, with compound- relative to the central case, 1990-2000 ing, a country with very good policies would be (percentage deviation) more than 40 percent better off than another that Global economic climate started with the same income but pursued poor Domestic policies Poor Good Very good policies. If that growth advantage were sustained, Very good 1.0 1.5 2.0 the first country would have twice the income of Good 1.0 Central case 0.5 the second after twenty yearswhich would make Poor 3.0 2.0 1.0 a crucial difference in poverty reduction. Note: The changes in the growth rate given in each cell are unweighted deviations from the "central case." The figures are rounded. A global challenge Source: World Bank data; see the technical note at the end of the main text. In the time it takes to read this paragraph, roughly makes a difference. Compared with the baseline a hundred children will be bornsix in industrial scenario (a good global economic climate), favor- countries and ninety-four in developing countries. able external conditions could raise growth by Here lies the global challenge. No matter what the 0.5-i percentage point a year. This is significant. outlook in the industrial economies, the world's The variation in growth rates attributed to differ- long-term prosperity and securityby sheer force ent domestic actions could be even larger. Holding of numbersdepend on development. the global situation constant, the difference be- Development is better understood today than tween good and poor domestic policies would before. The institutions of market economies have yield on average 1.5-2 percentage points growth proven more complex than the textbooks suggest, per yearon average, about twice the improve- especially when interactions with political, social, ment from better external conditions. Given the and environmental processes are taken into ac- uncertainty about the quality of the global econ- count. Nonetheless, sound general principles have omy, countries that can adapt their domestic poli- emerged to guide policy. cies flexibly to changing circumstances will be at a Despite the uncertain outlook for the 1990s, a great advantage. Even if global conditions are in- measure of optimism is justified now that more hospitable, the reward for good domestic policies and more countries are opting for a market- is very high. friendly approach. With strong international coop- What are the long-term implications of these eration, the opportunities for development will be projections? Holding the external context fixed to brighter. There is more agreement today than at its baseline path, the projections say that the dif- any time in recent history about what needs to be ference between poor and very good policies is done and how to do it. What remains is to put worth, on average, 3.5 percentage points of these ideas into practice everywhere. 157 Technical note Chapter 1 benchmark of Maddison estimates of 1980 ICP dollars for others. For countries not in the ICP-Maddison Data and definitions. The historical section of this chap- sample (Algeria, Ethiopia, Islamic Republic of Iran, ter uses data on GDP and GDP per capita for the Morocco, Syria, and other African countries), esti- period 1700-1988 (for Table 1.1 and Figures 1.1 and mates are from a computer data base (copyright 1987 1.3) which are based on a 41-economy sample (with a and 1988 by Prospect Research Corporation) devel- combined population of 3.99 billion people in 1988) oped by Robert Summers and Alan Heston. GDP vol- along with aggregate figures on Eastern Europe from ume estimates for 1830-1965 are taken from Mad- Maddison, background paper (covering 310 million dison (1981, 1989), and Maddison and Associates, people). The sample, along with Maddison's data on (forthcoming) for the ICP-Maddison sample coun- Eastern Europe, thus covers roughly 86 percent of the tries. The volume series is spliced to a World Bank world's population. Economies are classified as data base GDP volume series at 1965. GDP volume OECD, Eastern Europe, and developing. The devel- indexes for 1950-65 are taken from OECD 1968 for the oping economies are further grouped by geographi- non-ICP-Maddison sample countries. These indexes cal region: Latin America; South Asia; East Asia; Af- are also spliced to World Bank data starting in 1965. rica; and Europe, Middle East, and North Africa World Development Report forecasts. Box 1.4 uses pro- (non-OECD, non-Eastern Europe). The economies in- jections for average real GDP growth over the decade cluded in each group are as follows. OECD: Austra- of the 1980s as reported in the World Development Re- ha, Austria, Belgium, Canada, Denmark, Finland, ports of 1979, 1980, 1981, and 1982. The projections France, Germany, Italy, Japan, Netherlands, Norway, for the developing regions are based on the country Sweden, Switzerland, United Kingdom, United classifications used in those Reports at the time of States. Eastern Europe (Maddison): Czechoslovakia, their publication. Because the World Bank's regional Hungary, USSR. Latin America: Argentina, Brazil, country classifications have changed during the past Chile, Colombia, Mexico, Peru. South Asia: Ban- ten years, an attempt has been made to plot the "out- gladesh, India, Pakistan. East Asia: China; Indo- comes" (actual growth performance in the 1980s) on nesia; Philippines; Republic of Korea; Thailand; Tai- the basis of the original classifications. Therefore, the wan, China. Africa: Ethiopia, French Africa growth rate averages, as plotted in the box figure, (aggregate for Benin, Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Cen- may differ from the regional averages that are pre- tral African Republic, Chad, Congo, Côte d'Ivoire, sented elsewhere in this report. The plotted growth Gabon, Madagascar, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, Sene- rates for both the projections and outcomes are based gal, Togo), Kenya, Nigeria, Tanzania. Europe, Middle on GDP in constant price and dollar exchange rates East, and North Africa: Algeria, Arab Republic of that were used in the Reports cited above. Because Egypt, Islamic Republic of Iran, Morocco, Syria, Tur- the World Bank's country classification for the Eu- key, Yugoslavia. The term "four newly industrializ- rope, Middle East, and North Africa region has ing economies of East Asia" refers to Hong Kong; the changed significantly, an analytical group, "oil ex- Republic of Korea; Singapore; and Taiwan, China. porters," is plotted in its place. Statistical methods. Data are based on a benchmark Figures. Figure 1.1 is based on data taken from the of 1980 dollars as determined by the International sample described above, with the exception of the Comparison Project (ICP), if available, or on a United Kingdom. Estimates for the United Kingdom 158 for the years before 1830 are extrapolated backward and inputs: change of GDP in 1980 dollars, zy; change from the sample data using growth rates from Crafts in utilized capital (through the use of instrumental 1981. The starting date for the United Kingdom coin- variables), zk; change in agricultural land, zh; change cides with estimates of the beginning of the industrial in labor force, zl; average level of education (in years revolution. Some economic historians view the time of primary and secondary schooling) for the popula- around 1840 as the beginning of a period of accelera- tion 15-64 years of age in 1960, e60; change in educa- tion in U.S. per capita income growth. The conclu- tion if education level ranges from 0 to 3, de03; change sion of Japan's deflationary period in 1885-86 is seen in education if education level ranges from 3 to 9, by some as the beginning of modern economic de39. Variables related to openness: price of tradables growth in that country. For other countries shown in relative to the U.S. level, zptr; change in price of trad- the figure, periods of continuous growth based on ables if price level is below U.S. level, zptrl; change in 5-year, center-weighted, moving averages of GDP price of tradables if price level is above U.S. level, per capita were used to identify the shortest doubling zpt; change of price level of tradables in direction of periods that excluded cyclical macroeconomic effects. U.S. price level (under an assumption of symmetrical Figure 1.2 uses life expectancy estimates from response; that is, ZPtri minus ZPt), ZPfr; product of Gwatkin 1978 for years before 1978 and from WHO change of price of tradables in direction of U.S. price 1989 for 1978 onward. Limited data availability pre- level and level of education (that is, ZPt, times e), zptre; vented the identification of a sample with the same and a dummy for missing data on zp,., mvpt. The life expectancies at the beginning of each noted pe- growth of total factor productivity (the component of riod. Instead, starting point life expectancies are pro- zy not explained by zk, zl, or zh) was calculated as the vided and sample countries are presented in the or- residual between the actual zy and predicted zy using der of starting life expectancy and chronology (which the estimated coefficients on zk, zl, and zh obtained by coincide). Breaking points between periods were de- regression 1 in Note table 2.1 for the sample of 68 termined by the availability of intermediate-year sur- countries. vey data. Figure 1.3 presents timeline data that are In Table 2.4, the use of the foreign exchange pre- 5-year, center-weighted moving averages for a 41- mium as a proxy for policy distortions allows for the country sample. Data are weighted by GDP. Aver- ages for OECD- and developing-country groups are Note table 2.1 Regressions of selected derived by dividing the total GDP for the group (ag- factors in GDP growth, 1960-87 gregated at 1980 international dollars) by the total Variable (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) population of the group. Figure 1.5 uses statistics zk 0.38 0.38 0.38 0.38 0.38 from a World Bank data base based on a 130-country (17.7) (17.6) (17.6) (17.6) (17.6) sample. Group averages are GDP weighted. zi 0.44 0.46 0.046 0.45 0.45 (3.6) (3.8) (3.8) (3.7) (3.8) Chapter 2 zh 0.04 0.04 0.04 0.04 0.04 (1.3) (1.4) (1.4) (1.4) (1.4) de03 0.09 0.09 0.09 0.09 0.09 Data selection. This chapter uses data from a sample of (2.5) (2.6) (2.6) (2.6) (2.6) 68 economies in 5 regions: 27 in Sub-Saharan Africa, de39 0.04 0.04 0.04 0.04 0.04 10 in East Asia, 15 in Latin America, 12 in Europe, (1.9) (2.0) (2.0) (2.0) (2.0) Middle East, and North Africa (from which Pakistan e60 (*100) 0.13 0.16 0.16 0.17 0.17 is excluded), and 4 in South Asia (with which (1.5) (1.8) (1.8) (1.9) (1.9) Pakistan is included). The selection of this sample ZPtri 0.04 was determined solely by the availability of the re- (2.0) ZPtr2 -0.03 quired data. The following developing countries with (-1.2) populations of more than 10 million in 1988 did not 0.04 -0.02 ZPtr meet the data criteria: Ecuador, Iran, Iraq, Myanmar, (2.3) (-0.6) Nepal, Saudi Arabia, South Africa, and Viet Nam. ZPtre 0.01 0.01 Statistical methods. Most variables are from a World (1.6) (2.7) Bank data base and are self-explanatory. Physical and mvpt 0.004 0.004 0.004 0.004 (1.3) (1.3) (1.3) (1.3) human capital series, however, do not exist as such. Lau, Jamison, and Louat 1991 suggested a method to R2 0. 2256 overcome this difficulty by computing these stocks n 1,826 1,826 1,826 1,826 1,826 from annual capital investment and educational en- Note: Numbers in parentheses are t-statistics. rollment data. The chapter expands their method and All regressions include dummies for regions (Africa; East Asia; applies it to a larger set of countries. Europe, Middle East, and North Africa; Latin America and the Caribbean; South Asia) and for time (1960-73 and 1974-87). A growth accounting approach is used. Variables All data are annual. All changes are differences of log levels except are defined as follows. Variables related to output for education levels (which are differences of levels). 159 Note table 2.2 Dependent variable: change region includes Bauchi, Borno, Gongola, Kaduna, in infant mortality Kano, Plateau, Sokoto, and Niger. United States: the Independent variable (1) (2) (3) Middle Atlantic region includes the states of New Growth in private income 0.024 0.029 0.032 Jersey, New York, and Pennsylvania; the South At- (-2.3) (-3.6) (-3.4) lantic region includes Georgia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Virginia, and West Virginia. Growth in health expenditure In Box figure 2.5, years of education is computed General government 0.002 0.002 0.004 separately for males and females from primary and (-0.1) (-0.1) (-0.3) secondary school enrollment. Enrollment series are Consolidated central 0.001 0.001 0.001 generally available from 1960 onward; in some coun- government (0.1) (0.1) (0.1) tries, however, it was also possible to find data from Budgetary central 0.003 0.002 0.001 1950 to 1960. These series are projected backward in government (0.4) (0.3) (0.2) order to get series from 1902 onward. Finally, the Gastil's index 0.002 0.001 total number of person-school-years in the working- (4.6) (2.0) age population is computed by the perpetual inven- tory method, and mean years of schooling are ob- Female education 0.004 tained by dividing this total number by the size of the (-5.7) working-age population for each period. Note: t-statistics in parentheses. Continent dummies are included. All changes are first differences in logs. Chapter 3 Data for the two cross-sectional analyses. The analyses of largest number of observations. The use of two in- the economic burden of adult illness (Table 3.1) and dexes of trade liberalization (Papageorgiou, Michaely, of the education of entrepreneurs (Figure 3.3) are and Choksi 1990; Thomas, Halevi, and Stanton, back- based on several household surveys, including Liv- ground paper) and of yearly changes in education ing Standards Measurement Surveys in six countries yielded results consistent with those shown in Table conducted in the late 1980s, the 1975/76 Malaysia 2.4. Family Life Survey, the 1978 Bicol (Philippines) Multi- The effect of "liberty" on infant mortality decline. For purpose Survey, and the 1978 Indonesian Socio- regressions on 247 annual country observations for economic Survey. These surveys are nationally repre- which Gastil's liberty index (political and civil liber- sentative random samples, with the exception of the ties), education data, and reliable infant mortality Philippine and Bolivia (urban only) surveys. For de- data are available (1973-84), see Note table 2.2. Be- tails, see the two background papers by King, Rosen- cause Gastil's index goes from 2 (best) to 14 (worst) zweig, and Wang. (his two indexes of political and civil liberties, which The economic burden of adult illness. The analysis ex- each run from 1 [best] to 7 [worst], have been added amined the incidence of illness among adults be- together), the positive coefficient on this index im- tween ages 20 and 59 years (in the month before the plies that political and civil liberties have a negative survey), and the duration of illness and absence from and significant effect on infant mortality. work of those who were ill. Self-reported illness may Income differences. The analysis in the maps and the be affected by several factors other than health status, text section on regional differences in income within including wages, the possibility of work-sharing ar- countries is based on the following definitions of re- rangements among family members, and the avail- gions. Brazil: the southeastern region includes the ability of paid sick leave. Sensitivity analyses, how- states of Minas Gerais, Espfrito Santo, Rio de Janeiro, ever, do not show statistically significant association and São Paulo; the northeastern region includes Mar- of self-reported illness or absence from work to daily anhão, PiauI, Cearã, Rio Grande do Norte, Paraiba, earnings or whether the worker was entitled to paid Pernambuco, Alagoas, Sergipe, and Bahia. China: sick leave or social security. The number of days lost the eastern region comprises of the provinces of An- due to illness was then evaluated at the reported hui, Fujian, Jiangsu, Jiangxi, Shandong, Shanghai, daily earnings of workers. Results show that poten- and Zhejiang; the south and southwest region here tial income loss could be substantial comparing with includes Henan, Hubei, Hunan, Guangdong, Gua- workers' normal income. ngxi, Sichuan, Guizhou, and Yunnan. India: the east- Education of entrepreneurs. Figure 3.3 is supported ern region consists of the states of Bihar, Orissa, and by statistically robust results from multivariate an- West Bengal; the western region includes Daman, alyses. One background analysis consisted of multi- Diu, Goa, Gujrat, and Maharashtra. Nigeria: the nomial logit regressions on occupational choice of eastern region includes the provinces of Anambra, adults. Given the choice of being an entrepreneur Benue, Cross River, Imo, and Rivers; the northern and undertaking appropriate statistical corrections 160 for possible sample selection bias, the size of the en- Note table 3.2 The effect of income and terprise was found to be positively associated with social expenditures on infant mortality; the education of the entrepreneur. These results took a first-difference model account of the entrepreneurs' age, sex, and place of Independent variable Coefficient residence; for Malaysia, ethnicity and inherited Intercept 0.024752 20.63 wealth were also controlled for. AIDS in developing countries. Box figure 3.5 is based Private income 0.049862 4.04 on studies of urban samples from three countries. In Government health Rwanda, the sample consisted of 1,255 urban adults expenditure from a national sample; in Zambia, 1,078 patients, General government 0.026073 1.33 blood donors, and staff of an urban hospital; and in Consolidated central 0.003557 0.45 Zaire, 5,951 employees of an urban textile factory. Budgetary central 0.004220 0.50 Note: All variables, including the dependent, infant mortality rate Low, middle, and high socioeconomic status are de- (IMR), are defined as the log-differences between t and t - 1. Private fined, respectively, as: for Rwanda, primary educa- income is measured by GDP, minus total government expenditure. tion or less, more than primary education, and no Sources: World Bank data; IMF data. See Bhalla and Gill, background paper. definition; for Zambia, 0-4 years of education, 5-9 years, and 10 or more years; and for Zaire, workers, foremen, and executives. nus total government expenditure) and using an an- Public spending and social indicators. The analyses of nual time-series data for 68 economies (see Note table the relative effect of income growth and changes in 3.2) (Bhalla and Gill, background paper). Using public spending in the social sectors on changes in model a, the elasticity of IMR with respect to public infant mortality rates and school enrollment rates spending is -0.08, and income elasticity is -0.11. were based on two studies which used different Using model b, the elasticity of IMR with respect to econometric models and measures of income: (a) a private income is -0.05. fixed-effect model with GDP and time dummies, esti- mated using quinquennial time-series data for 124 Chapter 4 countries (see Note table 3.1) (King and Rosenzweig, background paper); (b) a first-difference model with a Data and definitions. The last sections of the chapter variable reflecting private income growth (GDP mi- analyze the productivity of projects utilizing the data on reappraised economic rate of return (ERR) for 1,200 projects in the public and private sectors. The analysis is based on a background paper by Kauf- Note table 3.1 The effect of income and mann. The ERR data originate in the Operations Eval- social expenditures on infant mortality; a fixed-effect model uation Department of the World Bank and the Eval- uation Unit of the IFC. Reappraisal of a project takes Independent vadable' Coefficient place within one year of project completion, and the GDP 0.0000367 2.954 ERR evaluation is then performed according to the Healthl 0.0011655 1.069 standard Squire-van der Tak methodology. The ERR Health2 0.0035853 0.836 on an investment project is a commonly used produc- Educi 0.0007568 0.702 Educ2 0.0039422 1.287 tivity indicator measuring the economic contribution of the investment project to the overall economy. It is Interactions with variable for calculated by measuring a project's benefits and developing economies GDP 0.0000008 0.057 costs, which are adjusted utilizing border and Healthl 0.0148330 5.826 shadow prices to capture opportunity costs. The ERR Health2 - 0.0701540 1.748 is the discount rate at which the project's net present Educi 0.0010280 0.504 value of the stream of benefits and costs is set to zero. Educ2 0.0209830 2.401 An ERR for the project of less than 10 percent implies Note: Number of observations = 409; adjusted R2 = 0.9990. Healthl that each dollar invested in plant and machinery and Educi are expenditure data for the consolidated central yields annual economic benefits of less than 10 cents government accounts; Health2 and Educ2 are derived from budgetary central government accounts. These data are expressed as per dollar investeda return that is lower than alter- per capita spending. The infant mortality rates (IMR) were first native investment opportunities and does not com- transformed as log (IMR/1 - IMR). All variables are then defined as the differences from the country means. pare favorably with that on investments in less risky a. Time dummy variables and dummies for missing variables are financial instruments. When the net economic bene- omitted from the table. Sources: Government expenditures are IMF data and Unesco data; fits are significant, the ERR will exceed the 10-15 per- GDP data are from Summers and Heston's (1988) estimates of cent range. internationally comparable real product; infant mortality rates are The average ERR on all evaluated projects has been from a World Bank data base, checked against the data survey by Hill and Pebley 1989. See King and Rosenzweig, background paper. about 15 percent, but the variation has been large, 161 ranging from negative values to ERRs of more than 50 to the policy indexes, controlling variables in the percent. Similarly, policy performance has varied analysis included, among others, the economywide enormously across countries and over time. Various capital-labor ratio; years of education; degree of insti- country- and year-specific policy variables measuring tutional complexity of the project; GDP growth rate; policy distortions were gathered independently and and external terms of trade changes. Alternative incorporated into the statistical analysis to determine specifications, including dummy variables to control whether policy-related factors explained differences for country-specific and year-specific effects, were in the performance of projects. The results are sum- also estimated. marized in Table 4.2. Results. Estimates of the various specifications indi- The projects reviewed began as early as the cate an economic and statistically significant effect of mid-1960s; evaluation took place 1973-89. These proj- policy indexes on ERRs, controlling for other factors. ects were implemented in 58 developing economies. The parallel exchange rate premiums and trade re- For these economies, independent information was strictiveness variables remain significant across speci- available on at least one macro-financial variable (real fications even when combined with each other in the interest rate, fiscal deficit) or a variable measuring same specification. And the magnitudes of the coeffi- trade restrictions. In addition, data on foreign ex- cients are large, which suggests increases in ERRs of change rate premiums were gathered for each coun- 8-10 percentage points (or more) when large im- try and year. Thus, each project ERR was correlated provements in the parallel premiums and trade reg- with at least two policy indexes. ime take place. In contrast, when included along the Table 4.2 presents average ERRs for various values parallel premiums and trade restrictiveness variables, of the four policy indexes: (a) real interest rates, from the real interest rate variable loses all economic and a World Bank data base; (b) IMF data on central gov- statistical significance. The fiscal deficit variable is sig- ernment fiscal deficits; (c) the Halevi-Thomas nificant in the single-policy specification and in some (Thomas, Halevi, and Stanton, background paper) combined-policy specifications. Further, a number of index of trade restrictiveness/openness, ranging from additional sensitivity tests were performed by seg- one (most restrictive) to five (most open), for 32 coun- menting the sample by time periods and country tries for which comparable published information on sizes; the results were not altered. tariff and nontariff barriers was available from Bank To test the effect of public sector investments on documents; and (d) the parallel exchange rate pre- the productivity of projects in agriculture and indus- miums (sources were International Currency Analy- try, two variables were related to ERRs: public invest- sis, Inc., various years, for the parallel rate and IMF ment as a share of GDP, and public investment as a data for the official exchange rate. In addition, as share of total investment in the economy (drawn background, other policy indexes were collected and from a World Bank data base). Figure 4.3 shows the correlated with ERRs, including a measure of distor- simple ERR averages for each range of the public in- tion in the relative price of tradables (from Dollar, vestment over total investment variable, after the forthcoming) and a second trade liberalization index sample is segmented for low and high parallel pre- (from Papageorgiou, Michaely, and Choksi 1990). miums, respectively. Multivariate tobit analysis was Statistical methods. For the overall sample, the sim- also carried out to control for other structural and ple correlations between each policy index and the policy-related variables. The public investment vari- project ERRs are of the right sign and statistically ables were specified as kink-linear, to allow for a significant. For most sectoral and public-private breaking point and separate slopes for the lower and breakdowns, the significance of the correlations be- higher ranges of the variable. This permitted testing tween the different policy indexes and sectoral ERRs the hypothesis that the effect of complementary pub- is maintained, although for selected subsamples lic investments is different when an increase takes (such as between the fiscal deficit and the ERR of place at relatively low levels of public investments nontradables) the simple correlations are not statis- than at high levels. tically significant. The results of both types of specifications (public To explore causality, a variety of controlling vari- investment as a share of GDP, and public investment ables were obtained for most countries, which made as a share of total investment) supported the hypoth- multivariate analysis possible. A tobit procedure was esis that increases in the share of overall public in- utilized (instead of ordinary least-squares) to address vestments improve the ERR of tradable projects, up the censoring in the data at an ERR of -5 percent. The to a point. For the public investment in total invest- ERR of each project is the unit of observation for the ment specification, the effect of an increase in the dependent variable in the multivariate analysis. share is positive up to a share of 40-45 percent, and Country- and year-specific policy and structural vari- negative thereafter, the coefficients being large and ables were used as independent variables. In addition statistically significant. 162 Chapter 5 distortion, is a modified version of the index used in Dollar (forthcoming). The relative price of consump- Data and definitions. Figure 5.2 is based on a back- tion goods from Summers and Heston is "purged" of ground paper by Harrison, which draws on a cross- its nontraded component by taking the residual from country, time-series data set assembled by the core a regression of this index on urbanization, land, and team for World Development Report 1991. Seven proxies population. The seventh, bias against agriculture, for trade and exchange rate policies were used to test measures the indirect bias against agriculture from the statistical relationship between openness and industrial sector protection and overvaluation of growth. The first, index of trade liberalization, the exchange rate. (source: Schiff and Valdés, 1960-84, measures the degree of trade liberalization forthcoming). using data on exchange rate and commercial policies Statistical methods. The effects of these seven vari- (source: Papageorgiou, Michaely, and Choksi 1990). ables on GDP growth were separately tested, control- Although this measure is not comparable across ling for other effects such as input growth (capital, countries, country dummies included in the regres- labor, education, land) and country differences. An- sions should control for differences in measurement. nual observations were available for time periods The second, index of trade liberalization, 1978-88, which ranged from 1960-87 for trade shares to measures the movement toward liberalization for 30 1978-88 for the Halevi-Thomas trade liberalization in- countries for the period 1978-88. The index was calcu- dex (Thomas, Halevi, and Stanton, background pa- lated using country sources on tariffs and nontariff per). The number of countries available for each in- barriers (source: Thomas, Halevi, and Stanton, back- dex varies, ranging from 60 (for trade shares) to 19. ground paper). The third, foreign exchange pre- Results. Note table 5.1 shows the results for differ- mium, measures the deviation of the black market ent period averages. Although the annual data were rate from the official exchange rate (source: Interna- used for the estimates presented in columns 1 and 2, tional Currency Analysis, Inc., various years). The cyclical fluctuations could in theory lead to spurious fourth, change in trade shares, measures the ratio of correlations between the policy variables and GDP exports and imports to GDP (source: World Bank growth. Consequently, six- or seven-year averages data). The fifth, movement toward international were also used. Period averages were computed for prices, was derived from the relative price of a coun- 1960-66, 1967-73, 1974-81, and 1982-88. These re- try's tradables, which was computed using current sults are given in columns 3 and 4. Finally, averages and constant national accounts price indexes. The for the entire period were also computed, reported in variable is based on a benchmark of the relative price columns 5 and 6. With the exception of the foreign of consumption goods for 1980 from Summers and exchange premium and changes in trade shares Heston 1988. It is then transformed to measure the which do suggest that greater openness positively movement toward unity. The sixth, index of price affects growththe other variables are not significant Note table 5.1 Effects of openness on growth: synthesis of findings Entire period Annual data Six-year averages averages Levels Changes Levels Changes Levels Changes Openness variable (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) Trade liberalization index 1960-84 >0* >0 >0 >0 <0 >0 1978-88 >0** >0 <0 >0 Foreign exchange premium' >0** >0 >0 >0 >0 >0 Trade shares >0 >0* <0 >0 >0 >0 Price distortion >0** <0 >0 >0 <0 >0 measure' Movement toward world prices >0 >0 >0 Bias against agriculturea >0* >0 >0* >0 >0 >0 ** Significant at the 5 percent level. * Significant at the 10 percent level. Note: All regressions except entire period average include country dummies. a. For purposes of comparison, a value of >0 indicates that more openness (less distortion) positively affects growth. Consequently, for the foreign exchange premium, price distortion measures, and bias against agriculture, the table shows ">0" when a higher level of distortion negatively affects growth. 163 when long-term averages are used. Trade policies in population participating in the vote) using a cutoff of developing countries have varied too much during 10 percent in the index of democratization. the 1960-87 period to make long-term averages very Income distribution. The data on income distribution meaningful. This analysis draws more from varia- in Figure 7.2 are from Sachs 1989, with additions of tions in trade policy over time for the same country United Nations and World Bank data. Income in- rather than exploiting differences across countries. equality is defined as the ratio of the income shares of The annual data and six-year averages do indicate a the highest and lowest quintiles. Per capita GDP robust relation between openness and growth. All growth statistics are World Bank data calculated variables which are statistically significant show a using the ordinary least-squares method for 1965-89. positive relation between openness and growthin Other variables are also from a World Bank data base. levels or differences, annually, or over several years. The statistical work was conducted using both levels Although the partial correlations presented in Fig- and growth of education stock and per capita GDP. ure 5.2 are all statistically significant, the amount of Continental dummy variables were included. variation explained by the openness variable varies. One set of regressions tested the hypothesis that The R2 on the partial correlations ranged from 0.03 to income inequality matters for the rate of growth a 0.30, indicating that although trade policy is impor- country can achieve. In this regression it appears that tant, much variation in growth rates is still unex- high inequality is associated with lower growth. With plained, even after accounting for education, labor, continental dummies, however, the result does not land, and capital stock. hold up. The second set of regressions tested the hy- Direct foreign investment. The chapter's discussion pothesis that the level of income inequality is influ- of direct foreign investment in manufacturing uses enced by education and per capita GDP. The level of data for Côte d'Ivoire, Morocco, and Venezuela to both education and per capita GDP are associated compare the relative performance of domestic and with lower income inequality. Without continental foreign firms in the manufacturing sector. Relative dummies, the growth of per capita GDP appears to levels of labor productivity as well as export orienta- be associated with lower income inequality. This re- tion were compared for domestic firms, joint ven- sult, however, disappears with the inclusion of conti- tures (minority foreign ownership), and majority- nental dummies. In sum, the relation between owned foreign firms. Means were computed, growth and income inequality is weak, and the direc- weighted by the share of each firm in total sectoral tion is ambiguous. output. Because labor productivity or export orienta- tion could be higher simply because of capital inten- Chapter 8 sity or the size of the firm, means were also computed The estimates in Table 8.1 are based on model simula- controlling for the capital-labor ratio and firm size, tions by the World Bank's country economists for a but the results remained unchanged. sample of 40 countries, taking into account domestic The possibility that domestic firms benefit from a policies and external economic conditions. The esti- significant foreign presence, generating so-called mates in the table are based on an unweighted aver- technological spilover effects, was also analyzed. age of deviations (in percent per year) under the spe- The possibility of "spillover" was tested by deriving cified scenario from the growth rate projected in the a production function for domestic firms and measur- "central case." For each country, the central case is ing the effect of foreign firms on the growth in pro- based on good domestic policies and external eco- ductivity of domestic firms. Foreign presence was nomic conditions as depicted by the baseline sce- measured by the share of foreign investment in the narios described in Chapter 1. sector. The evidence suggests few spillovers. The results should be regarded as very rough esti- Chapter 7 mates and are to be interpreted only as illustrative. The number of countries considered for calculating Types of government. Figure 7.1 is based on Vanhanen the averages varies from cell to cell because not all 1979, 1990. The data base created from these sources country-specific exercises considered all combina- contains time series for 145 countries from 1850 to tions of domestic policy stance and external economic 1987 (although many countries in the sample did not conditions. In addition, the external conditions as- gain independent governments until after World War sumed under the "poor" and "very good" case sce- II). The classification of one-party states differs from narios are country-specific; for example, higher inter- Vanhanen's in that it includes countries in which a national oil prices may have been considered as part single party receives more than 95 percent of the of a "very good" case scenario for an oil-exporting vote, as well as countries that have one party by law. country but as part of a "poor" case scenario for an This correlates, in general, with Vanhanen's ranking oil-importing country. Conversely, the key assump- of "index of democratization" (a combination of vote tions for the baseline scenario for the external eco- received by the largest party and the percentage of nomic conditions are uniform across countries. 164 Bibliographical note This Report has drawn on a wide range of World on the Report's outline and the Overview. The Re- Bank sourcesincluding country economic, sector, port benefited from regional, Bankwide management and project work, and research papersand on nu- discussions, from visiting seminar speakers, from merous outside sources. The principal sources are presentations outside the Bank, and from discussions noted below, and also listed in two groups: back- with the Operational Vice Presidents. Useful contri- ground papers commissioned for this Report and a butions were received from the Executive Directors. selected bibliography. Some of the background pa- Assistance was provided by Judy Baker, Jennifer Kel- pers will be available through the Policy, Research, ler, Francis Ng, and Rebecca Sugui. and External Affairs Working Paper series. These, as well as the documents in the selected bibliography Chapter 1 with World Bank departmental origins, are available through the Report office. The views they express are This chapter benefited from the advice of many ex- not necessarily those of the World Bank or of this perts, including Irma Adelman, Ramesh Chander Report. Charles Kindleberger, Angus Maddison, Douglass In view of the breadth of the Report's subject, the North, Jeffrey Williamson, John Williamson, and core team consulted a wide range of people inside Shahid Yusuf. Paul Armington, Norman Hicks, and outside the Bankinevitably too many to men- Robert E. Lucas, Jr., Desmond McCarthy, Vikram tion here, but to whom the team is grateful. Extensive Nehru, Chukwuma Obidegwu, Hans Singer, and written comments were provided by Jean Baneth, Mark Sundberg provided helpful comments on con- Charles Blitzer, Javed Burki, Partha Dasgupta, Albert temporary economic conditions, and the staff of the Fishlow, Mark Gersovitz, A. 0. Hirschman, Paul Systems and Socio-Economic Data divisions of the Isenman, Pierre Landell-Mills, Enrique Lerdau, Paul International Economics Department on data and Meo, Costas Michalopolous, John Nash, Arvind Pan- computing. Box 1.2 draws on materials from Kat- agariya, Anandarup Ray, Joanne Salop, Ibrahim senelinboigen 1990, Nove 1989, and IMF and others Shihata, Andrei Shleifer, Ernest Stern, Paul Streeten, 1990. Robert Lynn helped with the statistical analysis and Oktay Yenal. Extensive comments were provided in Box 1.6. Data on contemporary economic condi- by many on the staff of the International Monetary tions in this chapter were drawn from various IMF, Fund; in the Country Economics, External Affairs, OECD, and World Bank sources as well as from The Planning and Budgeting, Policy and Review, and Re- Economist, New York Times, and Washington Post. source Mobilization departments and the Economic Robert Lynn and Abdel-Illah Stambouli provided Development Institute of the World Bank; and on the help with the work on projections and scenarios. staffs of World Development Report 1990 and World De- velopment Report 1992. There was especially close col- Chapter 2 laboration with Francisco Aguirre-Sacasa, Shaida Badiee, Meta de Coquereaumont, Dennis de Tray, Numerous World Bank and academic studies were Parvez Hasan, Johannes Linn, Stephen O'Brien, consulted. The method for constructing physical and Robert Picciotto, D. C. Rao, Bruce Ross-Larson, human capital stock was initially developed by Law- Miguel Schloss, Lyn Squire, Andrew Steer, and Wil- rence Lau, Dean Jamison, and Frederic Louat 1991. fried Thalwitz. Many provided valuable comments Box 2.1 is based on a background paper by Clas Wihl- 165 borg. Box 2.2 draws on Friedman 1988. Box 2.3 is Hoff and Stiglitz 1990; and Ruttan, background pa- taken from a background paper by Arnold Harberger. per. The section on industrial and labor regulations Box 2.5 is based on a paper by Ijaz Nabi. Various draws in part from Lindauer 1989 and Lopez, back- background papers were consulted, as were Bevan, ground paper. The entrepreneurship story of Mr. Collier, and Gunning, forthcoming; Lal and Myint, in Chu in the Republic of Korea is drawn from Maga- preparation; and Maddison and Associates, forth- ziner and Patinkin 1989; the other stories are from coming. Helpful comments were made by Gary Bank and IFC reports, and were complemented by Becker, Armeane Choksi, Jaime de Melo, William staff interview notes. Box 4.1 is excerpted by permis- Easterly, Anne 0. Krueger, Lawrence Lau, Robert Z. sion from "The Future Written in a Grain of Rice," Lawrence, Paul Romer, Marcelo Selowsky, Shekhar The Economist 318, 7697 (March 9-15, 1991): 83-84. Box Shah, and George S. Tolley. 4.2 is from World Bank 1990a. Box 4.3 is from Knudsen and others 1991. Box 4.4 is from Bank re- Chapter 3 ports on India and Indonesia. Box 4.5 draws from Thirsk 1991, and Shirazi and Shah, forthcoming. The This chapter draws extensively on World Bank docu- discussion of infrastructure benefited from an essay ments and academic publications. It also benefited by Attila Karaosmanoglu. The data on parallel pre- from the comments of World Bank staff who work on miums were prepared by Felicia Yesari. Jock Ander- the social sectors and experts outside the World son, Paul Ballard, Peter Hazell, David Lindauer, Guy Bank. Mark Rosenzweig collaborated on the analyses Pfeffermann, Sarath Rajapatirana, and Enrique of illness, education of entrepreneurs, and the effect Rueda Sabater provided extensive comments. of public expenditures on basic indicators of social welfare. The analysis of the effect of public spending Chapter 5 in the social sectors used estimates of internationally comparable real product from Summers and Heston This chapter draws heavily on World Bank docu- 1988, and infant mortality rates were checked against ments, operational experience, and academic the data survey by Hill and Pebley 1989. Box 3.1 sources. In addition to World Bank data and numer- draws from Fogel 1986, 1990, and McKeown 1976. ous outside sources, the discussion on technology Box 3.2 is based on the work on women's education incorporates examples from Rosenberg and Frischtak in developing countries by King and Hill, forthcom- 1985 and Evenson and Ranis 1990. The discussion of ing. Box 3.3 is drawn from Broadbridge 1989, Emi intellectual property protection is based primarily on 1968, and Morishima 1982. Box 3.4 is based on Mansfield 1989; discussions with Claudio Frischtak; Cleaver and Schreiber 1991 and United Nations and Nogues 1990. The analysis of the role of govern- 1990c. Box 3.5 was drafted by Joseph Kutzin with ment intervention is based on a variety of sources, additional data from Jill Armstrong; it draws from but benefited greatly from Westphal 1990 and Gross- Over and Kutzin 1990 and WHO 1991. Box 3.6 is man 1989. The discussion of trade reform draws pri- based on data from OECD 1980 through 1989; Lock- marily from Thomas and Nash, forthcoming, and Pa- heed and Verspoor, forthcoming; and World Develop- pageorgiou, Michaely, and Choksi 1990. Box 5.1 is ment Report 1990. The population working group of based on Wheeler, Cole, and Irianiwati 1990 and ma- the World Bank's Population and Human Resources terial provided by David Dollar. Table 5.1 draws on Department provided some data on health and popu- three census data sets analyzed with the assistance of lation. Jere Behrman, Fred Golladay, Ravi Kanbur, Mona Haddad and Brian Aitken. The data on aggre- Douglas H. Keare, Kye Woo Lee, and William gate capital flows used in Figure 5.1 and Table 5.2 McGreevey provided extensive comments. were collected for this chapter by David McMurray. Box figures 5.5a and 5.5b are based on data provided Chapter 4 by Ron Duncan, who also commented on the analy- sis. Michele DeNevers, Ashoka Mody, and Lant Pri- This chapter draws heavily on the academic litera- tchett provided extensive comments. ture, and on World Bank reports, project evaluation data from the Bank's Operations Evaluation Depart- Chapter 6 ment and from the IFC, and internal documents. The sources for the analysis of economic rates of return This chapter draws on a range of World Bank, IMF, for projects financed by the Bank and IFC are given in and academic sources. The material in the section on the technical note. The discussion on agriculture booms and busts draws extensively on the country draws on an extensive review of the literature and studies of the World Bank Research project on Macro- in particular from Schiff and Valdés, forthcoming; economic Policies, Crisis, and Growth in the Long Binswanger 1990; Feder, Just, and Zilberman 1982; Run and on Corden 1991. Box 6.1 draws on Goldstein 166 and Montiel 1986 and World Bank, various years. Box on work by Alan Gelb and Cheryl Gray in the Social- 6.2 is based on Rodrik 1989, World Bank 1990c, and ist Economies Unit of the World Bank's Country Eco- Webb and Shariff 1990. Box 6.3 draws on Kawasaki nomics Department. Detailed comments were re- 1990 and Horioka 1990. Box 6.4 is based on Cud- ceived from Robert Bates, Jessica P. Einhorn, Gerald dington 1986, Dooley 1986, and Edwards and Tab- Pohl, Geoffrey Lamb, and Mary Shirley. ellini 1989. Box 6.5 is based on van Wijnbergen 1990. Edgardo Barandiaran, Max Corden, Wafik Grais, Ejaz Chapter 8 Ghani, and Kazi Matin made extensive comments. Sources for the section on priorities for global action Chapter 7 include Bhagwati 1989; Chipman 1991; World Bank 1990d; World Development Report 1990; and a back- This chapter draws on extensive academic literature, ground paper by Pearce. The section on specific ac- operational experience, and World Bank internal doc- tions that can work is based on World Bank 1989a; uments. The section on the political economy of de- Brimble and Dahlman 1990; Kalter and Khor 1990; velopment is based on Taylor and Jodice 1983, and World Bank internal documents. Detailed com- Ohkawa and Rosovsky 1973, Eckaus 1986, Finger ments were received from Kemal Dervis, Harinder 1990, Roubini and Sachs 1989, O'Donnell 1988, Bates Kohli, Dani Leipziger, Rachel McCulloch, Joan 1981, Londregan and Poole 1989, Hoff and Stiglitz Nelson, and Dani Rodrik. 1990, Krueger 1990, and Wolf 1987. Lant Pritchett also made a valuable contribution to this section. Background papers Klitgaard 1988 is the main source for the section on corruption. The section on democracies draws from Adelman, Irma. "Long-Term Economic Develop- Nunberg 1990, Weede 1983, Lipset, Seong, and ment." Torres 1991, and Grier and Tullock 1989. The section Austin, Gareth. "Government Intervention, Political on institutions is based on, among others, Hicks Systems, and Economic Performance in Sub- 1969, Matthews 1986, Nellis 1989, North 1991, Hagen Saharan Africa: A Historical Perspective." 1962, Perkins 1967, Blinder 1990, Aoki 1990, Fried- Balassa, Bela. "Trends in Developing Country Ex- man 1988, and Supple 1971. The section on holding ports, 1963-88." society together was drafted in collaboration with Bhalla, Surjit, and Indermit Gill. "Social Expenditure Homi Kharas, who also drafted the Malaysia portion Policies and Welfare Achievement in Developing of Box 7.5. Dilesh Jayanntha provided valuable com- Countries." ments on the Sri Lanka portion of that box. This sec- Bhalla, Surjit, and Lawrence J. Lau. "Openness, tion also draws on Cameron 1984, Espig-Andersen Technological Progress, and Economic Growth in and Korpi 1984, Hirschman 1990, Fields 1991, Sachs Developing Countries." 1985 and 1989, Berg and Sachs 1988, and Jackman, Chhibber, Ajay, and Mansoor Dailami. "Public Policy Pissarides, and Savouri 1990. The section on reform- and Private Investment: Recent Evidence on Key ing the public sector is based on numerous internal Selected Issues." Bank documents as well as on Lindauer and Val- Coutinho, Rui, and Gianpiero Gallo. "Public and Pri- enchik 1990. The discussion on military expenditures vate Investment in Developing Countries: Some is based on data from U.S. Arms Control and Disar- Cross-Country Evidence." mament Agency 1986, Sivard 1989, and UNDP 1990. "The Impact of Adjustment Programs: A Roger Sullivan drafted the section on wage expendi- Survey." tures and civil service reform, drawing from opera- Dasgupta, Partha. "The State and the Idea of Well- tional experience, several internal Bank documents, Being. and Merode, forthcoming. The section on state- Dollar, David. "Outward Orientation and Growth: owned enterprises, privatization, and reform is based An Empirical Study Using a Price-Based Measure on operational experience, a vast literature, and pub- of Openness." lished documents, particularly Kjellström 1990 and Easterly, William, "How Does Growth Begin? Michalet 1989. Homi Kharas drafted the discussion of Models of Endogenous Development." Eastern European countries. Haggard and Kaufman Elias, Victor J. "The Role of Total Factor Productivity 1990 and Remmer 1986 were the primary sources for on Economic Growth." the section on the political economy of reform. Box Fardoust, Shahrokh. "The World Economy in Transi- 7.1 is based on Klitgaard 1988; Box 7.2 on Dornbusch tion: Recent History and Outlook for the World and Edwards 1989; Box 7.6 on work by Jack Ham- Economy." ilton; and Box 7.7 on Fischer and GeIb, forthcoming, Fernandez-Arias, Eduardo. "External Finance and Hinds 1990; and Kornai 1990. Box figure 7.7 is based Economic Growth: Theory and Evidence." 167 Finger, J. Michael. "That Old GATT Magic No More Singer, H. W. "Multilateralism and Nationalism in Cast Its Spell: How the Uruguay Round Failed." the Shadow of the Debt Crisis." Fischer, Stanley, and Vinod Thomas. "Policies for Srinivasan, 1. N. "Development Thought, Strategy, Economic Development." and Policy: Then and Now." Hamilton, J. M. "War and Development." Thirsk, Wayne. "Tax Distortions and Tax Reform in Harberger, Arnold C. "Reflections on the Growth Developing Countries." Process." Thomas, Vinod, Nadav Halevi, and Julie Stanton. Harrison, Ann E. 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Wash- World Institute for Development Economics Re- ington, D.C. search. Various years. Research for Action. Helsinki. 180 Statistical appendix The tables in this statistical appendix present sum- and data notes" for an explanation of the country mary data on population, national accounts, trade, groups and to the technical notes of the World and external debt of low- and middle-income econ- Development Indicators for definitions of the con- omies, high-income economies, and the world as a cepts used. group. Readers should refer to the "Definitions Table A.1 Population (mid-year) and average annual growth Population (millions) Average annual growth (percent) Count ry group 1965 1973 1980 1990 1965-73 1973 -80 1 980-90 1990_2000a Low- and middle-income economies 2,394 2,911 3,370 4,138 2.5 2.1 2.1 1.9 Low-income economies 1,743 2,129 2,456 3,013 2.5 2.0 2.1 1.9 Middle-income economies 650 782 914 1,125 2.3 2.3 2.1 1.9 Severely indebted middle-income economies 323 392 459 565 2.4 2.3 2.1 1.8 Sub-Saharan Africa 244 301 364 496 2.6 2.7 3.2 3.2 East Asia 972 1,195 1,346 1,580 2.6 1.7 1.6 1.4 South Asia 645 781 922 1,156 2.4 2.4 2.3 1.9 Europe, Middle East, and North Africa 273 315 361 440 1.8 2.0 2.0 2.0 Latin America and the Caribbean 240 295 349 430 2.6 2.4 2.1 1.8 High-income economies 680 736 780 835 1.0 0.8 0.7 0.6 OECD members 649 698 733 776 0.9 0.7 0.6 0.5 Other economies 254 277 296 324 1.1 1.0 0.9 0.7 World 3,328 3,924 4,446 5,298 2.1 1.8 1.8 1.6 Oil exporters (excluding USSR) 127 158 197 274 2.8 3.1 3.4 3.1 a. Projections. For the assumptions used in the projections, see the technical notes for Table 26 in the World Development Indicators. 181 Table A.2 GNP, population, GNP per capita, and growth of GNP per capita 1989 GNP 1989 1989 GNP (billions of population per capita Average annual growth of GNP per capita (percent) Country group dollars) (millions) (dollars) 1965-73 1973-80 1980-89 1988 1989 1990a Low- and middle-income economies 3,232 4,053 800 4.2 2.5 1.5 1.4 1.4 0.0 Low-income economies 981 2,948 330 2.4 2.1 4.1 3.4 3.3 3.2 Middle-income economies 2,253 1,105 2,040 5.2 2.3 0.5 0.6 0.6 -1.1 Severely indebted middle- income economies 958 554 1,720 4.8 2.9 -0.3 -0.7 -1.3 -3.4 Sub-Saharan Africa 162 480 340 1.7 0.6 -1.2 -3.1 0.0 East Asia 841 1,552 540 5.2 4.7 6.3 9.5 2.2 6.4 South Asia 367 1,131 320 1.2 1.9 2.9 6.7 0.0 3.1 Europe, Middle East, and North Africa 944 433 2,180 1.8 0.4 0.0 -0.5 Latin America and the Caribbean 823 421 1,950 4.7 2.3 -0.5 -1.7 -1.2 -2.4 High-income economies 15,230 831 18,330 3.7 2.3 2.3 3.7 2.7 2.1 OECD members 14,748 773 19,090 3.8 2.3 2.4 3.7 2.8 2.1 Other economies 323 World 20,736 5,206 3,980 2.8 1.5 1.2 2.4 1.5 1.7 Oil exporters (excluding USSR) 478 553 6.0 1.0 -2.5 -2.1 -1.1 a. Preliminary data. Table A.3 Composition of GDP (billions of dollars) Country groupand indicator 1965 1973 1980 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990a Low- and middle-income economies GDP 389 867 2,430 2,550 2,655 2,745 3,030 3,303 3,476 Total consumption 309 660 1,807 1,938 2,024 2,051 2,237 2,451 Gross domestic investment 80 201 657 604 653 679 781 859 Net exports 0 6 -34 8 -22 16 12 -6 Low-income economies GDP 169 315 790 828 793 821 931 996 974 Total consumption 138 241 588 632 602 605 683 736 Gross domestic investment 32 71 202 223 220 234 272 283 Net exports -1 3 0 -28 -29 -17 -25 -23 Middle-income economies GDP 215 549 1,640 1,722 1,862 1,924 2,099 2,308 Total consumption 167 415 1,218 1,304 1,424 1,448 1,555 1,716 Gross domestic investment 46 129 456 380 432 445 509 576 Net exports 2 5 -34 37 6 31 36 16 Severely indebted middle-income economies GDP 114 290 810 788 810 850 962 1,091 1,210 Total consumption 89 228 624 606 643 656 733 842 Gross domestic investment 24 61 205 151 155 178 210 226 Net exports 1 0 -19 30 12 16 19 23 Sub-Saha ran Africa GDP 31 69 225 198 168 151 164 171 180 Total consumption 26 55 177 172 148 129 143 146 152 Gross domestic investment 4 12 45 24 25 24 26 26 28 Net exports 0 1 3 1 -5 -2 -4 -1 -0 East Asia GDP 91 206 547 589 585 644 780 895 892 Total consumption 70 148 379 406 395 416 504 588 . Gross domestic investment 20 56 166 191 189 212 262 307 Net exports 1 2 1 -9 1 16 14 1 182 Table A.3 (continued) Country group and indicator 1965 1973 1980 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990a South Asia GDP 69 97 220 277 295 328 350 351 374 Total consumption 60 81 184 225 239 268 285 289 313 Gross domestic investment 12 17 49 65 67 71 79 76 79 Net exports -2 -1 -12 -13 -12 -11 -14 -13 -17 Europe, Middle East, and North Africa GDP 81 206 644 749 858 810 808 828 Total consumption 62 148 463 566 652 614 590 598 Gross domestic investment 18 52 200 191 240 206 219 242 Net exports 1 6 -18 -8 -33 -10 -0 -12 Latin America and the Caribbean GDP 100 254 714 681 689 731 838 964 Total consumption 78 201 550 528 551 563 641 746 Gross domestic investment 20 54 173 121 122 149 175 188 Net exports 1 -0 -10 33 16 19 22 30 High-income economies GDP 1,434 3,401 8,096 9,156 11,130 12,924 14,504 15,021 Total consumption 1,185 2,595 6,256 7,321 8,848 10,224 11,302 11,658 Gross domestic investment 240 774 1,787 1,802 2,211 2,640 3,130 3,286 Net exports 9 27 -9 23 71 51 67 63 OECD members GDP 1,413 3,335 7,775 8,835 10,804 12,541 14,073 14,537 Total consumption 1,169 2,551 6,076 7,079 8,592 9,934 10,977 11,298 Gross domestic investment 235 757 1,707 1,733 2,141 2,557 3,029 3,176 Net exports 9 27 -9 23 71 51 67 63 Other economies GDP Total consumption Gross domestic investment Net exports World GDP 2,044 4,790 11,796 13,067 15,411 17,522 19,570 20,443 Total consumption 1,678 3,658 9,087 10,334 12,164 13,748 15,126 15,736 Gross domestic investment 358 1,098 2,738 2,696 3,210 3,720 4,385 4,658 Net exports 8 35 -29 37 37 55 59 49 Oil exporters (excluding USSR) GDP 35 109 550 609 582 460 466 465 Total consumption 25 66 320 475 469 344 352 330 Gross domestic investment 7 26 143 118 139 105 112 112 Net exports 3 16 87 16 -26 11 2 23 Note: Components may not sum to totals because of rounding. Net exports include goods and nonfactor services, a. Preliminary data. 183 Table A.4 Consumption, investment, and saving (percentage of GDP) Country group and indicator 1965 1973 1980 1985 1987 1988 1989 Low- and middle-income economies Total consumption 79.5 76.1 74.4 76.0 74.7 73.8 74.2 Gross domestic investment 20.5 23.2 27.0 23.7 24.7 25.8 26.0 Gross national savings 18.8 21.7 23.9 21.1 22.6 23.5 22.9 Low-income economies Total consumption 81.5 76.7 74.4 76.4 73.7 73.4 73.9 Gross domestic investment 19.0 22.5 25.5 26.9 28.4 29.2 28.5 Gross national savings 18.1 21.0 24.6 22.4 24.9 25.1 24.5 Middle-income economies Total consumption 77.7 75.6 74.3 75.8 75.2 74.1 74.4 Gross domestic investment 21.5 23.5 27.8 22.1 23.1 24.2 24.9 Gross national savings 19.5 22.2 23.6 20.5 21.5 22.7 Severely indebted middle-income economies Total consumption 78.2 78.8 77.0 76.9 77.2 76.2 77.2 Gross domestic investment 20.8 21.1 25.3 19.2 20.9 21.9 20.7 Gross national savings 18.9 18.6 20.2 17.6 18.2 19.4 17.6 Sub-Saha ran Africa Total consumption 84.8 80.1 78.6 87.2 85.7 87.0 85.7 Gross domestic investment 13.9 17.8 20.0 12.1 15.9 15.7 15.1 Gross national savings 13.0 16.1 18.0 9.4 9.8 7.7 8.9 East Asia Total consumption 77.0 71.9 69.4 69.0 64.6 64.5 65.6 Gross domestic investment 22.3 27.2 30.4 32.5 33.0 33.6 34.2 Gross national savings 22.8 25.5 29.4 29.2 33.7 34.0 33.1 South Asia Total consumption 86.0 83.6 83.4 81.2 81.9 81.5 82.2 Gross domestic investment 16.8 17.0 22.0 23.6 21.6 22.5 21.6 Gross national savings 13.5 16.0 16.7 17.9 17.1 17.3 16.5 Europe, Middle East, and North Africa Total consumption 76.3 71.9 71.8 75.6 75.8 73.0 72.2 Gross domestic investment 22.4 25.2 31.0 25.5 25.4 27.1 29.2 Gross national savings 18.9 25.2 26.9 22.4 22.2 25.0 Latin America and the Caribbean Total consumption 78.6 78.9 77.1 77.5 77.0 76.5 77.4 Gross domestic investment 20.3 21.2 24.3 17.7 20.4 20.9 19.5 Gross national savings 19.0 19.0 20.4 17.2 18.4 18.9 17.2 High-income economies Total consumption 82.7 76.3 77.3 80.0 79.1 77.9 77.6 Gross domestic investment 16.7 22.7 22.1 19.7 20.4 21.6 21.9 Gross national savings 17.7 24.1 23.3 20.5 21.1 22.2 22.6 OECD members Total consumption 82.8 76.5 78.2 80.1 79.2 78.0 77.7 Gross domestic investment 16.6 22.7 22.0 19.6 20.4 21.5 21.8 Gross national savings 17.7 24.1 22.4 20.2 20.9 22.1 22.4 Other economies Total consumption Gross domestic investment Gross national savings World Total consumption 82.0 76.3 76.6 79.1 78.5 77.3 77.1 Gross domestic investment 17.5 22.9 23.2 20.6 21.2 22.3 22.6 Gross national savings 17.9 23.7 23.4 20.6 21.3 22.3 22.5 Oil exporters (excl. USSR) Total consumption 72.1 61.1 58.2 78.0 74.8 75.5 71.0 Gross domestic investment 20.1 24.2 25.9 19.4 22.9 24.1 24.1 Gross national savings 19.9 33.7 41.1 22.8 26.5 24.2 184 Table A.5 Investment, saving, and current account balance before official transfers (percentage of GNP) Balance of payments: current account balance Gross domestic investment Gross national savings (before official transfers) Country 1965-73 1973-80 1980-89 1965_73a 1973 -80 1980-89 1965-73 1973-80 1980-89 Latin America and the Caribbean *Argentina 19.7 23.4 15.5 20.1 . . 15.5 0.4 . . -4.3 *Bolivia 25.4 24.9 12.2 21.3 18.5 12.2 -4.1 -6.4 -10.2 *BraZil 21.3 24.0 21.5 19.1 19.3 21.5 -2.1 -4.6 -1.8 *Chile 14.3 17.3 18.1 11.9 12.1 18.1 -2.4 -5.2 -8.4 Colombia 18.9 18.8 20.4 15.8 19.0 20.4 -3.2 0.2 -3.0 *Costa Rica 21.8 25.5 27.4 13.0 13.8 27.4 -8.8 -11.7 -10.3 *Ecuador 19.0 26.7 23.2 12.7 21.2 23.2 -6.2 -5.5 -6.6 Guatemala 13.3 18.7 13.5 11.6 16.4 13.5 -1.7 -2.3 -4.2 *Honduras 18.6 24.9 17.0 14.0 14.7 7.4 -4.6 -10.2 -9.6 Jamaica 32.0 20.2 25.2 23.7 13.6 25.2 -8.4 -6.6 -10.2 'Mexico 20.6 24.2 23.1 14.9 20.2 23.1 -5.7 -4.0 -1.8 *peru 24.1 23.9 26.2 20.9 19.7 26.2 -3.2 -4.2 -4.2 *Uruguay 12.0 15.7 12.3 12.0 11.3 12.3 -0.0 -4.4 -2.3 *Venezuela 31.1 34.2 22.0 31.9 35.8 22.0 0.8 1.6 1.6 Sub-Saha ran Africa Cameroon 16.6 21.8 23.7 . . 17.0 23.7 . . -4.8 -4.6 *Congo, People's Rep. 29.3 34.0 38.2 4.2 10.4 38.2 -25.2 -23.6 -13,8 *Côte d'Ivoire 22.8 29.1 18.3 . . 16.8 18.3 . . -12.3 -11.0 Ethiopia 12.8 9.5 12.8 11.0 6.9 12.8 -1.8 -2.5 -7.5 Ghana 12.3 8.7 8.7 6.9 -3.6 -1.8 -5.2 Kenya 22.6 26.0 25.4 17.2 16.3 25.4 -5.5 -9.7 -7.4 Liberia 19.1 28.7 . . 27.5 . . -1.2 Malawi 20.0 29.6 19.2 10.8 19.2 -18.8 -13.0 Niger 9.7 23.8 15.8 . . 10.0 15.8 . . -13.8 -13.3 Nigeria 16.3 22.8 13.8 11.8 24.4 13.8 -4.5 1.6 -1.4 *Senegal 14.7 17.5 16.0 4.2 16.0 -13.3 -14.8 Sierra Leone 13.8 14.1 13.4 9.7 -1.0 . . -4.1 -15.1 Sudan 11.9 16.3 13.0 11.0 9.6 13.0 -0.9 -6.8 -10.2 Tanzania 19.9 23.9 17.1 14.1 . . -2.8 -9.8 -9.7 Zaire 9.8 9.7 9.4 14.2 5.3 9.4 4.5 -4.4 -7.0 Zambia 31.9 28.5 17.2 34.3 19.9 17.2 2.4 -8.6 -12.2 East Asia Indonesia 15.8 24.5 30.4 13.7 24.6 30.4 -2.1 0.1 -2.8 Korea, Rep. 23.9 31.2 31.2 17.6 25.9 31.2 -6.3 -5.3 1.6 Malaysia 22.3 28.7 32.2 22.6 29.4 32.2 0.2 0.6 -2.9 Papua New Guinea 27.8 22.0 26.2 11.7 26.2 -10.3 -20.7 *philippines 20.6 29.1 21.7 19.7 24.3 21.7 -1.0 -4.8 -4.1 Thailand 24.3 26.9 26.7 22.1 21.9 26.7 -2.1 -5.0 -4.1 South Asia India 17.2 21.3 23.9 15.8 21.0 23.9 -1.4 -0.3 -2.4 Pakistan 16.1 17.5 18.8 . . 11.7 18.8 -5.8 -4.0 Sri Lanka 15.8 20.6 25.8 11.2 13.4 25.8 -4.6 -7.2 -10.2 Europe, Middle East, and North Africa Algeria 32.6 44.6 35.2 30.5 39.0 35.2 -2.2 -5.6 -0.8 *Egypt, Arab Rep. 14.0 29.3 27.9 9.3 18.2 27.9 -4.7 -11.1 -11.7 *Hungary . 32.0 27.9 . . 32.0 27.9 . . . *Morocco 15.1 25.9 25.3 13.6 16.8 25.3 -1.5 -9.0 -6.1 *Poland . 28.3 28.3 -5.6 -2.9 Portugal 26.6 29.7 30.4 . . 29.7 30.4 . . . . Tunisia 23.3 29.9 27.5 17.8 23.2 27.5 -5.5 -6.7 -5.6 Turkey 18.5 21.8 22.8 16.0 18.1 22.8 -2.5 -3.7 -2.1 Yugoslavia 29.9 35.6 38.2 27.1 32.9 38.2 -2.7 -2.7 Note: Asterisks indicate severely indebted middle-income economies. Figures in italics are for years other than specified. a. Excludes transfers, 1965-69. 185 Table A.6 GDP and growth rates 1989 GDP Average annual growth of GDP (percent) (billions of Country group dollars) 1965-73 1973-80 1980-89 1987 1988 1989 1990a Low- and middle-income economies 3,303 6.5 4.7 3.8 3.8 4.3 2.9 2.3 Low-income economies 996 5.3 4.5 6.2 5.9 8.1 4.1 4.5 Middle-income economies 2,308 7.0 4.7 2.9 2.9 2.7 2.4 1.1 Severely indebted middle- income economies 1,091 6.4 5.2 1.9 2.8 1.3 1.3 -1.6 Sub-Saharan Africa 171 4.8 3.2 2.1 0.2 2.9 2.9 1.5 East Asia 895 8.1 6.6 7.9 8.9 9.7 5.5 6.7 South Asia 351 3.6 4.2 5.1 4.3 8.2 4.5 4.2 Europe, Middle East, and North Africa 828 7.7 3.9 2.9 1.2 2.1 1.5 -0.8 Latin America and the Caribbean 964 6.5 5.0 1.6 3.1 0.5 1.3 -0.7 High-income economies 15,021 4.8 3.1 3.0 3.5 4.4 3.4 2.6 OECD members 14,537 4.7 3.0 3.0 3.4 4.4 3.3 2.6 Other economies World 20,443 5.0 3.3 3.1 3.5 4.4 3.3 2.5 Oil exporters (excluding USSR) 8.3 3.7 0.8 -0.3 2.5 2.2 a. Preliminary data. Table A.7 Structure of production (percentage of GDP) 1965 1973 l980 1985 1987 1988 1989a Agri- Agri- Agri- Agri- Agri- Agri- Agri- cul- Indus- cul- Indus- cul- Indus- cul- Indus- cul- Indus- cul- Indus- cul- Indus- Count ry group ture try ture try ture try ture try ture try ture try ture try Low- and middle-income economies 31 31 24 34 19 38 19 36 18 36 18 36 19 38 Low-income economies 44 28 38 32 33 37 33 33 31 33 31 34 32 37 Middle-income economies 19 34 15 35 12 39 12 37 13 37 12 37 12 36 Severely indebted middle- income economies 17 33 14 33 11 37 11 36 11 36 11 36 Sub-Saharan Africa 41 20 31 25 28 32 33 26 30 25 31 24 32 27 East Asia 42 35 35 40 29 44 27 41 25 42 24 43 24 44 South Asia 44 21 43 19 35 22 31 24 29 24 30 23 32 26 Europe, Middle East, and North Africa 16 13 41 14 37 15 37 15 35 15 Latin America and the Caribbean 16 33 12 33 10 37 10 37 10 37 10 37 High-income economies 5 42 4 37 3 37 3 34 3 31 OECD members 5 43 4 37 3 36 3 34 3 31 Other economies World 10 40 8 37 7 37 6 35 5 32 Oil exporters (excluding USSR) 13 48 10 54 14 38 13 35 14 35 14 35 a. Preliminary data. 186 Table A.8 GDP by sector growth rates (average annual percentage change) Agriculture Industry Services Count ry group 1965-73 1973 -80 1980-89 1965-73 1973-80 1980-89 1965-73 1973-80 1980-89 Low- and middle-income economies 3.1 2.5 3.3 8.3 4.9 4.5 7.3 6.4 3.5 Low-income economies 2.9 2.1 4.0 8.8 6.6 8.6 5.8 5.5 6.2 Middle-income economies 3.3 3.0 2.6 8.1 4.4 3.0 7.7 6.6 2.8 Severely indebted middle- income economies 2.8 3.2 2.1 7.4 5.9 1.5 7.3 5.9 1.9 Sub-Saharan Africa 2.4 1.1 2.0 10.4 4.3 0.7 3.4 4.2 2.3 East Asia 3.2 2.5 5.2 12.4 9.4 10.4 9.8 7.2 7.7 South Asia 3.1 2.2 2.9 3.9 5.5 6.7 4.0 5.3 6.3 Europe, Middle East, and North Africa . . . . 2.9 . . . . 3.1 . . . . 2.7 Latin America and the Caribbean 2.8 3.3 1.9 7.5 5.4 1.6 7.5 5.8 1.6 High-income economies -2.3 1.5 10.9 1.9 2.1 12.6 0.7 3.1 OECD members -2.5 1.3 10.9 1.7 2.2 12.6 0.6 3.1 Other economies World 2.4 0.2 2.6 10.6 2.3 2.4 12.1 1.2 3.2 Oil exporters (excluding USSR) 4.1 2.7 5.4 9.8 1.4 -1.1 7.9 9.8 1.9 Table A.9 Growth of export volume (average annual percentage change) Country and commodity group 1965-73 1973-80 1980-87 1987 1988 1989 Low- and middle-income economies 5.1 3.5 4.6 10.9 9.8 4.9 Primary goods 4.0 1.2 2.8 4.1 4.1 2.7 Food 2.5 4.9 3.4 11.6 -5.1 Fuels 5.3 -0.8 1.8 -4.2 7.2 Nonfood primary 2.4 3.1 0.3 -3.1 8.6 Metals and minerals 5.4 7.3 1.3 8.6 -0.4 Manufactures 10.9 13.0 7.0 20.4 14.7 2.4 Low-income economies 10.4 3.5 4.2 7.7 9.1 6.0 Primary goods 12.7 1.4 0.8 -3.2 0.1 5.1 Food 0.6 3.9 3.7 7.1 -3.3 Fuels 23.6 -0.1 -0.5 -7.0 6.3 Nonfood primary 6.4 2.6 -0.3 -10.0 -4.9 Metals and minerals 6.6 5.6 -1.6 10.7 -5.7 Manufactures 10.3 10.2 21.6 18.9 8.6 Middle-income economies 3.9 3.5 4.7 11.9 10.0 4.5 Primary goods 2.1 1.2 3.6 6.7 5.6 1.9 Food 3.0 5.3 3.3 13.1 -5.6 Fuels 1.8 -1.2 2.9 -2.9 7.7 Nonfood primary 1.3 3.2 0.6 -0.5 13.7 Metals and minerals 5.0 8.1 2.2 8.1 1.1 Manufactures 14.7 13.9 6.0 20.0 13.2 Severely indebted middle-income economies 0.6 2.8 3.6 8.2 12.1 -0.6 Primary goods -1.4 0.9 2.5 4.1 . . -1.4 Manufactures 15.6 10.9 7.4 20.7 23.9 -4.9 Sub-SaharanAfrica 14.2 -0.2 -1.8 6.0 2.7 0.9 Primary goods 14.7 -0.8 -2.0 2.4 4.4 Manufactures 5.8 9.7 2.4 28.4 -9.2 East Asia 10.6 9.4 9.6 13.2 11.4 6.3 Primary goods 8.4 5.0 4.6 -3.3 -0.8 . Manufactures 28.3 17.1 13.8 25.0 18.2 0.7 South Asia -0.2 4.5 5.4 12.0 6.8 10.6 Primary goods -1.9 2.1 3.7 -5.3 -2.2 Manufactures 1.1 6.3 6.2 22.8 11.1 187 Table A.9 Growth of export volume (continued) Country and commodity group 1965-73 1973 -80 1980-87 1987 1988 1989 Europe, Middle East, and North Africa . . -0.6 4.8 11.2 10.4 3.0 Primary goods Manufactures Latin America and the Caribbean -0.4 2.2 3.4 9.0 10.5 2.0 Primary goods -1.9 0.2 2.3 5.6 4.9 4.5 Manufactures 16.7 9.5 6.1 17.1 25.0 -4.6 High-income economies 10.1 5.2 3.4 5.0 5.7 2.4 Primary goods 8.8 3.8 1.4 4.0 -1.3 -0.4 Food 6.2 8.0 4.3 17.5 -2.5 Fuels 13.4 1.0 -2.7 -9.4 10.1 Nonfood primary 4.2 4.7 3.3 2.9 -11.8 Metals and minerals 8.2 9.8 1.6 -2.4 -12.9 Manufactures 10.7 5.6 4.0 5.3 7.6 2.8 OECD members 9.5 5.4 3.8 5.5 5.2 2.1 Primary goods 5.7 6.4 4.1 10.5 -4.0 -0.9 Food 6.2 8.0 4.2 17.8 -2.5 Fuels 8.4 3.7 4.5 5.5 3.7 Nonfood primary 2.9 6.2 3.6 4.5 -11.6 Metals and minerals 8.2 9.7 1.5 -3.1 -13.9 Manufactures 10.6 5.2 3.7 4.4 7.5 2.7 Other economies World 9.2 4.9 3.6 6.0 6.4 2.8 Primary goods 6.9 2.8 1.9 4.0 0.4 0.4 Food 4.9 7.0 4.1 15.8 -3.2 Fuels 9.8 0.3 -1.2 -7.6 9.1 Nonfood primary 3.7 4.1 2.5 1.2 -6.4 Metals and minerals 7.3 9.1 1.6 0.6 -9.3 Manufactures 10.7 6.2 4.2 6.7 8.3 2.7 Oil exporters (excl. USSR) 8.2 -1.8 -6.2 -9.6 17.7 7.3 Primary goods 8.2 -1.1 -6.8 -9.9 17.4 Food -5.6 -5.7 -1.7 -26.3 17.7 Fuels 8.8 -0.8 -7.5 -17.0 15.5 Nonfood primary 6.6 -2.5 -19.8 32.7 42.2 Metals and minerals 8.3 1.6 20.6 -10.0 Manufactures 15.5 6.5 -3.9 22.4 . 188 Table A.1O Change in export prices and terms of trade (average annual percentage change) Country group 1965-73 1973-80 1980-87 1987 1988 1989 Export prices Low- and middle-income economies 6.1 14.7 -4.6 8.5 3.0 2.1 Primary goods 5.8 18.5 -6.9 9.5 0.4 Food 5.9 8.3 -2.7 -7.4 15.1 Fuels 9.0 29.5 -9.7 23.4 -14.3 Nonfood primary 3.1 9.8 -3.9 22.6 20.1 Metals and minerals 2.7 4.0 -3.3 11.7 31.6 Manufactures 5.8 6.8 -0.9 6.0 6.5 5.6 High-income OECD members 4.8 10.3 0.4 11.8 8.4 5.3 Primary goods 6.1 8.6 -4.1 3.7 16.0 8.2 Food 6.1 5.1 -3.5 -1.4 17.0 Fuels 6.7 19.4 -6.8 -1.8 -11.1 Nonfood primary 4.3 6.7 -3.1 9.6 26.0 Metals and minerals 2.2 4.6 -2.4 19.0 47.5 Manufactures 4.6 10.7 1.8 13.9 6.5 4.7 Terms of trade Low- and middle-income economies 0.1 2.1 -3.7 0.3 -2.0 0.9 Middle-income economies 1.0 1.9 -3.8 0.2 -2.0 0.2 Severely indebted middle-income economies 2.8 0.5 -2.8 0.5 -1.2 8.0 Sub-Saharan Africa -6.7 5.4 -5.7 0.6 -5.4 1.2 East Asia 3.3 0.3 -2.3 -0.5 1.2 2.5 South Asia 3.3 -3.1 1.3 0.6 1.8 -1.8 Europe, Middle East, and North Africa . . 5.7 -4.3 3.3 -9.7 -6.0 Latin America and the Caribbean 3.1 1.2 -3.9 -3.9 2.2 7.2 High-income economies -1.3 -2.2 0.3 -0.1 0.0 -0.1 OECD members -1.1 -3.3 1.4 -0.4 0.5 -0.4 Other economies World -0.9 -1.5 -0.4 0.1 -0.4 0.1 Oil exporters (excl. USSR) 13.5 -9.0 21.1 -22.5 6.6 189 Table A.11 Growth of long-term debt of low- and middle-income economies (average annual percentage change, nominal) Count ry group 1970-73 1973-80 1980-87 1988 1989 1990 Low- and middle-income economies Debt outstanding and disbursed 17.9 22.6 15.0 -2.1 -0.1 5.0 Official 15.2 18.0 18.5 0.8 4.0 12.1 Private 20.7 26.1 12.9 -4.4 -3.5 -1.4 Low-income economies Debt outstanding and disbursed 16.7 16.5 18.3 5.5 5.5 8.8 Official 14.7 14.1 17.5 4.3 6.8 12.0 Private 26.0 23.8 20.0 7.7 3.3 2.8 Middle-income economies Debt outstanding and disbursed 18.4 24.7 14.2 -4.6 -2.2 3.5 Official 15.6 21.2 19.1 -1.2 2.3 12.2 Private 20.0 26.5 12.0 -6.6 -5.0 -2.4 Severely indebted middle-income economies Debt outstanding and disbursed 16.8 25.2 16.2 -4.8 -2.4 3.5 Official 12.6 22.0 25.4 0.1 3.5 17.9 Private 18.6 26.5 12.9 -7.6 -6.1 -6.2 Sub-Saha ran Africa Debt outstanding and disbursed 20.1 23.9 18.1 1.7 4.2 10.7 Official 17.1 22.4 22.0 2.1 8.7 14.2 Private 25.5 26.2 12.6 0.9 -5.1 2.4 East Asia Debt outstanding and disbursed 23.4 22.7 17.9 -0.7 -0.0 6.7 Official 26.5 17.9 20.3 1.7 1.4 13.4 Private 20.7 26.6 16.5 -2.5 -1.1 1.4 South Asia Debt outstanding and disbursed 11.6 11.2 15.5 5.9 7.9 8.9 Official 12.3 10.4 12.1 4.1 6.5 8.7 Private 1.5 24.5 33.9 11.4 11.8 9.6 Europe, Middle East, and North Africa Debt outstanding and disbursed 22.3 31.1 13.4 -2.0 1.1 8.7 Official 16.3 26.7 17.3 -2.4 1.4 11.8 Private 32.2 35.8 9.7 -1.5 0.8 5.1 Latin America and the Caribbean Debt outstanding and disbursed 16.8 21.6 14.3 -5.6 -4.2 -1.3 Official 11.6 15.2 21.3 1.2 3.8 12.1 Private 18.9 23.5 12.7 -7.9 -7.2 -7.0 190 Table A.12 Composition of debt outstanding (percentage of total long-term debt) Debt from official sources Debt from private sources Debt at floating rate 1970-72 1980-82 1989 1970-72 1980-82 1989 1973-75 1980-82 1989 Latin America and the Caribbean *Argentina 12.6 9.0 18.6 87.4 91.0 81.4 6.6 29.2 80.4 *Bolivia 58.2 49.3 81.7 41.8 50.7 18.3 7.3 28.4 24.2 *Brazil 30.7 11.9 27.0 69.3 88.1 73.0 26.1 46.0 66.3 *Chile 46.0 11.1 32.9 54.0 88.9 67.1 8.3 23.4 53.9 Colombia 68.1 46.1 52.6 31.9 53.9 47.4 5.4 33.7 42.2 *Costa Rica 39.8 36.8 52.6 60.2 63.2 47.4 15.5 42.4 43.7 *Ecuador 51.4 29.5 38.6 48.6 70.5 61.4 8.2 37.2 63.3 Guatemala 47.5 71.0 76.0 52.5 29.0 24.0 3.5 5.6 10.3 *Honduras 73.8 62.6 81.4 26.3 37.4 18.6 1.8 18.9 19.0 Jamaica 7.4 68.3 83.9 92.6 31.7 16.1 4.7 17.3 23.8 *Mexico 19.5 10.9 20.9 80.5 89.1 79.1 31.8 61.4 75.3 *Nicaragua 65.3 58.0 82.3 34.7 42.0 17.7 44.2 42.1 18.4 *Peru 15.6 39.4 46.7 84.4 60.6 53.3 16.1 22.9 28.7 *Uruguay 44.2 21.1 23.2 55.8 78.9 76.8 10.1 28.5 70.4 *Venezuela 30.8 3.6 3.2 69.2 96.4 96.8 17.2 57.8 73.9 Sub-Saha ran Africa Cameroon 82.2 56.6 72.7 17.8 43.4 27.3 1.8 11.3 9.7 *Congo, People's Rep. 86.5 45.3 58.4 13.5 54.7 41.6 0.0 15.1 31.7 *Côte d'Ivoire 51.6 24.3 41.1 48.4 75.7 58.9 19.1 36.9 35.4 Ethiopia 87.3 90.9 87.5 12.7 9.1 12.5 1.5 2.1 5.2 Ghana 58.0 90.3 91.9 41.9 9.7 8.2 0.0 0.0 1.4 Kenya 58.3 54.8 72.5 41.7 45.2 27.5 2.1 10.1 3.7 Liberia 81.1 74.0 82.8 19.0 25.9 17.2 0.0 16.9 11.3 Malawi 85.8 72.2 95.1 14.2 27.8 4.9 2.3 21.9 3.7 Niger 97.0 41.0 73.9 2.9 59.0 26.1 0.0 13.4 7.7 Nigeria 68.8 15.1 47.6 31.2 84.9 52.4 0.7 48.0 37.8 *Senegal 63.2 69.1 93.9 36.8 30.9 6.1 24.5 9.4 1.5 Sierra Leone 60.6 67.4 82.7 39.4 32.6 17.3 3.8 0.0 1.2 Sudan 86.9 75.1 78.4 13.1 24.9 21.6 2.2 9.6 14.2 Tanzania 61.0 75.5 94.5 39.0 24.5 5.5 0.4 0.3 2.4 Zaire 42.5 65.9 89.2 57.5 34.1 10.8 32.8 11.9 5.3 Zambia 22.0 69.7 86.1 78.0 30.3 14.0 20.7 10.2 14.3 East Asia Indonesia 72.3 51.7 61.0 27.7 48.3 39.0 4.9 15.1 27.8 Korea, Rep. 35.2 34.3 37.3 64.8 65.7 62.7 11.8 29.0 20.2 Malaysia 51.0 21.9 23.6 49.0 78.1 76.4 17.4 36.7 43.9 Papua New Guinea 6.1 23.4 34.8 93.8 76.6 65.2 0.0 22.9 16.4 *Philippines 22.6 31.4 53.0 77.4 68.6 47.0 7.2 24.1 41.6 Thailand 40.1 39.1 42.5 59.9 60.9 57.5 0.4 22.4 24.9 South Asia India 95.1 83.9 59.3 4.9 16.1 40.7 0.0 3.0 16.7 Pakistan 90.5 92.6 93.9 9.5 7.4 6.1 0.0 3.2 10.6 Sri Lanka 81.6 79.5 85.1 18.4 20.5 14.9 0.0 12.9 3.5 Europe, Middle East, and North Africa Algeria 48.3 22.4 28.5 51.7 77.6 71.5 33.9 23.4 32.3 *Egypt, Arab Rep. 70.9 82.4 82.3 29.1 17.6 17.7 2.1 2.5 8.9 *Hungary 0.0 12.1 11.7 0.0 87.9 88.3 0.0 81.3 64.4 *Morocco 79.1 55.9 76.6 20.9 44.1 23.4 2.7 27.2 39.7 *Poland 92.3 36.6 68.5 7.7 63.4 31.5 11.3 47.0 64.0 Portugal 29.3 24.7 19.7 70.7 75.3 80.3 0.0 33.9 29.8 Tunisia 71.4 60.1 72.2 28.6 39.9 27.8 0.0 13.6 19.4 Turkey 92.2 63.3 46.8 7.8 36.7 53.2 0.8 23.0 29.8 Yugoslavia 37.5 23.6 37.5 62.5 76.4 62.5 3.2 10.1 55.8 Note: Asterisks indicate severely indebted middle-income economies. 191 World Development Indicators Contents Key 195 Introduction, maps, and charts 198 Tables 1 Basic indicators 204 Production 2 Growth of production 206 3 Structure of production 208 4 Agriculture and food 210 5 Commercial energy 212 6 Structure of manufacturing 214 7 Manufacturing earnings and output 216 Domestic absorption 8 Growth of consumption and investment 218 9 Structure of demand 220 10 Structure of consumption 222 Fiscal and monetary accounts 11 Central government expenditure 224 12 Central government current revenue 226 13 Money and interest rates 228 Core international transactions 14Growth of merchandise trade 230 15Structure of merchandise imports 232 16Structure of merchandise exports 234 17 OECD imports of manufactured goods: origin and composition 236 18 Balance of payments and reserves 238 External finance 19 Official development assistance from OECD and OPEC members 240 20 Official development assistance: receipts 242 21 Total external debt 244 22 Flow of public and private external capital 246 23 Aggregate net resource flows and net transfers 248 24 Total external debt ratios 250 25 Terms of external public borrowing 252 Human and natural resources 26 Population growth and projections 254 27 Demography and fertility 256 28 Health and nutrition 258 29 Education 260 30 Income distribution and ICP estimates of GDP 262 31 Urbanization 264 32 Women in development 266 33 Forests, protected areas, and water 268 Technical notes 270 Box A.1 Basic indicators for economies with populations of less than 1 million 271 Box A.2 Selected indicators for other economies 272 Data sources 290 194 Key In each table, economies are listed within their tion models, interpolation routines, or other groups in ascending order of GNP per capita, ex- methods. World Bank estimates and projections cept those for which no GNP per capita can be reported in the following tables are partly based calculated. These are italicized, in alphabetical or- on the sources in this table (using a different meth- der, at the end of their group. The ranking below odology from that of the UN); asterisks indicate refers to the order in the tables. where sources of later date are used. Further ex- The key has been expanded this year to give the planations of Bank estimates are given in World dates of the most recent population censuses and Population Projections, 1989-90 Edition. official population estimates (as reported in the Figures in colored bands in the tables are sum- UN's Population and Vital Statistics Report, January mary measures for groups of economies. 1991), and related demographic surveys. It also in- The letter w means weighted average; m, me- cludes the years or periods for which estimates dian value; t, total. have been made from the most recent demo- All growth rates are in real terms. graphic surveys (as reported by the UN Pop- The data cutoff date is April 30, 1991. ulation Division's PRED Bank database). This The symbol . means not available. . information is included to demonstrate that demo- The numbers 0 and 0.0 mean zero or less than graphic indicators are derived from sources that half the unit shown. are sometimes old and because the currentness of A blank means not applicable. these sources can be a reflection of the overall Figures in italics indicate data that are for years quality of a country's indicators. Beyond these or periods other than those specified. years, demographic estimateswhether official or The symbol t indicates economies classified by notmay be derived from other sources, such as the United Nations or otherwise regarded by their registration data, or may be generated by projec- authorities as developing. Country Official ranking Population population Life Infant Total in tables census estimate expectancy mortality fertility Afghanistan 35 1979 1989 1976-80 Algeria 78 1987 1987 1983 1983 1984 Angola 42 1970 1975 1984 Argentina 76 1980 1990 1979-81 1983 1976-80 Australia 107 1986 1990 1986* 1986* 1984* Austria 113 1981 1989 1986* 1987* 1986* Bangladesh 5 1981 1989 1981 1981* 1986* Belgium 112 1981 1988 1984* 1987* 1986* Benin 25 1979 1989 1977-81 1976-SO Bhutan 36 1969* 1980 1984 Bolivia 43 1976 1989 1970-75 172* 1976_80* Botswana 68 1981 1989 1979* 1984* Brazil 85 1980 1990 1976-80 1975* 198186* Bulgaria 79 1985 1988 1985* 1987* 1985* Burkina Faso 18 1985 1990 1971 1960-61 Burundi 10 1979 1989 1970-71 19S4' 1981_86* Cameroon 57 1976* 1989 1958-65 1974-78 1976-SO Canada 116 1986 1989 1985* 1986* 1986* Central African Rep. 26 1975* 1986 1970 1966-70 Chad 9 1964 1978 1963-64 195 Country Official ranking Population population Life Infant Total in tables census estimate expectancy mortality fertility Chile 71 1982 1989 1981-83 1986 1986 China 21 1990 1990 1981 1981* 1986* Colombia 63 1985 1988 1983 1983* 1981_86* Congo, People's Rep. 55 1984 1984 1970 1984 Costa Rica 72 1984 1989 1979-81 1982_84* 1984* Côte d'Ivoire 49 1975* 1983 1977-81 1975-80 Czechoslovakia 92 1980 1990 1986* 1987* 1985* Denmark 118 1981 1990 1985_86* 1986* 1986* Dominican Rep. 50 1981 1988 1980 1981_86* 198186* Ecuador 59 1982 1989 1982 1982* 1981_86* Egypt, Arab Rep. 44 1986 1989 1975-77 1984_86* 1984* El Salvador 62 1971 1989 1970-72 1970_72* 1985* Ethiopia 2 1984 1990 1981 Finland 121 1985 1990 1986* 1986* 1985* France 114 1990 1990 1986* 1987* 1986* Gabon 89 1961* 1985 1960-61 Germany 117 1987 1989 1986* 1986* 1986* Ghana 27 1984 1987 1984* 1981_86* Greece 97 1981 1989 1980* 1986* 1985* Guatemala 54 1981 1990 1980-82 1980_82* 1985* Guinea 30 1983 1988 1954-55 Haiti 22 1982 1989 1970-71 1980* 1983* Honduras 53 1974* 1989 1973-75 1977_79* 1981* tHong Kong 104 1986 1989 1985-86 1985_86* 1985* Hungary 86 1980 1990 1986* 1987* 1985* India 20 1981* 1989 1981-83 1981-83 1984* Indonesia 33 1980* 1989 1971-80 1976* 1981_86* Iran, Islamic Rep. 90 1986 1990 1973-76 1973_76* 1971_75* Iraq 98 1987 1987 1970 1971-75 Ireland 101 1986 1990 1985* 1986* 1986* tlsrael 103 1983 1990 1983* 1986* 1986* Italy 109 1981 1990 1983* 1986* 1985* Jamaica 65 1982 1989 1969-71 1976-78 1982 Japan 123 1985 1989 1986* 1986* 1986* Jordan 69 1979 1976 1979 1978 1981-86 Kampuchen, Dem. 37 1962 1969 1982 Kenya 23 1979* 1989 1975 1975* 1984* Korea, Rep. 94 1985 1990 1978-79 1971_75* 1985* fKuwait 111 1985 1989 1984-85 1984-85 1985 LaoPDR * * 6 1985 1985 Lebanon 80 1970 1970 1970 1966-70 Lesotho 32 1976* 1989 1975 1975 1976-80 Liberia 38 1984 1989 1981_86* 1981_86* Libya 96 1984 1989 1%9 1971-75 Madagascar 12 1974-75 1985 1976-80 Malawi 7 1987 1989 1966-77 1974 1984 Malaysia 77 1980 1989 1971-81 1971-81 1984 Mali 16 1987 1989 1984* 1981_86* Mauritania 34 1977* 1977 1975 1976_80* Mauritius 74 1983 1989 1983 1984-86 1985 Mexico 75 1990 1990 1979-81 1979_81* 1986* Mongolia 81 1989 1989 * Morocco 51 1982 1982 1972* 1980* 1981_85* Mozambique 1 1980 1989 1975 1976-80 Myanmar 39 1983 1987 * 1982* Namibia 60 1970 1970 * * Nepal 8 1981 1989 1974-76 1972_76* 1985* Netherlands 110 1971* 1990 1985* 1987* 1986* New Zealand 106 1986 1990 1985* 1986* 1985* Nicaragua 82 1971 1986 * * 196 Country Official ranking Population population Life Infant Total in tables census estimate expectancy mortality fertility Niger 17 1988 1988 1960 Nigeria 13 1963 * 1976_80* 1988 Norway 177 1980 1990 1984_85* 1986* 1985* Oman 95 1985 1985 Pakistan 24 1981 1990 1972-81 1972_81* 1985 Panama 70 1980 1990 1970-80 1985-87 1986 Papua New Guinea 52 1980 1989 1976-80 Paraguay 61 1982 1989 1982 1978* 1986* Peru 58 1981 1990 1972 1981_86* 1981_86* Philippines 48 1980* 1989 1979-81 1979_81* 1984* Poland 73 1978 1989 1986* 1987* 1986* Portugal 93 1981 1989 1986* 1986* 1985* Romania 99 1977 1990 1984* 1985* 1985* Rwanda 19 1978 1985 1980 1981-86 Saudi Arabia 100 1974 1989 Senegal 45 1988 1988 1970-71 1981_85* 1981_86* Sierra Leone 11 1985 1985 1964-73 1971 1971-75 tSingapore 105 1980 1989 1984_86* 1986_87* 1986* Somalia 4 1975* 1975 1976-80 South Africa 84 1985 1985 1970 1980 Spain 102 1981 1990 1980_81* 1985* 1984* Sn Lanka 31 1981 1989 1980-81 1982_83* 1981_86* * 1976_80* Sudan 40 1983 1983 Sweden 120 1985 1990 1986* 1987* 1986* Switzerland 124 1980 1989 1985_86* 1987* 1985* Syrian Arab Rep. 56 1981 1989 1976-78 1976-78 1976-80 Tanzania 3 1978* 1989 1975 1975 1976-80 Thailand 64 1980 1989 1979-81 1983* 1981_86* Togo 28 1981 1988 1969* 1971_75* Trinidad and Tobago 91 1980 1988 1979-81 1981_83* 1981_86* Tunisia 66 1984 1986 1968-69 1981* 1984* Turkey 67 1985 1989 1970-80 1976* 1983* * 1969* Uganda 14 1980 1980 tUnited Arab Emirates 115 1980* 1983 1975 1981 United Kingdom 108 1981 1989 1983_85* 1987* 1986* United States 119 1980k 1989 1986* 1987* 1986* Uruguay 87 1985 1989 1974-76 1985 1976-80 Venezuela 83 1981 1989 1981 1981 1986 * * Viet Nam 41 1989 1989 Yemen, Rep. 46 * 1981* Yugoslavia 88 1981 1990 1984_85* 1987* 1983* Zaire 15 1984 1989 1972* 1971_75* Zambia 29 1980 1989 1970 1976-80 Zimbabwe 47 1982 1989 1980* 1984* *ASterisks indicate that sources of later date are used. Note: Economies with populations of less than 1 million are included only as part of the country groups in the main tables, but are shown in greater detail in Box Al. Other economies not listed in the main tables nor in Box Al, but also included in the aggregates, are shown in greater detail in Box A.2. For data comparability and coverage throughout the tables, see the technical notes. 197 Introduction The World Development Indicators provide infor- sured, and care must be taken in interpreting the mation on the main features of social and eco- indicators. The statistics are drawn from the nomic development. Most of the data collected by sources thought to be most authoritative, but the the World Bank are on the low- and middle-in- data are subject to considerable margins of error. come economies. Because comparable data for Variations in national statistical practices also re- high-income economies are readily available, these duce the comparability of data, which should thus are also included here. Additional information be construed only as indicating trends and charac- may be found in other World Bank publications, terizing major differences among economies, notably the World Bank Atlas, World Tables, World rather than taken as precise quantitative indica- Debt Tables, and Social Indicators of Development. tions of those differences. These data are now also available on diskette, in The indicators in Table 1 give a summary profile the World Bank's STARS' retrieval system. of economies. Data in the other tables fall into the In these notes the term "country" does not im- following broad areas: production, domestic ab- ply political independence but may refer to any sorption, fiscal and monetary accounts, core inter- territory whose authorities present for it separate national transactions, external finance, and human social or economic statistics. The World Bank's and natural resources. main classification criterion for certain operational In this edition, a new table on the environment and analytical purposes is gross national product has been added, and changes have been made to (GNP) per capita, and economies are presented in the external debt tables and the table on urbaniza- these tables in ascending order of GNP per capita. tion. Methodological revisions in the underlying Other analytical and geographical criteria are also constant price economic data have also been used for classification, and in this edition there are made; this affects the growth rates derived from two changes in the country groups. Replacing the the basic time series data. These changes are de- former group total reporting economies is the new scribed briefly below, and more fully in the techni- classification world, and replacing the former non- cal notes. reporting nonmember economies is the group other The new tableTable 33, Forests, protected economies. These changes have been made possible areas, and wateris based mainly on data from by the greater availability of data during the past World Resources 1990-91 published by the World year. Like all the other country groups in the ta- Resources Institute. The table includes indicators bles, the categories include countries with popula- on forested areas, deforestation, protected land tions of less than 1 million in addition to the 124 areas, and the supply and use of internal renew- countries listed. The definitions and data notes at able water resources. All economies face the chal- the beginning of the main Report provide a de- lenge of using natural resources in a way that will tailed description of the country groups. both provide for current needs and preserve them Although every effort has been made to stan- to assure sustainable development. Yet little atten- dardize the data, full comparability cannot be en- tion has been paid internationallyand in most 198 cases, nationallyto the indicators needed to years earlier for economic indicators and up to monitor and evaluate such environmental issues. three years on either side for social indicators, As a result, the indicators available today, includ- since the latter tend to be collected less regularly ing those in Table 33, are untried and probably less and change less dramatically over short periods of reliable than the other socioeconomic indicators re- time. All dollar figures are US dollars unless other- ported in this publication. Nonetheless, a start wise stated. The various methods used for con- must be made, if only to demonstrate the need for verting from national currency figures are de- better global monitoring procedures. scribed in the technical notes. Several tables on external debt have been rear- The Bank continually reviews methodologies in ranged to reflect new material in the World Bank an effort to improve the international compara- publication World Debt Tables. Table 23, Aggregate bility and analytical significance of the indicators. net resource flows and net transfers, highlights Differences between data in this year's and last the importance of official grants and net foreign year's edition reflect not only updates for the direct investment in net resource flows. Other ad- countries but also revisions to historical series and ditions to the external debt tables include addi- changes in methodology. The main methodologi- tional debt service ratios. cal change in this edition is that 1987 prices are Data supplied by the UN Population Division on used for economic indicators; indexes and growth the population of capital cities and the percentage rates calculated from constant price data may of population residing in cities of 1 million or more therefore differ from those of earlier editions. This in 1990 have been added to Table 31, Urbanization. process is described more fully in the technical The previous series covering large cities had not notes. been updated in recent years and has now been As in the Report itself, the main criterion used to dropped. classify economies in the World Development In- Data on external debt are compiled directly by dicators is GNP per capita. These income groups the Bank on the basis of reports from developing broadly distinguish countries at different stages of member countries through the Debtor Reporting economic development. Many of the economies System. Other data are drawn mainly from the are further classified by geographical location. United Nations and its specialized agencies, the Other classifications include severely indebted International Monetary Fund, and country reports middle-income economies and all oil exporters. to the World Bank. Bank staff estimates are also For a list of countries in each group, see the Defini- used to improve currentness or consistency. For tions and data notes. The major classifications most countries, national accounts estimates are ob- used in the tables this year are 41 low-income tained from member governments through World economies with per capita incomes of $580 or less Bank economic missions. In some instances these in 1989, 58 middle-income economies with per are adjusted by Bank staff to conform to interna- capita incomes of $581 to $5,999, and 25 high-in- tional definitions and concepts to provide better come economies. Four new Bank members are in- consistency and to incorporate latest estimates. cluded in the middle-income category: Bulgaria, For ease of reference, only ratios and rates of Czechoslovakia, Mongolia, and Namibia. Data for growth are usually shown; absolute values are a group labeled "other economies," which in- generally available from other World Bank publica- cludes Albania, Cuba, the Democratic People's Re- tions, notably the 1991 edition of the World Tables. public of Korea, and the USSR, are shown only as Most growth rates are calculated for two periods, aggregates in the main tables because of paucity of 1965-80 and 1980-89, and are computed, unless data, differences in methods of computing na- otherwise noted, by using the least-squares regres- tional income, and difficulties of conversion. Some sion method. Because this method takes into ac- selected indicators for these countries, however, count all observations in a period, the resulting and for the former German Democratic Republic, growth rates reflect general trends that are not un- are included in Box A.2 of the technical notes. duly influenced by exceptional values, particularly Economies with populations of less than 1 mil- at the end points. To exclude the effects of infla- lion are also not shown separately in the main ta- tion, constant price economic indicators are used bles, but basic indicators for these countries and in calculating growth rates. Details of this meth- territories, and for Puerto Rico, are in a separate odology are given at the beginning of the technical table in Box A.1 of the technical notes. notes. Data in italics indicate that they are for years The summary measures in the colored bands are or periods other than those specifiedup to two totals (indicated by t), weighted averages (w), or 199 median values (m) calculated for groups of econ- Germany and the Republic of Yemen, both re- omies. Countries for which individual estimates cently unified, do not yet have fully merged statis- are not shown, because of size, nonreporting, or tical systems. Throughout the tables, all data for insufficient history, have been included by assum- Germany refer only to the former Federal Repub- ing they follow the trend of reporting countries lic, but data for the Republic of Yemen, where they during such periods. This gives a more consistent are shown, refer to the whole country. As in pre- aggregate measure by standardizing country cov- vious editions, the data for China do not include erage for each period shown. Group aggregates Taiwan, China, but footnotes to Tables 14, 15, 16, also include countries with less than 1 million and 18 provide estimates of the international trans- population, even though country-specific data for actions for Taiwan, China. these countries do not appear in the tables. Where The table format of this edition follows that used missing information accounts for a third or more of in previous years. In each group, economies are the overall estimate, however, the group measure listed in ascending order of GNP per capita, except is reported as not available. The weightings used those for which rio such figure can be calculated. for computing the summary measures are stated These are italicized and in alphabetical order at the in each technical note. end of the group deemed to be appropriate. This Groups of economies Countries are colored to show their income group; for example, all low-income econo- mies (those with a GNP per capita of $580 or less in 1989) are colored yellow. The groups are those used in the tables that follow. Low-income economies Middle-income economies High-income economies Jaiica Data not available Soiree Guaternal;'- Hordurs ELSalvador ruraguo Cons Rlu'nu../ I Sennazel Guya a Parahrrar 'erelrGurarna (Fr) Kaibati Brazil dame, (US) Boliala V Tongo Paraguay St KGO duad,ioupe (Fr) and Neuls Danniniea Nelnrarrds daMaen,,que (Fr) ArtrJl,a (Seth) 3 St Lucia St. Virunnt and I Barbados Sen Grenadlees.. J. Grenada Venezuela o - r3 Trinidad and Tab050 200 order is used in all tables except Table 19, which concepts used. It should also be noted that coun- covers only high-income OPEC and OECD coun- try notes to the World Tables provide additional ex- tries. The alphabetical list in the key shows the planations of sources used, breaks in compara- reference number for each economy; here, too, bility, and other exceptions to standard statistical italics indicate economies with no estimates of practices that have been identified by Bank staff on GNP per capita. Economies in the high-income national accounts and international transactions. group marked by the symbol are those classified by the United Nations or otherwise regarded by their authorities as developing. Comments and questions relating to the World The technical notes and the footnotes to tables Development Indicators should be addressed to: should be referred to in any use of the data. These notes outline the methods, concepts, definitions, Socio-Economic Data Division and data sources used in compiling the tables. A International Economics Department separate list at the end of the notes gives biblio- The World Bank graphic details of the data sources, which contain 1818 H Street, N.W. comprehensive definitions and descriptions of Washington, D.C. 20433. - - Fa,rnelslarids Norwa UelennebeoBBtgeanatlseMeeebtua Vie on Ma,, (Pit) lreIard, Ia Clraon,lIola,nje (UK) Netherlarde Belgiu ii, Mongolia Luxembour Switzerlao Andorra Portugal 'Maniro Twliy Monatn. Gibraltar (Vi) / niuM0l1a Afgh,nretar China Jo ue(aB Pakistae Algeria Nepal BR9tOn Nab Rap. eakraie at Egypt .OatSt Spa Bangladesh India Myanmar \ Hang Kong (gin) Mauritania Maoae (Port) Cape Verde Mali Niger Chad Sudan The Sanrbia Ba tuna Suaini)S) Suirea-Oissuu Guinea TniReTan,iteryentita Paoifio Islands lItS) Sierra Leone COBB dIaeire Nigeria Ethrtpla Lanka n... I Central Atritan Liberia Rep lie Camaroon , Maldiuen Ttgt Ptepiee Uganda Ken Equartrinl Uuieea SNeer Rep an Nauru _)ojbdbab 1 ettbe Raeanpu Set Ttrny and Prinurpe Cnngo Zaire Buruedi Tateatia s T l troUevtRellea Angola Zarrrbo Maytte (Fr) Mteanrbiqu Zar,babwe M audtiva Nairnibia CNeee Potuwana Reunion (Fn) (Fr) Uwaarlaed / 1 ) Leeatha/ ')Utebr Atnica Wd 201 Population 0-15 million 15-50 million 50-100 million The colors on the map show the general for each of the 124 countries in the main 100 million or more size of a country's population. For tables; the technical note for that table example, countries with a population of gives data for an additional 56 reporting Data not available less than 15 million are colored yellow. economies in Box Al, and 5 other Note that Table 1 gives the population economies in Box A.2. Fertility and mortality Total fertility Infant mortality Life expectancy Births per woman Deaths per 1,000 live births Years 8 150 80 100 50 1965 1989 2000 1965 1975 1989 1965 1975 1989 Low-income economies High-income economies Middle-income economies Other economies Note: For explanations of terms or methods, see the technical notes for Tables 27, 28, and 32. 202 Share of agriculture in GDP 0-9 percent The value added by a country's agricul- I:;' 10-19 percent tural sector divided by the gross domestic absolute values of production. For product gives the share of agriculture countries with high levels of subsistence 20-39 percent in GDE The map classifies countries by farming, the share of agriculture in GDP 40 percent or more those shares. For example, countries is difficult to measure because of diffi- whose shares of agriculture in GDP culties in assigning subsistence farming Data not available range from 0 to 9 percent are colored its appropriate value. For more details, yellow. The shares say nothing about see the technical note for Table 3. External balances of low- and middle-income economies Percentage Low-income Middle-income Severely indebted Sub-Saharan of GDP economies economies middle-income economies Africa n 1 1970-79 1980-83 1984-89 1970-79 1980-83 1984-89 1970-79 1980-83 1984-89 1970-79 1980-83 1984-89 U -5 The current account balance (on goods, services, income, and all unrequited transfers) represents transactions that add to or subtract from an economy's stock of foreign financial items. For some purposes, however, official unrequited transfers (mainly foreign aid -6 grants, food aid, and technical assistance) are treated as being closely akin to official capital movements. A measure of the current account balance before official transfers, sometimes referred to as "total to be financed," is then appropriate. For further information, see the -7 technical note for Table 18, but note that the table reports dollar values for each measure in 1970 and 1989, while the chart traces period averages relative to GDP throughout the penod. -8 - - - - Current account balance (after official transfers) Current account balance (before official transfers) [1 Financed by net official transfers Note: For explanations of terms or methods, see the technical note for Table 18. 203 Table 1. Basic Indicators GNPper capitaa Lift Adult illiieracv Area Average annual Average annuala expectancy rate of inflation (percent) Population (thousands growth rate birth (millions) Dollars (percent) of square (percent) (yeart) Female Total mid-1989 kilometers) 1989 1965-89 1965-80 1980-89 1989 1985 1985 Low-income economies 2,948.4 I 36,664 1 330 w 2.9 w 8.0 w 9.1 w 62 w 58 w 44 w China and India 1,946.41 12,849 1 350 w 3.6 w 3.2 w 6.6 w 65 w 56 w 42 w Other low-income 1,002.01 23,8161 300w 1.4w 19.2 w 14.9w 55w 62 w SI w I Mozambique 15.3 802 80 . . . 34.9 49 78 62 2 Ethiopia 49.5 1,222 120 -0.1 3.4 2.0 48 38 3 Tanzaniab 23.8 945 130 -0.1 9.6 26.1 49 . 4 Somalia 6.1 638 170 0.3 10.2 42.8 48 94 88 5 Bangladesh 110.7 144 180 0.4 14,8 10.6 51 78 67 6 LaoPDR 4.1 237 180 . . . . . . 49 24 56 7 Malawi 8.2 118 180 1.0 7.4 14.6 48 69 59 8 Nepal 18.4 141 180 0.6 7.8 9.1 52 88 74 9 Chad 5.5 1,284 190 -1.2 6.2 1.5 47 89 75 10 Burundi 5.3 28 220 3.6 5.0 3.7 49 74 66 II Sierra Leone 4.0 72 220 0.2 7.9 54.l 42 79 71 12 Madagascar 11.3 587 230 -1.9 7.7 17.8 5! 38 33 13 Nigeria 113.8 924 250 0.2 14,7 14.2 5! 69 58 14 Uganda 16.8 236 250 -2.8 21.4 108.1 49 55 43 15 Zaire 34.5 2.345 260 -2.0 24.7 59.4 53 55 39 16 Mali 8.2 1,240 270 1.7 9.0 3.6 48 89 83 17 Niger 7.4 1,267 290 -2.4 7.5 3.4 45 91 86 18 BurkinaFaso 8.8 274 320 1.4 6.4 4.6 48 94 87 19 Rwanda 6.9 26 320 1.2 12.5 4.0 49 67 53 20 India 832.5 3.288 340 1.8 7.5 7.7 59 71 57 2! China 1,113.9 9,56! 350 5.7 -0.4 5.8 70 45 31 22 Haiti 6.4 28 360 0.3 7.3 6.8 55 65 62 23 Kenya 23.5 580 360 2.0 7.2 9.0 59 51 41 24 Pakistan 109.9 796 370 2.5 10.3 6.7 55 81 70 25 Beam 4.6 113 380 -0.1 7.4 7.5 5! 84 74 26 Central African Rep. 3.0 623 390 0.5 8.2 6.5 51 71 60 27 Ghana 14.4 239 390 -1.5 22.9 43.6 55 57 40 28 Togo 3.5 57 390 0.0 7.1 5.1 54 72 59 29 Zambia 7.8 753 390 -2.0 6.3 38.3 54 33 24 30 Guinea 5.6 246 430 43 83 72 31 Sri Lanka 16.8 66 430 3.0 9.4 10.9 71 17 13 32 Lesotho 1.7 30 470 5.0 6.7 12.8 56 16 26 33 Indonesia l78.2 1,905 500 4.4 35.5 8.3 61 35 26 34 Mauritania 1.9 l,026 500 -0.5 7.6 9.4 46 35 Afghanistan . . 652 4.9 36 Bhutan 1.4 47 48 37 Kanipuchea,Dem. . . 181 38 Liberia 2.5 111 65 39 Ms'anmar 40.8 677 61 . 40 Sudan 24.5 2.506 11.5 50 4! VietNam 64.8 330 66 Middle-income economies 1,104.5 I 40,406 1 2,040 w 2.3 w 20.9 w 73.0 w 66w 31w 25 w Lower-middle-income 681.81 23,921 I 1,360 w 2.0 w 22.2 w 65.7 w 65w 32w 26 w 42 Angola 9.7 1,247 610 . . . . . . 46 . . 59 43 Bolivia 7.1 1,099 620 -0.8 15.9 391.9 54 35 26 44 Egypt.ArabRep. 51.0 1,001 640 4.2 6.4 11.0 60 70 56 45 Senegal 7.2 197 650 -0.7 6.5 7.3 48 81 72 46 Yemen, Rep. 11.2 528 650 48 47 Zimbabwe 9.5 391 650 1.2 5.8 11.0 64 33 26 48 Philippines 60.0 300 7l0 1.6 11.7 14.8 64 IS 14 49 Cote d'Ivoire 11.7 322 790 0.8 9.4 3.1 53 69 57 50 Dominican Rep. 7.0 49 790 2.5 6.7 19.1 67 23 23 SI Morocco 24.5 447 880 2.3 5.9 7.4 61 78 67 52 PapuaNewGuinea 3.8 463 890 0.2 8.1 5.6 54 65 55 53 Honduras 5.0 112 900 0.6 5.7 4.7 65 42 4! 54 Guatemala 8.9 109 910 0.9 7.1 13.4 63 53 45 55 Congo, People's Rep. 2.2 342 940 3.3 6.8 0.3 54 45 37 56 SyrianArabRep. 12.1 185 980 3.1 7.9 15.0 66 57 40 57 Cameroon 11.6 475 1,000 3.2 9.0 6.6 57 55 44 58 Peru 21.2 1,285 1,010 -0.2 20.6 160.3 62 22 15 59 Ecuador 10.3 284 1,020 3.0 10.9 34.4 66 20 18 60 Namibia 1.7 824 1,030 . . . . 13.4 57 . 61 Paraguay 4.2 407 1,030 3.0 9.3 23.2 67 15 12 62 ElSalvador 5.1 21 1,070 -0.4 7.0 16.8 63 31 28 63 Colombia 32.3 1,139 1,200 2.3 17.5 24.3 69 13 12 64 Thailand 55.4 513 1,220 4.2 6.2 3.2 66 12 9 65 Jamaica 2.4 II 1,260 -1.3 12.8 18.5 73 . 66 Tunisia 8.0 164 1,260 3.3 6.7 7.5 66 59 46 Note: Economies with populations of less than I million are included only as pan of the country groups in the main tables, but are shown in greater detail in Box A. I. Other economies not listed in the main tables nor in Box A. I, but also included in the aggregates, are uhown in greater detail in Box A.2. For data comparability and coverage throughout the tables, see the technical notes. Figures in italics are for years other than those specified. 204 GNP per cap itaa L)fe Area Average annual Average annual Adult illiteracy expectancy rate of nflationa (percent) Population (thousands growth rate birth (millions) of square Dollars (percent) (Percent) (years) Female Total mid-1989 kilometers) 1989 1965-89 1965-80 1980-89 1989 1985 1985 67 Thrkey 55.0 779 1,370 2.6 20.8 41.4 66 38 26 68 Botswana 1.2 582 1,600 8.5 8.4 12.0 67 31 29 69 Jordanc 3.9 89 1640 . . . . 67 37 25 70 Panama 2.4 77 1,760 1.6 5.4 2.5 73 12 12 71 Chile 13.0 757 1,770 0.3 129.9 20.5 72 . 6 72 Costa Rica 2.7 51 1,780 1.4 11.2 24.8 75 7 6 73 Poland 37.9 313 1,790 . . . . 38.1 71 . 74 Mauritius 1.1 2 1,990 3.0 11.8 8.5 70 23 17 75 Mexico 84.6 1,958 2,010 3.0 13.0 72.7 69 12 10 76 Argentina 31.9 2,767 2,160 -0.1 78.3 334.8 71 5 5 77 Malaysia 17.4 330 2,160 4.0 4.9 1.5 70 34 27 78 Algeria 24.4 2,382 2,230 2.5 10.5 5.2 65 63 50 79 Bulgaria 9.0 111 2,320 . . 1.4 72 80 Lebanon . . 10 . . 9.3 . . . 81 Mongolia 2.1 1,565 . . . . 62 82 Nicaragua 3.7 130 8.9 . . 64 Upper-middle-income 422.7 I 16,485 I 3,150 w 2.6 w 19.8 w 78.7 w 67 w 28 w 24 w 83 Venezuela 19.2 912 2,450 -1.0 10.4 16.0 70 15 13 84 South Africa 35.0 1,221 2,470 0.8 9.8 14.1 62 . 85 Brazil 147.3 8,512 2,540 3.5 31.3 227.8 66 24 22 86 Hungaty 10.6 93 2,590 . . 2.6 7.5 71 d d 87 Uruguay 3.1 177 2,620 1.2 57.8 59.2 73 4 5 88 Yugoslavia 23.7 256 2,920 3.2 15.2 96.9 72 14 9 89 Gabon 1.1 268 2,960 0.9 12.8 -1.0 53 47 38 90 Iran, Islamic Rep. 53.3 1,648 3,200 0.5 15.5 13.5 63 61 49 91 Trinidad and Tobago 1.3 5 3,230 0.4 14.1 5.8 71 5 4 92 Czechoslovakia 15.6 128 3,450 . . . . 1.6 72 . 93 Portugal 10.3 92 4,250 3.0 11.7 19.1 75 20 16 94 Korea, Rep. 42.4 99 4,400 7.0 18.4 5.0 70 . 95 Oman 1.5 212 5,220 6.4 19.9 -6.6 65 . 96 Libya 4.4 1,760 5,310 -3.0 15.4 0.2 62 50 33 97 Greece 10.0 132 5,350 2.9 10.3 18.2 77 12 8 98 Iraq 18.3 438 . . . . . . . . 63 13 11 99 Ronsania 23.2 238 . . . . . . . . 71 d d Low- and middle-income 4,052.8 77,071 1 800 w 2.5 w 16.7 w 53.7 w 63 w 51w 40 w SubSaharan Africa 480.4 23,066 1 340 w 0.3 w 11.4 w 19.0 w 51 w 65 w 52 w East Asia 1,552.2 15,582 1 540 w 5.2 w 9.3 w 6.0 w 68 w 41w 29 w South Asia 1,130.81 5,1581 320 w 1.8 w 8.2 w 7.9 w 58 w 72 w 59 w Europe, M.East, & N.Africa 433.2t 11,6581 2,180 w 13.1 w 21.8 w 65 w 51w 40 w Latin America & Caribbean 421.21 20,385 1 1,950 w 1.9w 31.5 w 160.7 w 67 w 19 w 17 w Severely indebted 554.3 I 21,059 1 1,730 w 2.1 w 29.1 w 140.5 w 66w 28w 24w High-income economies 830.4 I 33,875 I 18,330 w 2.4 w 7.6 w 4.6 w 76 w OECD members 772.6 I 31,165 1 19,090 w 2.5 w 7.5 w 4.3 w 76 w tOther 57.81 2,7101 8,250 w 3.8 w 13.0 w 14.0 w 72 w 100 tSaudiArabia 14.4 2,150 6,020 2.6 17.9 -4.4 64 . 101 Ireland 3.5 70 8,710 2.1 11.6 7.8 74 . 102 Spain 38.8 505 9,330 2.4 12.3 9.4 77 8 6 103 tlsrael 4.5 21 9,790 2.7 25.2 117.1 76 7 5 104 IHong Kong 5.7 1 10,350' 6.3 8.1 7.1 78 19 12 105 tSingapore 2.7 1 10,450 7.0 5.1 1.5 74 21 14 106 New Zealand 3.3 269 12,070 0.8 10.2 11.4 75 d d 107 Australia 16.8 7,687 14,360 1.7 9.3 7.8 77 d d 108 United Kingdom 57.2 245 14,610 2.0 10.7 6.1 76 d d 109 Italy 57.5 301 15,120 3.0 11.4 10.3 76 d d 110 Netherlands 14.8 37 15,920 1.8 7.4 1.9 77 d d 111 tKuwait 2.0 18 16,150 -4.0 15.9 -2.7 74 37 30 112 Belgium 10.0 31 16,220 . . . . 4.5 76 d d 113 Austria 7.6 84 17,300 2.9 6.0 3.8 76 d d 114 France 56.2 552 17,820 2.3 8.6 6.5 77 d d 115 jUnited Arab Emirates 1.5 84 18,430 . . . . 1.1 71 . 116 Canada 26.2 9,976 19,030 4.0 5.5 4.6 77 d d 117 Germany 62.0 249 20,440 2.4 5.2 2.7 75 d d 118 Denmark 5.1 43 20,450 1.8 9.3 6.0 75 d d 119 United States 248.8 9,373 20,910 1.6 6.5 4.0 76 d d 120 Sweden 8.5 450 21,570 1.8 8.0 7.4 77 d d 121 Finland 5.0 338 22,120 3.2 10.5 7.0 75 d d 122 Norway 4.2 324 22,290 3.4 7.7 5.6 77 d d 123 Japan 123.1 378 23,810 4.3 7.6 1.3 79 d d 124 Switzerland 6.6 41 29,880 4.6 1.6 3.6 78 d d Other economies 322.8 I 22,663 I 70 w World 5,206.1 1 133,6091 3,980 w 1.6 w 9.1 w 13.2 w 65 w Oil exporters (excl. USSR) 265.21 12,1201 1,840 w 1.2 w 14.5 w 7.3 w 58 w 57 w 47 w ( Economies classified by United Nations or otherwise regarded by their authorities as developing, a. See the technical notes. b. In all tables GDP and GNP data cover mainland Tanzania only. c. In all tables GDP and GNP data for Jordan cover the East Bank only. d. According to Unesco, illiteracy is tess than 5 per- cent. e. In all tables GNP data for Hong Kong refer to GDP. 1. In all tables data refer to the former Federal Republic of Germany only; for former German Democratic Republic data, see Box A.2. 205 Table 2. Growth of production Average annual growth rate (percent) GDP Agriculture Industry Manufacturinga Servtces, etc.b 1965-80 1980-89 1965-80 1980-89 1965-80 1980-89 1965-80 1980-89 1965-80 1980-89 Low-income economies 4.8 w 6.2 w 2.6 w 4.0 w 7.6 w 8.6 w 7.2 w 11.5 w 5.5 w 6.2 w China and India 5.0 w 7.6 w 2.7 w 4.8 w 7.2 w 10.6 w 7.3 w 12.4 w 5.7 w 7.5 w Other low-income 4.6 w 3.4 w 2.5 w 2.5 w 8.5 w 3.1 w 6.9 w 7.4 w 5.2 w 4.4 w I Mozambique . -1.4 . . 0.7 -4.9 -4.4 2 Ethiopia 2.7 1.9 1.2 -0.4 3.5 3.3 5'. i 3.6 4.1 3 Tanzania 3.9 2.6 1.6 4.2 4.2 -1.0 5.6 -1.6 6.7 1.5 4 Somalia 3.5 3.0 . . 3.8 2.5 0.2 1.2 5 Bangladeshc 2.5 3.5 1.5 2.1 5.0 6.8 2.7 4.9 6 LS0PDRC .. .. .. .. 7 Malawi 5.5 2.7 4.1 2.2 6.4 2.4 3.1 6.7 3.3 8 Nepal 1.9 4.6 1.1 4.5 . . . . . 9 Chacf 0.1 6.5 -0.3 2.5 -0.6 10.5 . . . . 0.2 9.3 10 Burundi 7.1 4,3 6.7 3.1 17.4 5.8 6.0 6.1 1.4 6.3 II Sierra Leone 2.7 0.6 3.9 2.4 -0.8 -3.4 0.7 -3.4 4.3 0.3 12 Madagascarc 1.6 0.8 . . 2.4 . . 0.5 . . . . . . 0.0 13 Nigeria 6.1 -0.4 1.7 1.3 13.1 -2.1 14.6 0.8 7.6 -0.4 14 Uganda 0.6 2.5 1.2 2.2 -4.3 4.6 -3.7 4.2 1.1 2.9 15 Zaire: 1.8 1.9 2.6 . . 1.4 . . 2.0 . . 1.9 16 Ma1i 4.2 3.8 2.8 1.5 1.8 7.9 7.6 5,9 17 Nigefc 0.3 -1.6 -3.4 1.8 11.4 -3.3 3.4 -6.5 18 BurkinaFaso 5.0 5.8 3.9 24 4.8 19 Rwandac 4.9 1.5 -1.4 . . 1.6 1.3 4.7 20 India 3.6 5.3 2.5 2.9 4.2 6.9 4.5 7.3 4.4 6.5 21 China' 6.9 9.7 2.8 6.3 10.0 12.6 10.3 9.3 22 Haitic 2.9 -0.5 1.0 -0.4 7.1 -1.6 6.2 -2.1 2.7 0.1 23 Kenya 6.8 4.1 5.0 3.2 9.7 3.7 10.5 4.8 6.6 4.9 24 Pakistan 5.2 6.4 3.3 4.4 6.4 7.3 5.7 7.9 5.9 7.1 25 Benin 2.2 1.8 4.2 5.8 7.4 -1.0 26 Central African Rep. 2.8 1.4 2.1 2.9 5.3 2.5 1.9 2.0 -0.5 27 Ghant 1.3 2.8 1.6 0.9 1.4 3.2 2.5 4.3 1.1 5.3 28 Togo 4.3 1.4 1.9 5.7 6.8 0.1 -0.2 4.8 -0.5 29 Zambiac 2.0 0.8 2.2 4.1 2.1 0.3 5.. 2.5 1.5 0.1 30 GuineaL 31 SriLanka 4.0 4.0 2.7 2.2 4.7 4.4 3.2 6.2 4.6 4.9 32 Lesotho 6.8 3.7 -0.8 4.8 13.4 4.8 33 Indonesiac 7.0 5.3 3.2 11.9 5.3 12.0 12.7 7. 6.6 34 Mauritania 2.1 1.4 -2.0 1.5 2.2 5.2 6.5 0.1 35 Afghanistan 2.9 36 Bhutan 8.1 5.8 15.4 11.9 7.4 37 KampucheaDem. 38 Liberia 3.3 .. 5.5 .. 2.2 .. 10.0 2.4 39 Myanmar 40 Sudan 3.8 2.9 3.i 1 4.9 41 l/ietNam Middle-income economies 6.2 w 2.9 w 3.4 w 2.6 w 6.5 w 3.0 w 3.3w 7.5w 2.8w Lower-middle-income 5.5 w 2.5 w 3.4 w 2.1 w 6.2 w 2.6 w 6.1w 2.5w 6.1w 2.3w 42 Angola 43 Boliviac 4.4 -0.9 3.8 1.9 3.7 -3.8 5.4 -3.3 -0.5 44 Egypt, Arab Rep. 7.3 5.4 2.7 2.6 6.9 4.8 10.4 7.1 45 Senegalc 2.1 3.1 1.4 2.9 4.6 3.9 3.0 3.3 1.4 2.9 46 Yemen, Rep,c 47 Zimbabwe 5.0 2.7 . . 2.9 . . 2.2 . . 2.6 . . 2.9 48 Philippines 5.9 0.7 4.6 2.0 8.0 -0.8 7.5 0.5 5.2 1.2 49 Coted'Ivoire 6.8 1.2 3.3 2.3 10.4 -1.7 9.1 8.2 8.6 0.4 50 DominicanRep.0 8.0 2.4 6.3 1.8 10.8 2.9 8.9 1.1 7.3 2.3 51 Moroccoc 5,7 4.1 2.4 6.7 6.1 2.8 . . 4.1 6.8 4.2 52 Papua New Guinea' 4.1 2.1 3.1 1.7 . . 3.1 1.6 . . 1.7 53 1-londuras 5.0 2.3 2.0 1.8 6.8 2.7 7.5 3.7 6.2 2.3 54 Guatemala 5.9 0.4 5.1 0.8 7.3 -0.6 6.5 -1.2 5.7 0.6 55 Congo, People's Rep.c 6.2 3.9 3.1 3.2 9.9 4.7 6.8 4.7 3.2 56 SyrianArabRep.0 9.1 1.6 5.9 -0.9 12.0 5.2 9.4 1.2 57 Camemonr 5.1 3.2 4.2 1.9 7.8 2.3 7.0 8.1 4.8 4.6 58 Peruc 3.9 0.4 1.0 3.6 4.4 -0.5 3.8 0.4 4.3 0.4 59 Ecuador' 8.8 1.9 3.4 4.3 13.7 1.8 11.5 0.2 7.6 1.3 60 Namibia . . 0.4 . . -1.0 . . -2.0 . . 1.4 . . 3.0 61 ParaguayC 7.0 2.2 4.9 3.4 9.1 -0.1 7.0 1.8 7.5 2.7 62 El Salvadore 4.3 0.6 3.6 -1.2 5.3 -0.6 4.6 -0.3 4.3 1.5 63 Colombia 5.7 3.5 4.5 2.6 5.7 5.0 6.4 3.1 6.4 2.8 64 Thailand 7.3 7.0 4.6 4.1 9.5 8.1 11.2 8.1 7.6 7.4 65 JamaicaC 1.4 1.2 0.5 0.6 -0.1 1.4 0.4 2.1 2.7 1.0 66 Tunisia 6.5 3.4 5.5 1.6 7.4 2.4 9.9 5.9 6.5 4.5 Note: Fordata comparability and coverage, see the technical notes. Figures in italics are for years other than those specified. 206 Average annual growth rate (percent) GDP Agriculture Industry Manufacturinga Services, etc. 1965-80 1980-89 1965-80 1980-89 1965-80 1980-89 1965-80 1980-89 1965-80 1980-89 67 Turkey 6.2 5.1 3.2 3.0 7.2 6.3 7.5 7.4 7.6 5.0 68 Botswana' 13.9 11.3 9.7 -4.0 24.0 13.0 13.5 5.3 11.5 11.9 69 Jordan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 70 Panama' 5.5 0.5 2.4 1.9 5.9 -3.5 4.7 -1.4 6.0 1.3 71 Chile' 1.9 2.7 1.6 4.1 0.8 3.1 0.7 2.9 2.7 2.3 72 Costa Ricac 6.3 2.8 4.2 2.8 8.7 2.7 6.0 2.8 73 PoIand' . . 2.5 . . . . . 74 Mauritius 5.2 5.9 . . 3.0 . . 9.1 . . 10.9 . . 4.9 75 Mexiccf 6.5 0.7 3.2 0.8 7.6 0.4 7.4 0.7 6.6 0.9 76 Argentina' 3.4 -0.3 1.4 0.3 3.3 -1.1 2.7 -0.6 4.0 0.2 77 Malaysiac 7.4 4.9 3.9 6.5 8.0 3.9 78 AlgeriaC 3.5 5.3 3.8 7.5 2.5 79 Bulgaria 3.3 -2.7 5.5 1.9 80 LebanonC 81 Mongolia 82 Nicaragua' 2.5 -1.6 3.8 -2.7 4.2 -2.4 5.1 -3.3 1.1 -0.5 Upper-middle-income 6.8w 3.2w 3.0w 3.2w 3.1w 83 Venezuela 3.7 1.0 3.9 3.4 1.5 1.4 5.8 4.9 6.3 0.4 84 South Africa 4.1 1.5 . . 2.7 . . 0.4 0.5 2.5 85 Brazil 9.0 3.0 3.8 3.0 10.1 2.7 2.2 9.5 3.2 86 Hungaty 5.6 1.6 2.7 2.0 6.4 0.6 6.2 2.2 87 Uruguay 2.4 0.1 1.0 0,5 3.1 -1.2 2.3 0.7 88 Yugoslavia 6.1 1.3 3.1 1.0 7.8 1.4 5.5 1.2 89 GabonC 9.5 1.2 90 Iran, Islamic Rep. 6.1 3.4 4.5 5.7 2.2 2.9 10.0 -1.1 21 91 Trinidad and Tobago 5.0 -5.5 0.0 -6.2 5.0 -6.4 2.6 -8.4 5.8 -3.9 92 Czechoslovakiac . 1.7 0.4 2.0 1.4 93 Portugal' 5.3 2.5 94 Korea, Rep.' 9.9 9.7 3.0 3.3 16.4 12.4 18.7 13.1 9.6 9.1 95 Omanc 13.0 12.8 5.1 . . 13.7 . . 27.0 10.5 96 Libya 4.2 10.7 . . 1.2 . . 13.7 . . 15.5 97 Greece 5.8 1.6 2.3 0.3 7.1 0.9 8.4 0.2 6.2 98 Iraq 99 Romania Low- and middle-income 5.8 w 3.8 w 3.0 w 3.3 w 6.7 w 4.5 w 7.8 w 6.0 w 7.1 w 3.5 w Sub-Saharan Africa 4.2 w 2.1 w 1.9 w 2.0 H' 7.5 w 0.7 w 3.4 w 4.5 w 2.3 w East Asia 7.3 w 7.9 w 3.2 w 5.2 w 10.9 w 10.4 w 10.7 w 12.6 w 8.3 w 7.7 w South Asia 3.7 w 5.1 w 2.5 w 2.9 w 4.4 w 6.7 w 4.6 w 7.1 w 4.5 w 6.3 w Europe, M.East, & N.Africa 2.9 w 2.9 w 3.1 w 2.7 w Latin America & Caribbean 6.1 w 1.6w 3.1w 1.9w 6.7 w 1.6 w 7.2 w 1.5 w 6.8 w 1.6w Severely indebted 6.1w 1.9w 3.0 w 2.1 w 6.9 w 1.5 w 7.3 w 1.5 w 6.8w 1.9w High-income economies 3.8 w 3.0 w 1.5 s' 2.1 w 3.4w 4.6 w 3.1 w OECD members 3.8 w 3.0 w 1.3 w 2.2 w 3.3 w 4.5 w 3.1 w tOther 8.2 w 2.4 w 6.4 s' -0.7 w 7.7 w . . 5.3 w 100 tSaudi Arabiav 10.6 -1.8 4.1 14.6 11.6 -4.4 8.1 8.8 10.5 2.4 101 Ireland 5.3 1.8 2.2c -8.4 I0.lc 4.3 5.2 3.4 102 Spain 4.6 3.1 103 tlsmelc 6.8 3.2 . 104 tHong Kong 8.6 7.1 . . 105 tSingaporec 10.0 6.1 2.8 -5.7 11.9 5.0 13.2 5.9 9.4 7.0 106 New Zealand' 2.4 2.2 . . . . . 107 Australiac 4.0 3.5 . . 3.0 . . 3.0 . . 1.7 . . 3.6 _2,ge 0.8e _Q,5e 3.8e 4.8 108 United Kingdom 2.9 2.6 -7.2 -0.6 2.9 109 ItalyC 4.3 2.4 09e 0.9 39e 1.6 58e 2.3 4.0e 2.8 110 Netherlandse 3.9 1.7 43e 3.6 23e 1.1 . 3.8 1.6 III tKuwaitc 1.6 0.7 . . 18.8 . . 1.0 . . -0.2 . . 0.6 112 Belgiumc . 1.8 0.4 2.5 5.1 1.1 5.9 2.0 4.3 1.6 113 Austriac 4.1 1.9 2.1 1.3 4.3 1.3 4.5 1.8 4.2 2.0 114 Francec 3.8 2.1 2.4 0.3 -0.1 2.7 I 15tUnited Arab Emirates -4.5 9.3 -8.7 2.7 . . 3.7 116 Canada . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ll7 Germanyc 3.3 1.9 1.4 1.6 2.8 0.0 3.3 0.8 3.7 3.0 118 Denmark 2.6 2.2 0.8 2.5 1.8 3.6 3.1 2.1 3.2 1.7 119 UnitedStatesc 2.7 3.3 1.0 3.2 1.7 2.9 2.5 3.8 3.4 3.3 120 Sweden . . 1.8 . . 0.9 . . 3.1 . . 3.0 . . 1.0 121 Finland 4.1 3.0 0.0 -1.4 4.3 2.9 4.9 3.3 4.8 3.3 122 Norway 4.4 3.6 -0.4 0.4 5.7 4.8 2.6 1.5 4.1 3.0 123 Japanc 6.6 4.0 -0.6 0.4 7.4 5.2 8.2 6.7 6.7 3.2 124 Switzerlandc 5.7 2.1 . . . Other economies World 4.1w 3.1w 2.6w 2.4w .. 3.7w .. 3.2w Oil exporters (exci. USSR) 6.6w 1.2w 3.9 w 5.4 w 6.1 w -1.1 w 8.4w 3.2w 10.0 w 1.9 w a. Because manufacturing is generally the most dynamic part of the industrial sector, its growth rate is shown separately. b. Services, etc. include unallocated items. c. GDP and its components are at purchaser values. d. World Bank estimate. e. Data refer to the period 1970-80. 207 Table 3. Structure of production GDP Distribution ofgross domestic product (percent) (millions of dollars) Agriculture Industry Manufacturinga Services, etc. b 1965 1989 1965 1989 1965 1989 1965 1989 1965 1989 Low-income economies 163,0401 956,340 44 w 32 w 28 w 37 w 20 w 27 w 28 w 31 w China and India 117,730 t 653,040 1 44 w 31 w 32 w 41 w 24 w 32 w 24 w 28 w Other low-income 44,490 1 301,160 I 44 w 33 w 17 w 28 w 8w 14 w 37 w 39 w 1 Mozanibique 1,100 64 22 14 2 Ethiopia 1,t80 5,420 58 42 14 16 7 11 28 42 3 Tanzania 790 2,540 46 66 14 7 8 4 40 27 4 Somalia 220 1,090 71 65 6 10 3 5 24 26 5 Bang1adesh' 4,380 20,240 53 44 11 14 5 7 36 41 6 La0PDRC 630 7 Malawi 220 1,410 50 35 13 19 11 37 45 8 Nepal 730 2,810 65 58 11 14 3 6 23 28 9 Chadc 290 1,020 42 36 15 20 12 16 43 44 10 Bumndi 150 960 56 15 10 29 11 Sierra Leone 320 890 34 46 28 11 6 6 38 42 12 Madagascarc 750 2,280 25 31 14 14 . 12 61 54 13 Nigeria 5,850 28,920 54 31 13 44 6 10 33 25 14 Uganda 1,100 4,460 52 67 13 7 8 5 35 26 15 Zaire 4,150 9,610 22 30 32 32 10 46 38 16 MaliC 260 2,080 65 50 9 12 5 6 25 38 17 Nigerc 670 2,040 68 36 3 13 2 8 29 51 18 BurkinaFaso 350 2,460 37 35 24 26 11 15 39 39 19 RwandaC 150 2,170 75 37 7 23 2 15 18 41 20 India 50,530 235,220 44 30 22 29 16 18 34 41 21 China 67,200 417,830 44 32 39 48 31d 34d 17 20 22 HaitiC 350 2,370 . . 31 . . 38 . . 15 . . 31 23 Kenya 920 7,130 35 31 18 20 11 12 47 49 24 Pakistan 5,450 35,820 40 27 20 24 14 16 40 49 25 Benin 220 1,600 59 46 8 12 . . 5 33 42 26 Central African Rep. 140 1,050 46 42 16 15 4 8 38 43 27 Ghanac 2,050 5,260 44 49 19 17 10 10 38 34 28 Togoc 190 1,340 45 33 21 23 10 8 34 44 29 Zambiac 1,060 4,700 14 13 54 47 6 24 32 40 30 Guinea . . 2,750 30 33 3 38 31 SriLanka 1,770 6,340 28 26 21 27 17 16 5! 47 32 Lesotho 50 340 65 24 5 30 1 14 30 46 33 Indonesia' 3,840 93,970 56 23 13 37 8 17 31 39 34 Mauritania 160 910 32 37 36 24 4 32 38 35 Afghanistan 600 . 36 Bhutan 280 45 25 . . 6 30 37 Kanipuchea, Dem. 38 Liberia 270 27 40 . . 3 34 39 Myanmar 40 Sudan 1,330 54 9 4! VietNam Middle-income economies 206,0001 2,118,080 1 19 w 12 w 34 w 36 w 20 w 45 w 50 w Lower-middle-income 117,580 1 911,2001 21 w 14 w 30 w 35 w 20 w 23 w 48 w 51 w 42 Angola 7,720 . 0 . . 0 43 Boliviac 710 4,520 23 32 31 30 15 13 46 38 44 Egypt, Arab Rep. 4,550 31,580 29 19 27 30 . . 14 45 52 45 Senegalc 810 4,660 25 22 18 31 14 20 56 47 46 Yemen,Rep.0 0 0 0 0 47 Zimbabwe 960 5,250 18 13 35 39 20 25 47 49 48 Philippineu' 6,010 44,350 26 24 28 33 20 22 46 43 49 Côted'Ivoire 760 7,170 47 46 19 24 11 17 33 30 50 Dominican Rep.' 890 6,650 23 15 22 26 16 11 55 59 51 MoroccoC 2,950 22,390 23 16 28 34 16 17 49 50 52 PapuaNewGuineac 340 3,520 42 28 18 30 10 41 42 53 Honduras 460 4,320 40 21 19 25 12 14 41 54 54 Guatemalac 1,330 8,150 . . 18 . 26 . . 56 55 Congo,PeoplesRep.c 200 2,270 19 14 19 35 9 62 51 56 SynanArabRep.c 1,470 11,460 29 22 22 23 49 55 57 Camemonc 810 11,080 33 27 20 27 10 15 47 46 58 PeruC 5,020 28,610 18 8 30 30 17 21 53 62 59 Ecuadorc 1,150 10,380 27 15 22 39 18 21 50 47 60 Namibiu . . 1,650 . 11 . . 38 . . 5 . . 50 61 Paraguay' 440 4,130 37 29 19 22 16 16 45 48 62 ElSalvador' 800 5,860 29 12 22 21 18 16 49 67 63 Colombia 5,910 39,410 27 17 27 36 19 21 47 47 64 Thailandc 4,390 69,680 32 15 23 38 14 21 45 47 65 Jamaicac 970 3,880 10 5 37 45 17 18 53 50 66 Thnisia 880 8,920 22 14 24 33 9 16 54 53 Note: For data comparability and coverage, see the technical notes. Figures in italics are foryears other than those specified. 208 GDP Distribution of gross domestic product (percent) (millions of dollars) Agriculture Industry Manufacturinga Services, etc.b 1965 1989 1965 1989 1965 1989 1965 1989 1965 1989 67 Turkey 7,660 71,600 34 17 25 35 16 23 41 48 68 Botswanac 50 2,500 34 3 19 57 12 4 47 40 69 Jordan 3,910 6 29 16 65 70 Panamac 660 4,550 18 11 19 15 12 7 63 75 7! ChIICC 5,940 25,250 9 40 . 24 52 72 Costa Rict 590 5,220 24 17 23 27 . . 53 56 73 PolandC . 68,290 . . . . . . . . . . . . . 74 Mauritius 190 1,740 16 13 23 32 14 24 61 56 75 Mexico' 21,640 200,730 14 9 27 32 20 23 59 59 76 Argentina' 16,500 53.070 17 14 42 33 33 35 42 53 77 Ma1aysia' 3,130 37,480 28 . . 25 . 9 . . 47 78 Algenac 39,780 16 44 14 40 79 Bulgaria . . 15,570 . 11 . . 59 . . . 29 80 LebanonC 1,150 12 21 . . 67 St Mongolia . . . . . . . . . . . 0 82 NicaraguaC 570 3,430 25 29 24 23 18 19 51 48 Upper-middle-income 88,730 t 18 w 38 w 42 w 83 VenezuelaC 9,820 43,830 6 6 40 46 . . 28 55 48 84 South Africa 10,540 80,370 10 6 42 44 23 24 48 50 85 Brazil 19,450 319,150 19 9 33 43 26 31 48 48 86 Hungaryc . 29,060 14 . . 36 . . . . 50 87 Uruguay 930 7,170 15 11 32 28 . . 22 53 61 88 Yugoslavia 11,190 71,760 23 10 42 42 . . . 35 48 89 Gabon' 230 3,440 26 10 34 47 7 10 40 43 90 Iran, Islamic Rep. 6,170 150,250 26 23 36 15 12 7 38 62 91 TnnidadandTobago 690 4,200 8 3 48 41 8 44 56 92 CzechoslovakiaC 50,470 6 57 . . 36 93 PortugaF 3,740 44,880 . . 9 . . 37 S ' . 54 94 Korea,Rep.' 3,000 211,880 38 10 25 44 18 26 37 46 95 Omanc 60 7,700 6! 3 23 80 0 4 16 18 96 Libya 1,500 22,990 5 5 63 50 3 7 33 45 97 Greece 5,270 39,910 24 16 26 29 16 18 49 55 98 Iraq 2,430 . . 18 . . 46 . . 8 . . 36 99 Romania Low- and middle-income 374,030 I 3,078,460 I 30 w 19w 31 w 38 w 21w 37 w 44w Sub-Saharan Africa 29,120 161,820 I 41 w 32 w 20 w 27 w 8w 11 39 H' 38 w East Asia 90,700 1 895,230 1 42 w 24 w 35 w 44w 27 w 33 w 23 w 34 w South Asia 64,5 10 t 317,170 1 44w 32 w 21 w 26 w 15w 17 w 35 w 41 w Europe, M.East, & N.Africa 787,990 I Latin America & Caribbean 95,470 1 809,230 1 16 w 33 w 23 w 51 w Severely indebted 109,8601 934,670 1 17 w 33 w 22w 50w High-income economies 1,413,2801 14,764,5101 5w 42 w 32 w 54 w OECD members 1,389,560 1 14,292,220 1 Sw 43 w 32 w 54 w tOther 17,580 1 477,340 1 Sw w 45 w 41 w 14 w 46w 54 w tOO tSaudi Arabiac 2,300 80,890 8 8 60 45 9 8 31 48 101 Ireland 2,340 29,570 . II . . 10 . . 3 79 102 SpainC 23,750 379,360 . . 5 . . 9 18 86 103 tlsraeF 3,590 46,030 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 104 tHong Kong 2,150 52,540 2 0 40 28 24 21 58 72 los tSingaporeC 970 28,360 3 0 24 37 15 26 74 63 106 New Zealand 5.470 41,360 . . 8 . . 28 . . 17 . . 64 107 Auslraliac 23,700 281,940 9 4 39 32 26 15 51 64 108 United Kingdom 89,750 717,870 3 2 46 37 34 20 51 62 109 ItalyC 66,700 865,720 . . 4 34 22 63 110 Netherlandsc 19,910 221,680 . . 4 . . 3] . . 20 . . 65 Ill tKuwaitc 2,100 23,530 0 I 70 56 3 9 29 43 112 Belgiumc 16,840 156,830 5 2 41 31 30 22 53 67 113 Austriac 9,480 126,480 9 3 46 37 33 27 45 60 114 Francec 99,300 955,790 3 29 . . 21 67 115 tUnited Arab Emirates . . 28,270 . . 2 . . 55 . . 8 . . 43 116 Canada 46,570 488,590 6 . . 40 . . 26 13 54 117 Germany 114,820 1,189,100 4 2 53 37 40 32 43 62 118 Denmark 8,880 89,140 9 4 36 29 23 20 55 67 119 United StatesC 698,990 5,156,440 3 2 38 29 28 /7 59 69 120 Sweden 19,610 166,520 . . 3 . . 34 . . 23 . . 63 121 Finland 7,540 100,860 16 6 37 36 23 22 47 58 122 Norway 7,080 95,000 8 3 33 34 21 15 59 63 123 Japanc 91,290 2.818,520 10 3 44 4] 34 30 46 56 124 Switzerland' 13,920 174,960 . . . . . . S Other economies World 2,003,700 1 19,981,5401 10 w . 40 w 30w 51w Oil exporters (excl. USSR) 34,4701 453,320 t 20 w 14 w 37 w 35 w lOw 9w 42w 49w a. Because manufacturing is generally the most dynamic part of the industrial sector, its share of GDP is shown separately. b. Services, etc. include unallocated items. c. GDP and its components are shown at purchaser values. d. World Bank estimate. 209 Table 4. Agriculture and food Fertilizer consumption Average index of Value added in agriculture Food aid in cereals (hundreds of grams food production (millions of current Cereal imports (thousands of ofplant nutrient per per capita dollars) (thousands of metric tons) metric tons) hectare of arable land) (1979-81 = 100) 1970 1989 1974 1989 1974/75 1988/89 1970/71 1987/88 198789 Low-income economies 89,314 1 305,959 t 22,608 1 28,7631 6,002 r 5,235 1 171 1 802 116 w China and India 60,621 t 205,2781 11,2941 15,014t 1,5821 531 1 241 t 1,1851 122 w Other low-income 28,2691 99,716 1 11,314 1 13,749 I 4,4201 4,7041 72 1 310 I 103 w I Mozambique 704 62 400 34 424 22 21 83 2 Ethiopia 931 2,254 118 690 54 573 4 39 89 3 Tanzania 473 1,795 431 83 148 76 31 92 90 4 Somalia 167 705 42 186 111 73 29 40 97 5 Bangladesha 3,636 8,962 1,866 2,204 2,076 1,161 157 770 93 6 LaoPDR° 53 64 8 20 2 6 116 7 Malawi 119 498 17 86 0 217 52 203 85 8 Nepal 579 1,633 18 26 0 9 27 232 107 9 Chada 142 364 37 37 20 15 7 37 301 30 Bumndi 359 535 7 6 6 6 5 20 98 II Sierra Leone 108 409 72 145 10 38 17 3 89 32 Madagascara 243 717 114 103 7 76 61 21 93 33 Nigeria 5,080 8,874 389 240 7 0 2 94 96 14 Uganda 929 2,986 36 36 17 14 2 87 IS Zairea 805 2,846 343 323 1 55 8 9 94 36 Malia 207 3,048 281 89 107 62 31 59 97 17 Nigera 420 744 155 105 73 83 1 8 86 18 BurkinaFaso 121 871 99 120 28 49 3 57 115 19 Rwandaa 135 799 3 10 19 2 3 20 77 20 India 23,916 71,345 5,263 1,014 1,582 308 337 517 113 21 Chinaa 36,705 333,934 6,033 34,000 0 223 410 2,361 128 22 Haitia 692 83 251 25 49 4 25 93 23 Kenya 484 2,208 15 119 2 112 238 421 101 24 Pakistan 3,352 9,681 1,274 2,371 584 416 146 829 103 25 Benin 121 729 7 304 9 16 36 49 114 26 CentralAfncanRep. 60 442 7 28 1 0 12 4 90 27 Ghanaa 1,030 2,570 177 244 33 46 13 38 309 28 Togoa 85 446 6 III II II 3 76 89 29 Zambiaa 191 617 93 123 5 66 73 183 97 30 Guineaa 832 63 383 49 42 19 6 90 31 Sri Lanka 545 1,648 951 1,177 271 272 555 3,094 87 32 Lesotho 23 83 48 140 14 34 10 125 80 33 Indonesiaa 4340 22,032 1,919 2,356 301 69 133 3,068 124 34 Mauritania 58 339 115 207 48 70 II 55 88 35 Afghanistan 5 260 10 208 24 97 36 Bhutan 125 3 20 0 2 . . 10 121 37 Kampuchea, Dem. 223 50 226 II Ii 2 38 Liberia 91 42 358 3 28 63 94 95 39 Myan,nar 26 9 0 21 125 320 40 Sudan 757 125 556 46 198 28 40 87 41 HetNam 1,854 258 64 100 513 651 III Middle-income economies 50,052 1 258,932 1 42,817 1 80,7671 1,9261 4,548 3701 7031 101 w Lower-middle-income 31,1541 129,238 1 24,693 1 49,426 r 1,654 1 4,510 1 3091 5921 99w 42 Angola . . . . 149 248 0 79 33 29 84 43 Boliviaa 202 3,440 209 172 22 95 7 19 102 44 Egypt, Arab Rep. 1,942 5,858 3,877 8,543 630 1,427 1,312 3,505 109 45 Senegal° 208 1,028 341 515 27 53 17 40 106 46 Yemen,Rep.a 306 1,378 33 85 63 47 Zimbabwe 214 664 56 52 0 10 446 505 90 48 Philippinesa 3,996 10,429 817 1,626 89 135 287 612 86 49 Cbte d'Ivoire 462 3,295 372 693 4 19 74 90 96 50 Dominican Rep.a 345 1,012 252 601 16 228 334 556 94 SI Moroccoa 789 3,679 893 1,329 75 238 117 376 120 52 PapuaNewGuineaa 240 3,000 71 243 . . 0 58 381 97 53 Honduras 212 890 52 372 31 67 156 190 88 54 Guatemalaa . 1,472 138 214 9 277 298 656 303 55 Congo,PeoplesRep.a 49 311 34 82 2 2 114 25 98 56 Syrian Arab Rep!1 435 2,475 339 1,578 47 31 68 404 86 57 Cameroon 364 2,978 83 345 4 6 34 73 96 58 Perua 1,351 2,177 637 1,065 37 146 300 622 301 59 Ecuadora 401 1,526 152 536 13 89 133 232 106 60 Namibia . 387 . . 0 . . . . . . . 95 61 Paraguaya 191 1,217 71 5 10 I 98 69 115 62 El Salvadora 292 685 75 186 4 197 1,043 1,262 90 63 Colombia 3,806 6,622 502 716 28 12 287 945 102 64 Thailanda 1,837 30,561 97 346 0 83 59 328 104 65 Jamaicaa 93 210 340 296 1 365 873 914 92 66 Tunisia 245 1,235 307 1,655 59 284 76 222 96 Note: For data comparability and coverage, see the technical notes. Figures in italics are for years other than those specified. 210 Fertilizer consumption Average index of Value added in agriculture Food aid in cereals (hundreds of grwns food producrion (millions of current Cereal imports (thousands of ofplant nutrient per per capita dollars) (thousands ofmetric tons) metric tons) hectare of arable land) (1979-81 = 100) 1970 1989 1974 1989 1974/75 1988/89 1970/71 1987/88 1987-89 67 Turkey 3.383 11,857 1,276 3,061 16 3 157 637 97 68 Botswanaa 28 75 21 77 5 33 15 7 68 69 Jordan 241 171 671 79 25 74 362 117 70 Panama° 149 493 63 109 3 387 657 92 71 Chile0 558 1,737 178 323 14 313 544 107 72 CostaRicaa 222 897 110 357 I 84 1,001 1,806 89 73 PoIand' . . 4,185 2,893 . . 1,678 2,223 106 74 Mauritius 30 222 160 209 22 21 2,095 3,075 100 75 Mexicoa 4,462 18,050 2,881 7,050 291 232 753 98 76 Argentinaa 2,250 7,339 0 4 0 S S 26 45 91 77 Malayuiaa 1,198 . . 1,023 2,299 1 10 489 1,596 142 78 Algeriaa 492 6,187 1,816 7,461 54 39 163 320 97 79 Bulgaria 1,758 649 1,384 1,411 1,804 100 80 Lebanona 136 354 558 26 32 1,354 671 81 Mongolia . . 28 59 . . 22 184 91 82 Nicaraguaa 199 44 140 3 32 215 433 63 Upper-middle-income 19,594 I 18,124 1 31,341 I 271 I 381 465 1 865 I 103 w 83 Venezuela1' 826 2,654 1,270 1,804 170 1,580 88 84 South Africa 1,362 4,635 127 296 . . . . 422 541 90 85 Brazil 4,392 27,810 2,485 2,015 31 15 186 485 115 86 Hungary' 1,010 4,048 408 249 . . . . 1,497 2,595 113 87 Uruguay 268 773 70 81 6 . . 485 420 106 88 Yugoslavia 2,212 7,229 992 192 . . . . 770 1,328 98 89 Gabon' 60 353 24 50 . . . . . 46 81 90 Iran, Islamic Rep. 2,120 34,563 2,076 6,500 . . 23 60 658 87 91 Trinidad and Tobago 40 118 208 284 880 450 86 92 Czechoslovakia1' . . 3,266 1,296 216 . . . . 2,404 3,031 121 93 Portugal . . . . 1,861 1,226 . . . . 428 1,026 100 94 Korea,Rep.' 2,311 21,663 2,679 10,267 234 2,450 3,920 96 95 Oman1' 40 202 52 200 . . 417 96 Libya 93 . . 612 1,515 . . . . 62 416 109 97 Greece 1,569 . . 1,341 465 . . 861 1,542 100 98 Iraq 579 . . 870 4,891 . . 34 397 98 99 Romania 1,381 556 565 1,301 109 Low- and middle-income 141,602 1 571,792 1 65,426 1 109,529 1 7,928 1 9,783 I 256 1 758 1 112 w Sub-Saharan Africa 15,5971 52,0901 4,2081 7,411 1 9101 2,610 I 341 761 95 w East Asia 49,792 1 211,6001 14,9381 31,795 1 9231 651 1 365 1 1,712 1 123 w South Asia 32,8841 103,077 I 9,404 1 6,6341 4,522 1 2,1691 135 1 541 1 112 w Europe, M.East, & N.Africa 20,4961 116,812 t 25,193 r 46,909 I 1,0101 2,3941 575 1 1,058 1 99 w Latin America & Caribbean 18,661 1 11,5561 16,4841 5631 1,9601 1771 4641 105 w Severely indebted 23,513 1 20,373 29,501 z 1,274 1 2,705 1 3511 6471 105w High-income economies 82,405 1 78,976 1 75,503 1 1,032 1 1,2381 99 w OECD members 80,5271 72,941 1 64,2241 1,0291 1,221 1 98 w tOther 1,8801 18,1551 6,0351 11,2791 1,4231 3,445 1 123 w 100 tSaudiAnibia° 219 6,150 482 5,560 54 3,678 101 Ireland 559 3,307 640 379 3,067 6,815 105 102 Spaina . 18,160 4,675 2,224 593 989 III 103 tlsraelb 295 . . 1,176 1,890 53 4 1,401 2,237 106 104 tHong Kong 62 184 657 826 . . . . 61 105 tSingaporea 44 97 682 925 2,500 18,333 86 106 New Zealand' 897 . . 92 190 7,745 7,086 107 107 Australia1' 2,157 10,402 2 26 232 286 96 108 United Kingdom 2,993 . . 7,540 2,908 2,631 3,555 105 109 Italy1' 8,365 30,579 8,101 7,649 896 1,901 100 110 Netherlandsa 1,827 9,155 7,199 5,932 7,493 6,877 110 Ill tKuwait1' 8 238 101 597 . . 750 112 Belgiuma 920 3,165 4,585c 4004c 5,648c 5,098' I 161 113 Austriaa 992 4,042 164 81 2,426 2,214 109 114 Francea 1,221 31,843 654 917 2,435 2,990 105 115 tUnitedArabEmirates . . 481 132 596 . . 1,632 1l6 Canada 3,265 . . 1,513 1,067 191 484 103 117 Germanya 5,951 18,307 7,164 4,524 4,263 4,208 112 118 Denmark 882 3,942 462 171 2,234 2,330 120 119 UnitedSlates1' 27,812 . . 460 2,147 816 937 92 120 Sweden . . 4,879 300 120 1,646 1,357 94 121 Finland 1,205 5,808 222 214 1,930 2,164 102 122 Norway 624 2,757 713 545 2,443 2,704 109 123 Japan5 12,467 72,773 19,557 27,370 3,547 4,327 97 124 Switzerland . . 1,458 651 3,831 4,306 102 Other economies 10,5331 41,874z II 4641 1,2091 110 w World 249,704 I 154,934 1 226,907 1 7,981 1 9,787 I 497 1 954 1 110 w Oil exporters (excl. USSR) 9,822 1 65,457 1 8,166 1 29,579 1 63 1 143 I 49 1 408 1 101 w a. Value added in agriculture data are at purchaser values. b. Value added in agriculture data refer to net domestic product at factor cost. c. Includes Luxembourg. 211 Table 5. Commercial energy Energy consumption Energy imports Average annual energy growth rate (percent) per capita (kilograms as a percentage of Energy production Energy consumption of oil equivalent) merchandise exports 1965-80 /980-89 1965-80 1980-89 1965 1989 1965 1989 Low-income economies 10.0 w 4.6 w 8.3 w 5.2 w 125 w 330 w 7w 4w China and India 9.1 w 5.5 w 8.8 w 5.3 w 146 w 437 w 8w 3w Other low-income 12.4 w 0.9 w 5.6 w 4.0 w 72 w 124 w 6w 6w I Mozambique 19.8 -34.7 2.2 1.8 81 84 13 2 2 Ethiopia 7.5 6.0 4.1 2.3 10 20 8 25 3 Tanzania 7.3 3.4 3.7 2.3 37 37 . . 4 4 Somalia 0.0 16.7 1.8 14 78 9 8 5 Bangladesh 12.8 7.6 51 . . 4 6 La0PDR 0.4 4.2 2.6 24 38 . 7 Malawi 18.2 4.1 8.0 0.3 25 41 7 17 8 Nepal 18.4 11.3 6.2 8.9 6 24 . . 2 9 Chad 0.0 . . 0.2 . . 17 23 6 10 Bun.indi 10.2 6.0 7.8 5 21 11 1 II Sierra Leone . . 0.0 0.8 -0.6 109 76 II 4 12 Madagascar 3.9 8.9 3.5 1.6 34 40 8 2 13 Nigeria 17.3 0.3 12.9 5.5 34 135 7 4 14 Uganda -0.5 3.2 -0.5 3.7 36 25 1 0 15 Zaire 9.4 2.2 3.6 1.6 74 73 6 4 16 Mali 38.6 8.2 7.0 2.6 14 24 16 2 17 Niger 14.0 12.5 3.1 8 40 9 2 18 BurkinaFaso . . 0.0 10.5 0.0 7 17 11 2 19 Rwanda 8.8 5.4 15.2 4.0 8 40 10 2 20 India 5.6 7.5 5.8 6.1 100 226 8 24 21 China 10.0 5.5 9.8 5.5 178 591 3 22 Haiti . . 5.0 8.4 1.9 24 51 . . 2 23 Kenya 13.1 7.8 4.5 0.5 110 98 20 4 24 Pakistan 6.5 5.8 3.5 6.2 135 213 7 21 25 Benin 7.8 9.9 4.5 21 45 14 6 26 Central African Rep. 6.7 0.7 2.2 6.5 22 36 7 2 27 Ghana 17.7 -5.1 7.8 -2.6 76 129 6 4 28 Togo 2.9 10.1 10.7 -1.3 27 51 6 12 29 Zambia 25.7 1.5 4.0 0.8 464 372 . 30 Guinea 16.5 0.2 2.3 1.2 56 71 4 31 Sri Lanka 10.4 8.1 2.2 4.2 106 173 6 5 32 Lesotho . . 0.0 . . 0.0 . . 0 a a 33 Indonesia 9.9 0.7 8.4 3.9 91 263 3 6 34 Mauritania . . 0.0 9.5 0.4 48 114 2 18 35 Afghanistan 15.7 2.2 5.6 7.6 30 . . 8 1 36 Bhutan 0.0 . . 0.6 . . 13 37 Kampuchea, Dem. . . 5.6 7.6 2.3 19 . . . 38 Liberia 14.6 -0.8 7.9 -7.5 182 165 6 2 39 Myanmar 8.4 3.9 4.9 4.2 39 70 4 4 40 Sudan 17.8 1.7 2.0 1.0 67 57 5 3 41 VietNam 5.3 1.5 -2.6 2.2 . . 97 30 Middle-income economies 3.7 w 3.5w 6.2 w 3.1 w 663 w 1,242 w 9w 14w Lower-middle-income 6.4 w 4.1 w 6.0 w 3.2 w 516 w 888 w 9w 13w 42 Angola . . 5.3 . . 2.3 . . 203 2 1 43 Bolivia 9.5 -0.1 7.7 -0.3 156 246 1 2 4.4 Egypt, Arab Rep. 10.7 5.7 6.2 6.3 313 636 II 10 45 Senegal 0.0 7.4 -1.1 79 153 8 10 46 Yemen,Rep. 1.8 23.8 234 13 47 Zimbabwe -0.7 0.7 5.2 1.2 441 525 . . 0 48 Philippines 9.0 8.9 5.8 -1.9 160 217 12 17 49 Côte d'Ivoire 11.1 -0.1 8.6 2.4 101 168 5 2 50 Dominican Rep. 10.9 5.9 11.5 2.4 127 336 7 13 SI Morocco 2.5 0.0 7.9 2.6 124 244 5 25 52 PapuaNewGuinea 13.7 6.3 13.0 2.3 56 231 7 53 Honduras 14.0 4.5 7.6 2.7 111 193 5 3 54 Guatemala 12.5 4.9 6.8 -0.0 150 170 9 6 55 Congo,People'sRep. 41.1 6.2 7.8 4.0 90 211 8 0 56 Syrian Arab Rep. 56.3 3.4 12.4 4.2 212 896 13 3 57 Cameroon 13.0 12.5 6.3 5.5 67 141 6 2 58 Pens 6.6 -2.2 5.0 1.5 395 520 3 9 59 Ecuador 35.0 4.7 11.9 2.0 162 648 II 3 60 Namibia . . . . . . . . . . a a 61 Paraguay 11.4 9.7 4.6 84 226 14 26 62 El Salvador 9.0 3.7 7.0 2.0 140 226 6 13 63 Colombia 1.0 9.4 6.0 2.7 413 754 1 4 64 Thailand 9.0 30.5 10.1 6.1 82 331 11 10 65 Jamaica -0.9 5.0 6.1 -2.2 703 902 12 24 66 Tunisia 20.4 -0.9 8.5 6.3 170 546 12 14 Note. For data comparability and coverage, see the technical notes. Figures in italics are for years other than those specified. 212 Energy consumption Energy imports Average annual energy growth rate (percent) per capita (kilograms as a percentage of Energy product ion Energy consumption of oil equivalent) merchandise exports 1965-80 1980-89 1965-80 1980-89 1965 1989 1965 1989 67 Turkey 4.3 9.2 8.5 7.3 258 837 12 28 68 Botswana 8.8 2.4 9.5 2.2 191 423 a a 69 Jordan . 16.4 9.3 6.8 226 773 42 49 70 Panama 6.9 9.2 5.8 4.2 576 1,636 61 54 71 Chile 1.8 2.9 3.0 1.7 652 836 5 9 72 CostaRica 8.2 6.6 8.8 3.1 267 614 8 5 73 Poland 4.0 0.8 4.8 0.6 2,027 3,333 . 74 Mauritius 2.1 5.9 7.2 2.5 160 369 6 1 75 Mexico 9.7 1.9 7.9 0.7 605 1,288 4 4 76 Argentina 4.5 3.3 4.3 3.2 975 1,718 8 5 77 Malaysia 36.9 15.2 6.7 7.5 313 920 11 4 78 Algeria 5.3 4.1 11.9 12.5 226 1,906 0 2 79 Bulgaria 1.3 3.6 6.1 4.7 1.788 4,719 . 80 Lebanon 2.0 -2.9 2.0 3.6 713 . . 50 7 81 Mongolia . . 3.5 . . 3.4 . . 1,245 . 82 Nicaragua 2.6 1.4 6.5 2.1 172 259 6 6 Upper-middle-income 2.5 w 2.6 w 6.3 w 2.8 w 881 w 1,890 w 8w 14w 83 Venezuela -3.1 -0.4 4.6 3.3 2,319 2,595 0 2 84 South Africa 5.1 4.6 4.3 3.3 1,744 2,432 l0 85 Brazil 8.6 8.1 9.9 4.5 286 897 14 14 86 Hungaiy 0.8 0.9 3.8 1.0 1,825 3,106 12 II 87 Umguay 4.7 9.7 1.3 -0.9 765 779 13 12 88 Yugoslavia 3.5 3.0 6.0 3.3 898 2,241 7 21 89 Gabon 13.7 3.4 14.7 3.0 153 1,155 3 0 90 Iran, Islamic Rep. 3.6 8.0 8.9 4.2 537 1,019 0 3 91 Trinidad and Tobago 3.8 -4.4 6.6 0.9 2,776 5,349 59 5 92 Czechoslovakia 1.0 0.0 3.2 0.6 3,374 4,945 93 Portugal 3.6 5.5 6.5 3.5 506 1,470 13 16 94 Korea, Rep. 4.1 9.5 12.1 7.2 238 1,832 18 12 95 Oman 23.0 8.8 30.5 10.7 14 2,556 . . 96 Libya 0.6 -3.7 18.2 6.0 222 3,049 2 2 97 Greece 10.5 7.3 8.5 2.5 615 2,046 29 14 98 Iraq 6.2 5.4 7.4 5.2 399 752 0 0 99 Romania 4.3 0.6 6.6 1.0 1,536 3,51d Low- and middle-income 5.4 w 3.9 w 6.9 w 4.0 w 275 w 575 w 8w lOw Sub-Saharan Africa 15.5 w 1.8 w 5.7 w 2.5 w 72 w 73 w 7w 28 w East Asia 10.0 w 5.1 w 9.4 w 5.1 w 164 w 487 w 10 w 8w South Asia 5.8 w 6.2 w 5.7 w 6.1 w 99w 197 w 7w Europe, M.East, & N.Africa 4.1 w 3.1 w 5.7 w 3.1 w 909 w 1,658 w 9w 19 w Latin America & Caribbean 1.9w 2.5 w 6.9 w 2.6 w 514 w 1,010 w 8w 5w Severely indebted 2.7w 2.0w 6.1 w 1.9w 642w 1,017w 7w 7w High-income economies 3.1 w 0.4 w 3.1 w 1.2 w 3,641 w 4,867 w 11 w lOw OECD members 2.1 w 1.6w 3.0 w 1.0 w 3,748 w 5,182 w 11 w 10 w tOther 7.6 w -5.1 w 6.5 w 6.5 w 1,397 w 2,131 w 6w 10 w 100 tSaudi Arabia 11.5 -8.7 7.2 9.8 1,759 4,307 0 0 101 Ireland 0.1 4.7 3.9 1.4 1,504 2,499 14 5 102 Spain 3.6 6.5 6.5 2.9 901 2,204 31 19 103 tlsrael -15.2 -12.3 4.4 1.6 1,574 2,019 13 10 104 tHong Kong 0.0 8.4 4.1 413 1,629 6 6 105 tSingapore . . 0.0 10.8 3.3 670 6,165 17 15 106 New Zealand 4.7 6.8 3.6 5.4 2,622 5,282 7 6 107 Australia 10.5 6.1 5.0 1.8 3,287 5,291 10 6 108 United Kingdom 3.6 0.2 0.9 0.4 3,481 3,624 13 7 109 Italy 1.3 0.5 3.7 0.5 1,568 2,721 16 13 110 Netherlands 15.4 -3.6 5.0 0.6 3,134 4,948 12 10 Ill tKuwait -1.6 2.6 2.1 4.3 . . 4,944 0 0 112 Belgium -3.9 7.5 2.9 0.1 3,402 4,804 . 113 Austria 0.8 -0.4 4.0 0.8 2,060 3,479 10 7 114 France -0.9 7.2 3.7 0.7 2,468 3,778 16 10 115 tUnited Arab Emirates 14.7 0.3 36.6 10.1 105 10,554 . . 1 116 Canada 5.7 3.7 4.5 1.8 6,007 9,959 7 5 117 Gennany -0.1 0.0 3.0 -0.1 3,197 4,383 8 6 118 Denmark 2.6 44.0 2.4 -0.2 2,911 3,598 13 7 119 United States 1.1 0.5 2.3 1.0 6,535 7,794 8 16 120 Sweden 4.9 5.0 2.5 1.6 4,162 6,228 12 7 121 Finland 3.8 6.4 5.1 2.5 2,233 5,547 11 10 122 Norway 12.4 7.7 4.1 2.1 4,650 8,940 11 3 123 Japan -0.4 4.1 6.1 2.3 1,474 3,484 19 16 124 Switzerland 3.7 0.5 3.1 1.1 2,501 3,913 8 4 Other economies 5.0w 4.6w 2,455w World 4.1 1.8 w 4.1 w 2.1 w 1,146 w 1,222 w 10 w 10 w Oil exporters (exci. USSR) 5.9 w -0.3 w 8.1 w 4.1 w 438 w 974 w 3w 5w a. Figures for the Southem African Customs Union comprising South Africa, Namibia, Lesotho, Botswana and Swaziland are included in South African data; trade among the component territories is excluded. 213 Table 6. Structure of manufacturing Distribution of manufacturing value added (percent; current prices) Value added in Food, Machinery manufacturing (millions of beverages, Textiles and and transport current dollars) and tobacco clothing equipment Chemicals Othera 1970 1988 1970 1988 1970 1988 1970 1988 1970 1988 1970 1988 Low-income economies 46,114: 227,368: China and India 38,393: 185,094: Other low-income 7,078: 39,091 1 I Mozambique 51 13 5 3 28 2 Ethiopia 149 579 46 48 31 19 0 2 2 4 21 27 3 Tanzania 116 III 36 . . 28 . . 5 . . 4 . 26 4 Somalia 26 53 88 59 6 13 0 2 1 13 6 13 5 Bangladeshb 387 1,390 30 22 47 35 3 5 11 22 10 17 6 Lao PDRb 7 Malawi l4 . .. :: 20 8 Nepal 32 165 41 24 . 3 6 26 9 Chadb 51 163 . . 10 Burundi 16 92 53 . 25 . 0 6 . 16 II Sierra Leone 22 53 . . 65 . . I . . . . 4 30 12 Madagascar' . . 275 36 . . 28 6 . . 7 23 13 Nigeria 543 2,989 36 . . 26 . . I . . 6 31 14 Uganda 158 213 40 . . 20 2 4 34 15 Zaireb 982 38 . . 16 7 10 . . 29 16 Mali1' 25 135 36 40 . 4 . 5 14 17 Niger1' 30 167 . 18 Burkina Faso 65 376 69 . 9 . 2 . I . . 19 19 Rwandab 8 328 86 65 0 3 3 0 2 5 8 28 20 India 7,928 43,511 13 10 21 13 20 27 14 17 32 33 21 Chinab 30,465c 141 ,583c 12 14 . 25 11 . . 38 22 Haitib . 362 . 23 Kenya 174 849 33 40 9 10 16 12 9 9 33 28 24 Pakistan 1,462 5,749 24 34 38 15 6 11 9 10 23 29 25 Benin 19 80 26 Central African Rep. 12 87 . 27 Ghanab 252 528 34 40 16 6 4 1 4 7 41 47 28 Togo' 25 106 29 Zambi&' 181 1,149 49 . . 9 . . 5 . 10 27 30 Guineab 85 31 SriLanka 321 984 26 54 19 18 10 1 11 4 33 23 32 Lesotho 3 49 . . . . 33 Indonesi&' 994 15,574 . 26 . 13 3 9 49 34 Mauritania 10 . . . 35 Afghanistan 36 Bhutan 16 37 Kampuchea, Dem. 38 Liberia 15 39 Myannwr 40 Sudan 41 VietNam Middle-income economies 68,8131 500,413 Lower-middle-income 35,612 1 202,745 42 Angola . . . . . 43 Bolivia1' 135 568 33 32 34 8 1 1 6 5 26 54 44 Egypt, Arab Rep. . . . . 17 29 35 20 9 9 12 17 27 25 45 Senegalb 141 939 51 48 19 15 2 6 6 7 22 24 46 Yemen, Rep.b 47 Zimbabwe 293 1,327 24 35 16 15 9 9 11 10 40 32 48 Philippinesb 1,622 9,834 39 41 8 7 8 9 13 10 32 32 49 Côted'Ivoire 149 . . 27 16 10 5 . . 42 50 Dominican Rep.b 275 743 74 . . 5 1 6 . . 14 51 Moroccob 641 3,894 52 Papua New Guineab 35 340 23 . . I . . 35 . . 4 . . 37 53 Honduras 91 615 58 51 10 7 1 2 4 5 28 35 54 Guatemalab . 42 38 14 II 4 4 12 18 27 29 55 Congo, People's Rep.b . 198 65 . . 4 . . I . . 8 . . 22 56 SyrianArabRep.b 37 33 40 19 3 5 2 5 20 38 57 Cameroon' 119 1,708 50 . 15 . 4 . . 3 . . 27 58 Pent1' 1,430 6,101 25 28 14 14 7 11 7 9 47 38 59 Ecuador1' 305 2,156 43 31 14 13 3 7 8 8 32 41 60 Namibia . . 79 . . 61 Paraguay" 99 662 56 . 16 . 1 5 . . 21 62 El SaIvador' 194 962 40 36 30 15 3 6 8 17 18 26 63 Colombia 1,487 8,149 31 30 20 15 8 10 11 13 29 31 64 Thailand'' 1,130 14,760 43 29 13 18 9 13 6 7 29 33 65 Jamaica1' 221 685 46 . . 7 . 10 . . 36 66 Tunisia 121 1,411 29 20 18 20 4 4 13 9 36 47 Note: For data comparability and coverage, see the technical notes. Figures in italics are for years other than those specified. 214 Distribution of manufacturing value added (percent; current prices) Value added in Food, Machinery manufacturing (millions of beverages, Texti/es and and transport current dollars) and tobacco clothing equipment Chemicals Othera 1970 1988 1970 1988 1970 1988 1970 1988 1970 1988 1970 1988 67 Turkey 1,930 16,793 26 18 15 16 8 14 7 11 45 41 68 Botswanab 5 99 . . 54 . . JO . . 0 . 6 . . 30 69 Jordan . . 619 21 25 14 4 7 1 6 8 52 62 70 Panama' 127 329 41 53 9 6 1 2 5 8 44 30 71 Chil&' 2,092 17 23 12 7 11 4 5 8 55 57 72 CostaRicab 48 47 12 8 6 6 7 8 28 31 73 Poland" . . . . 20 9 19 16 24 32 8 7 28 36 74 Mauritius 26 419 75 23 6 51 5 3 3 5 12 18 75 Mexico' 8,449 46,932 28 22 15 Ii 13 13 11 14 34 40 76 Argentina" 5,750 18,646 20 22 18 II 17 14 7 12 38 41 77 Malaysia" 500 26 18 3 6 8 23 9 13 54 39 78 Algeria" 682 5,446 32 20 20 17 9 13 4 3 35 47 79 Bulgaria . 80 Lebanon1' . . 27 . . 19 . 1 3 . . 49 81 Mongolia . . . . . . . . . . 82 Nicaragua" 159 642 53 . . 14 2 . . 8 . . 23 Upper-middle-income 32,492 83 Venezuela' 2,140 12,373 30 22 13 9 9 II 8 12 39 46 84 South Africa 3,914 19,046 15 14 13 8 17 20 10 II 45 48 85 Brazil 10.429 98,880 16 14 13 10 22 21 10 13 39 42 86 Hungary" . . 12 8 13 10 28 30 8 14 39 38 87 Uruguay . . 1,576 34 31 21 18 7 10 6 10 32 31 88 Yugoslavia . . . 10 14 15 16 23 25 7 9 45 37 89 Gabon5 22 331 37 . 7 6 6 . 44 90 Iran, Islamic Rep. 1,501 10,695 30 . 20 . 18 . 6 . 26 91 TrinidadandTobago 198 357 18 46 3 5 7 8 2 3 70 38 92 Czechoslovaki&' . 9 8 12 10 34 36 6 7 39 39 93 Portugal" . . . 18 16 19 23 13 13 10 10 39 38 94 Korea,Rep." 1,880 54,212 26 11 17 15 II 32 11 9 36 33 95 Oman' . . 319 . . 96 Libya 81 1,500 64 . 5 0 12 . 20 97 Greece 1,642 7)70 20 21 20 25 13 II 7 8 40 36 98 Iraq 325 . . 26 14 14 9 7 10 3 16 50 50 99 Ronsania Low- and middle-income 116,441 1 728,404 1 Sub-Saharan Africa 3,595 1 18,133 I East Asia 37,466 1 250,728 1 South Asia 10,357 1 52,644 1 Europe, M.East, & N.Africa Latin America & Caribbean 34,7691 211,640/ Severely indebted 38,653 1 242,284 I High-income economies 644,505 I OECD members 637,343 I tOther 5,631 1 103,254 1 100 tSaudi Arabia' 372 6,606 . 101 Ireland 785 1,0)9 31 25 19 4 13 33 7 16 30 22 102 Spainb . . 13 19 15 8 16 24 11 10 45 39 103 (Israelt' . . . . IS 15 14 9 23 29 7 8 41 39 104 tHongKong 1,013 10,781 4 6 41 38 16 22 2 2 36 33 105 tSingapore" 379 7,406 12 5 5 4 28 52 4 12 51 27 106 New Zealand' 1,777 7,123 24 25 13 10 15 16 4 5 43 45 107 Austtaliab 9,047 41,697 16 18 9 8 24 19 7 8 43 46 108 United Kingdom 35,739 140,879 13 13 9 6 31 32 10 12 37 38 109 Italy" 29,016 192,884 10 8 13 13 24 32 13 10 40 36 110 Netherlandu1' 8,545 45,236 17 19 8 3 27 25 13 14 36 38 Ill tKuwaitt' 120 2,089 5 7 4 5 1 3 4 4 86 81 112 Belgium" 8,226 33,809 17 20 12 8 22 23 9 14 40 36 113 Austriab 4,873 33,723 17 16 12 7 19 26 6 7 45 44 114 Francet' 68,201 202,734 12 13 10 7 26 30 8 9 44 42 115 tUnitedArabEmirates . . 2,126 . 116 Canada 16,924 . 16 14 8 6 23 26 7 9 46 46 117 Germany" 70,888 377,173 13 9 8 4 32 41 9 13 38 32 118 Denmark 2,929 18,088 20 22 8 5 24 23 8 10 40 40 119 UnitedStatesb 253,711 865,605 12 12 8 5 31 35 10 10 39 38 120 Sweden . . 38,742 10 10 6 2 30 34 5 9 49 46 121 Finland 2,588 22,370 13 13 10 5 20 23 6 7 51 53 122 Norway 2,416 13,941 15 19 7 2 23 23 7 8 49 48 123 Japan" 73,339 831,779 8 9 8 5 34 38 11 10 40 38 124 Switzerlandb 10 7 31 9 42 Other economies World 860,368 1 Oil exporters (cxci. USSR) 6,157 1 46,844 1 a. Includes unallocable data; see the technical notes. b. Value added in manufacturing data are at purchaser values, c. World Bank estimate. 215 Table 7. Manufacturing earnings and output Earnings per employee Total earnings as a Gross output per employee Growth rate index (1980= 100) percentage of value added (1980= 100) 1970-80 1980-88 1986 1987 1988 1970 1986 1987 1988 1970 1986 1987 1988 Low-income economies China and India Other low-income I Mozambique . . 29 2 Ethiopia -4.6 0.2 97 106 100 24 19 20 20 61 114 115 118 3 Tanzania . . -12.7 42 122 4 Somalia -5.1 . 28 27 5 Bangladesh -3.0 0.0 99 94 95 26 30 29 28 116 115 122 131 6 LaoPDR 7 Malawi 37 . 126 8 Nepal 22 25 9 Chad 10 Bunindi II Sierra Leone 12 Madagascar -o. -io.i 36 106 13 Nigeria -0.8 18 105 14 Uganda IS Zaire 16 Mali . 46 17 Niger 0.4 61 68 7 7 6 18 BurkinaFaso 19 Rwanda . . . 22 10 20 India 0.4 3.4 123 130 47 49 49 155 167 21 China . . 4.2 124 . . 15 . . . . 131 22 Haiti -3.3 4.6 116 153 157 23 Kenya -3.4 -0.1 97 102 106 50 44 44 44 42 165 186 182 24 Pakistan 3.4 5.0 127 . . 21 19 . . 51 146 . 25 Benin . . . . . 26 Central African Rep. 85 27 Ghana 7.8 170 14 193 133 28 Togo 29 Zambia 34 109 30 Guinea 31 Sri Lanka 1.7 102 105 17 70 132 130 32 Lesotho 33 Indonesia 6.0 144 26 19 ; 34 Mauritania 35 Afghanistan 36 Bhutan 37 Kampuchea, Dem, 38 Liberia . . 1.7 99 39 Myanmar 40 Sudan 31 41 VietNam Middle-income economies Lower-middle-income 42 Angola . . . 43 Bolivia 0.0 -10.3 41 50 46 43 24 28 26 65 32 35 34 44 Egypt,ArabRep. 4.1 0.5 103 . 54 56 89 191 45 Senegal -4.9 . . 44 46 Yemen, Rep. 47 Zimbabwe 1.6 -0.9 100 98 100 43 36 35 34 98 116 115 116 48 Philippines -3.7 4.0 120 145 . 21 21 26 25 102 112 121 49 Chte d'Ivoire -0.9 . . 27 52 50 DominicanRep. -1.1 -4.4 35 63 . 51 Morocco -3.6 76 80 . . . . . . 95 95 52 Papua New Guinea 2.9 -1.9 . 40 53 Honduras . 41 41 40 54 Guatemala -3.2 -2.7 85 89 89 . . 22 19 19 55 Congo, People's Rep. . . 34 56 Syrian Arab Rep. 2.6 -5.5 87 70 64 33 35 32 70 l58 207 57 Camemon 3.2 . . 30 80 58 Peru . . -3.0 86 95 . . . . 18 18 . . 82 63 70 59 Ecuador 3.3 -1.3 103 98 95 27 38 36 35 83 109 114 101 60 Namibia 61 Paraguay 62 El Salvador 2.4 -9.4 28 71 87 . . 63 Colombia -0.2 3.2 116 114 li 25 16 17 15 86 127 150 148 64 Thailand 1.0 6.3 142 25 23 24 24 68 135 . . 65 Jamaica -0.2 43 . . . 66 Tunisia 4.2 44 95 . . Note: For data comparability and coverage, see the technical notes. Figures in italics are for years other than those specified. 216 Earnmgs per employee Total earnings as a Gross output per employee Growth rate Index (1980=100) percentage of value added (1980=100) 1970-80 1980-88 1986 1987 1988 1970 1986 1987 1988 1970 1986 1987 1988 67 Turkey 6.1 -3.3 81 86 82 26 16 17 16 108 154 169 172 68 Botswana 2.6 -5.7 71 . . 36 . . 56 69 Jordan . . -1.1 99 99 . 37 28 25 . . 70 Panama 0.2 3.2 125 124 123 32 33 32 37 67 84 90 71 Chile 8.1 -1.7 98 99 105 19 17 17 17 60 . 72 Costa Rica 41 30 33 31 73 Poland . . . 24 23 22 23 74 Mauritius 1.8 -1.0 86 93 98 34 44 43 44 139 72 69 68 75 Mexico 1.2 -5.2 70 71 72 44 20 20 20 77 112 106 111 76 Argentina -1.5 1.4 III 103 97 30 21 19 18 71 103 136 125 77 Malaysia 2.0 4.4 133 130 140 29 30 29 30 96 78 Algeria -1.0 45 120 79 Bulgaria 80 Lebanon 81 Mongolia 82 Nicaragua -10.0 .. 16 .. .. 210 Upper-middle-income 83 Venezuela 3.8 0.1 106 102 98 31 27 25 28 118 121 138 182 84 South Africa 2.7 0.0 101 100 104 46 49 49 48 85 Brazil 4.0 0.0 113 110 109 22 17 15 15 71 114 124 116 86 Hungary 3.6 2.2 Ill 112 125 28 34 33 39 41 III 112 III 87 Uruguay 1.0 108 116 118 25 26 26 . . 113 120 130 88 Yugoslavia 1.3 -1.5 97 93 88 39 33 30 26 59 98 89 97 89 Gabon 90 Iran, Islamic Rep. 25 84 91 Trinidad and Tobago 72 70 92 Czechoslovakia 49 41 40 39 93 Portugal 2.5 0.2 95 100 107 34 39 36 37 94 Korea,Rep. 10.0 5.9 128 144 153 25 26 27 27 40 146 166 191 95 Oman . . . 96 Libya . . . 37 45 97 Greece 4.9 1.1 III 103 32 43 43 . 56 114 112 98 Iraq 36 25 99 Romania Low- and middle-income Sub-Saharan Africa East Asia South Asia Europe, M.East, & N.Africa Latin America & Caribbean Severely indebted High-income economies OECD members lOther 100 (Saudi Arabia 101 Ireland 4.1 2.3 105 Ill 119 49 33 32 31 102 Spain 4.4 0.8 101 104 107 52 38 37 37 112 103 tlsrael 8.8 -4.5 65 93 72 36 40 63 43 104 tHong Kong 6.4 4.5 124 135 137 . . 60 57 56 105 tSingapore 3.0 5.2 148 146 148 36 32 29 28 73 III 121 122 106 New Zealand 1.1 -1.0 97 62 58 . . 124 . . 107 Australia 2.9 0.2 104 103 103 53 48 47 47 . . 117 119 121 108 United Kingdom 1.7 2.8 115 119 124 52 43 41 41 109 Italy 4.3 0.8 102 105 110 41 42 41 41 51 126 129 139 110 Netherlands 2.5 0.3 100 104 . 52 46 47 68 107 110 Ill tKuwait 3.8 123 12 28 . . 74 . . 112 Belgium 4.6 -0.1 100 102 . 46 46 46 . 51 118 126 113 Austria 3.4 1.9 110 113 119 47 56 56 57 65 113 113 118 114 France 1.2 . 72 106 108 116 115 fUnited Arab Emirates 116 Canada 1.8 0.4 101 100 104 53 45 '14 44 117 Germany 3.5 1.7 107 110 113 46 43 43 42 60 106 103 108 118 Denmark 2.5 0.5 100 103 104 56 53 53 53 119 United States 0.1 1.8 108 107 107 47 39 37 36 63 116 124 120 Sweden 0.4 0.6 100 102 103 52 37 35 34 121 Finland 2.6 2.6 115 118 122 47 49 46 44 122 Norway 2.6 1.7 107 109 110 50 60 59 56 74 117 117 123 123 Japan 3.1 1.9 112 113 117 32 37 35 34 45 116 122 132 124 Switzerland Other economies World Oil exporters (excl. USSR) 217 Table 8. Growth of consumption and investment Average annual growth rate (percent) General government Private Gross domestic consumption consumption, etc. investment 1965-80 1980-89 1965 -80 1980-89 1965-80 1980-89 Low-income economies 5.7 w 6.8 w 4.1 w 5.1 w 7.5 w 7.6 w China and India 5.0 w 8.6 w 4.0 w 6.5 w 7.2 w 9.8 w Other low-income 67 w 3.8 w 4.3 w 2.2 w 8.3 w 1.5 w I Mozambique . . -2.7 . . 0.9 . . 0.4 2 Ethiopia 6.4 . . 3.0 . . -0.1 3 Tanzania a 8.1 3.5 2.4 6.2 2.1 4 Somalia 12.7 7.0 4.5 0.9 12.1 -2.7 5 Bangladesh a a 2.8 3.9 0.0 -0.1 6 LaoPDR 7 Malawi 5.- 3.9 3.6 2.2 9.1 - 8 Nepal 9 Chad 10 Burundi 7.3 5.4 7.5 24 9li 11 SierraLeone a 0.5 3.0 -2.3 -1.0 -3.3 12 Madagascar 2.0 0.6 1.2 -0.6 1.5 0.1 13 Nigeria 13.9 -2.6 6.9 -4.8 14.7 -12.9 14 Uganda a . . 1.4 . . -5.7 15 Zaire 0.7 4.0 1.8 1.9 6.6 3.3 16 Mali 1.9 3.0 5.2 2.7 1.8 10.8 17 Niger 2.9 1.8 -1.4 -0.9 6.3 -7.7 18 BurkinaFaao 8.7 7.3 2.5 3.3 8.5 6.9 19 Rwanda 6.2 4.6 4.5 0.3 9.0 8.8 20 India 4.7 8.2 2.6 5.6 4.5 4.5 21 China 5.6 9.3 6.2 7.5 10.7 13.7 22 Haiti 1.9 -1.4 2.4 0.3 14.8 -3.8 23 Kenya 10.6 1,7 5.2 5.1 7.2 0.4 24 Pakistan 4.7 10.9 4.5 4.5 2.4 5.7 25 Benin 0.7 -0.1 1.9 2.7 10.4 -9.3 26 Central African Rep. -1.1 -2.5 4.9 2.1 -5.4 5.7 27 Ghana 3.8 -2.3 1.2 2.2 -1.3 6.9 28 Togo 9.5 1.7 1.2 5.1 9.0 -2.9 29 Zambia 5.1 -5.4 -0.7 4.1 -3.6 -4.5 30 Guinea 31 SriLanka 1.1 8.3 4.1 3.9 11.5 -0.7 32 Lesotho 12.4 -0.4 9.9 0.6 17.8 4.4 33 Indonesia 11.4 4.4 5.2 4.3 16.1 6.8 34 Mauritania 10.0 -3.5 1.3 3.5 19.2 -5.4 35 Afghanistan 36 Bhutan 37 Kampuchea, Dem. 38 Liberia 34 3.2 6 39 Myanmar 40 Sudan 4.4 6.4 41 VietNam Middle-income economies 7.2 w 2.3 w 5.9 w 28 w 8.5 w -0.3 w Lower-middle-income 6.7 w L9 w 49 w 24 w 75 w -1.4w 42 Angola . . . . . 43 Bolivia 8.2 -1.9 3.1 1.7 4.4 -11.6 44 Egypt, Arab Rep. a 3.8 6.7 3.6 11.3 0.6 45 Senegal 2.9 1.6 1.7 2.9 3.9 3.9 46 Yemen, Rep. 47 Zimbabwe 10.6 9.4 5.1 -2.2 0.9 2.7 48 Philippines 7.7 1.4 4.9 3.1 8.5 -7.8 49 Côte d'Ivoire 13.2 -6.3 6.9 7.3 10.7 -12.1 50 Dominican Rep. 0.2 1.8 7.8 0.8 13.5 5.4 51 Morocco 10.9 4.7 5.4 2.8 11.4 4.5 52 Papua New Guinea 0.1 -0.3 5.3 1.3 1.4 -1.7 53 Honduras 6.9 4.8 4.8 2.2 6.8 -0.5 54 Guatemala 6.2 2.4 5.1 0.5 7.4 -2.4 55 Congo, People's Rep. 5.5 4.0 1.9 3.7 4.5 -10.7 56 Syrian Arab Rep. -3.0 2.6 -5.1 57 Cameroon 5.0 6.4 4.1 3.0 9.9 1.7 58 Pens 6.3 -1.5 4.9 1.6 0.3 -4.5 59 Ecuador 12.2 -2.2 7.2 1.9 9.5 -3.2 60 Namibia . . 4.3 1.1 . . -7.0 61 Paraguay 5.1 4.8 6.6 1.9 13.5 -1.9 62 El Salvador 7.0 3.1 4.2 0.3 6.6 2.7 63 Colombia 6.7 3.6 5.8 2.9 5.8 0.3 64 Thailand 9.5 5.6 6.4 7.2 8.0 5.7 65 Jamaica 9.7 0.1 2.9 2.1 -3.1 3.7 66 Thnisia 7.2 3.6 8.8 3.5 4.6 -4.4 Note: For data comparability and coverage, see the technical notes. Figures in italics are for years other than those specified. 218 Average annual growth rate (percent) General government Private Gross domestic consumption consumption, etc. investment 1965-80 1980-89 1965 -80 1980-89 1965-80 1980-89 67 Thrkey 6.1 2.7 5.4 5.6 8.8 3.7 68 Botswana 12.0 12.5 10.2 6.8 21.0 0.4 69 Jordan 70 Panama 74 l.o i.4 -15.6 71 Chile 4.0 -0.2 0.9 1.1 0.5 2.7 72 Costa Rica 6.8 0.9 5.1 3.0 9.4 4.9 73 Poland a 1.9 5.7 2.1 2.1 74 Mauritius 7.1 2.8 6.4 4.7 15.0 75 Mexico 8.5 2.1 5.9 0.7 8.5 -5.0 76 Argentina 3.2 -1.3 2.8 0.3 4.6 -7.8 77 Malaysia 8.5 2.5 6.2 3.3 10.4 1.3 78 Algeria 8.6 4.0 5.0 3.1 15.9 -1.1 79 Bulgaria 6.5 2.6 4.2 80 Lebanon 81 Mongolia 82 Nicaragua 2.2 - Upper-middle-income 7.5w 2.6w 6.8w 3.2w 9.4w 0.6w 83 Venezuela . . 1.8 . . 0.7 . . -3.8 84 South Africa 5.3 3.7 3.8 2.2 4.1 -4.5 85 Brazil 6.8 7.1 8.7 2.4 11.3 0.7 86 Hungary a 2.0 5.7 1.5 7.0 -1.2 87 Uniguay 3.2 1.2 2.3 0.0 8.0 -7.9 88 Yugoslavia 3.6 0.8 10.1 -1.8 6.5 -0.4 89 Gabon 10.7 3.3 7.5 -0.2 14.1 -4.9 90 Iran, Islamic Rep. 14.6 -3.5 4.0 6.8 11.5 0.3 91 Trinidad and Tobago 8.9 1.4 3.4 -7.3 12.1 -7.7 92 Czechoslovakia 3.7 2.0 -1.0 93 Portugal 8.1 2.5 6.6 5.0 4.6 -2.7 94 Korea, Rep. 7.7 5.7 8.0 7.8 15.9 11.6 95 Oman . . a . . 13.6 . . 18.4 96 Libya 19.7 . . 19.1 . . 7.3 97 Greece 6.6 2.8 5.1 2.9 5.3 -1.7 98 Iraq 99 Romania Low- and middle-income 6.9w 3.3w 5.3 w 3.5 w 8.2w 2.0w Sub-Saharan Africa 7.0w 1.1w 4.0 w 0.7 8.6 w -3.9 w East Asia 7.4w 5.8w 6.3 w 6.4 w 11.1 w 9.9 w South Asia 4.6w 8.7w 2.9 w 5.4 w 4.3w 4.1w Europe, M.East, & N.Africa 1.2w 3.6 w -0.1w Latin America & Caribbean 6.2w 3.1w 1.4w 8.1 w -2.3 w Severely indebted 6.4w 2.9w 6.1w 1.8w 8.3 w -2.0 w High-income economies 2.6w 2.6w 4.0w 3.1w 3.7w 4.2w OECD members 2.5w 2.6w 4.0w 3.0w 3.6w 4.3w tOther 100 lSaudi Arabia a 20.0 . . 27.5 101 Ireland 6.1 -6.4 4.6 1.1 6.3 -2.3 102 Spain 5.1 4.9 4.7 2.6 3.7 5.3 103 tlsrael 8.8 0.5 5.9 5.1 5.9 0.9 104 tHong Kong 7.7 5.3 9.0 7.1 8.6 3.0 105 tSingapore 10.2 7.1 7.8 5.6 13.3 2.8 106 New Zealand 3.4 0.9 2.2 1.6 1.5 4.8 107 Australia 5.0 3.5 4.1 3.4 2.7 3.7 108 United Kingdom 2.3 1.0 2.8 3.4 1.3 6.9 109 Italy 3.5 2.9 4.6 2.6 3.4 2.1 110 Netherlands 3.0 1.1 4.6 1.5 1.6 2.1 Ill iKuwait a 0.5 5.9 0.7 11.9 -5.1 112 Belgium 0.5 . . 1.6 . . 2.1 113 Austria 3.6 1.3 4.0 2.1 4.6 2.4 114 France 3.6 2.3 3.6 2.4 3.8 1.8 115 tUnited Arab Emirates -3.9 -5.0 . . -8.7 116 Canada 2.1 7.: 3.6 5.3 5.6 117 Germany 3.5 1.5 3.8 1.5 1.7 1.9 118 Denmark 4.8 1.0 2.3 2.0 1.2 4.2 119 United States 0.8 3.3 3.3 3.7 2.8 4.7 120 Sweden 4.1 1.6 2.3 1.9 1.2 4.2 121 Finland 5.3 3.6 3.8 4.6 2.9 2.9 122 Norway 5.5 3.2 4.0 3.0 4.4 2.0 123 Japan 5.2 2.6 6.3 3.2 6.9 5.7 124 Switzerland 7.3 2.6 6.2 1.4 3.7 4.7 Other economies World 2.9 w 2.7 w 4.2 w 3.1 w 4.4 w 3.7 w Oil exporters (excl. USSR) . . . . . a. General government consumption figures are not available separately; they are included in pnvate consumption, etc. 219 Table 9. Structure of demand Distribution of gross domestic product (percent) General Exports of goods government Private Gross domestic Gross domestic and nonfactor Resource consumption consumption, etc. investment savings services balance 1965 1989 1965 1989 1965 1989 1965 1989 1965 1989 1965 1989 Low-income economies 11w 9w 70w 64w 19w 28w 18w 26w 7w 14w -1w -2w China and India 12w 8w 68w 62w 21w 31w 20w 30w 4w 11w Ow -2w Other low-income 9w 12w 77w 70w 14w 21w 12w 18w 16w 19w -2w -4w 1 Mozambique 25 . 95 33 -19 16 -53 2 Ethiopia II 26 77 69 13 13 12 5 12 12 -1 -8 3 Tanzania 10 12 74 93 15 21 16 -5 26 16 1 -26 4 Somalia 8 23 84 91 11 21 8 -14 17 8 -3 -35 5 Bangladesh 9 8 83 91 11 12 8 1 10 8 -4 -11 6 LaoPDR 15 87 11 -2 14 -13 7 Malawi 16 15 84 81 14 19 0 4 19 19 -14 -15 8 Nepal a 11 100 82 6 19 0 7 8 13 -6 -12 9 Chad 20 21 74 92 12 9 6 -13 19 22 -6 -22 10 Bumndi 7 17 89 78 6 18 4 5 10 12 -2 -13 11 SierraLeone 8 10 83 85 12 11 8 5 30 13 -3 -6 12 Madagascar 16 8 84 84 7 13 0 8 13 17 -7 -5 13 Nigeria 5 9 83 70 14 13 12 21 13 34 -2 8 14 Uganda 10 7 78 91 Il 13 12 2 26 6 1 -11 15 Zaire 10 10 64 75 Il 13 26 16 31 27 15 3 16 Mali 10 10 84 79 18 27 5 11 12 16 -13 -15 17 Niger 6 12 90 85 8 10 3 3 9 17 -5 -6 18 BurkinaFaso 5 13 90 85 10 19 4 2 6 9 -6 -17 19 Rwanda 14 14 81 80 10 15 5 6 12 9 -5 -9 20 India 9 12 76 67 17 24 15 21 4 8 -2 -3 21 China 14 6 61 59 24 36 25 36 4 14 1 -1 22 Haiti 8 10 90 85 7 12 2 5 13 12 -5 -8 23 Kenya 15 19 70 61 14 25 15 20 31 23 1 -6 24 Pakistan 11 17 76 72 21 18 13 11 8 14 -8 -6 25 Benin H 8 87 87 II 9 3 5 13 20 -8 -4 26 CentralAfricanRep. 22 IS 67 87 21 9 Ii -1 27 19 -11 -11 27 Ghana 14 9 77 84 18 12 8 6 17 19 -10 -6 28 Togo Ii 17 65 69 22 21 23 13 32 45 1 -7 29 Zambia 15 10 45 85 25 9 40 5 49 28 15 -4 30 Guinea . . 10 . . 71 18 . 19 . . 27 1 31 Sri Lanka 13 10 74 78 12 21 13 12 38 27 1 -9 32 Lesotho 18 19 109 136 11 66 -26 -55 16 15 -38 -121 33 Indonesia 5 9 87 53 8 35 8 37 5 26 0 2 34 Mauritania 19 13 54 79 14 15 27 8 42 50 13 -7 35 Afghanistan a 99 11 1 . . 11 -10 36 Bhutan 14 . 67 39 19 30 -20 37 Kantpuchea, Dem. . . . . . . . . 0 38 Liberia 12 . . 61 . . 17 . . 27 . . 50 . . 10 39 Myanmar . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40 Sudan 12 . . 79 . . 10 . . 9 . . 15 . . -I 41 VietNam . . S . . . . . . S Middle-income economies 11w 12w 67w 62w 22w 25w 21w 27w 17w 25w Ow 2w Lower-middle-income lOw 12w 71w 66w 19w 22w 19w 23w 15w 25w -1w Ow 42 Angola . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43 Bolivia 9 11 74 80 22 13 17 9 21 19 -5 -4 44 Egypt Arab Rep, 19 13 67 80 18 24 14 7 18 22 -4 -17 45 Senegal 17 16 75 73 12 15 8 11 24 27 -4 -5 46 Yemen, Rep. 47 Zimbabwe 12 24 65 55 15 21 23 21 . 30 8 1 48 Philippines 9 9 70 73 21 19 21 18 17 25 0 -1 49 Côted'Ivoire 11 18 61 69 22 10 29 13 37 35 7 3 50 Dominican Rep. 19 6 75 76 10 26 6 18 16 32 -4 -8 51 Morocco 12 16 76 65 10 24 12 19 18 23 1 -6 52 PapuaNewGuinea 34 25 64 64 22 23 2 11 18 41 -20 -12 53 Honduras 10 16 75 73 15 13 15 11 27 22 0 -2 54 Guatemala 7 8 82 84 13 14 10 8 17 17 -3 -5 55 Congo,People'sRep. 14 21 80 60 22 13 5 19 36 51 -17 6 56 SyrianArabRep. 14 IS 76 61 10 13 10 24 17 33 0 11 57 Cameroon 13 12 75 69 13 18 12 19 24 19 -1 58 Peru 10 10 59 68 34 20 31 22 16 13 -3 2 59 Ecuador 9 9 80 71 14 22 11 20 16 27 -3 -2 60 Namibia . . 28 . . 56 . . 17 . . 15 . . 55 . . -1 61 Paraguay 7 6 79 79 15 21 14 15 15 34 -I -6 62 ElSalvador 9 12 79 82 15 16 12 6 27 13 -2 -10 63 Colombia 8 10 75 66 16 20 17 24 11 18 1 4 64 Thailand 10 10 72 61 20 31 19 29 16 36 -1 -2 65 Jamaica 8 14 69 60 27 29 23 26 33 47 -4 -4 66 Tunisia 15 17 71 64 28 23 14 19 19 45 -13 -4 Note: For data comparability and coverage, see the technical notes. Figures in italics are for years other than those specified. 220 Distribution of gross domestic product (percent) General Exports of goods government Private Gross domestic Gross domestic and nonfactor Resource consumption consumption, etc. investment savings services balance 1965 1989 1965 198.9 1965 1989 1965 1989 1965 1989 1965 1989 67 Turkey 12 II 74 68 15 22 13 21 6 22 -1 -J 68 Botswana 24 20 89 43 6 24 -13 37 32 64 -19 13 69 Jordan 24 . . 78 . 18 -2 53 . -20 70 Panama II 22 73 67 18 3 16 11 36 34 -2 9 71 Chile 11 10 73 66 15 20 16 24 14 38 1 3 72 CostaRica 13 16 78 63 20 24 9 21 23 35 -10 -4 73 Poland . . a . . 67 . . 33 . 33 18 . 0 74 Mauritjus 13 12 74 66 17 29 13 21 36 67 -4 -8 75 Mexico 6 II 75 71 20 17 19 18 8 16 -2 76 Argentina 8 10 69 71 19 12 22 19 8 16 3 7 77 Malaysia 15 14 61 52 20 30 24 34 42 74 4 4 78 Algeria 15 16 66 53 22 31 19 31 22 21 -3 0 79 Bulgaria . . 7 63 . . 32 . . 30 . . 31 . . -2 80 Lebanon 10 . . 81 22 9 36 -13 81 Mongolia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 82 Nicaragua 8 . . 74 . . 21 18 29 -3 Upper-middle-income 12w 12w 61w 59w 24w 27w 25w 30w 20w 24w 1w 4w 83 Venezuela 10 9 56 64 25 13 34 27 26 34 9 14 84 South Africa II 20 62 54 28 21 27 26 26 28 0 6 85 Brazil Il 9 67 65 20 22 22 26 8 7 2 3 86 Hungary a 11 75 59 26 26 25 30 . . 36 -1 3 87 Uruguay 15 13 68 72 11 9 18 15 19 24 7 6 88 Yugoslavia 18 6 52 40 30 48 30 53 22 34 0 5 89 Gabon II 20 52 47 31 26 37 33 43 48 6 7 90 Iran, Islamic Rep. 13 II 63 61 17 30 24 28 20 3 6 -1 91 TnnidadandTobago 12 18 67 56 26 19 21 26 65 43 -5 7 92 Czechoslovakia . . 22 . . 48 28 . . 30 35 2 93 Portugal 12 13 68 66 25 30 20 21 27 36 -5 -10 94 Korea, Rep. 9 10 83 52 15 35 8 37 9 34 -7 3 95 Oman . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 96 Libya 14 . . 36 . . 29 . . 50 . . 53 . . 21 97 Greece 12 22 73 69 26 18 IS 9 9 24 -11 -9 98 Iraq 20 . . 50 16 31 . . 38 . IS 99 Rosnania . . . . . . . Low- and middle-income 11w 11 w 68 w 62 w 20 w 26 w 20 w 27 w 13w 21w -1 w 1w Sub-Saharan Africa 10 w 14 w 73 w 73 w 14 w 15w 14w 13w 23 w 25 w 1w -3 w East Asia 13w 8w 64w 57 w 22 w 34 w 23 w 35 w 7w 25 w Ow Ow South Asia 8w 12w 77 w 69 w 17 w 22 w 14w 18 w 6w 9w -3 w -4 w Europe, M.East, & N.Africa 13w 14 w 65 w 59 w 22 w 29 w 21w 28 w 19 w -2 w -2 w Latin America & Caribbean 9w 9w 69 w 67 w 20 w 20 w 21 w 24 w 13 w 14 w 1w 3w Severe'y indebted lOw 9w 68w 67w 21w 21w 22w 23w 14w 15w 1w 2w High-income economies 22 w 17 w 61 w 61 w 17 w 22 w 17 w 22 w 13 w 23 w 1w Iw OECDmembers 22w 17w 61w 61w 17w 22w 17w 22w 13w 21 w 1w Ow (Other 14 w 19 w 57 w 54 w 25 w 23 w 27 w 28 w 48 w 69 w 2w 4w 100 tSaudiArabia 18 32 34 47 14 21 48 21 60 37 34 -1 101 Ireland 17 14 72 57 22 21 tO 29 35 67 -9 10 102 Spain 13 15 68 63 23 25 19 22 10 19 -3 -3 103 (Israel 20 29 65 59 29 16 15 12 19 34 -13 -4 104 tHong Kong 7 7 64 58 36 27 29 35 71 135 -7 8 105 (Singapore tO II 80 46 22 35 10 43 123 191 -12 8 106 New Zealand 14 14 64 58 23 32 22 28 22 27 -1 -3 107 Australia 16 18 60 59 26 26 23 23 15 16 -3 -3 108 United Kingdom 23 18 65 64 13 21 12 18 18 24 -1 -4 109 Italy 18 15 61 62 20 24 21 23 13 19 1 -1 110 Netherlands 21 17 59 60 20 19 19 23 43 58 -1 4 Ill (Kuwait 13 23 26 46 16 19 60 31 68 56 45 12 112 Belgium 16 15 64 63 19 20 20 22 36 73 0 3 113 Austria 20 17 59 55 22 27 21 28 25 40 -1 114 France 19 18 58 60 21 21 22 22 13 23 I 0 115 tUnited Arab Emirates . . 19 . . 41 . . 25 . . 40 . . 55 . . IS 116 Canada 21 19 60 59 20 23 20 23 19 25 0 0 117 Germany 21 19 56 54 23 22 23 27 19 35 0 6 118 Denmark 19 25 59 53 24 19 22 23 29 35 2 3 119 United States 25 20 63 67 12 15 12 13 6 12 1 -1 120 Sweden 21 26 56 52 24 22 23 22 22 33 -1 121 Finland lB 18 62 54 22 30 21 28 20 24 -2 -2 122 Norway 16 20 56 48 29 27 28 32 41 41 -1 5 123 Japan 12 9 59 57 28 33 30 34 11 15 1 2 124 Switzerland 11 13 60 58 30 30 29 29 29 38 -1 0 Other economies World 19 w 16 w 63 w 62 w 18 w 23 w 18 w 23 w 12 w 21 w 0w Iw Oil exporters(excl. USSR) 11 w 18 w 60 w 54 w 20 w 24 w 28 w 28 w 29 w 26 w 9w 4w a. General government consumption figures are not available separately; they are included in private consumption, etc. 221 Table 10. Structure of consumption Percentage share of total household consu,nptiona Food Gross rents; Other consumption fuel and power Transport and Cereals Clothing Other and and Fuel and Medical communtcatton consumer Total tubers footwear Total power care Education Total Automobiles Total durables Low-income economies China and India Other low-income 1 Mozambique 2 Ethiopia 50 24 6 14 7 3 2 8 1 17 2 3 Tanzania 64 32 10 8 3 3 3 2 0 10 3 4 Somalia .. .. .. .. .. .. 5 Bangladesh 59 36 8 17 7 2 1 3 0 10 3 6 LaoPDR 7 Malawi 55 28 5 12 2 3 4 7 2 15 3 8 Nepal 57 38 12 14 6 3 1 1 0 13 2 9 Chad 10 Burundi 11 Sierra Leone 56 22 4 15 6 2 3 12 . . 9 1 12 Madagascar 59 26 6 12 6 2 4 4 1 14 I 13 Nigeria 52 18 7 10 2 3 4 4 1 20 6 14 Uganda 15 Zaire 15 10 11 3 3 1 6 0 14 3 16 Mali 57 22 6 8 6 2 4 10 1 13 1 17 Niger 18 BurkinaFaso 19 Rwanda 30 ii ii 16 6 3 4 9 . . 28 20 India 52 18 II 10 3 3 4 7 0 13 21 China 13 8 3 1 1 1 15 22 Haiti 23 Kenya 1 16 7 12 2 3 9 8 I 6 24 Pakistan 54 17 9 15 6 3 3 1 0 15 5 25 Benin 37 12 14 12 2 5 4 14 2 IS 5 26 Central African Rep. 27 Ghana 1. . ii 28 Togo 29 Zambia 8 10 ii 5 7 5 1 16 1 30 Guinea 31 Sri Lanka 43 18 7 6 3 2 3 15 1 25 32 Lesotho 0 . . . . . . . . . . 33 Indonesia 48 21 7 13 7 2 4 4 0 22 34 Mauritania 35 Afghanistan . . . 0 . 36 Bhutan 37 Kampuchea, Dem. 38 Liberia 39 Myanmar 40 Sudan 60 .. . 0.; 41 VietNam Middle-income economies Lower-middle-income 42 Angola . . . . . . . . 0 0 . 43 Bolivia 33 . . 9 12 1 5 7 12 22 44 Egypt, Arab Rep. 50 10 11 9 3 3 6 4 1 18 45 Senegal 50 15 II 12 4 2 5 6 0 14 46 Yemen,Rep. . . . 47 Zimbabwe 40 9 11 13 5 4 7 6 1 20 3 48 Philippines 51 20 4 19 5 2 4 4 2 16 2 49 Côted'tvoire 40 14 10 5 1 9 4 10 . . 23 3 50 Dominican Rep. 46 13 3 15 5 8 3 4 0 21 8 51 Morocco 40 12 II 9 2 4 6 8 1 22 5 52 Papua New Guinea . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53 Honduras 39 9 21 5C . . . . 8 3 . . 15 54 Guatemala 36 10 10 14 5 13 4 3 0 20 55 Congo, People's Rep. 42 19 6 11 4 3 1 17 1 20 56 Syrian Arab Rep. . . . . . . . . . 57 Cameroon 24 8 7 17 3 11 9 12 I 21 3 58 Peru 35 8 7 15 3 4 6 10 0 24 7 59 Ecuador 30 7d 1d 10 30 60 Namibia . . . . . . . . . . . 0 . . . . . 61 Paraguay 30 6 12 21 4 2 3 10 1 22 3 62 El Salvador 33 12 9 7 2 8 5 tO i 28 7 63 Colombia 29 . . 6 12 2 7 6 13 . . 27 64 Thailand 30 7 16 7 3 5 5 13 0 24 5 65 Jamaica 39 . . 4 15 7 . . 17 22 66 Tunisia 37 7 10 13 4 6 9 7 1 18 5 Note: For data compambility and coverage, see the technical notes. Figures in italics are for years other than those specified. 222 Percentage share of total household consumptiona Food Gross rents; Other consumption .fie1 and power Transport and Cereals Clothing Other and and communication consumer Fuel and Medical Total tubers footwear Total power care Education Total Automobiles Total durables 67 Turkey 40 8 15 13 7 4 1 5 22 68 Botswana 35 13 8 15 5 4 9 8 2 22 7 69 Jordan 35 5 6 5 8 6 35 70 Panama 38 7 3 11 3 8 9 7 0 24 6 71 Chile 29 7 8 13 2 5 6 II 0 29 5 72 Costa Rica 33 8 8 9 I 7 8 8 0 28 9 73 Poland 29 9 7 2 6 7 8 2 34 9 74 Mauritius 24 7 5 19 3 5 7 11 1 29 4 Mexico 35b 10 8 5 5 75 . . 12 25 76 Argentina 35 4 6 9 2 4 6 13 0 26 6 77 Malaysia 23 . . 4 9 . . 5 7 19 . . 33 78 Algeria . 79 Bulgaria . . . . 80 Lebanon . . . . . . . . . 81 Mongolia . . . . . . . . 82 Nicaragua . . . 0 0 . Upper-middle-income 83 Venezuela 23 7 10 8 11 36 84 South Africa 26 . 7 12 . . 17 34 85 Brazil 35 9 10 II 2 6 5 8 1 27 8 86 Hungary 25 . . 9 10 5 5 7 9 2 35 8 87 Umguay 31 7 7 12 2 6 4 13 0 27 5 88 Yugoslavia 27 10 9 4 6 5 11 2 32 9 89 Gabon . . . . . . . . . 90 Iran, Islamic Rep. 37 10 9 23 2 6 5 6 1 14 5 91 Trinidad and Tobago 0 92 Czechoslovakia . 0 93 Portugal 34 . . 10 8 3 6 5 13 3 24 7 94 Korea, Rep. 35 14 6 Il 5 5 9 9 . . 25 5 95 Oman . . . . . . . . 96 Libya . . . . . . . . . . . . 97 Greece 30 . . 8 12 3 6 5 13 2 26 5 98 Iraq . . 0 . 99 Romania . . . . . . . . . Low- and middle-income Sub-Saharan Africa East Asia South Asia Europe, M.East, & N.Africa Latin America & Caribbean Severely indebted High-income economies OECD members fOther 100 tSaudi Arabia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 101 Ireland 22 4 5 II 5 10 7 11 3 33 5 102 Spain 24 3 7 16 3 7 5 13 3 28 6 03 tlsrael 21 5 20 2 9 12 10 . . 23 104 tHong Kong 12 1 9 IS 2 6 5 9 I 44 15 105 tSingapore 19 . . 8 11 . . 7 12 13 . . 30 106 New Zealand 12 2 6 14 2 9 6 19 6 34 9 107 Australia 13 2 5 21 2 10 8 13 4 31 7 108 United Kingdom 12 2 6 17 4 8 6 14 4 36 7 109 Italy 19 2 8 14 4 10 7 II 3 31 7 110 Netherlands 13 2 6 18 6 11 8 10 3 33 8 Ill tKuwait . . . . . . . . . . . 0 . . . . 112 Belgium 15 2 6 17 7 10 9 11 3 31 7 113 Austria 16 2 9 17 5 10 8 15 3 26 7 114 France 16 2 6 17 5 13 7 13 3 29 7 115 tunited Arab Emirates . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 116 Canada II 2 6 21 4 5 12 14 5 32 8 117 Germany 12 2 7 18 5 13 6 13 4 31 9 118 Denmark 13 2 5 19 5 8 9 13 5 33 7 119 UnitedStates 13 2 6 18 4 14 8 14 5 27 7 120 Sweden 13 2 5 19 4 II 8 11 2 32 7 121 Finland 16 3 4 15 4 9 8 14 4 34 6 122 Norway 15 2 6 14 5 10 8 14 6 32 7 123 Japan 16 4 6 17 3 10 8 9 I 34 6 124 Switzerland 17 . 4 17 6 15 . . 9 . . 38 Other economies World Oil exporters (exel. USSR) a. Data refer to either 1980 or 1985. b. Includes beverages and tobacco. c. Refera to government expenditure. d. Excludes fuel. e. Includes fuel. 1. Excludes government expenditure. 223 Table 11. Central government expenditure Percentage of total expenditure Housing, Total Overall amenities: expenditure as surplus/deficit social security Economic a percentage as a percentage Defense Education Health and welfarea services Other° of GNP of GNP 1972 1989 1972 1989 1972 1989 1972 1989 1972 1989 1972 1989 1972 1989 1972 1989 Low-income economies China and India 2 I Other low-income Mozambique Ethiopia 14.4 .... 10.6 5.7 3.6 . 4.4 . 9.3 . 22.9 30.1 52.6 46.5 13.7 . . 35.2 . . . -1.4 -t8 3 Tanzania 11.9 17.3 . . 7.2 . . 2.1 . . 39.0 . . 22.6 . . 19.7 . . -5.0 4 Somaliab 23.3 5.5 . . 7.2 1.9 . . 21.6 . . 40.5 . . 13.5 . . 0.6 5 Bangladesh1' 5.1 . 14.8 . . 5.0 9.8 . . 39.3 . . 25.9 . . 9.4 -1.9 6 LaoPD .. .. .. 7 Malawi" 3.1 5.3 15.8 12.3 5.5 7.3 5.8 0.4 33.1 36.9 36.7 37.9 22.1 29.5 -6.2 -6.0 8 Nepal 7.2 5.2 7.2 10.0 4.7 5.0 0.7 5.0 57.2 49.0 23.0 25.8 8.5 22.0 -1.2 -10.1 9 Chad 24.6 . . 14.8 . . 4.4 . . 1.7 21.8 . . 32.7 . . 14.9 . . -2.7 10 Bumndi 10.3 . . 23.4 . . 6.0 . . 27 33.9 . . 23.8 . 19.9 . 0.0 11 SiermLeone 3.6 . . 15.5 . . 5.3 2.7 . . 24.6 . . 48.3 . . 23.9 . . -4.4 12 Madagabscar 3.6 . . 9.1 . . 4.2 . . 9.9 . . 40.5 . . 32.7 . . 16.7 . . -2.0 13 Nigeria 40.2 2.8 4.5 2.8 3.6 0.8 0.8 1.5 19.6 35.9 31.4 56.2 8.3 28.1 -0.7 -10.5 14 Uganda 23.1 . . 15.3 . . 5.3 . . 7.3 . . 12.4 . . 36.6 . . 21.8 . . -8.1 15 Zaire 11.1 14.0 15.1 6.1 2.4 4.3 2.1 4.6 13.2 25.9 56.2 45.1 13.7 18.4 -2.6 -6.8 16 Mali . 8.0 . 9.0 . 2.1 3.1 . 5.3 . 72.4 . . 28.9 -4.6 17 Niger . . . . . . . . 18 BurkinaFaso 11.5 17.9 20.6 14.0 8.2 5.2 6.6 0.2 15.5 7.0 37.6 55.7 8.4 11.2 0.3 0.3 19 Rwanda 25.6 . 22.2 . 5.7 . 2.6 . 22.0 . 21.9 . 12.5 . . -2.7 20 India 26.2 17.2 2.3 2.7 1.5 1.7 3.2 5.0 19.9 22.1 46.9 51.3 10.5 17.7 -3.2 -6.7 21 China . . . . 22 Haiti . . . 14.5 . . . 23 Kenya1' 6.0 12.2 21.9 22.1 7.9 5.9 3.9 2.6 30.1 17.9 30.2 39.2 21.0 28.0 -3.9 -4.4 24 Pakistan 39.9 . 1.2 . 1.1 . 3.2 21.4 . - 33.2 . 16.9 21.5 -6.9 -7.0 25 Benin . . . . . . 26 Central African Rep. . . . . . . 25.7 . 27 Ghana' 7.9 3.2 20.1 25.7 6.3 9.0 4.1 11.9 15.1 19.2 46.6 31.1 19.5 14.0 -5.8 0.4 28 Togo . . 11.1 . . 19.9 . . 5.2 . . 8.5 . . 31.2 . . 24.1 . . 32.5 . . -2.6 29 Zambiat' 0.0 0.0 19.0 8.6 7.4 7.4 1.3 2.0 26.7 24.8 45.7 57.2 34.0 20.0 -13.8 -4.6 30 Guinea 3! SriLanka 3.1 5.4 13.0 10.7 6.4 6.2 19.5 15.1 20.2 20.6 37.7 42.0 25.2 29.8 -5.1 -7.5 32 Lesotho 0.0 . . 22.4 . . 7.4 . . 6.0 . . 21.6 . . 42.7 . . 14.5 . . 3.5 33 Indonesia 18.6 8.3 7.4 10.0 1.4 1.8 0.9 1.7 30.5 . . 41.3 7&2 15.1 20.6 -2.5 -2.1 34 Mauritania . . . . . . . . 33.5 -4.2 35 Afghanistan . . . . . 36 Bhutan 0.0 . 13.0 . 5.7 4.4 . 51.4 . 25.5 . . 45.1 0.9 37 Kampuchea,De,n. . . . . . 38 Liberia 5.3 . 15.2 . 9.8 . 3.5 . 25.8 . 40.5 . 16.7 . . 1.1 39 Myanmcsr 31.6 18.7 15.0 13.7 6.1 5.0 7.5 14.8 20.1 31.7 19.7 16.2 . 40 Sudanb 24.1 . 9.3 . 5.4 . 1.4 15.8 . 44.1 . 19.2 -0.8 41 VietNam . . . . . . . . . Middle-income economies Lower-middle-income 42 Angola 43 Bolivia 116 203 66 146 247 222 168 0.ó -1.6 44 Egypt, Arab Rep. 14.4 . . 11.9 . . 2.5 17.6 9.8 . . 43.8 . . 40.2 -6.9 45 Senegal . . 18.8 -2.8 46 Yemen, Rep. 47 Zimbabwe 16.5 . . 23.4 . . 7.6 . . 3.9 . . 22.4 . . 26.2 . . 40.8 -9.1 48 Philippinesb 10.9 13.0 16.3 17.1 3.2 43 4.3 2.0 17.6 25.9 47.7 37.7 13.4 15.7 -2.8 49 Cbted'Ivoire 50 Dominican Rep. 85 142 117 118 354 183 177 204 -02 51 Morocco 12.3 15.1 19.2 17.0 4.8 3.0 8.4 7.3 25.6 21.4 29.7 36.0 22.8 29.1 -3.9 -4.6 52 PapuaNewGuinea" . 4.7 . /5.3 . 9.4 . . 3.1 . 208 . 46.6 . . 29.0 . . -0.9 53 Honduras 12.4 . 22.3 . 10.2 8.7 28.3 . 18.1 . 16.1 . . -2.9 54 Guatemala . . . 9.9 12.0 -2.2 -1.8 55 Congo, People's Rep . . . . . . . . 56 SyrianArabRep 37.2 40.4 11.3 /0.4 1.4 1.5 3.6 4.5 39.9 25.0 6.7 18.2 29.0 26.7 -3.5 -2.5 57 Cameroon . 6.7 . 12.0 . 3.4 . . 8.7 . 48.1 . 21.2 . . 20.9 . . -3.3 58 Pen,' 14.5 20.2 23.6 15.6 5.5 5.5 1.8 . 30.9 18.3 23.6 40.4 16.1 11.6 -0.9 -4.8 59 Ecuadorb 15.7 14.9 27.5 23.4 4.5 98 0.8 2.0 28.9 17.6 22.6 32.3 13.4 14.2 0.2 0.0 60 Namibia . . . . . . . . 61 Paraguay 13.8 10.4 12.1 11.4 3.5 3.0 18.3 26.7 19.6 9.5 32.7 39.1 13.1 8.9 -1.7 0.8 62 El Salvadorb 6.6 27.9 21.4 17.6 10.9 7.4 7.6 5.2 14.4 15.0 39.0 26.9 12.8 10.5 -1.0 -1.9 63 Colombia . . . 13.1 14.6 -2.5 -0.7 64 Thailand 20.2 17.8 19.9 19.3 3.7 6.3 7.0 5.3 25.6 20.4 23.5 30.9 16.7 15.1 -4.2 3.1 65 Jamaica . . . . . . . . 66 Tunisia 4.9 5.7 30.5 14.6 7.4 5.9 8.8 22.0 23.3 24.4 25.1 27.3 23.1 37.5 -0.9 -4.5 Note.' For data comparability and coverage, see the technical notes. Figures in italics are for years other than those specified. 224 Percentage of total expenditure Housing, Total Overall amenities; expenditure as surplus/deficit social security Economic a percentage as a percentage Defense Education Health and welfare5 services Others of GNP of GNP 1972 1989 1972 1989 1972 1989 1972 1989 1972 1989 1972 1989 1972 1989 1972 1989 67 Turkey 15.5 11.6 18.1 15.7 3.2 2.9 3.1 3.1 42.0 19.8 18.1 46.9 22.7 23.7 -2.2 -4.6 68 Botswanab 0.0 12.4 10.0 20.1 6.0 5.5 21.7 11.5 28.0 20.2 34.5 30.4 33.7 50.1 -23.8 27.1 69 Jordan 33.5 25.9 9.4 15.3 3.8 4.1 10.5 12.4 26.6 14.6 16.2 27.7 . . 38.4 . -9.9 70 Panama 0.0 7.9 20.7 19.1 15.1 19.8 10.8 23.5 24.2 6.1 29.1 23.6 27.6 31.7 -6.5 -5.8 71 Chile 6.1 8.4 14.5 10.1 10.3 5.9 39.8 33.9 15.3 8.8 16.3 33.0 43.2 32.5 -13.0 -0.2 72 Cost.a Rica 2.6 1.7 28.5 17.0 4.0 27.2 26.5 16.7 21.2 11.4 17.2 25.9 19.0 27.8 -4.5 -2.3 73 Poland . . . . . 40.4 . . -2.4 74 Mauritius 0.8 1.0 13.5 15.3 10.3 9.2 18.0 18.5 13.9 17.2 43.4 38.8 16.3 24.2 -1.2 -1.5 75 Mexico 4.5 2.2 16.4 12.3 4.5 1.7 25.4 10.3 35.8 12.4 13.4 61.1 11.4 21.2 -2.9 -4.8 76 Argentina 10.0 8.6 20.0 9.3 . 2.0 20.0 40.9 30.0 20.5 20.0 18.7 19.6 15.5 0.0 -4.9 77 Malaysia . 26.5 30.1 -9.4 -2.6 78 Algeria . . . . . . 79 Bulgaria , . . . . 80 Lebanon 81 Mongolia . . . . . . 82 Nicaragua 12.3 . 16.6 . 4.0 16.4 . 27.2 . 23.4 . 15.8 . -4.0 Upper-middle-income 83 Venezuela 10.3 . 18.6 . 11.7 . 9.2 . 25.4 . 24.8 . 18.1 . . -0.2 84 SouthAfrica S 21.8 33.0 -4.2 -7.5 85 Brazil 8.3 4.3 8.3 4.2 6.7 6.1 35.0 21.0 23.3 7.6 18.3 56.7 29.1 30.6 -0.3 -14.9 86 Hungary . 3.7 . 2.6 . 2.1 . 29.9 . 25.1 . 36.7 . . 58.6 . . -2.0 87 Uruguay 5.6 8.2 9.5 7.9 1.6 4.5 52.3 50.9 9.8 9.5 21.2 19.] 25.0 25.8 -2.5 -1.7 88 Yugoslavia 16.7 53.4 16.7 . 33.3 6.0 16.7 19.6 16.7 21.0 21.1 5.3 -0.4 0.3 89 Gabonb 37.0 . . -11.9 90 Iran, IslamicRep 24.1 11.7 10.4 19.3 3.6 7.1 6.1 17.2 30.6 13.8 25.2 30.9 30.8 17.5 -4.6 -8.0 91 Trinidad and Tobago . . . . . 36.9 -4.5 92 Czechoslovakia . . . . . . . 93 Portugal . 5.7 . 10.0 . 8.2 . 27.0 . 9.8 . 39.3 . . 43.3 . . -5.0 94 Korea, Rep 25.8 24.9 15.8 18.5 1.2 2.0 5.9 9.9 25.6 19.7 25.7 24.9 18.0 16.9 -3.9 0.2 95 Oman 39.3 41.9 3.7 10.3 5.9 5.1 3.0 9.9 24.4 11.8 23.6 21.0 62.1 48.6 -15.3 -9.9 96 Libya . . . . . . . . . . 97 Greece 14.9 . 9.1 7.4 . 30.6 . 26.4 . 11.7 27.5 . . -1.7 98 Iraq . . . . . . . 99 Romania 5.4 9.1 2.9 5.0 0.5 5.1 16.2 31.4 61.8 47.8 13.1 1.6 . . . Low- and middle-income Sub-Saharan Africa East Asia South Asia Europe, M.East, & N.Africa Latin America & Caribbean Severely indebted High-income economies OECD members fOther 100 tSaudi Arabia . . . . . . . 101 Ireland . 2.8 . 11.8 . 12.4 . 30.3 . 15.4 . 27.3 32.7 57.9 -5.5 -10.7 102 Spain 6.5 6.5 8.3 5.1 0.9 12.5 49.8 37.0 17.5 10.4 17.0 28.5 19.6 34.3 -0.5 -4.0 103 tlsrael 42.9 26.1 7.1 10.1 0.0 3.9 7.1 22.3 7.1 10.4 35.7 27.2 43.9 49.1 -15.7 -3.9 104 tHong Kong . . . . . . 105 tSingapore 35.3 21.2 15.7 19.0 7.8 5.2 3.9 13.8 9.9 16.0 27.3 24.8 16.7 23.3 1.3 6.9 106 New Zealandt' 5.8 4.8 16.9 12.5 14.8 12.7 25.6 33.8 16.5 9.0 20.4 27.1 31.1 45.9 -4.2 2.2 107 Australia 14.2 8.9 4.2 7.3 7.0 9.9 20.3 29.3 14.4 6.9 39.9 37.8 20.2 27.0 0.3 0.5 108 UnitedKingdom 16.7 12.5 2.6 2.9 12.2 14.3 26.5 34.8 11.1 6.7 30.8 28.8 31.8 34.6 -2.7 1.3 109 Italy 6.3 3.6 16.1 8.3 13.5 11.3 44.8 38.6 18.4 11.5 0.9 26.6 29.5 47.9 -8.7 -10.6 110 Netherlands 6.8 5.0 15.2 11.0 12.1 11.6 38.1 40.6 9.1 8.2 18.7 23.7 41.0 54.5 0.0 -4.5 Ill tKuwait 8.4 19.9 15.0 14.0 5.5 7.4 14.2 20.5 16.6 14.5 40.1 23.7 34.4 31.0 17.4 112 Belgium 6.7 4.7 15.5 12.1 1.5 1.7 41.0 43.9 18.9 9.8 16.4 27.9 39.3 50.7 -4.3 -7.5 113 Austria 3.3 2.7 10.2 9.2 10.1 12.8 53.8 48.3 11.2 10.1 11.4 16.8 29.6 39.3 -0.2 -4.1 114 France . 6.1 . 6.9 . 21.0 . 40.7 . 6.5 . 18.8 32.3 42.6 0.7 -1.9 115 tUnitedArabEmiratesb 24.4 43.9 16.5 15.0 4.3 6.9 6.1 3.6 18.3 4.3 30.5 26.3 3.8 13.0 0.3 -0.6 116 Canada 7.6 7.3 3.5 2.9 7.6 5.5 35.3 37.0 19.5 10.8 26.5 36.5 20.1 23.l -1.3 -2.9 117 Germany 12.4 8.7 1.5 0.7 17.5 18.3 46.9 49.4 11.3 7.5 10.4 15.5 24.2 29.0 0.7 -0.1 118 Denmark 7.3 5.4 16.0 9.2 10.0 1.2 41.6 37.8 11.3 6.9 13.7 39.6 32.6 41.8 2.7 4.2 119 United SIssIes 32.2 24.6 3.2 1.8 8.6 12.9 35.3 29.3 10.6 8.0 10.1 23.3 19.1 23.0 -1.5 -2.8 120 Sweden 12.5 6.5 14.8 8.7 3.6 1.0 44.3 55.9 10.6 8.0 14.3 19.8 27.9 40.6 -1.2 4.1 121 Finland 6.1 5.1 15.3 14.1 10.6 10.6 28.4 36.5 27.9 20.6 11.6 13.1 24.3 29.3 1.2 2.1 122 Norway 9.7 7.8 9.9 9.1 12.3 10.6 39.9 39.6 20.2 17.5 8.0 15.4 35.0 42.7 -1.5 -1.0 123 Japanb 12.7 16.5 -1.9 -2.6 124 Switzerland 15.1 . 4.2 . 10.0 . 39.5 18.4 . 12.8 . 13.3 . . 0.9 Other economies World Oil exporters (excl. USSR) a. See the technical notes. b. Data are for budgetary accounts only. 225 Table 12. Central government current revenue Percentage of total current revenue Tax revenue Taxes on Taxes on Total current income, Domestic taxes international revenue usa profit, and Social security on goods and trade and Nontax percentage of capital gains contributions services transactions Other taxesa revenue GNP 1972 1989 1972 1989 1972 1989 1972 1989 1972 1989 1972 1989 1972 1989 Low-income economies China and India Other low-income I Mozambique . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 Ethiopia 23.0 26.6 0.0 0.0 29.8 21.0 30.4 19.6 5.6 2.2 11.1 30.7 10.5 25.2 3 Tanzania 29.9 . . 0.0 . . 29.1 . . 21.7 . . 0.5 18.8 . . 15.8 4 Somalia-' 10.7 . . 0.0 . . 24.7 . . 45.3 . . 5.2 . . 14.0 . . 13.7 5 Bangladesh" 3.7 11.7 0.0 0.0 22.4 33.2 18.0 31.5 3.8 7.1 52.2 16.5 8.6 8.8 6 LaoPDR . . . . . . . S . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7 Malawi' 31.4 38.9 0.0 0.0 24.2 35.4 20.0 15.8 0.5 0.5 23.8 9.5 16.0 21.2 8 Nepal 4.1 11.7 0.0 0.0 26.5 36.1 36.7 30.5 19.0 5.6 13.7 16.2 5.2 9.5 9 Chad 16.7 20.8 0.0 0.0 12.3 8.6 45.2 46.2 20.5 12.7 5.3 11.6 10.8 6.2 10 Burundi 18.1 . . 1.2 . . 18.3 . . 40.3 . . 15.6 . . 6.5 . . 11.5 II SierraLeonet' 32.7 26.3 0.0 0.0 14.6 25.7 42.4 44.6 0.3 0.3 9.9 3.1 19.5 9.0 12 Madagascar 13.1 . . 7.2 . . 29.9 . . 33.6 . . 5.5 . . 10.8 . . 14.7 13 Nigeriab 43.0 44.2 0.0 0.0 26.3 6.4 17.5 16.4 0.2 -14.4 13.0 47.4 9.4 15.7 14 Uganda 22.1 5.5 0.0 0.0 32.8 19.1 36.3 75.3 0.3 0.0 8.5 0.0 13.7 5.3 15 Zaire 22.5 35.9 2.3 0.8 12.1 11.9 57.8 45.5 1.6 2.3 3.6 3.6 9.9 9.4 16 Mali . . 10.8 . . 4.4 . . 28.6 . . 12.0 . . 30.8 . . 13.5 . . 18.9 17 Niger . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . , . . . . . . 18 BurkjnaFaso 16.8 15.0 0.0 8.2 18.0 13.4 51.8 38.9 3.2 6.5 10.2 18.1 8.6 11.4 19 Rwanda 17.9 . . 4.4 . . 14.1 . . 41.7 . . 13.8 . . 8.1 . . 9.8 20 India 21.3 13.5 0.0 0.0 44.5 35.5 20.1 26.7 0.9 0.4 13.2 23.9 10.2 15.4 21 China 22 Haiti . . . . . . , . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23 Kenyab 35.6 28.4 0.0 0.0 19.9 43.6 24.3 18.2 1.4 1.] 18.8 8.7 18.0 22.3 24 Pakistan 13.6 10.8 0.0 0.0 35.9 33.4 34.2 32.9 0.5 0.2 15.8 22.7 12.5 17.8 25 Benin . . . S S . . . . . . 26 Central African Rep. . . 23.9 0.0 13.1 45.2 11.4 . . 6.4 . . 13.1 27 Ghanab 18.4 28.7 0.0 0.0 29.4 28.3 40.6 35.2 0.2 0.1 11.5 7.8 15.1 13.8 28 Togo . . 30.5 6.3 7.7 32.3 1.1 . . 22.2 . . 30.2 29 Zambia5 49.7 38.1 0.0 0.0 20.2 37.0 14.3 15.8 0.1 4.9 15.6 4.2 23.2 11.0 30 Guinea 31 SriLanka 19.1 11.0 0.0 0.0 34.7 48.1 35.4 28.5 2.1 4.1 8.7 8.3 20.0 21.6 32 Lesotho 14.3 10.7 0.0 0.0 2.0 22.3 62.9 55.7 9.5 0.1 11.3 11.2 11.7 21.6 33 Indonesia 45.5 55.9 0.0 0.0 22.8 24.5 17.6 5.6 3.5 5.7 10.6 8.3 13.4 18.4 34 Mauritania . . 32.3 . . 0.0 . . 19.4 . . 36.8 1.4 . . 10.1 . . 21.8 35 Afghanistan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . , . 36 Bhutan . . 9.2 . . 0.0 . . 18.0 . . 0.9 . . 0.7 . . 71.2 37 Kampuchea, Dem. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . S S . . . . . 38 Liberia 40.4 33.9 0.0 0.0 20.3 25.1 31.6 34.6 3.1 2.3 4.6 4.2 JZO 17.8 39 Myanmar 28.7 9.5 0.0 0.0 34.2 27.7 13.4 15.9 0.0 0.0 23.8 46.8 . 40 Sudan1' 11.8 . . 0.0 30.4 . . 40.5 . . 1.5 15.7 . . 18.0 41 VietNam . . . . . . . Middle-income economies Lower-middle-income 42 Angola 43 Bolivia 37.0 14.1 44 Egypt, Arab Rep. 14.9 . . 14.2 . . 11.3 . . 13.2 10.6 35.8 35.9 45 Senegal 17.5 . . 0.0 . . 24.5 . . 30.9 . . 23.9 3.2 16.9 46 Yemen, Rep. 47 Zimbabwe . . 45.3 . . 0.0 . . 25.7 . . 17.1 . . 1.2 . . 10.7 . . 35.0 48 Philippines" 13.8 26.1 0.0 0.0 24.3 33.2 23.0 22.7 29.7 4.0 9.3 14.0 12.4 12.8 49 Côte d'Ivoire . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50 DominicanRep. 17.9 17.8 3.9 3.8 19.0 21.3 40.4 41.7 1.7 2.1 17.0 13.4 17.2 17.6 51 Morocco 16.4 18.9 5.9 5.2 45.7 46.2 13.2 14.3 6.1 7.2 12.6 8.2 18.5 22.1 52 PapuaNewGuinea" 44.6 . 0.0 . . 10.5 . . 24.9 . . 1.8 . . 18.1 . . 23.2 53 Honduras 19.2 . . 3.0 . 33.8 . . 28.2 . . 2.3 . . 13.5 . . 13.2 54 Guatemala 12.7 18.1 0.0 0.0 36.1 23.2 26.2 33.8 15.6 7.2 9.4 17.7 8.9 9.7 55 Congo, People's Rep. 19.4 . . 0.0 . . 40.3 . . 26.5 . . 6.3 . . 7.5 . . 18.4 56 SyrianArabRep. 6.8 24.7 0.0 0.0 10.4 8.9 17.3 Z2 12.1 12.2 53.4 47.0 25.3 24.4 57 Cameroon . . 45.2 . . 6.4 . . 20.2 . . 14.0 . . 9.1 . . 5.1 . . 17.8 58 Pemt 16.0 16.8 0.0 0.0 34.0 54.5 14.0 18.3 26.0 6.0 10.0 4.5 14.6 6.9 59 Ecuadorb 19.6 48.9 0.0 0.0 19.1 24.8 52.4 18.4 5.1 4.7 3.8 3.1 13.6 14.1 60 Namibia ,, .. .. .. ,. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 61 Paraguay 8.8 12.9 10.4 13.2 26.1 25.4 24.8 11.7 17.0 24.3 12.9 12.4 11.5 10.0 62 El Salvador1' 15.2 22.4 0.0 0.0 25.6 45.5 36.1 16.8 17.2 11.3 6.0 3.9 11.6 8.5 63 Colombia 37.1 25.8 13.7 9.6 15.2 27.7 19.8 17.9 7.1 8.2 7.1 10.7 10.6 12.6 64 Thailand 12.1 20.6 0.0 0.0 46.3 45.4 28.7 22.2 1.8 3.2 11.2 8.6 12.5 17.9 65 Jamaica . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . S S S ' ' ' . . S 66 Tunisia 15.9 12.9 7.1 11.1 31.6 20.1 21.8 27.9 7.8 5,1 15.7 22.8 23.6 32.1 Note: For data comparability and coverage, see the technical notes. Figures in italics are for years other than those specified. 226 Percentage of total current revenue Tax revenue Taxes on Taxes on Total current income, Domestic taxes international revenue as a profit, and Social security on goods and trade and Nontax percentage of capital gains contributions services transactions Other ta.xesa revenue GNP 1972 1989 1972 1989 1972 1989 1972 1989 1972 1989 1972 1989 1972 1989 67 Turkey 30.8 43.3 0.0 0.0 31.0 29.5 14.6 6.3 6.1 3.1 17.5 17.7 20.6 19.0 68 Botswana5 19.9 41.0 0.0 0.0 2.4 0.9 47.2 12.1 0.4 0.1 30.0 46.0 30.7 82.9 69 Jordan 9.4 9.1 0.0 0.0 15.6 16.2 36.2 35.1 3.1 7.5 35.6 32.1 . . 22.5 70 Panama 23.3 172 22.4 30.1 13.2 14.9 16.0 6.2 7.7 3.0 17.3 28.6 21.8 27.8 71 Chile 14.3 23.3 28.6 6.0 28.6 37.1 14.3 9.8 0.0 -0.2 14.3 24.1 30.2 30.8 72 CostaRica 18.0 9.2 13.9 29.6 37.7 17.0 18.9 32.4 1.6 -2.6 9.8 14.3 15.3 26.1 73 Poland . . 30.4 . . 21.4 . . 30.4 . . 6.2 . . 6.5 . . 5.1 . . 38.7 74 Mauritius 22.7 12.9 0.0 4.4 23.3 20.9 40.2 48.5 5.5 5.2 8.2 8.2 15.6 24.6 75 Mexico 37.3 35.8 18.6 10.5 32.2 56.7 13.6 8.0 -8.5 -19.3 6.8 8.2 10.1 15.8 76 Argentina . . 4.3 . . 43.4 . . 22.4 . . 11.4 . . 10.3 . . 8.2 . . 13.2 77 Malaysia 25.2 28.6 0.1 0.8 24.2 20.3 27.9 18.0 1.4 2.5 21.2 29.8 20.3 26.3 78 Algeria 79 Bulgaria . . . . . . . 80 Lebanon . . . . . . . 81 Mongolia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 82 Nicaragua 9.5 14.4 14.0 10.5 37.3 48.5 24.4 7.1 9.0 10.6 5.8 8.9 12.8 40.7 Upper-middle-income 83 Venezuela 54.2 43.0 6.0 4.2 6.7 8.8 6.1 23.4 1.1 2.3 25.9 18.2 18.5 22.8 84 SouthAfrica 54.8 52.0 1.2 1.5 21.5 30.7 4.6 3.8 5.0 2.9 12.8 9.2 21.2 27.4 85 Brazil 20.0 9.8 27.7 11.3 35.4 9.5 7.7 1.6 3.1 2.0 6.2 65.8 18.9 42.0 86 Hungary . . 18.2 . . 29.4 . . 32.4 . . 5.3 . . 0.2 . . 14.5 . . 56.5 87 Uruguay 4.7 8.5 30.0 26.7 24.5 43.2 6.1 10.4 22.0 4.9 12.6 6.2 22.7 24.3 88 Yugoslavia . . . . 60.0 . . 20.0 66.4 20.0 31.3 . . . . 2.3 20.7 5.6 89 Gabonb 18.2 . . 6.0 . . 9.5 . . 44.9 . . 4.2 . . 17.2 . . 26.1 90 Iran,IslamicRep. 7.9 19.3 2.7 14.7 6.4 7.8 14.6 6.7 4.9 7.6 63.6 43.9 26.2 9.5 91 Trinidadandlobago . . 53.7 . . 0.0 . . 20.2 7.8 1.4 . . 16.9 . . 30.9 92 Czechoslovakia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 93 Portugal . . 20.0 . . 27.1 . . 39.0 . . 3.7 . . 2.6 . . 7.6 . . 37.1 94 Korea, Rep. 29.0 34.8 0.7 4.4 41.7 32.4 10.7 10.9 5.3 5.5 12.6 12.2 13.1 18.1 95 Oman 71.1 23.7 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.7 3.0 2.6 2.3 0.8 23.6 72.1 47.4 38.2 96 Libya . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 97 Greece 12.2 24.5 35.5 . . 6.7 . . 12.0 . . 9.2 25.4 98 Iraq . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99 Romania 6.0 0.0 8.2 14.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 10.6 85.8 75.4 Low- and middle-income Sub-Saharan Africa East Asia South Asia Europe, M.East, & N.Africa Latin America & Caribbean Severely indebted High-income economies OECD members tOther 100 tSaudi Arabia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 101 Ireland 28.3 34.0 9.0 13.3 32.1 31.6 16.7 7.6 3.2 3.0 10.6 10.5 30.1 46.8 102 Spain 15.9 22.7 38.9 38.4 23.4 27.8 10.0 2.8 0.7 1.3 11.1 7.1 19.7 29.4 103 tlsrael 40.0 38.0 0.0 8.1 20.0 31.2 20.0 2.3 10.0 5.4 10.0 15.0 31.3 40.2 104 tHong Kong . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 105 tSingapore 24.4 20.9 0.0 0.0 17.6 19.5 11.1 2.7 15.5 11.1 31.4 45.7 21.5 27.5 106 New Zealandb 61.4 53.6 0.0 0.0 19.9 26.2 4.1 2.0 4.5 3.2 10.0 15.0 29.8 43.5 107 Australia 58.3 62.7 0.0 0.0 21.9 22.0 5.2 4.6 2.1 0.6 12.5 10.0 22.2 27.1 108 UnitedKingdom 39.4 38.8 15.6 18.2 27.1 31.1 1.7 0.1 5.4 2.3 10.8 9.6 32.6 35.6 109 Italy 16.6 36.3 39.2 29.3 31.7 29.3 0.4 0.0 4.3 2.3 7.7 2.9 24.9 38.2 110 Netherlands 32.5 27.4 36.7 39.1 22.3 21.9 0.5 0.0 3.4 2.8 4.7 8.7 43.4 49.0 Ill tKuwait 68.8 0.6 0.0 0.0 19.7 0.4 1.5 1.3 0.2 0.0 9.9 97.7 55.2 66.1 112 Belgium 31.3 36.4 32.4 34.7 28.9 23.3 1.0 0.0 3.3 2.8 3.1 2.8 35.1 43.7 113 Austria 20.7 17.9 30.0 37.0 28.3 26.2 5.4 1.6 10.2 8.5 5.5 8.7 29.7 34.9 114 France 16.8 17.4 37.0 43.5 37.9 28.8 0.3 0.0 3.0 3.4 4.9 6.9 33.4 40.9 115 tUnitedArabEmiratesb 0.0 0.0 3.1 0.0 0.0 39.7 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 100.0 57.2 0.2 1.3 116 Canada 54.0 53.7 8.8 14.2 15.9 19.6 11.0 3.5 -0.6 0.0 10.9 9.0 21.1 20.2 117 Germany 19.7 18.1 46.6 53.0 28.1 23.0 0.8 0.0 0.8 0.2 4.0 5.8 25.3 29.0 118 Denmark 40.0 39.4 5.1 2.8 42.1 40.3 3.1 0.1 2.8 3.3 6.8 14.2 35.5 42.3 119 United States 59.4 52.5 23.6 33.9 7.1 3.2 1.6 1.6 2.5 0.8 5.7 8.0 17.6 20.1 120 Sweden 27.0 19.6 21.6 30.1 34.0 27.6 1.5 0.5 4.7 8.9 11.3 13.4 32.4 44.4 121 Finland 30.0 33.0 7.8 9.4 47.7 45.5 3.1 1.1 5.8 4.4 5.5 6.6 26.5 31.1 122 Norway 22.6 14.6 20.6 26.0 48.0 36.6 1.6 0.5 1,0 1.5 6.2 20.9 36.8 43.3 123 Japanb 64.8 67.2 0.0 0.0 22.6 15.0 3.5 1.4 6.8 11.2 2.4 5.3 11.2 14.1 124 Switzerland 13.9 . 37.3 . . . 21.5 . . 16.7 2.6 8.0 . . 14.5 Other economies World Oil exporters (exci. USSR) a. See the technical notes. b. Data are for budgetary accounts only. 227 Table 13. Money and interest rates Monetary holdings, broadly defined Average Nominal interest rates of bank.s Ave rage annual annual (average annual percentage) nominal growth Average outstanding inflation rate (percent) as a percentage of GDP Deposit rate Lending rate (GDP deflator) 1965-80 1980-89 1965 1980 1989 1980-89 1980 1989 /980 1989 Low-income economies China and India Other low-income I Mozambique 35.0 2 Ethiopia 12.7 1l. 12.5 25.3 45.4 2.0 6.70 . . 6.00 3 Tanzania 19.7 21.5 37.2 25.9 4.00 17.00 11.50 31.00 4 Somalia 20.4 50.0 12 17.8 ri. 42.8 4.50 25.00 7.50 33.67 5 Bangladesh 22.0 16.9 27.3 10.6 8.25 12.00 11.33 16.00 6 LaoPDR . . . . . . . 8.7 . . 7.20 14.00 4.80 15.00 7 Malawi 15.4 17.7 17.6 20.5 . . 14.6 7.92 12.75 16.67 23.00 8 Nepal 17.9 19.6 8.4 21.9 33.4 9.1 4.00 8.50 14.00 15.00 9 Chad 12.5 12.2 9.3 20.0 21.6 1.5 5.50 4.25 11.00 11.50 10 Burundi 15.7 9.8 10.1 13.3 17.5 3.6 2.50 4.00 12.00 12.00 II SierraLeone 15.9 53.2 11.7 20.6 18.6 54.2 9.17 20.00 11.00 29.67 12 Madagascar 12.2 17.5 15.8 22.3 21.4 17.8 5.63 11.50 9.50 13 Nigeria 28.5 12.7 9.9 21.5 18.6 14.6 5.27 13.09 8.43 35.00 14 Uganda 23.2 77.8 . . 12.7 7.8 108.1 6.80 36.17 10.80 40.00 15 Zaire 28.2 62.7 8.4 6.2 6.4 59.4 . . . . . 16 Mali 14.4 10.9 . . 17.9 21.3 3.6 13.71 9.53 9.38 8.75 17 Niger 18.3 6.1 3.8 13.3 18.1 3.8 6.19 5.25 9.38 8.00 18 BurkinaFaso 17.1 12.5 6.9 13.8 18.5 4.7 13.55 9.49 9.38 8.75 19 Rwanda 19.0 9.7 15.8 13.6 17.8 4.0 6.25 6.31 13.50 12.00 20 India 15.3 17.0 23.7 36.2 45.6 7.7 16.50 16.50 21 China 25.5 . . 33.5 66.7 5.7 5.40 22 Haiti 20.3 7.8 9.9 26.1 33.2 6.8 10.00 . . . 23 Kenya 18.6 14.6 . . 36.8 37.8 9.1 5.75 12.00 10.58 17.25 24 Pakistan 14.7 13.7 40.7 38.7 37.5 6.7 . . . . . 25 Benin 17.3 4.2 10.6 21.1 18.8 7.5 13.71 9.53 9.38 7.13 26 Central African Rep. 12.7 5.9 13.5 18.9 17.8 6.7 5.50 7.50 10.50 12.50 27 Ghana 25.9 45.9 20.3 16.2 13.9 43.9 11.50 16.50 19.00 25.58 28 Togo 20.3 7.3 10.9 29.0 34.0 5.2 12,71 9.53 9.38 8.75 29 Zambia 12.7 28.9 32.6 38.3 7.00 11.44 9.50 18.39 30 Guinea 31 Sri Lanka 15.4 15.5 32.3 35.3 36.6 10.8 14.50 16.43 19.00 13.17 32 Lesotho . . 18.5 . . 43.9 13.2 9.60 12.82 11.00 18.75 33 Indonesia 54.4 24.6 . . 13.2 30.2 8.3 6.00 18.60 21.70 34 Mauritania 20.7 11.3 5.7 20.5 21.9 9.2 . . 6.00 . . 12.00 35 Afghanistan 14.0 22.0 14.4 26.8 9.00 9.00 13.00 13.00 36 Bhutan 20.0 . . 6.50 15.00 37 Kampuchea, Dem. . . . . . 38 Liberia . . . . . . 10.30 6.77 18.40 13.82 39 Myanmar 11.5 11.1 . . . , . . 1.50 1.50 8.00 8.00 40 Sudan 21.6 37.0 14.1 32.5 17.0 . . 6.00 41 VietNam . . . . . . . . . Middle-income economies Lower-middle-income 42 Angola . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43 Bolivia 24.3 306.0 10.9 16.2 21.7 392.2 18.00 . . 28.00 44 Egypt, Arab Rep. 17.7 21.8 35.3 52.2 91.7 11.1 8.33 11.67 13.33 18.33 45 Senegal 15.6 7.2 15.3 26.6 23.6 7.3 6.19 5.25 9.38 6.96 46 Yemen, Rep. , . . 47 Zimbabwe . . 18.1 . . 54.6 50.7 10.9 3.52 8.85 17.54 13.00 48 Philippines 17.7 16.1 19.9 19.0 21.1 14.8 12.25 14.13 14.00 19.27 49 Côte d'Ivoire 20.4 5.7 21.8 25.8 30.5 3.7 13.55 9.53 9.38 8.75 50 Dominican Rep. 18.5 25.8 18.0 21.8 23.9 19.1 . . . . . 51 Morocco 15.7 14.5 29.4 . . 50.5 7.4 4.88 8.50 7.00 9.00 52 Papua New Guinea . . 8.4 . . 32.9 33.6 5.6 6.90 8.23 11.15 14.62 53 Honduras 14.8 12.0 15.4 22.8 33.8 4.8 7.00 8.63 18.50 15.38 54 Guatemala 16.3 15.0 15.2 20.5 22.8 13.4 9.00 13.00 11.00 16.00 55 Congo, People's Rep. 14.2 10.0 16.5 14.7 19.3 0.6 6.50 8.00 11.00 12.50 56 SyrianArabRep. 21.9 19.8 24.6 40.9 15.1 5.00 57 Camemon 19.0 9.2 11.7 18.3 20.8 6.6 7.50 7.50 13.00 14.00 58 Peru 25.9 193.0 18.8 16.5 9.2 160.2 . . . 59 Ecuador 22.6 31.8 15.6 20.2 16.1 34.5 40.24 9.00 30.08 60 Namibia . . . . . . . . 13.2 61 Paraguay 21.3 20.0 12.1 19.8 23.2 62 El Salvador 14.3 16.5 21.6 28.1 26.9 16.7 . . . 63 Colombia 26.5 . . 19.8 23.7 . . 24.3 . . 27.70 19.00 28.21 64 Thailand 17.9 18.0 23.6 37.6 65.0 3.2 12.00 9.50 18.00 15.00 65 Jamaica 17.2 25.1 24.3 35.4 56.8 18.5 10.29 19.04 13.00 25.56 66 Tunisia 17.4 15.5 30.2 42.1 7.5 2.50 7.37 7.25 9.87 Note: For data comparability and coverage, see the technical notes. Figures in italics are for yearu other than those specified. 228 Monetary holdings, broadly defined Average Nominal interest rates of banks Ave rage annual annual (average annual percentage) nominal growth Average outstanding inflation rate (percent) as a percentage of GDP Deposit rate Lending rate (GDP deflator) 1965-8.0 1980-89 1965 1980 1989 1980-89 1980 1989 1980 1989 67 Turkey 27.5 55.0 23.0 17.2 22.6 41.4 10.95 53.45 25.67 50.00 68 Botswana 27.1 30.7 30.3 12.1 5.00 5.58 8.48 7.67 69 Jordan 19.1 13.0 88.8 119.1 2.2 70 Panama 2.6 71 Chile 116.0 16.3 22.6 20.5 37.46 26. 47.14 38.28 72 Costa Rica 24.6 25.9 19.3 38.8 38.2 24.8 15.62 29.17 73 Poland 53.0 58.4 42.0 38.1 3.00 21.00 8.00 16.67 74 Mauritius 21.8 21.7 27.3 41.1 60.6 8.5 9.25 11.06 12.90 16.13 75 Mexico 21.9 62.0 25.1 27.5 15.3 72.8 20.63 36.25 28.10 54.00 76 Argentina 86.0 342.0 22.2 12.4 334.5 79.40 432.75 430.38 77 Malaysia 21.5 12.6 26.3 69.8 117.4 1.5 6.23 3.00 7.75 7.00 78 Algeria 22.3 14.9 32.1 58.5 96.9 5.2 79 Bulgaria 1.5 80 Lebanon 16.2 640 83.4 176.1 '7,54 ' 39.86 81 Mongolia 82 Nicaragua 15.0 15.4 22.1 7.50 Upper-middle-income 83 Venezuela 22.9 15.1 17.4 43.0 32.0 16.0 . . 29.23 . . 22.57 84 SouthAfrica 14.0 16.5 56.6 49.5 54.0 14.0 5.54 18.13 9.50 19.83 85 Brazil 43.4 . . 20.6 18.4 . . 227.9 115.00 5,922.36 . 86 Hungary . . 7.6 . . 46.5 43.0 7.5 3.00 9.00 9.00 13.00 87 Uruguay 65.8 61.4 28.0 31.2 40.7 59.2 50.30 84.70 66.62 127,58 88 Yugoslavia 25.7 133.0 43.6 59.1 50.5 96.8 5.88 5,644.83 11.50 4353.75 89 Gabon 25.2 5.8 16.2 15.2 24.0 -1.0 7.50 8.75 12.50 12.50 90 Iran, Islamic Rep. 28.4 . . 21.6 54.5 14.0 . . . . . 91 TrinidadandTobago 23.1 9.0 21.3 32.0 5.4 6.57 6.28 10.00 13.31 92 Czechoslovakia . . 1.5 2.67 2.48 93 Portugal 19.5 21.4 77.7 96.3 98.7 19.2 19.00 13.00 18.75 19.59 94 Korea, Rep. 35.5 20.4 11.1 31.7 50.3 5.1 19.50 10.00 18.00 11.25 95 Oman . . 12.4 . . 13.8 28.6 -6.6 . . 8.66 . . 10.01 96 Libya 29.2 2.3 14.2 34.7 75.8 0.2 5.13 5.50 7.00 7.00 97 Greece 21.4 25.1 35.0 61.6 18.2 14.50 17.14 21.25 23.26 98 Iraq 19.7 99 Romania 7.5 Low- and middle-income Sub-Saharan Africa East Asia South Asia Europe, M.East, & N.Africa Latin America & Caribbean Severely indebted High-income economies OECD members tOther 100 tSaudiArabia 32.1 9.4 16.4 18.6 63.7 -5.2 101 Ireland 16.1 6.1 . . 58.1 42.7 8.1 12.00 4.54 15.96 9.42 102 Spain 19.7 10.0 59.2 75.2 64.7 9.4 13.05 9.55 16.85 15.84 103 tlsrael 60.0 106.0 15.3 56.4 64.4 117.1 14.10 176.93 31.63 104 tHong Kong . . . . 69.3 . . 7.1 105 tSingapore 17.6 12.8 58.4 74.4 117.5 1.5 9.37 3.21 11.72 6.21 106 New Zealand 12.8 16.4 56.5 53.4 11.5 11.4 11.00 16.32 12.63 20.84 107 Australia 15.9 12.9 50.0 61.8 70.2 7.8 8.58 15.29 10.58 21.69 108 United Kingdom 13.8 23.0 47.8 45.9 . . 6.1 14.13 6.07 16.17 13.92 109 Italy 17.9 12.2 69.0 81.8 75.7 10.3 12.70 6.92 19.03 14.21 110 Netherlands 14.7 5.8 54.4 79.0 87.7 1.9 5.96 3.49 13.50 10.75 Ill tKuwait 17.8 5.1 28.1 33.1 74.8 -2.9 4.50 4.50 6.80 6.80 112 Belgium 10.4 6.8 59.2 57.0 58.0 4.8 7.69 5.13 11.08 113 Austria 13.3 7.3 48.9 72.5 84.9 3.8 5.00 2.98 . . 114 France 15.0 9.9 53.7 69,7 76.2 6.5 6.25 5.92 18.73 16.01 115 (United Arab Emirates . . 11 .1 19.0 59.9 1.1 9.47 12.13 116 Canada 15.3 8.3 40.2 64.3 66.7 4.6 12.87 12.09 14.25 13.33 117 Germany 10.1 5.6 46.1 60.4 64.3 2.7 7.95 5.50 12.04 9,94 118 Denmark 11.5 15.6 46.0 42.6 6.0 10.80 8.27 17.20 13.44 119 United States 9.2 8.9 64.1 58.9 66.2 3.9 13.07 9.09 15.27 10.92 120 Sweden 10.7 10.4 46.8 46.5 49.6 7.4 11.25 9.21 15.12 14.05 121 Finland 14.7 14.2 39.1 39.5 52.1 7.0 5.75 9.77 10.31 122 Norway 12.8 11.4 51.9 52.9 59.9 5.6 5.00 9.63 12.63 14.39 123 Japan 15.0 8.8 106.7 134.0 . . 1.3 5.50 2.32 8.35 5.29 124 Switzerland 7.1 7.8 101.1 107.4 123.8 3.6 7.75 8.08 5.56 5.85 Other economies World Oil exporters (excl. USSR) 229 Table 14. Growth of merchandise trade Merchandise trade Average annual growth rate (percent)a (millions of dollars) Terms of trade Exports imports (1987 = 100) Exports imports 1989 1989 1965-80 1980-89 1965 -80 1980-89 1985 1989 Low-income economies 120,136 131,918 5.6w 5.2w 4.3 w 3.0 w 107 m 102 m China and India 68,061 78,355 10.0w 9.1 w 103 m 103 m Other low-income 52,075 1 53,563 6.2w 0.8w 5.3 w -3.2 w 107 m 102 m I Mozambique 92 680 . . -12.6 . . 0.4 94 91 2 Ethiopia 420 1,100 -0.5 0.4 -0.9 6.4 117 107 3 Tanzania 260 840 -4.2 -8.2 1.7 -2.9 101 108 4 Somalia 82 133 4.4 -4.6 4.4 -9.0 107 Ill 5 Bangladesh 1,305 3,524 7.6 7.8 109 94 6 La0PDR . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 0 7 Malawi 267 505 5.1 2.9 3.3 -0.8 104 101 8 Nepal 156 580 11.2 . . 11.6 98 100 9 Chad 137 435 . . . . . . . 10 Bunindi 78 187 . . 2.6 6.9 133 86 11 Sierra Leone 137 189 -2.4 -2.5 . . -4.2 106 78 12 Madagascar 312 340 0.6 -2.2 -0.4 -2.9 98 108 13 Nigeria 9,000 3,600 11.1 -2.3 14.6 -19.5 167 86 14 Uganda 273 652 -2.9 4.3 1.7 143 88 15 Zaire 2,302 1,993 0.6 1.6 III 98 16 Mali 271 500 9.5 5.6 . . 4.6 95 102 17 Niger 250 370 12.8 -3.8 6.6 -8.2 126 79 18 BurkinaFaso 75 410 3.6 0.8 5.7 -1.5 108 98 19 Rwanda 88 333 7.9 -0.8 . . 10.9 116 121 20 India 15,523 19,215 3.0 5.8 1.2 3.5 96 101 21 China5 52,538 59,140 . . 11.5 . . 11.7 109 104 22 Haiti 240 330 5.5 -6.9 7.0 -5.1 89 97 23 Kenya 1,110 2,100 3.9 1.6 2.2 1.0 114 107 24 Pakistan 4,642 7,119 -1.8 8.5 0.4 4.2 90 99 25 Benin lii 431 . . . 26 Central African Rep. 92 88 -1.3 -3.7 -4.8 3.2 107 113 27 Ghana 1,020 940 -2.6 5.6 -1.4 -1.5 106 82 28 logo 245 472 . . 3.1 8.5 -1.0 118 107 29 Zambia 1,347 873 -0.7 -3.2 -7.6 -4.5 71 90 30 Guinea 430 465 . 31 Sri Lanka 1,554 2,229 0.2 6.7 -1.2 2.3 103 100 32 Lesothob . . , . 33 Indonesia 21,773 16,360 9.6 2.4 . . -0.4 134 97 34 Mauritania 360 370 4.0 3.4 1.6 113 114 35 Afghanistan 466 765 . . . 36 Bhutan 37 Kampuchea, Dem. . . . . . 38 Liberia 370 217 4.4 0.3 1.5 2.2 97 115 39 Myanmar 215 191 -2.0 -11.7 -15.9 106 124 40 Sudan 520 1,390 -0.3 0.0 2.3 -3.7 106 106 41 VietNam 1,320 1,670 Middle-income economies 396,324 1 400,367 2.6w 5.5w 5.1 w 0.9 w 110 m 103 m Lower-middle.income 172,262 1 183,853 1 4.3w 5.2w 4.4w 0.2w him 103m 42 Angola 2,187 1,073 . . . . . . . . . 43 Bolivia 817 615 2.7 -0.8 5.0 -2.4 167 117 44 Egypt, Arab Rep. 2,565 7,434 -0.1 9.2 3.6 6.5 131 82 45 Senegal 600 1,150 2.6 2.5 0.7 106 103 46 Yemen Arab Rep. . 47 Zimbabwe 1,300 1,090 . . 3.1 . . -7.4 100 95 48 Philippines 7,747 10,732 4.6 1.3 2.9 0.4 93 107 49 Côte d'Ivoire 2,970 2,380 5.5 3.1 7.6 -1.1 110 91 50 DominicanRep. 911 2,241 0.3 1.2 5.0 4.4 109 117 51 Morocco 3,337 5,492 3.7 5.7 6.5 2.2 88 80 52 Papua New Guinea 1,281 1,535 14.1 6.4 . . 2.7 111 81 53 Honduras 1,100 1,000 3.1 2.1 2.5 0.1 III 120 54 Guatemala 323 404 4.8 -11.7 4.6 -15.6 108 107 55 Congo, People's Rep. 830 590 10.3 6.2 0.6 -1.5 145 90 56 SyrianArabRep. 3,006 2,097 11.4 5.7 8.5 -8.4 125 84 57 Cameroon 900 1,320 4.9 -3.3 5.6 -1.8 139 101 58 Pent 3,714 1,839 1.6 0.4 -1.4 -6.7 111 88 59 Ecuador 2,354 1,860 15.1 5.0 6.3 -3.2 153 102 60 Namibiab 61 Paraguay 670 600 6.5 7.0 3.7 -1.4 108 120 62 ElSalvador 610 1,140 1.0 -1.6 2.7 0.0 126 114 63 Colombia 5,739 5,010 1.4 9.8 5.3 -3.3 140 84 64 Thailand 20,059 25,768 8.6 12.8 4.1 8.4 91 99 65 Jamaica 982 1,806 -0.4 -2.1 -1.9 1.1 95 106 66 Tunisia 2,932 4,366 10.8 4.1 10.4 -0.1 105 99 * Data for Taiwan, China, are: 66,475 50,523 15.6 13.4 12.2 9.6 lOS 112 Note: For data comparability and coverage, see the technical notes. Figures in italics are for years other than those specified. 230 Merchandise trade Average annual growth rate (percenf)a (millions ofdollars) Tems of trade E.oports Imports (1987 = 100) &ports Imports 1989 1989 1965-80 1980-89 1965-80 1980-89 1985 1989 67 Turkey 11626 15,788 5.5 11.4 7.7 7.4 82 96 68 Botswanab 0 0 . . . . . . . 69 Jordan 926 2,119 11.2 9.1 9.7 -1.0 95 112 70 Panama 297 964 -5.7 0.1 -1.9 -4.8 130 152 71 Chile 8,190 6,496 8.0 4.9 1.4 -1.5 102 126 72 CostaRica 1,362 1,743 7.0 3.1 6.0 4.7 111 109 73 Poland 13,155 10,085 . . 2.4 . . 1.4 94 120 74 Mauritius 987 1,326 3.1 10.5 5.2 10.7 83 108 75 Mexico 22,975 22,084 7.7 3.7 5.7 -4.7 133 98 76 Argentina 9,567 4,200 4.7 0.6 1.8 -8.2 110 110 77 Malaysia 25,053 22,496 4.6 9.8 2.2 3.7 117 97 78 Algeria 8,600 8,380 1.8 2.9 13.0 -5.8 174 88 79 Bulgaria . . . 80 Lebanon 700 2,281 . . . 81 Mongolia . . . . . . . . . . . . . 82 Nicaragua 250 1,000 2.8 -7.8 1.3 -4.2 111 110 Upper-middle-income 224,062 t 216,515 1 8.5 w 5.7 w 5.8 w 1.6 w 104 m 103 m 83 Venezuela 12,953 7,837 -9.5 11.3 8.1 -4.3 174 118 84 South Africab 13,500 16,952 7.8 -8.0 -0.1 -6.6 105 94 85 Brazil 34,392 18,281 9.3 5.6 8.2 -1.6 92 124 86 Hungary 9,605 8,818 . . 5.7 . . 1.6 104 87 87 Umguay 1,599 1,203 4.6 2.8 1.2 -2.6 89 110 88 Yugoslavia 13,343 14,799 5.6 0.4 6.6 -0.7 95 121 89 Gabon 1,160 950 8.6 -0.2 . . -1.7 140 96 90 Iran, Islamic Rep. 13,000 9,550 . . 21.6 . . 6.5 160 68 91 TrinidadandTobago 1,578 1,222 -5.5 -5.1 -5.8 -14.2 156 92 92 Czechoslovakia 14,455 14,277 93 Portugal 12,798 19,043 3.4 11.7 3.7 8.2 85 105 94 Korea,Rep. 62,283 61,347 27.2 13.8 15.2 10.4 103 108 95 Oman 3,933 2,255 . . . . . . . . . 96 Libya 6,760 5,100 3.3 -1.3 11.7 -9.0 196 91 97 Greece 7,353 16,103 11.9 4.1 5.2 3.5 94 97 98 Iraq 11,400 11,000 99 Romania Low- and middle-income 516,460 1 532,285 3.3 w 5.4 w 5.0 w 1.4 w 108 m 103 m Sub-Saharan Africa 30,884 I 31,805 6.1 w -0.6 w 57 w -5.9 w 109 m 104 m East Asia 195,268 202,642 1 10.0 w 10.0 w 7.2 w 7.6 w 106 m 102 m South Asia 23,395 1 32,858 2.2 w 6.2 w 1.3 w 3.8 w 101 m 100 m Europe, M.East, & N.Africa 141,379 163,5961 3.7 w 5.8 w 6.7 w 1.7 w 104 m 96 m Latin America & Caribbean 112,0341 84,433 1 -1.0w 3.6 w 4.1 w -3.7 w 111 m 110 m Severely indebted 140,081 I 114,839 1 -0.2 w 3.9 w 5.1 w -1.2 w 110 m 108 m High-income economies 2,385,816 I 2,513,829 1 7.4 w 3.9 w 4.6 w 4.9 w 98 m 100 m OECD members 2,173,621 I 2,280,495 1 7.3 w 4.1 w 4.2 w 5.1 w 94 m 100 m (Other 212,195 1 233,334 I 8.8 w 2.4 w 11.7 w 3.3 w 117 m 100 m 100 tSaudiArabia 26,200 21,500 8.8 -11.3 25.9 -9.9 176 92 lOt Ireland 20,693 17,419 10.0 7.4 4.8 3.3 97 100 102 Spain 44,450 71,298 12.4 7.4 4.4 8.4 91 107 103 (Israel 10,735 13,101 8.9 7.7 6.2 4.8 105 102 104 tHongKong 28,731 72,154 9.1 6.2 8.3 11.0 97 100 105 tSingapore 44,600 49,605 4.7 8.1 7.0 5.8 99 98 106 New Zealand 8,586 8,757 3.8 3.5 1.1 3.4 88 100 107 Australia 33,205 39,869 5.4 4.1 1.0 5.0 111 122 108 UnitedKingdom 152,403 197,714 5.1 2.7 1.4 5.0 103 103 109 Italy 140,691 149,503 7.7 3.7 3.5 4.3 84 95 110 Netherlands 107.799 104,220 8.0 4.5 4.4 3.3 101 100 111 (Kuwait 11,476 6,295 18.5 1.2 11.8 -6.3 175 77 112 Belgiumc 100,737 99,336 7.8 4.7 5.2 3.0 94 97 113 Austria 32,444 38,854 8.2 5.1 6.1 4.5 87 90 114 France 172,561 190,186 8.5 3.3 4.3 2.9 96 102 115 tUnited Arab Emirates 15,000 9,600 . . 0.8 . . -3.6 171 96 116 Canada 114,066 113,230 5.4 6.0 2.5 8.8 110 110 117 Germany 340,628 268,601 7.2 4.4 5.3 3.4 82 96 118 Denmark 27,997 26,592 5.4 5.3 1.7 4.5 93 102 119 United States 346,948 491,512 6.4 2.3 5.5 8.2 100 102 120 Sweden 51,497 48,920 4.9 4.9 1.8 3.5 94 101 121 Finland 23,265 24,611 5.9 3.2 3.1 4.9 85 104 122 Norway 27,030 23,632 8.2 6.8 3.0 2.9 130 89 123 Japan 275,040 207,356 11.4 4.6 4.9 5.4 71 96 124 Switzerland 51,444 58,150 6.2 3.8 4.5 4.1 86 99 Other economies World 2,902,2761 3,046,114 1 6.7 w 4.1 w 4.7 w 4.3 w 106 m 101 m Oil exporters (excl. USSR) 119,1301 86,874 I 2.0 w -2.4 w 11.4 w -7.4 w 171 m 91 m a. See the technical notes. b. Figures are forthe Southern African Customs Union comprising South Africa, Namibia, Lesotho, Botswana, and Swaziland; trade between the component territories is excluded. c. Includes Luxembourg. 231 Table 15. Structure of merchandise imports Percentage share of merchandise imports Other Machinery primary and transport Other Food Fuels commodities equipment manufactures 1965 1989 1965 1989 1965 1989 1965 1989 1965 1989 Low-income economies 19w lOw Sw 6w 6w 9w 34w 33w 34w 42w China and India 8w 5w lOw 32w 45w Other low-income 17w 14w 5w 7w 3w 6w 33w 36w 42w 37w 1 Mozambique 17 35 8 1 7 3 24 34 45 26 2 Ethiopia 7 17 6 10 5 3 37 44 44 26 3 Tanzania 12 8 9 1 1 4 34 45 44 43 4 Somalia 33 29 5 3 5 2 24 38 33 29 5 Bangladesh 31 2 4 27 36 6 Lao PDR 7 Malawi 16 10 . i i 8 Nepal 9 . . I . . 5 . 44 . . 41 9 Chad 13 16 20 2 3 3 21 46 42 33 10 Burundi 18 7 6 5 7 3 15 42 55 44 II Sierra Leone 19 25 9 3 1 3 29 39 41 31 12 Madagascar 20 16 5 2 2 4 25 40 48 38 13 Nigeria 9 10 6 7 3 3 34 38 48 43 14 Uganda 8 9 1 0 3 1 37 50 51 40 15 Zaire 19 15 7 6 4 3 33 46 37 30 16 Mali 21 20 6 1 3 2 23 36 47 42 17 Niger 13 16 6 2 4 3 21 39 55 41 18 BurkinaFaso 25 16 4 0 12 2 19 46 40 36 19 Rwanda 12 8 7 0 4 2 28 53 50 36 20 India 22 8 5 17 14 12 37 18 22 45 21 China* . 9 . . 3 . . 10 . . 31 . 47 22 Haiti 31 23 6 1 5 2 14 26 44 47 23 Kenya 13 9 11 2 2 4 32 44 42 40 24 Pakistan 20 16 3 14 5 8 38 32 34 30 25 Benin 23 29 6 2 2 6 17 17 53 47 26 Central African Rep. 13 15 7 1 2 4 29 39 49 40 27 Ghana 13 11 4 5 2 7 33 40 48 37 28 Togo 18 26 4 6 2 2 32 25 45 41 29 Zambia 30 Guinea 22 . . 5 . . 2 36 35 31 SriLanka 41 19 8 4 4 4 12 27 34 46 32 Lesothoa 33 Indonesia . 3 8 2 10 39 38 50 37 34 Mauritania 9 23 4 18 1 1 56 29 30 29 35 Afghanistan 17 9 4 1 1 1 8 26 69 63 36 Bhutan . 37 Kampuchea, Dem. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38 Liberia 18 3 8 1 1 1 33 81 39 15 39 Myanmar 15 4 4 2 5 1 18 52 58 41 40 Sudan 24 20 5 2 3 3 2t 33 47 43 41 VietNam 8 23 2 37 30 Middle-income economies 16 w 11 w 9w 10 w 11 w 9w 30 w 35 w 34 w 35 w Lower-middle-income 17 w 13 w 8w 8w 9w 8w 30 w 31 w 37 w 40 w 42 Angola 18 29 2 3 2 1 24 39 54 28 43 Bolivia 20 18 1 2 2 3 34 38 42 40 44 Egypt, Arab Rep. 28 27 7 3 10 8 23 26 31 36 45 Senegal 37 21 6 5 4 3 15 34 38 37 46 Yemen, Rep. 47 Zimbabwe . . 3 . . 1 . . 5 . . 55 . . 36 48 Philippines 20 11 10 13 7 7 33 20 30 50 49 Côted'Ivoire 18 20 6 4 2 2 28 30 46 44 50 Dominican Rep. 25 14 10 6 2 3 23 30 40 47 51 Morocco 36 13 5 15 9 Il 18 28 31 33 52 Papua New Guinea 25 16 4 11 1 1 25 37 45 36 53 Honduras 12 12 6 4 1 2 26 29 56 53 54 Guatemala 11 8 7 9 2 3 29 34 50 45 55 Congo, People's Rep. 15 17 6 0 1 2 34 40 44 41 56 SyrianArabRep. 22 21 10 2 8 3 16 32 43 42 57 Camemon 12 16 5 1 3 2 28 36 51 44 58 Peru 17 22 3 10 5 5 41 26 34 36 59 Ecuador 10 9 9 4 4 7 33 34 44 46 60 Namibiaa 61 Paraguay 14 12 14 23 2 2 37 30 33 33 62 El Salvador 16 16 5 7 3 5 28 32 48 40 63 Colombia 8 9 1 4 10 7 45 37 35 43 64 Thailand 7 6 9 8 5 9 31 39 49 38 65 Jamaica 22 19 9 14 4 4 23 21 42 42 66 Tunisia 16 15 6 9 6 10 31 24 41 41 * Data for Taiwan, China, are: 14 7 5 9 17 13 36 37 28 34 Note: For data comparability and coverage, see the technical notes. Figures in italics are for years other than those specified. 232 Percentage share of merchandise imports Other Machinery primary and transport Other Food Fuels commodities equipment manufactures 1965 1989 1965 1989 1965 1989 1965 1989 1965 1989 67 Turkey 6 8 10 21 10 13 37 26 37 33 68 Botswanaa 69 Jordan 30 19 6 16 5 4 18 23 42 38 70 Panama 12 15 21 17 1 2 21 18 45 48 71 Chile 20 5 6 12 9 5 35 41 30 37 72 Costa Rica 9 8 5 4 2 4 29 28 54 57 73 Poland 11 17 10 32 29 74 Mauritius 35 9 5 1 2 3 15 40 42 48 75 Mexico 5 16 2 4 10 8 50 34 33 37 76 Argentina 7 4 10 9 21 9 25 35 38 43 77 Malaysia 27 11 12 5 7 6 22 45 32 33 78 Algeria 27 28 0 2 5 8 15 28 52 35 79 Bulgaria . . . . . . 0 . . . . . S 80 Lebanon 29 26 9 2 9 3 17 19 36 50 81 Mongolia . . . . . . . . . . . . . 82 Nicaragua 13 14 5 3 1 1 30 39 51 42 Upper-middle-income 14 w 10 w lOw 12w 14w lOw 31w 34w 32w 35w 83 Venezuela 12 12 1 1 5 9 44 47 39 31 84 SouthAfricau 5 6 5 1 10 4 42 52 37 38 85 Brazil 20 5 21 30 9 8 22 29 28 28 86 Hungary 12 7 11 12 21 9 27 33 28 38 87 Uniguay 10 7 17 14 14 7 24 33 36 39 88 Yugoslavia 16 8 6 19 19 11 28 26 32 36 89 Gabon 16 17 5 1 1 2 37 43 40 38 90 Iran, Islamic Rep. 16 22 0 4 6 4 36 34 42 37 91 Trinidad and Tobago 12 21 49 6 2 6 16 27 21 40 92 Czechoslovakia 6 28 10 36 . . 20 93 Portugal 16 12 8 11 18 7 27 37 30 34 94 Korea, Rep. 15 6 7 13 26 17 13 34 38 30 95 Oman . . 20 . 2 . . 2 . . 34 . . 43 96 Libya 14 14 4 4 3 1 36 34 43 47 97 Greece 16 16 8 6 11 7 35 31 30 40 98 Iraq 24 27 0 0 7 5 25 29 44 39 99 Romania Low- ai id middle-income 17 w 11w 8w 10 w 10 w 8w 31w 34 w 35 w 37 w Sub-aharan Africa 17 w 16 w 6w 4w 2w 3w 29 w 40 w 45 w 37 w East tsia 16 w 7w 9w 9w 7w 10 w 28 w 36 w 38 w 38 w Souti iAsia 25 w 10 w 4w 17w 11w 11 w 35 w 18 w 26 w 44 w Euro pe, M.East, & N.Africa 19w 15 w 9w 11w 15 w 9w 26 w 33 w 31 w 33 w Latin America & Caribbean 13 w 9w 9w 11 w 8w 7w 34 w 35 w 36 w 38 w Severely indebted 16 w 12 w 8w 10 w 12 w 8w 32 w 33 w 33 w 37w High-income economies 20w lOw 11 w 9w 19w 8w 20w 34w 31 w 39w OECD members 20w 10w 11 w 9w 19w 8w 20w 34w 31 w 39w tOther 23 w 9w 6w 6w 12 w 7w 20 w 35 w 38 w 45 w 100 tSaudiArabia 31 15 1 0 4 2 27 37 37 45 101 Ireland 19 11 8 6 9 4 25 38 39 42 102 Spain 20 11 10 12 14 8 27 38 28 31 103 tlsrael 16 9 6 8 11 5 28 24 38 54 104 tHongKong 26 8 3 2 11 5 13 26 46 59 105 tSingapore 24 7 13 14 18 5 14 42 30 33 106 New Zealand 8 7 7 6 9 4 33 40 43 42 107 Australia 6 5 8 5 9 4 37 45 41 42 108 UnitedKingdom 32 10 11 5 24 9 11 37 23 37 109 Italy 24 13 16 12 24 12 15 29 21 34 110 Netherlands 16 13 10 10 12 6 25 29 37 41 111 tKuwait 26 16 1 0 2 2 32 43 39 40 112 Belgiumb 14 10 9 8 21 10 24 24 32 48 113 Austria 15 5 7 6 12 8 31 37 35 44 114 France 20 10 15 9 18 8 20 33 27 40 115 tUnitedArabEmirates . . 13 . . I . . 2 . . 38 . . 46 116 Canada 10 6 7 5 9 5 40 53 34 32 117 Germany 24 11 8 8 20 9 13 31 35 42 118 Denmark 15 12 11 7 10 6 25 30 39 44 119 UnitedStates 20 6 10 II 20 5 14 41 36 36 120 Sweden 12 6 11 8 11 7 30 40 36 40 121 Finland 10 5 10 10 11 8 35 40 34 37 122 Norway 11 6 7 4 12 8 38 43 32 39 123 Japan 23 16 20 21 38 18 9 14 11 31 124 Switzerland 17 6 6 4 9 6 24 31 43 53 Other economies World 19 w 10 w 10 w 9w 17 w 8w 22 w 34 w 32 w 39 w Oil exporters (excl. USSR) 17 w 15 w 6w 3w 4w 4w 31 w 35 w 42 w 43 w a. Figures are for the Southern African Customs Union comprising South Africa, Namibia, Lesotho, Botswanu, and Swaziland; trade between the component territories is excluded. b. Includes Luxembourg. 233 Table 16. Structure of merchandise exports Percentage share of merchandise exports Fuels Other Machinery minerals, primary and transport Other Textiles and and metals commodities equipment manufactures clothing a 1965 1989 1965 1989 1965 1989 1965 1989 1965 1989 Low-income economies 16w 25w 60w 23w Lw 6w 23w 46w 12w 22w China and India 11w 18w 10 w 62w 28w Other low-income 22w 43w 65w 30w 1w 1w 11w 26w 4w 12w 1 Mozambique 14 9 84 43 0 1 2 47 1 0 2 Ethiopia 0 3 100 94 0 0 0 3 0 1 3 Tanzania 1 4 86 84 0 1 13 11 0 6 4 Somalia 0 0 86 96 4 1 10 3 0 5 Bangladesh 1 28 0 71 58 6 LaoPDR .. .. .. .. .. .. 7 Malawi 0 0 99 94 0 0 1 5 0 5 8 Nepal 0 13 3 84 73 9 Chad 5 4 92 90 0 1 3 4 0 3 10 Burundi 0 0 94 93 0 0 6 6 1 1 11 SierraLeone 25 41 14 21 0 0 60 38 0 0 12 Madagascar 4 6 90 85 1 0 4 9 1 6 13 Nigeria 32 94 65 5 0 2 1 0 0 14 Uganda 13 0 86 99 0 0 1 0 0 0 15 Zaire 72 85 20 6 0 0 8 9 0 0 16 Mali 1 0 96 90 1 2 2 8 I 1 17 Niger 0 95 1 4 1 18 BurkinaFaso 1 0 94 88 1 1 4 10 2 1 19 Rwanda 40 1 60 98 0 0 1 1 0 20 India 10 8 41 19 1 7 47 66 36 23 21 China* 11 19 7 63 25 22 Haiti 14 0 62 14 3 16 20 70 3 43 23 Kenya 13 2 77 85 0 1 10 12 0 1 24 Pakistan 2 1 62 33 1 0 35 66 29 54 25 Benin 1 26 94 71 2 0 3 3 0 0 26 CentralAfrican Rep. 1 0 45 47 0 0 54 52 0 0 27 Ghana 13 29 86 63 0 0 1 8 0 0 28 logo 33 53 62 38 1 1 4 7 0 0 29 Zambia 92 3 1 5 0 30 Guinea 83 6 0 11 0 31 SriLanlça 0 3 99 43 0 4 1 50 0 38 32 Lesotho5 33 Indonesia 43 47 53 21 3 1 1 31 0 9 34 Mauritania 94 45 5 54 1 0 0 0 0 0 35 Afghanistan 0 43 87 40 1 13 17 12 13 36 Bhutan 37 Kampuchea, Dem. 38 Liberia 72 35 I i ' 39 Myanmar 5 11 94 73 0 1 0 15 0 4 40 Sudan 1 1 99 95 2 0 2 0 1 41 VietNam 12 75 2 10 5 Middle-income economies 27w 26w 46w 21w 14w 20w 13w 33w 3w 11w Lower-middle-income 22w 29w 62w 32w 8w 12w 8w 28w 2w 9w 42 Angola 6 95 76 2 1 0 17 3 0 0 43 Bolivia 93 80 3 15 0 1 4 4 0 1 44 Egypt, Arab Rep. 8 46 71 18 0 0 20 35 15 27 45 Senegal 9 19 88 72 1 1 2 8 1 1 46 Yemen, Rep. 47 Zimbabwe . . 17 40 . . I 43 . . 3 48 Philippines 11 12 84 26 0 10 6 52 1 7 49 Côte d'Ivoire 2 1 93 91 1 0 4 7 1 2 50 Dominican Rep. 10 2 88 28 0 5 2 65 0 35 51 Morocco 40 23 55 30 0 4 5 42 1 20 52 PapuaNewGuinea 0 54 90 37 . 1 10 8 . 0 53 Honduras 6 1 90 87 0 1 4 11 1 7 54 Guatemala 0 2 86 81 1 0 13 16 4 11 55 Congo, People's Rep. 4 76 45 15 2 1 49 7 0 0 56 Syrian Arab Rep. 1 77 89 16 1 1 9 6 7 3 57 Cameroon 17 48 77 49 3 0 2 3 0 1 58 Peni 45 55 54 26 0 1 1 17 0 9 59 Ecuador 2 49 96 48 0 0 2 2 I 0 60 Namibiab . . . . . . . . . . . . 61 Paraguay 0 0 92 92 0 0 8 8 0 1 62 ElSalvador 2 1 82 79 1 5 16 15 6 11 63 Colombia 18 26 75 49 0 1 6 24 2 6 64 Thailand 11 3 86 43 0 15 3 39 0 17 65 Jamaica 28 16 41 26 0 1 31 58 4 13 66 Tunisia 31 23 51 11 0 6 19 60 2 29 * Data forTaiwan, China, are: 2 28 36 54 2 6 15 57 25 15 Note: For data comparability and coverage, see the technical notes. Figures in italics are for years other than those specified. 234 Percentage share of merchandise exports Fuels Other Machinery minerals, primary and transport Other Textiles and and metals commodities equipment manufactures clothing a 1965 1989 1965 1989 1965 1989 1965 1989 1965 1989 67 Turkey 9 8 89 26 0 5 2 61 1 35 68 Botswanab 69 Jonlan 33 45 60 10 2 1 5 44 1 5 70 Panama 35 2 63 78 0 0 2 19 1 7 71 Chile 89 57 7 33 1 1 4 9 0 1 72 Costa Rica 0 1 84 69 1 4 15 27 2 18 73 Poland 19 14 32 34 6 74 Mauritius 0 0 100 38 0 1 0 61 0 5] 75 Mexico 22 41 62 14 1 24 15 21 3 2 76 Argentina 1 4 93 64 1 6 5 26 0 3 77 Malaysia 34 19 60 37 2 27 4 17 0 5 78 Algeria 57 96 39 0 2 2 2 2 0 0 79 Bulgaria . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 80 Lebanon 14 6 52 24 14 8 19 63 2 8 81 Mongolia . . . . . . . . . . . . . 82 Nicaragua 4 1 90 96 0 1 6 2 0 0 Upper-middle-income 32 w 25 w 28w 13w 22w 25w 18w 37w 5w 12w 83 Venezuela 97 91 1 1 0 1 2 7 0 0 84 South Africat' 24 46 44 20 3 3 29 31 1 2 85 Brazil 9 15 83 33 2 20 7 32 1 3 86 Hungary 5 8 25 24 32 30 37 38 9 6 87 Umguay 0 0 95 6] 0 3 5 35 2 14 88 Yugoslavia 10 8 33 12 24 28 33 52 8 8 89 Gabon 52 69 37 21 1 1 10 9 0 0 90 Iran, Islamic Rep. 88 89 8 5 0 1 4 6 4 5 91 Trinidad and Tobago 84 62 9 7 0 1 7 30 0 0 92 Czechoslovakia 4 . . 5 . . 55 36 6 93 Portugal 4 6 34 15 3 19 58 59 24 29 94 Korea,Rep. 15 2 25 5 3 38 56 55 27 23 95 Oman . . 87 . . 3 7 . . 3 0 96 Libya 99 97 1 0 . . 0 0 3 0 0 97 Greece 8 13 78 35 2 3 11 48 3 27 98 iraq 95 98 4 0 0 1 1 1 0 0 99 Romania 0 Low- and middle-income 25 w 26w 49 w 21 w 11 w 17w 15 w 36 w 6w 13 w Sub-Saharan Africa 24 w 53 w 68 w 36 w 0w 1w 7w 10 w 0w 2w East Asia 22 w 12 w 67 w 19 w 1w 22 w 10 w 47 w 2w 20 w South Asia 6w 6w 57 w 24 w 1w 5w 35 w 65 w 28 w 33 w Europe, M.East, & N.Africa 21 w 34 w 35 w 12 w 21 w 20 w 23 w 33 w 8w 12 w Latin America & Caribbean 43 w 33 w 50 w 33 w 1w 12 w 6w 24 w 1w 3w Severely indebted 33 w 29 w 45 w 29w 11 w 15 w 11 w 28 w 3w 5w High-income economies 12 w 9w 20 w 12 w 30 w 40 w 38 w 40 w 7w 5w OECD members 9w 7w 21 w 12 w 31 w 41 w 39 w 40 w 7w 4w tOther 59 w 27 w 17 w 6w 3w 26 w 23 w 40 w 10 w 12 w 100 fSaudi Arabia 98 91 1 1 1 2 1 7 0 (1 101 Ireland 3 2 63 26 5 32 29 40 7 4 102 Spain 9 8 51 18 10 36 29 37 6 4 103 tlsrael 6 2 28 10 2 27 63 60 9 6 104 tHong Kong 1 1 5 2 7 23 87 73 52 39 105 tSingapore 21 18 44 9 10 47 24 26 6 5 106 New Zealand 1 9 94 67 0 5 5 19 0 2 107 Australia 13 32 73 35 5 5 10 27 1 1 108 United Kingdom 7 10 9 8 42 40 42 40 7 3 109 Italy 8 3 14 7 30 37 47 52 15 12 110 Netherlands 12 12 32 25 21 21 35 42 9 4 111 tKuwait 98 96 1 0 1 1 0 3 0 0 112 Belgium' 13 9 11 11 20 25 55 55 12 7 113 Austria 8 5 17 8 20 34 55 52 12 8 114 France 8 5 21 18 26 35 45 41 10 5 115 tUnited Arab Emirates . . 91 . . 2 . . 2 . . 5 . . 116 Canada 28 19 35 19 15 39 22 24 1 1 117 Germany 7 4 5 6 46 49 42 41 5 5 118 Denmark 2 4 55 32 22 25 21 39 4 4 119 UnitedStates 8 6 27 16 37 43 28 34 3 2 120 Sweden 9 6 23 10 35 43 33 41 2 2 121 Finland 3 5 40 14 12 29 45 52 2 3 122 Norway 21 56 28 10 17 13 34 21 2 1 123 Japan 2 1 7 1 31 65 60 32 17 2 124 Switzerland 3 3 7 4 30 32 60 61 10 5 Other economies World 15 w 12 w 26 w 14 w 25 w 35 w 34 w 39 w 7w 6w Oil exporters (excl. USSR) 80 w 92 w 16 w 2w 0w 1w 3w 5w Iw a. Textiles and clothing is a subgroup of other manufactures. b. Figures are for the Southern African Customs Union compnslng South Africa, Namibia, Lesotho, Botswana, and Swaziland; trade between the component territories is excluded. c. Includes Luxembourg. 235 Table 17. OECD imports of manufactured goods: origin and composition Value of imports of Composition of 1989 imports of manufactures (percent)a manufactures by origin Electrical (millions of dollars)a Textiles and machinery and Transport 1969 1989a clothing Chemicals electronics equipment Others Low-income economies 1,484t 47,562 1 40 w 6w 6w 3w 45 w China and India 865 t 34,903 1 40 w 6w 8w 1w 45 w Other low-income 619 t 12,659 42 w 4w 1w 9w 43 w I Mozambique 7 7 23 2 20 3 52 2 Ethiopia 4 62 13 8 3 3 74 3 Tanzania 30 52 40 3 2 8 48 4 Somalia 0 2 2 2 7 10 78 5 Bangladesh 0 882 84 0 0 0 16 6LaoPDR 0 3 79 4 0 1 16 7 Malawi 0 13 70 0 2 1 28 8Nepal 2 177 93 0 1 0 5 9Chad 0 1 27 3 6 1 62 10 Burundi 2 2 9 1 3 2 86 11 Sierra Leone 89 82 0 0 0 0 99 12 Madagascar 8 40 64 12 1 0 23 13 Nigena 17 160 3 28 2 4 64 14 Uganda 1 5 1 0 3 63 33 15 Zaire 51 312 0 1 0 0 98 16 Mali 17 2 1 3 1 94 17 Niger 283 0 98 0 1 1 18 BurkinaFaso 6 10 1 3 1 85 19 Rwanda 1 0 4 5 4 88 20 India 60 8,125 40 5 1 1 54 21 China 25 26,778 39 7 10 1 43 22 Haiti 1 389 54 2 15 0 29 23 Kenya 124 5 3 5 16 71 24 Pakistan 19 2,357 81 1 0 1 18 25 Benin 4 1 0 1 1 97 26 Central African Rep. 11 67 0 0 0 0 99 27 Ghana 17 68 0 2 1 0 96 28Togo 1 17 1 0 0 2 96 29 Zambia 6 36 17 1 1 11 70 30 Guinea 31 124 0 35 0 0 64 31 Sri Lankba 8 913 70 1 0 0 28 32 Lesotho . . . . . . . . 33 Indonesia 22 4,612 33 3 1 0 62 34 Mauritania 3 3 6 1 2 55 36 35 Afghanistan 9 46 91 0 0 1 8 36 Bhutan 0 2 0 0 3 2 95 37 Kampuchea,Dem. 0 1 24 0 4 3 70 38 Liberia 46 1,670 0 0 0 63 37 39 Myanmar 4 27 32 1 1 1 65 40 Sudan 0 8 7 2 4 6 82 41 VietNam I Middle-income economies 4,307 t 155,938 25w 7w 17w 7w 44w Lower-middle-income 1,291 I 64,526 I 24w 6w 23w 7w 40 w 42 Angola 2 250 0 0 0 1 99 43 Bolivia 1 32 19 6 0 0 75 44 Egypt, Arab Rep. 31 570 61 5 2 7 25 45 Senegal 10 68 9 7 2 1 81 46 Yemen,Rep. 0 5 4 3 18 12 63 47 Zimbabwe 0 331 13 0 1 0 86 48 Philippines 111 4,291 34 3 28 1 34 49 Côted'Ivoire 7 231 18 3 1 0 78 50 DominicanRep. 5 1,474 48 1 6 0 46 51 Morucco 22 1,672 64 17 7 1 II 52 Papua New Guinea 13 31 5 3 2 5 85 53 Honduras 3 136 68 2 0 0 29 54 Guatemala 5 206 77 7 0 I 16 55 Congo, People's Rep. 4 126 0 2 0 0 97 56 SyrianArabRep. 3 28 52 4 2 4 38 57 Cameroon 3 60 28 1 1 7 63 58 Peru 13 452 49 9 3 1 38 59 Ecuador 3 73 13 3 1 8 75 60 Namibia . . . . . . . . . . 61 Paraguay 4 77 27 14 0 0 59 62 ElSalvador 1 116 57 1 25 0 17 63 Colombia 41 903 23 7 0 0 70 64 Thailand 30 8,197 24 2 14 1 59 65 Jamaica 62 765 33 63 0 0 4 66 Tunisia 15 1,494 62 16 7 1 14 Note: For data comparability and coverage, see the technical notes. Figures in italics are for years other than those specified. 236 Value of imports of Composition of 1989 imports of manufactures (percent)a manufactures, by origin Electrical (millions of dollars)a Textiles and machinery and Transport 1969 1989a clothing Chemicals electronics equipment Others 67 'flirkey 35 5,313 70 5 3 2 21 68 Botswanab 69 Jordan 1 83 5 37 5 23 30 70 Panamac 19 1,276 4 1 0 73 21 71 Chile 14 497 II 36 1 I 51 72 CostaRica 4 561 64 1 11 1 23 73 Poland 230 2,880 20 16 7 9 48 74 Mauritius 1 663 81 0 0 0 18 75 Mexico 393 21,306 4 4 35 13 43 76 Argentina 89 1,658 12 18 1 3 66 77 Malaysia 34 7,761 15 4 55 25 78 Algeria 19 226 0 27 1 3 69 79 Bulgaria 44 374 21 24 6 49 80 Lebanon 15 147 15 4 3 3 76 81 Mongolia 0 5 73 4 2 0 21 82 Nicaragua 3 4 8 11 14 5 63 Upper-middle-income 3,016 I 91,412: 26 w 7w 12w 7w 48w 83 Venezuela 19 653 3 15 4 6 71 84 South Africat' 565 3,505 3 14 1 3 78 85 Brazil 136 11,674 7 9 5 14 65 86 Hungaly 163 2,504 23 20 10 4 44 87 Uruguay 18 324 53 3 0 1 43 88 Yugoslavia 380 7,195 28 10 9 10 44 89 Gabon 8 89 0 67 1 1 31 90 Iran, Islamic Rep. 127 511 90 0 1 0 9 91 TrinidadandTobago 37 313 73 0 0 26 92 Czechoslovakia 390 2,642 16 18 4 5 57 93 Portugal 390 9,803 39 6 8 9 38 94 Korea, Rep. 365 42,601 26 2 19 6 46 95 Oman 1 152 5 0 21 15 59 96 Libya 5 307 0 93 1 1 6 97 Greece 138 3,893 55 5 3 7 31 98 Iraq 5 142 1 19 2 9 69 99 Romania l24 2,102 28 7 3 3 59 Low- and middle-income 5,792 203,500 28 w 6w 14 w 6w 45 w Sub-Saharan Africa 385 1 5,043 15 w 9w 1w 22 w 53 w East Asia 911 1 96,190t 30 w 4w 18 w 3w 45w South Asia 815 1 12,497 1 54 w 3w 1w 1w 42 w Europe, MEast, & N.Africa 2,167 42,841 40 w 10 w 7w 6w 37 w Latin America & Caribbean 949 t 43,424 1 11 w 9w 19 w 13w 49 w Severely indebted 1,2731 49,712 14 w 8w 20w lOw 48w High-income economies 103,679t 1,364,8331 6w 13w 11 w 19w 51 w OECD members 100,8441 1,262,6841 5w 13w 11 w 20w 51 w tOther 2,835: 102,149 1 17 w 5w 18 w 4w 56 w 100 ISaudiArabia 5 1,697 0 59 1 19 21 101 Ireland 426 12,883 7 25 it 2 56 102 Spain 601 23,799 5 10 7 30 48 103 flsrael 295 7,247 8 14 10 3 65 104 tHong Kong 1,605 23,814 41 1 14 1 44 105 ISingapore 63 16,815 6 6 31 4 54 106 New Zealand 94 1,727 9 22 7 4 58 107 Australia 437 5,901 3 37 4 8 48 108 United Kingdom 9,381 88,190 5 18 10 12 55 109 Italy 6,749 95,052 16 8 8 10 58 110 Netherlands 4,857 59,605 7 30 9 9 46 111 tKuwait 6 225 1 40 6 27 26 112 Belgiumd 6,557 65,999 9 20 6 19 47 113 Austria 1,379 22,605 10 9 12 5 63 114 France 7,448 108,863 6 17 8 23 46 115 tUnited Arab Emirates . . 607 27 25 3 6 39 116 Canada 7,499 70,015 1 8 6 40 45 117 Germany 19,517 236,407 5 14 10 21 49 118 Denmark 1,219 14,952 7 15 11 4 62 119 United States 19,238 184,431 2 12 13 20 53 120 Sweden 3,314 36,500 2 9 10 19 61 121 Finland 972 14,432 4 8 8 5 75 122 Norway 886 7,845 2 21 7 12 58 123 Japan 7,064 174,094 1 3 19 30 46 124 Switzerland 3,201 39,230 6 22 10 2 61 Other economies 722 I 12,725 1 4w 15w 12w 11w 58w World 110,193 t 1,581,0581 9w 12 w 12 w 17 w 51 w Oil exporters (excl. USSR) 243 1 5,576 1 12 w 36 w 2w 9w 40 w Note: Data cover high-income OECD countries only. a. Trade data are based on the UN Comtrade database, Revision I SITC for the year 1969 and Revision 2 SITC for 1989. b. Figures for Lesotho and Botswana are included with South Africa. c. Excludes the Canal Zone. d. Includes Luxembourg. 237 Table 18. Balance of payments and reserves Current account balance Net workers' Gross international reserves (millions of dollars) remittances In months of After official transfers Before official transfrrs (millions ofdollars) Millions of dollars import coverage 1970 1989 1970 1989 1970 1989 1970 1989 1989 Low-income economies 3,613 50,839 3.5 China and India 1,023 34,663 1 4.4 w Other low-income 2,590 16,176 2.5 1 Mozambique _793a 2 Ethiopia -32 _169a 43 _378a . 72 123 1.1 3 Tanzania -36 -158 -37 -628 0 65 54 0.5 4 Somalia -6 _151a -18 _482a . 21 23 0.5 5 Bangladesh _114a -729 _234a -1,402 0° 771 929 2.8 6 Lao PDR . . -67° . -107 , 6 16 1.3 7 Malawi 35 ll8 -46 _173a 4 . . 29 105 2.1 8 Nepal _1a -254 _25a -308 , . 0 94 276 4.3 9 Chad 2 _5a 33 _242a -6 _2la 2 133 3.4 10 Burundi -29 _2a -161 15 107 4.5 II SierraLeone -16 -3 -20 -11 . . 0 39 4 0.5 12 Madagascar 10 -128 -42 -283 -26 -11 37 245 3.7 13 Nigeria -368 -143 -412 -254 , , -19 223 2,041 2.8 20 _240a 418a _ 57 0.2 14 Uganda 19 14 15 Zaire -64 _460a -141 _736a -98 189 282 1.1 16 Mali -2 -81 -22 -317 -1 39 1 123 2.1 17 Niger 0 -111 -32 -243 -3 -40 19 217 4.6 18 BurkinaFaso -21 _327a 16 147a 36 270 4.4 19 Rwanda 7 i05 -12 _233a -4 -17 8 70 2.1 _380a 7538° _59Øa _8,038a 8,048 3.0 20 India 80 2,650 1,023 21 China* _8la -4,530 _8la -4,701 oa 138 . . 23,053 4.4 22 Haiti 11 -63 4 -169 13 59 4 20 1.1 23 Kenya -49 -587 -86 -868 . . -3 220 317 1.3 24 Pakistan -667 -1,351 -705 -1,943 86 1,902 195 1,302 1.6 _58a 57a 0.2 25 Benin -3 -3° -23 Q 16 8 26 CentralAfricanRep. -12 -24 _159a -4 -29 1 118 4.1 27 Ghana -68 -98 -76 -311 -9 3 43 436 3.7 28 logo 3 -46 -14 -118 -3 4 35 290 5.7 29 Zambia 108 5 107 -67 -48 -21 515 139 1.1 30 Guinea -126 -223 0 31 SriLanka 372a -71 -546 3 338a 43 269 1.2 32 Lesotho l8a 37 _la -174 29a , 49 0.9 33 Indonesia -310 -1,368 -376 -1,540 . . 125 160 6,444 2.9 34 Mauritania 5 lll -13 _158a -6 3 87 1,6 35 Afghanistan -217 -305 49 631 10.4 36 Bhutan _3a -66 oa 66 37 Kampuchea, Dem. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38 Liberia _16a -118 _27a -18 51 . 8 39 Myanmar -63 _204a -81 -204 0 98 364 4.7 40 Sudan -42 _945a 43 _1,2l6a 297a 22 176 0.9 41 VietNam . . 243 Middle-income economies 15,855 153,347 I 3.1 w Lower-middle-income 7,076 1 71,910 I 2.8 w 42 Angola -20° ii . . 43 Bolivia 4 -264 2 -399 ii 5 5i 44 Egypt, Arab Rep. -148 _1,69la -452 _2,828a 29 4,254° 165 2,495 1.7 45 Senegal -16 -180° -66 _397a -16 30 22 31 0.2 46 Yemen, Rep. .34a -423 _52a -531 39a 190 . . 280 1.7 Zimbabwe _14a _lO7a 26a _l8Sa 274 1.7 47 , 59 48 Philippines -48 -1,465 -138 -1,822 . . 360 255 2,398 2.0 49 Côted'Ivoire -38 _983a -73 -1,044 -56 119 33 0.1 50 Dominican Rep. -102 -205° -103 ,289a 25 306a 32 171 0.8 51 Morocco -124 -790 -161 -1,055 27 1,325 142 771 1.2 52 Papua New Guinea _89a 445 _239a -662 46 . . 410 2.4 53 Honduras -64 -275 -68 -331 . . 20 28 0.2 54 Guatemala -8 -313 -8 -418 . . 40 79 524 3.0 55 Congo, People's Rep. _45 -65 ,53 -127 _3 -55 9 21 0.2 56 Syrian Arab Rep. -69 784 -72 -578 7 225 57 533 2.2 -30 47 _295a 35 0.5 57 Cameroon -295k' _11 81 92 58 Peru 202 508 146 353 339 1,597 4.5 59 Ecuador -113 _532a -122 _629a 76 707 2.4 60 Namibia . . . . . . . . . . . 61 Paraguay -16 86a -19 _86a 18 447 3.7 62 El Salvador 9 -186 7 -463 . . 242 64 454 3.6 63 Colombia -293 42 -333 42 6 459 207 3,862 5.4 64 Thailand -250 -2,455 -296 -2,652 . . , . 911 10,508 4.3 65 Jamaica -153 -213 -149 -369 29 71 139 108 0.5 66 Thnisia -53 -159 -88 -374 20 482 60 1,037 2.3 * Data forTaiwan, China, are: 1 11,384 2 11,392 627 78,652 14.2 Note: For data comparability and coverage, see the technical notes. Figures in italics are for years other than those specified. 238 Current account balance Gross international reserves Net workers (millions of dollars) remittances In months of After official trannfers Before official transfers (millions of dollars) Millions of dollars import coverage 1970 1989 1970 1989 1970 1989 1970 1989 1989 67 Thrkey -44 966 -57 543 273 3,040 440 6,298 3.5 _3Øa 366a _35a 173a _9a 2,841 19.5 68 Botswana . 69 Jordan -20 _82a -130 _704a 561 258 771 2.5 Panama 64 39a _69a 16 119 0.6 70 . 71 Chile -91 -905 -95 -1,087 392 3,500 3.9 72 Costa Rica -74 -382 -77 -503 16 746 3.7 73 Poland . . -985 . . -1,872 . . 2,504 1.5 74 Mauritius 8 -71 5 -80 . . 46 542 4.1 75 Mexico -1,068 -5,447 -1,098 -5,603 321 756 6,740 1.9 76 Argentina -163 -1,292 -160 -1,292 . . 0 682 3,217 2.9 77 Malaysia 8 -145 2 -239 . . . . 667 8,733 3.6 78 Algeria -125 -1,254 -163 -1,254 178 355 352 3,086 3.1 79 Bulgaria . 80 Lebanon . . . . . . 405 4,636 81 Mongolia . . . . . . . . . . 82 Nicaragua -40 -448 -43 -617 . . . . 49 Upper-middle-income 8,779 t 81,437 1 3.5 w 83 Venezuela -104 2,496 -98 2,512 -87 -368 1,047 8,702 8.0 84 South Africa -1,215 1,579 -1,253 1,507 1,057 2,195 1.1 85 Brazil -837 1,040a -861 1,040° . . 1,190 10,505 3.5 86 Hungary -25 _572a -25 572a 0 . . 1,846 1.6 87 Uruguay -45 l53 -55 145a 186 1,548 9.1 88 Yugoslavia -372 2,427 -378 2,430 441 6,290 143 4,899 2,5 89 75a 194a -8 -151 40 0.2 Gabon 15 90 Iran, Islamic Rep. -507 -2,476 -511 -2,476 . . . . 217 . 91 TrinidadandTobago -109 _141a -104 _I4la 43 268 1.6 92 Czechoslovakia 146 1,038 156 1,060 113 3,609 2.5 93 Portugal _lS8a 575 _158a -1,404 504a 3,379 1,565 16,389 9.4 94 Korea, Rep. -623 5,056 -706 5,008 0 610 15,342 2.7 95 Oman . . 852 . . 844 . . . . 13 1,470 96 Libya 645 -1,823 758 -1,786 -134 -496 1,596 5,776 8.9 97 Greece -422 -2,573 -424 -5,175 333 1,350 318 4,585 3.1 98 Iraq 105 104 472 99 Romania -23 -23 . . 2,731 Low- and middle-income 19,468 204,186 3.2 w Sub-Saharan Africa 2,028 9,707 2.4 w East Asia 2,885 67,513 1 3.4 w South Asia 1,453 14,874 3.5 w Europe, M.East, & N.Africa 6,581 65,836 3.3 w Latin America & Caribbean 5,464 44,062 3.3 w Severely indebted 5,510 1 47,950 t 2.7 w High-income economies 75,667 I 858,580 3.1 w OECD members 72,921 I 801,066 3.1 w tOther 2,746 I 57,515 4.0 w 100 tSaudiArabia 71 -6,774 152 -4,275 -183 -6,158 670 18,590 7.6 101 Ireland -198 517 -228 -1,153 . . . . 698 4,201 2.0 102 Spain 79 -10,934 79 -12,378 469 1,425 1,851 47,770 6.5 103 tlsrael -562 1,148 -766 -2,162 452 5,684 3.3 104 tHong Kong 225 . . 225 . . . 105 tSingapore -572 2,338 -585 2,407 . . . . 1,012 20,345 4.3 106 New Zealand -232 -2,039 -222 -1,999 16 300 258 3,027 2.5 107 Australia -777 -16,181 -682 -16,005 1,709 16,961 3.0 108 UnitedKingdom 1,985 -31,159 2,393 -24,227 . . . . 2,918 42,381 1.5 109 Italy 800 -10,632 1,096 -7,094 4.46 1,227 5,547 73,455 5.1 110 Netherlands -588 6,962 -617 8,105 -49 -72 3,362 34,129 3.0 Ill tKuwait 853a 9,323 853a 9,534 . . -1,287 209 4,120 4.6 112 Belgium" 717 3,197 904 4,962 38 -213 2,963 23.059 1.8 113 Austria -75 -94 -73 -22 -7 293 1,806 16,882 3.6 114 France -204 -4,299 18 1,420 -641 -1,782 5,199 57,434 2.6 115 tUnitedArabEmirates 90a 2,700 100° 2,800 . . 4,776 116 Canada 1,008 -14,091 960 -13,722 . . . . 4,733 22,512 1.7 117 Germany 852 55,477 1,899 67,721 -1,366 -3,992 13,879 98,877 3.4 118 Denmark -544 -1,414 -510 -1,192 . . . . 488 7,054 1.9 119 UnitedStates 2,330 -110,060 4,680 -96,630 -650 -1,050 15,237 168,584 2.9 120 Sweden -265 -5,179 -160 -3,922 28 775 11,993 2.1 121 Finland -240 -5,128 -233 -4,663 . . 455 5,914 2.1 122 Norway -242 226 -200 1,007 . . -23 813 14,260 4.3 123 Japan 1,990 56,990 2,170 60,280 . . . . 4,876 93,673 5.8 124 Switzerland 161 8,495 203 8,511 -313 -1,549 5,317 58,510 8.9 Other economies World 95,135 1 1,062,7661 3.1 w Oil exporters (excl. USSR) 4,750 I 46,736 1 4.5 w a. World Bank estimate. b. Includes Luxembourg. 239 Table 19. Official development assistance from OECD and OPEC members OECD: Total net flowsa 1965 1970 1975 1980 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 Millions of US dollars 101 Ireland 0 0 8 30 39 62 51 57 49 106 New Zealand 14 66 72 54 75 87 104 87 107 Australia 119 212 552 667 749 752 627 1,101 1,020 108 UnitedKingdom 472 500 904 1,854 1,530 1,737 1,871 2,645 2,587 109 Italy 60 147 182 683 1,098 2,404 2,615 3,193 3,613 110 Netherlands 70 196 608 1,630 1,136 1,740 2,094 2,231 2,094 112 Belgium 102 120 378 595 440 547 687 601 703 113 Austria 10 11 79 178 248 198 201 301 283 114 France 752 971 2,093 4,162 3,995 5,105 6,525 6,865 7,450 116 Canada 96 337 880 1,075 1,631 1,695 1,885 2,347 2,320 117 Germany 456 599 1,689 3,567 2,942 3,832 4,391 4,731 4,949 118 Denmark 13 59 205 481 440 695 859 922 937 119 United States 4,023 3,153 4,161 7,138 9,403 9,564 9,115 10,141 7,676 120 Sweden 38 117 566 962 840 1,090 1,375 1,534 1,799 121 Finland 2 7 48 110 211 313 433 608 706 122 Norway 11 37 184 486 574 798 890 985 917 123 Japan 244 458 1,148 3,353 3,797 5,634 7,342 9,134 8,949 124 Switzerland 12 30 104 253 302 422 547 617 558 Total 6,480 6,968 13,855 27,296 29,429 36,663 41,595 48,114 46,697 As a percentage of donor GNP 101 Ireland 0.00 0.00 0.09 0.16 0.24 0.28 0.19 0.20 0.17 106 New Zealand 0.23 0.52 0.33 0.25 0.30 0.26 0.27 0.22 107 Australia 0.53 0.59 0.65 0.48 0.48 0.47 0.34 0.46 0.38 108 United Kingdom 0.47 0.41 0.39 0.35 0.33 0.31 0.28 0.32 0.31 109 Italy 0.10 0.16 0.11 0.15 0.26 0.40 0.35 0.39 0.42 110 Netherlands 0.36 0.61 0.75 0.97 0.91 1.01 0.98 0.98 0.94 112 Belgium 0.60 0.46 0.59 0.50 0.55 0.48 0.48 0.39 0.46 113 Austria 0.11 0.07 0.21 0.23 0.38 0.21 0.17 0.24 0.23 114 France 0.76 0.66 0.62 0.63 0.78 0.70 0.74 0.72 0.78 116 Canada 0.19 0.41 0.54 0.43 0.49 0.48 0.47 0.50 0.44 117 Germany 0.40 0.32 0.40 0.44 0.47 0.43 0.39 0.39 0.41 118 Denmark 0.13 0.38 0.58 0.74 0.80 0.89 0.88 0.89 0.94 119 United States 0.58 0.32 0.27 0.27 0.24 0.23 0.20 0.21 0.15 120 Sweden 0.19 0.38 0.82 0.78 0.86 0.85 0.88 0.86 0.97 121 Finland 0.02 0.06 0.18 0,22 0.40 0.45 0.49 0.59 0.63 122 Norway 0.16 0.32 0.66 0.87 1.01 1.17 1.09 1.13 1.04 123 Japan 0.27 0.23 0.23 0.32 0.29 0.29 0.31 0.32 0.32 124 Switzerland 0.09 0.15 0.19 0.24 0.31 0.30 0.31 0.32 0.30 National currencies 101 Ireland (millions of pounds) 0 0 4 15 37 46 34 37 35 106 New Zealand (millions of dollars) . . 13 55 74 109 143 146 158 145 107 Australia (millions of dollars) 106 189 402 591 966 1,121 895 1,404 1,287 108 UnitedKingdom(millionsofpounds) 169 208 409 798 1,180 1,194 1,142 1.485 1,578 109 Italy (billions of lire) 38 92 119 585 2,097 3,578 3,389 4,156 4,954 110 Netherlands (millions ofguilders) 253 710 1,538 3,241 3,773 4,263 4,242 4,400 4,436 112 Belgium (millions of francs) 5,100 6,000 13,902 17,399 26,145 24,525 25,648 21,949 27,677 113 Austria (millions ofschillings) 260 286 1,376 2,303 5,132 3,023 2,541 3,717 3,743 114 France (millions of francs) 3,713 5,393 8,971 17,589 35,894 35,357 39,218 40,814 47,482 116 Canada (millions of dollars) 104 353 895 1,257 2,227 2,354 2,500 2,888 2,747 117 Germany (millions of deutsche marks) 1,824 2,192 4,155 6,484 8,661 8,323 8,004 8,292 9,292 118 Denmark(millionsofkroner) 90 443 1,178 2,711 4,657 5,623 5,848 6,196 6,844 119 United5tates(millionsofdollars) 4,023 3,153 4,161 7,138 9,403 9,564 9,115 10,141 7,659 120 Sweden(millionsofkronor) 197 605 2,350 4,069 7,226 7,765 8,718 9,742 11,599 121 Finland (millions ofmarkkaa) 6 29 177 414 1,308 1,587 1,902 2,550 3,026 122 Norway (millions of kroner) 79 264 962 2,400 4,946 5,901 5,998 6,412 6,329 123 Japan (billions of yen) 88 165 341 760 749 950 1,062 1,169 1,232 124 Switzerland (millions of francs) 52 131 268 424 743 759 815 900 912 Summary Billions of US dollars ODA (current prices) 6.5 7.0 13.9 27.3 29.4 36.7 41.6 48.1 46.7 ODA (1987 prices) 27.4 24.7 29.1 36.6 39.3 41.2 41.6 44.8 43.6 GNP (current prices) 1,350.3 2,040.0 3,959.3 7,393.5 8,490.0 10,387.0 12,050.0 13,480.0 13,950.0 Percent ODAasashareofGNP 0.48 0.34 0.35 0.37 0.35 0.35 0.35 0.36 0.33 Index (1987 = 100) GDPdeflator' 23.66 28.24 47.65 74.62 74.92 89.06 100.00 107.36 106.99 240 OECD: Total bilateral flows to low-income economiesa 1965 1970 1975 1980 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 As a percentage of donor GNP 101 Ireland 0.03 0.05 0.06 0.07 -0.07 0.06 106 New Zealand o. 0.oi 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.06 0.03 107 Australia 0.o 0. Ió 0.04 0.06 0.05 0.04 0.05 0.11 0.08 108 United Kingdom 0.23 0.09 0.11 0.11 0.09 0.09 0.09 0.09 0.10 0.io 109 Italy 0.04 0.06 0.01 0.01 0.09 0.12 0.16 0.16 0.16 0.15 110 Netherlands 0.08 0.24 0.24 0.30 0.29 0.27 0.32 0.31 0.31 0.28 112 Belgium 0.56 0.30 0.31 0.24 0.20 0.23 0.20 0.14 0.10 0.14 113 Austria 0.06 0.05 0.02 0.03 0.01 0.02 0.01 0.04 -0.04 0.05 114 France 0.12 0.09 0.10 0.08 0.14 0.14 0.13 0.14 0.14 0.15 116 Canada 0.10 0.22 0.24 0.11 0.15 0.15 0.12 0.14 0.14 0.08 117 Germany 0.14 0.10 0.12 0.08 0.11 0.14 0.12 0.11 0.11 0.11 118 Denmark 0.02 0.10 0.20 0.28 0.28 0.32 0.32 0.32 0.36 0.40 119 United States 0.26 0.14 0.08 0.03 0.03 0.04 0.03 0.03 0.04 0.02 120 Sweden 0.07 0.12 0.41 0.36 0.30 0.31 0.38 0.29 0.31 0.29 121 Finland 0.06 0.08 0.13 0.17 0.18 0.18 0.23 0.22 122 Norway 0.04 0.12 0.25 0.31 0.34 0.40 0.47 0.38 0.42 0.40 123 Japan 0.13 0.11 0.08 0.08 0.07 0.09 0.10 0.07 0.07 0,06 124 Switzerland 0.02 0.05 0.10 0.08 0.12 0.12 0.12 0.10 0.10 0.11 Total 0.20 0.13 0.11 0.07 0.07 0.09 0.09 0.09 0.09 0.08 OPEC: Total net flows4 1976 1980 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 Millions of US dollars 13 Nigeria 80 35 58 35 51 45 52 30 14 Qatar 180 277 139 20 10 8 18 0 4 78 Algeria 11 81 129 37 52 54 114 39 13 41 83 Venezuela 109 135 125 142 90 32 85 24 49 90 Iran, Islamic Rep. 751 -72 -193 10 52 -72 69 -10 39 96 Libya 98 376 44 144 24 57 68 63 129 82 98 Iraq 123 864 52 -10 -22 -32 -21 -37 -28 37 100 SaudiArabia 2,791 5,682 3,854 3,259 3,194 2,630 3,517 2,888 2,098 1,171 III Kuwait 706 1,140 1,161 997 1,020 771 715 316 108 169 115 UnitedArabEmirates 1,028 1,118 406 351 88 122 87 15 -17 25 Total OPEC 5,877 9,636 5,775 4,985 4,559 3,615 4,704 3,328 2,409 Total DApECe 4,937 9,538 5,785 4,798 4,366 3,610 4,498 3,284 2,307 As a percentage of donor GNP 13 Nigeria 0.19 0.04 0.08 0.04 0.06 0.06 0.11 0.13 0.03 Qatar 7.35 4.16 2.13 0.40 0.18 0.15 0.47 0.00 0.08 78 Algeria 0.07 0.20 0.31 0.08 0.10 0.10 0.19 0.06 0.02 83 Venezuela 0.35 0.23 0.19 0.22 0.16 0.00 0.08 0.02 0.04 90 Iran, Islamic Rep. 1.16 -0.08 -0.15 0.01 0.03 -0.04 0.04 -0.01 0.02 96 Libya 0.66 1.16 0.15 0.51 0.10 0.24 0.34 0.25 0.52 98 Iraq 0.76 2.36 0.13 -0.02 -0.05 -0.07 -0.05 -0.08 -0.05 . 100 Saudi Arabia 5.95 4.87 2.50 2.69 3.20 2.98 4.67 3.88 2.70 1.46 111 Kuwait 4.82 3.52 4.34 3.83 3.95 3.17 2.91 1.23 0.41 0.54 115 United Arab Emirates 8.95 4.06 2.22 1.26 0.32 0.45 0.41 0.07 -0.07 0.10 Total OPEC 2.32 1.85 0.96 0.82 0.76 0.61 0.95 0.63 0.45 Total oApEce 4.23 3.22 1.81 1.70 1.60 1.39 1.80 1.10 0.86 a. Organisation of Economic Co-operation and Development. b. Preliminary estimates. c. See the technical notes. d. Organization of Petroleum Exporting Coun- tries. e. Organization of Arab Petroleum Exporting Countries. 241 Table 20. Official development assistance: receipts Net disbursement of ODA from all sources As a percentage Millions of dollars Per capita (dollars) of GNP 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1989 1989 Low-income economies 12,338 I 12,397 r 13,833 I 16,781 t 18,517 e 21,865 t 21,467 I 7.3 w 2.2 w China and India 2,509 1 2,471 t 2,532 1 3,254 1 3,300 1 4,086 1 4,101 2.1 w 0.6 w Other low-income 9,829 1 9,926 1 11,301 I 13,528 e 15,216 I 17,7791 17,366 17.4 w 5.6 w I Mozambique 211 259 300 422 65! 893 759 49.4 59.2 2 Ethiopia 339 364 715 636 634 970 702 14.2 11.6 3 Tanzania 594 558 487 681 882 982 918 38.5 32.0 4 Somalia 343 350 353 51! 580 433 440 72.2 38.9 5 Bangladesh 1,049 1,200 1,152 1,455 1,635 1,592 1,791 16.2 8.9 6 Lao PDR 30 34 37 48 58 77 141 34.8 22.5 7 Malawi 117 158 113 198 280 366 394 47.9 24.9 8 Nepal 201 198 236 301 347 399 488 26.5 16.0 9 Chad 95 115 182 165 198 264 239 43.2 23.5 10 Burundi 140 141 142 187 202 188 198 37.3 18.6 11 Sierra Leone 66 61 66 87 68 102 99 24.5 10.5 12 Madagascar 183 153 188 316 321 304 320 28.4 12.6 13 Nigeria 48 33 32 59 69 120 339 3.0 1.1 14 Uganda 137 163 182 198 279 363 397 23.7 8.4 15 Zaire 315 312 325 448 627 576 637 18.5 6.6 16 Mali 215 321 380 372 366 427 470 57.2 22.6 17 Niger 175 161 304 307 353 371 296 39.8 14.5 18 BurkinaFaso 184 189 198 284 281 298 284 32.4 11.1 19 Rwanda 150 165 181 211 245 252 238 34.5 11.0 20 India 1,840 1,673 1,592 2,120 1,839 2,097 1,874 2.3 0.7 21 China 669 798 940 1,134 1,462 1,989 2,227 2.0 0.5 22 Haiti 134 135 153 175 218 147 198 31.1 8.4 23 Kenya 400 411 438 455 572 809 967 41.1 11.7 24 Pakistan 735 749 801 970 879 1,408 1,119 10.2 2.8 25 Benin 86 77 95 138 138 162 247 53.8 14.7 26 CentralAfricanRep. 93 114 104 139 176 196 189 64.0 17.1 27 Ghana 110 216 203 371 373 474 543 37.6 10.3 28 Togo 112 110 114 174 126 199 182 51.9 13.6 29 Zambia 217 239 328 464 430 478 388 49.6 8.3 30 Guinea 68 123 119 175 213 262 346 62.2 12.6 31 Sri Lanka 473 466 484 570 502 598 558 33.2 7.9 32 Lesotho 108 101 94 88 107 108 118 68.5 26.0 33 Indonesia 744 673 603 711 1,246 1,632 1,830 10.3 1.9 34 Mauritania 176 175 209 225 182 184 195 101.8 19.4 35 Afghanistan 14 7 17 2 45 72 95 . 36 Bhutan 13 18 24 40 42 41 40 28.5 37 Kampuchea,Dem. 37 17 13 13 14 19 25 38 Liberia 118 133 90 97 78 65 58 23.3 39 Myanmar 302 275 356 416 367 451 220 5.4 40 Sudan 962 622 1,128 945 898 937 760 31.0 41 VietNam 106 109 114 147 III 148 138 2.1 Middle-income economies 11,1801 11,432 I 11,760 C 13,317 1 14,5471 13,722 I 11,628 1 12.0 w 0.6 w Lower-middle-income 9,6201 9,982 1 10,1561 11,142 I 12,115 C 11,337 1 10,973 1 17.4 w 1.3 w 42 Angola 75 95 92 131 135 159 140 14.4 1.8 43 Bolivia 174 172 202 322 318 394 432 60.8 9.6 44 Egypt, Arab Rep. 1,463 1,794 1,791 1,716 1,773 1,537 1,578 30.9 4.7 45 Senegal 323 368 295 567 641 568 652 90.5 14.0 46 Yemen, Rep. , 47 Zimbabwe 208 298 237 225 294 273 266 27.9 4.5 48 Philippines 429 397 486 956 770 854 831 13.8 1.9 49 Côted'Ivoire 156 128 125 186 254 439 409 34.9 4.4 50 DominicanRep. 100 188 207 93 130 118 141 20.2 2.1 51 Morocco 398 352 785 403 447 481 443 18.! 2.0 52 Papua New Guinea 333 322 259 263 322 380 334 87.5 9.5 53 Honduras 190 286 272 283 258 321 256 51.5 5.2 54 Guatemala 76 65 83 135 241 235 256 28.7 3.1 55 Congo,People'sRep. 108 98 71 110 152 89 91 41.3 4.0 56 SyrianArabRep. 813 641 610 728 684 191 139 11.5 1.2 57 Camemon 129 186 159 224 213 284 470 40.7 4.2 58 Peru 297 310 316 272 292 272 300 14.2 1.0 59 Ecuador 64 136 136 147 203 136 162 15.7 1.6 60 Namibia 0 0 6 15 17 23 44 25.5 2.3 61 Paraguay 51 50 50 66 81 75 91 21.7 2.2 62 ElSalvador 290 261 345 341 426 420 446 86.8 7.6 63 Colombia 86 88 62 63 78 62 62 1.9 0.2 64 Thailand 431 475 481 496 504 563 697 12.6 1.0 65 Jamaica 181 170 169 178 168 193 258 108.3 6.6 66 Thnisia 205 178 163 222 274 316 247 30.9 2.5 Note. For data comparability and coverage, see the technical notes. Figures in italics are for years other than those specified. 242 Net disbursement of ODA from all sources As a percentage Millions of dollars Per capita (dollars) of GNP 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1989 1989 67 Turkey 356 242 179 339 376 269 122 2.2 0.2 68 Botswana 104 102 96 102 156 151 162 133.1 6.5 69 Jordan 787 687 538 564 579 415 280 71.8 6.3 70 Panama 47 72 69 52 40 22 17 7.2 0,4 71 Chile 0 2 40 -5 21 44 61 4.7 0.2 72 CostaRica 252 218 280 196 228 187 224 81.9 4.3 73 Poland . . . . . . , . . . . . . 74 Mauritius 41 36 28 56 65 59 57 53.8 2.7 75 Mexico 132 83 144 252 155 173 97 1.1 0.0 76 Argentina 48 49 39 88 99 152 215 6.7 0.4 77 Malaysia 177 327 229 192 363 104 139 8.0 0.4 78 Algeria 95 122 173 165 214 171 153 6.3 0.3 79 Bulgaria , , . , , . . . , . . 80 Lebanon 127 77 83 62 101 141 132 81 Mongolia . . . . , . . . , , 3 4 1.9 82 Nicaragua 120 114 102 150 141 213 227 60.8 Upper-middle-income 1,560 1 1,451 I 1,6041 2,175 1 2,432 1 2,3861 655 1 2.0 w 0.1 w 83 Venezuela 10 14 II 16 19 18 21 1.1 0.0 84 South Africa , . . . . . . . . . , , . . 85 Brazil 101 l61 123 178 289 210 189 1.3 0.0 86 Hungary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87 Umguay 3 4 5 27 18 41 38 12.3 0.5 88 Yugoslavia 3 3 11 19 35 44 43 1.8 0.1 89 Gabon 64 76 61 79 82 106 134 121.3 3.9 90 Iran,Islamic Rep. 48 13 16 27 71 82 89 1.7 0.1 91 TrinidadandTobago 5 5 7 19 34 9 6 4.8 0.1 92 Czechoslovakia 93 Portugal 43 97 101 139 64 106 79 7.6 0.2 94 Korea, Rep. 8 -37 -9 -18 11 JO -9 -0.2 0.0 95 Oman 71 67 78 84 16 1 16 10.8 96 Libya 6 5 5 II 6 6 II 2.5 0.1 97 Greece 13 13 II 19 35 37 33 3.3 0.1 98 Iraq 13 4 26 33 91 10 5 0.3 99 Romania . . . . . . . . . . . Low- and middle-income 23,5181 23,8291 25,5931 30,0981 33,0631 35,5871 33,0951 8.5 w 1.1 w Sub-Saharan Africa 7,7161 7,941 1 9,0061 11,093 1 12,492 1 14,079 1 13,148 1 27.7 w 7.9 w East Asia 3,4281 3,553 1 3,577 1 4,5291 5,548 I 6,411 1 6,357 1 4.1 w 0.7 w South Asia 4,623 I 4,585 1 4,655 1 5,8881 5,6301 6,613 I 6,090t 5.4 w 1.7 w Europe, M.East, & N.Africa 4,9341 4,7491 5,0281 4,8881 5,247 1 4,2681 3,803 1 11.4 w 0.6 w Latin America & Caribbean 2,8181 3,001 1 3,3281 3,7001 4,146 1 4,2161 3,697 I 8.8 w 0.4 w Severely indebted 4,266 I 4,6841 5,222 1 5,861 1 6,0791 6,1291 6,226 1 12.3 w 0.6 w High-income economies . . OECD members .. .. .. .. .. .. Other 1,9291 1,831 I 2,4051 2,4981 1,8401 1,6751 1,3241 42.8 w 0.5 w 100 tSaudi Arabia 44 36 29 31 22 19 16 1.1 0.0 101 Ireland 102 Spain 103 tlsrael 1,345 1,256 1,978 1,937 1,251 1,241 1,192 264.4 2.6 104 tHong Kong 9 14 20 18 19 22 23 4.0 0.0 105 tSingapore 15 41 24 29 23 22 95 35.4 0.3 106 New Zealand 107 Australia 108 United Kingdom 109 Italy 110 Netherlands Ill tKuwait 5 4 4 5 3 6 4 2.0 0.0 112 Belgium 113 Austria 114 France 115 tUnitedArabEmirates 4 3 4 34 115 -12 -6 -3.9 0.0 116 Canada 117 Germany 118 Denmark 119 United States 120 Sweden 121 Finland 122 Norway 123 Japan 24 Switzerland Other economies 13r 121 181 181 301 201 World 25,459 1 25,673 1 28,0161 32,6141 34,932 1 37,2821 34,419 1 8.7 w 1.1 w Oil exporters (excl. USSR) 750 I 706 1 648 1 847 1 966 1 692 1 881 t 3.3 w 0.2 w 243 Table 21. Total external debt Long-term debt (millions ofdollars) Public and publicly Private Use of IMF credit Short-term debt Total external debt guaranteed non guaranteed (millions of dollars) (millions of dollars) (millions of dollars) 1970 1989 1970 1989 1970 1989 1970 1989 1970 1989 Low-income economies China and India Other low-income I Mozambique 3,885 245 0 56 551 - 4,737 2 Ethiopia 169 2,876 0 0 0 30 107 3,013 3 Tanzania 250 4,505 15 13 0 129 272 4,918 4 Somalia 77 1,814 0 0 0 150 173 2,137 5 Bangladesh 15 9,926 0 0 0 719 68 10,712 6 LaoPDR 8 939 0 0 0 8 2 - 949 7 Malawi 122 1,242 0 4 0 101 48 1,394 8 Nepal 3 1,290 0 0 0 52 18 1,359 9 Chad 33 317 0 0 3 24 28 368 10 Bunindi 7 810 0 0 8 40 17 - 867 II Sierra Leone 59 512 0 0 105 . 440 1,057 12 Madagascar 89 3,345 0 0 165 97 3,607 13 Nigeria 452 31,668 115 406 0 759 32,832 14 Uganda 138 1,489 0 0 225 . 95 1,809 15 Zaire 311 7,571 0 0 628 643 8,843 16 Mali 238 2,055 0 0 55 . . 46 . - 2,157 17 Niger 32 1,127 0 259 85 108 1,578 18 BurkinaFaso 21 685 0 0 1 71 756 19 Rwanda 2 606 0 0 45 652 20 India 7,838 54,776 100 1,478 1,566 4,689 62,509 21 China . - 37,043 0 0 908 6,907 44,857 22 Haiti 40 684 0 0 41 77 802 23 Kenya 319 4,001 88 632 415 641 . - 5,690 24 Pakistan 3,064 14,669 5 138 4 933 . . 2,770 18,509 25 Benin 41 1,046 0 0 10 121 . 1,177 26 CentralAfricanRep. 24 642 0 0 0 35 . 38 716 27 Ghana 488 2,279 10 33 46 737 29 3,078 28 logo 40 946 0 0 0 75 164 , 1,186 29 Zambia 624 4,095 30 0 0 900 1,879 6,874 30 Guinea 312 1,967 0 0 3 61 148 . 2,176 31 Sri Lanka 317 4,238 0 103 79 366 394 5,101 32 Lesotho 8 312 0 0 0 10 2 324 33 Indonesia 2,497 40,851 461 4,626 139 608 7,026 53,111 34 Mauritania 27 1,777 0 0 0 69 165 2,010 35 Afghanistan . . - 36 Bhutan 77 0 0 0 0 . . 2 . 79 37 Kampuchea, Dem. . . . , . . . 38 Liberia 158 1,091 0 0 4 299 371 1,761 39 Myanmar 106 4,045 0 0 17 2 - 124 4,171 40 Sudan 298 8,261 0 496 31 884 . . 3,324 12,965 41 J'ietNam . . . - . . Middle-income economies Lower-middle-income 42 Angola - . . . - . - . . . . . . 43 Bolivia 480 3,605 11 200 6 252 302 4,359 44 Egypt,ArabRep. 1,781 39,751 0 1,081 49 161 7,806 . - 48,799 45 Senegal 102 3,508 31 33 0 316 282 4,139 46 Yemen, Rep. - . 4,775 0 0 0 1 . 909 5,685 47 Zimbabwe 229 2,568 0 68 0 29 423 3,088 48 Philippines 625 22,992 919 783 69 1,177 3,951 - - 28,902 49 Cbte d'Ivoire 256 8,156 11 4,071 0 370 2,816 15,412 50 Dominican Rep. 212 3,281 141 105 7 123 558 4,066 51 Morocco 712 19,507 15 200 28 850 294 . . 20,851 52 PapuaNewGuinea 36 1,370 173 958 0 3 165 - . 2,496 53 Honduras 90 2,823 19 84 0 35 407 3,350 54 Guatemala 106 2,089 14 110 0 73 330 2,601 55 Congo,People'sRep. 119 3,535 0 0 0 12 770 4,316 56 Syrian Arab Rep. 233 3,934 0 0 10 0 1,268 5,202 57 Cameroon 131 3,708 9 378 0 113 545 . . 4,743 58 Peru 856 12,669 1,799 1,589 10 758 4,859 19,875 59 Ecuador 193 9,421 49 158 14 325 1,407 11,311 60 Namibia - . . . . . . . . . . . - - 61 Paraguay 112 2,098 0 27 0 0 365 - 2,490 62 ElSalvador 88 1,657 88 39 7 5 149 1,851 63 Colombia 1,297 14,001 283 1,272 55 0 1,614 16,887 64 Thailand 324 12,424 402 4,658 0 273 6,112 23,466 65 Jamaica 160 3,594 822 42 0 383 303 4,322 66 Tunisia 541 6,085 0 225 13 270 . . 319 . . 6,899 Note: For data comparability and coverage, see the technical noses. Figures in italics are for years other than those specified. 244 Long-term debt (millions of dollars) Public and publicly Private Use of IMF credit Short-term debt Total external debt guaranteed nonguaranteed (millions of dollars) (millions of dollars) (millions of dollars) 1970 1989 1970 1989 1970 1989 1970 1989 1970 1989 67 Turkey 1,846 34,781 42 795 74 48 5,977 41,600 68 Botswana 17 509 0 0 0 0 4 513 69 Jordan 120 6,404 0 0 0 97 918 7,418 70 Panama 194 3,575 0 0 0 320 1,906 5,800 71 Chile 2,067 10,850 501 3,148 2 1,270 2,973 18,241 72 Costa Rica 134 3,480 112 304 0 35 650 4,468 73 Poland 24 34,747 0 0 0 0 8,577 43,324 74 Mauritius 32 631 0 106 0 63 32 832 75 Mexico 3,196 76,257 2,770 3,999 0 5,091 10,295 - 95,642 76 Argentina 1,880 51,429 3,291 1,800 0 3,100 8,416 64,745 77 Malaysia 390 14,461 50 1,377 0 0 2,738 18,576 78 Algeria 945 23,609 0 0 0 619 1,840 26,067 79 Bulgaria - - - 0 80 Lebanon 64 234 0 0 0 0 - - 286 520 81 Mongolia 82 Nicaragua 147 7,546 0 0 8 0 1,659 9,205 Upper-middle-income 83 Venezuela 718 25,339 236 4,523 0 998 2,284 33,144 84 South Africa 0 85 Brazil 3,421 84,284 1,706 6,008 0 2,423 18,576 111,290 86 Hungary 0 16,843 0 0 0 456 3,307 - 20,605 87 Umguay 269 2,967 29 105 18 202 477 3,751 88 Yugoslavia 1,199 14,303 854 3,481 0 686 - 1,181 - 19,651 89 Gabon 91 2,478 0 0 0 135 562 3,175 90 Iran, Islamic Rep. - 0 - - 91 TrinidadandTobago 101 1,680 0 0 0 205 127 - 2,012 92 Czechoslovakia - 0 0 - 93 Portugal 485 14,644 268 696 0 0 2,950 18,289 94 Korea,Rep. 1,816 17,351 175 5,961 0 0 - - 9,800 33,111 95 Oman 2,626 0 0 0 0 348 2,974 96 Libya - 97 Greece - 98 Iraq 99 Romania 0 so 500 Low- and middle-income Sub-Saharan Africa East Asia South Asia Europe, M.East, & N.Africa Latin America & Caribbean Severely indebted High-income economies OECD members tOther 100 lSaudi Arabia 101 Ireland 102 Spain 103 tlsrael 104 tHong Kong 105 tSingapore 106 New Zealand 107 Australia 108 United Kingdom 109 Italy 110 Netherlands Ill tKuwait 112 Belgium 113 Austria 114 France 115 (United Arab Emirates 116 Canada 1l7 Germany 118 Denmark 119 United States 120 Sweden 121 Finland 122 Norway 123 Japan l24 Switzerland Other economies World Oil exporters (excl. USSR) 245 Table 22. flow of public and private external capital Disbursements Repayment ofprincipal Interest payments (millions of dollars) (millions of dollars) (millions of dollars) Long-term public Long-term public Long-term public and publicly Private and publicly Private and publicly Private guaranteed nonguaranteed guaranteed nonguaranteed guaranteed nonguaranteed 1970 1989 1970 1989 1970 1989 1970 1989 1970 1989 1970 1989 Low-income economies China and India Other low-income I Mozambique 177 14 13 4 31 3 2 Ethiopia 28 297 0 0 15 174 0 0 6 72 0 0 3 Tanzania 51 158 8 0 10 37 3 0 7 28 1 0 4 Somalia 4 75 0 0 I 7 0 0 0 10 0 0 5 Bangladesh 0 1,015 0 0 0 174 0 0 0 139 0 0 6LaoPDR 6 134 0 0 1 9 0 0 0 2 0 0 7 Malawi 40 114 0 1 3 27 0 1 4 29 0 0 8 Nepal 1 241 0 0 2 29 0 0 0 25 0 0 9Chad 6 80 0 0 3 3 0 0 0 2 0 0 10 Burundi 1 88 0 0 0 19 0 0 0 14 0 0 II SierraLeone 8 7 0 0 II 1 0 (1 3 1 0 0 12 Madagascar 11 160 0 0 5 59 0 0 2 113 0 0 13 Nigeria 56 1,426 25 99 38 471 30 14 20 1,270 8 10 14 Uganda 27 138 0 0 4 88 0 0 5 28 0 0 15 Zaire 32 283 0 0 28 69 0 0 9 27 0 0 16 Mali 23 183 0 0 0 22 0 0 0 14 0 0 17 Niger 12 127 0 40 2 18 0 37 1 14 0 21 18 BurkinaFaso 2 100 0 0 2 16 0 0 0 16 0 0 19 Rwanda 0 68 0 0 0 14 0 0 0 8 0 0 20 India 883 5,919 25 223 289 1,613 25 309 187 2,820 6 135 21 China . 6,902 0 0 . 2,401 0 0 . . 2,508 0 0 22 Haiti 4 29 0 0 3 15 0 0 0 9 0 0 23 Kenya 35 471 41 20 17 207 12 34 13 158 4 33 24 Pakistan 489 1,754 3 77 ll4 779 1 33 77 446 0 10 25 Benin 2 151 0 0 1 7 0 0 0 12 0 0 26 Central African Rep. 2 66 0 0 2 6 0 0 I 7 0 0 27 Ghana 42 434 0 9 14 136 0 8 12 61 0 2 28 Togo 5 65 0 0 2 24 0 0 1 33 0 0 29 Zambia 351 138 11 0 35 91 6 0 29 63 2 0 30 Guinea 90 257 0 0 II 67 0 0 4 32 0 0 31 Sn Lanka 66 404 0 0 30 183 0 2 12 107 0 1 32 Lesotho 0 52 0 0 0 14 0 0 0 7 0 0 33 Indonesia 441 5,963 195 1,329 59 4,234 61 868 25 2,527 21 454 34 Mauritania 5 96 0 0 3 55 0 0 0 25 0 0 35 Afghanistan . . . S 36 Bhutan 12 0 0 2 0 0 . . 2 0 0 37 Kampuchea, Dem. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38 Liberia 7 1 0 0 II I 0 0 6 1 0 0 39 Myanmar 22 215 0 0 20 121 0 0 3 69 0 0 40 Sudan 53 237 0 0 22 46 0 0 12 12 0 0 41 VietNam . . . Middle-income economies Lower-middle-income 42 Angola . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43 Bolivia 55 327 3 0 17 140 2 0 7 95 1 0 44 Egypt, Arab Rep. 397 2,004 0 142 310 1,270 0 192 56 1,085 0 107 45 Senegal 19 301 1 8 5 122 3 8 2 146 0 1 46 Yemen, Rep. 532 0 146 0 56 0 47 Zimbabwe 0 619 0 31 5 241 0 13 5 136 0 7 48 Philippines 141 1,584 276 119 74 950 186 35 26 1,620 19 77 49 Côted'Ivoire 78 231 4 900 29 150 2 529 12 192 0 234 50 Dominican Rep. 38 199 22 0 7 102 20 15 4 76 8 9 51 Morocco 168 1,053 8 8 37 609 3 8 24 1,061 1 5 52 PapuaNewGuinea 43 292 III 285 0 171 20 183 1 74 8 86 53 Honduras 29 133 10 20 3 68 3 8 3 43 1 3 54 Guatemala 37 182 6 0 20 157 2 3 6 90 1 6 55 Congo,People'sRep. 18 134 0 0 6 175 0 0 3 94 0 0 56 SyrianArabRep. 60 249 0 0 31 272 0 0 6 113 0 0 57 Cameroon 29 633 11 82 5 62 2 131 4 73 1 39 58 Peru 148 367 240 181 100 107 233 15 43 91 119 5 59 Ecuador 41 859 7 63 16 437 Il 25 7 399 3 12 60 Namibia . . . . S S S . . . . . . . . . . . 61 Paraguay 14 202 0 0 7 76 0 1 4 65 0 0 62 El Salvador 8 186 24 0 6 86 16 16 4 53 6 4 63 Colombia 253 2,079 0 177 78 1,708 59 443 44 1,197 15 187 64 Thailand 51 1,275 169 2,525 23 1,397 107 883 16 872 17 233 65 Jamaica 15 301 165 0 6 159 164 9 9 211 54 3 66 Tunisia 89 910 0 30 47 667 400 18 376 0 Il Note: For data comparability and coverage, see the technical notea. Figurea in italics are for years other than those specified. 246 Disbursements Repayment ofprincipal Interest payments (millions of dollars) (millions of dollars) (millions of dollars) Long-term public Long-term public Long-term public and publicly Private and publicly Private and publicly Private guaranteed non guaranteed guaranteed non guaranteed guaranteed non guaranteed 1970 1989 1970 1989 1970 1989 1970 1989 1970 1989 1970 1989 67 Turkey 331 4,276 1 432 128 3,441 3 268 42 2,607 2 60 68 Botswana 6 64 0 0 0 36 0 0 0 33 0 0 69 Jordan IS 1,030 0 0 3 200 0 0 2 254 0 0 70 Panama 67 1 0 0 24 2 0 0 7 1 0 0 71 Chile 408 669 247 846 166 568 41 270 78 1,080 26 207 72 Costa Rica 30 128 30 0 21 131 20 0 7 162 7 0 73 Poland 30 273 0 0 6 674 0 0 0 767 0 0 74 Mauritius 2 52 0 48 1 47 0 5 2 39 0 3 75 Mexico 772 2,880 603 1,086 475 2,440 542 1,800 216 7,104 67 793 76 Argentina 482 1,009 424 70 344 1,443 428 69 121 1,319 217 200 77 Malaysia 45 1,456 12 675 47 2,221 9 592 22 1,133 3 88 78 Algeria 313 5,024 0 0 35 5,221 0 0 10 1,851 0 0 79 80 81 Bulgaria Lebanon Mongolia 25 0 0 2 20 0 0 i ó 0 82 Nicaragua 44 282 Ô Ô 1 il 0 0 ó o o Upper-middle-income 83 Venezuela 216 1,239 67 0 42 578 25 160 40 1,987 13 564 84 South Africa 85 Brazil 892 2,185 900 850 256 3,260 200 1,757 135 3,619 89 747 86 Hungaly 0 2,245 0 0 0 1,651 0 0 0 1,185 0 0 87 Uruguay 37 295 13 0 47 157 4 55 16 273 2 1 88 Yugoslavia 179 171 465 837 170 797 204 858 73 1,135 32 239 89 Gabon 26 128 0 0 9 63 0 0 3 107 0 0 90 Iran, Islamic Rep. 91 Trinidad and Tobago 5 Ô ó 10 o 6 i o o 92 Czechoslovakia 93 Portugal 18 3,335 20 180 63 2,157 22 99 29 1,012 5 45 94 Korea, Rep. 444 2,100 32 1,798 198 3,856 7 1,749 71 1,381 5 562 95 Oman 559 0 0 375 0 0 . . 226 0 0 96 Libya 97 Greece 98 Iraq 99 Romania 26 1,646 0 0 los Low- and middle-income Sub-Saharan Africa East Asia South Asia Europe, M.East, & N.Africa Latin America & Caribbean Severely indebted High-income economies OECD members tOther 100 tSaudi Arabia 101 Ireland 102 Spain 103 tlsrael 104 tHong Kong 105 (Singapore 106 New Zealand 107 Australia 108 United Kingdom 109 Italy 110 Netherlands Ill tKuwait 112 Belgium 113 Austria 114 France 115 tUnited Arab Emirates 116 Canada 117 Germany 118 Denmark 119 United States 120 Sweden 121 Finland 122 Norway 123 Japan 124 Switzerland Other economies World Oil exporters (excl. USSR) 247 Table 23. Aggregate net resource flows and net transfers Net flows on long-term debt (millions of dollars) Public and pub- Private Nelforeign Aggregate net Aggregate net tidy guaranteed non guaranteed Official grants direct investment resource flows tranfers 1970 1989 1970 1989 1970 1989 1970 1989 1970 198.9 1970 1989 Low-income economies China and India Other low-income 1 Mozambique 164 0 0 553 - 0 - 727 - 693 2 Ethiopia 13 123 0 6 422 4 23 545 10 473 3 Tanzania 40 120 5 6 544 0 52 664 44 636 4 Somalia 4 68 0 9 278 5 17 347 16 336 5 Bangladesh 0 841 0 767 - 0 0 1,607 0 1,469 6 LaoPDR 4 125 0 28 48 33 173 32 171 7 Malawi 37 87 0 7 187 9 52 275 41 246 8 Nepal -2 213 0 0 16 163 0 14 375 14 351 9 Chad 3 77 0 0 11 132 1 -12 15 197 13 195 tO Burundi 1 68 0 0 7 60 0 1 8 129 8 112 11 SierraLeone -3 5 0 0 1 5! 8 - 7 57 -t 56 12 Madagascar 5 101 0 0 20 136 10 6 36 243 29 130 13 Nigeria 18 955 -5 85 40 79 205 2,082 259 3,201 -207 900 14 Uganda 23 50 0 0 2 165 4 0 29 215 II 188 15 Zaire 3 214 0 0 37 134 42 12 83 360 44 272 16 Mali 23 161 0 0 12 203 -3 34 361 32 344 17 Niger 11 109 0 3 15 155 0 18 26 285 23 249 18 BurkinaFaso 0 84 0 0 13 130 0 2 13 215 11 195 19 Rwanda 0 54 0 0 10 95 0 16 10 164 10 146 20 India 594 4,307 0 -86 157 756 0 425 751 5,402 559 2,447 21 China 4,500 0 0 - 311 1,400 6,211 - 3,696 22 Haiti 1 14 0 0 2 78 3 9 6 102 2 85 23 Kenya 17 264 30 -14 4 384 14 69 64 703 -2 405 24 Pakistan 375 975 2 44 79 408 23 170 479 1,597 395 1,099 25 Benin 1 144 0 0 9 95 7 1 17 241 13 228 26 CentralAfricanRep. -1 60 0 0 6 76 1 7 137 5 129 27 Ghana 28 297 0 1 9 193 68 15 104 507 79 437 28 Togo 3 41 0 0 7 65 0 II 106 4 58 29 Zambia 316 48 5 0 2 215 -297 - 26 263 -65 200 30 Guinea 80 191 0 0 1 109 10 80 310 76 278 31 Sri Lanka 36 222 0 -2 14 200 0 27 50 447 30 317 32 Lesotho 0 38 0 0 8 42 13 8 93 7 86 33 Indonesia 383 1,730 134 461 84 212 83 735 683 3,137 510 -1,647 34 Mauritania 1 41 0 0 3 126 I 3 5 171 -8 146 35 Afghanistan . . - - . . 36 Bhutan . . 10 0 0 0 17 26 24 37 Kampuchea, Dem. . . . . . . . . . - - - - . . - - 38 Liberia -4 0 0 0 I 24 28 . . 25 24 19 23 39 Myanmar 2 94 0 0 16 76 154 17 323 14 254 40 Sudan 30 190 0 0 2 458 . . 0 32 648 16 636 41 VietNam . . . . . . . S Middle-income economies Lower-middle-income 42 Angola S S . . . . . 200 . . 200 . . 200 43 Bolivia 38 187 1 0 - . 171 -76 -25 -37 333 -61 223 44 Egypt, Arab Rep. 87 734 0 -50 150 504 . - 1,586 238 2,773 182 1,548 45 Senegal 14 178 -2 0 16 244 5 -20 33 402 16 254 46 Yemen,Rep. 386 0 0 10 106 0 0 - . 492 . - 386 47 Zimbabwe -5 378 0 18 . - 135 - . -9 -5 522 -9 379 48 Philippines 67 634 90 84 16 304 -29 482 144 1,505 76 -487 49 Cbted'Ivoire 49 80 2 371 12 220 31 . . 94 672 33 218 50 DominicanRep. 31 97 2 -15 10 42 72 110 115 234 102 149 51 Morocco 131 444 5 0 23 99 20 167 179 710 134 -412 52 PapuaNewGuinea 43 121 91 102 144 275 . . 186 278 684 268 314 53 Honduras 26 65 7 12 0 115 8 37 41 230 17 109 54 Guatemala 17 25 4 -3 4 130 29 80 55 232 18 136 55 Congo, People's Rep. 13 -41 0 0 5 22 30 0 48 -20 45 -213 56 SyrianArabRep. 29 -23 0 0 It 24 . . . 41 1 35 -112 57 Cameroon 24 571 9 -49 21 117 16 31 70 670 61 559 58 Pens 48 259 7 166 20 114 -70 59 4 598 -231 480 59 Ecuador 26 421 -4 39 2 34 89 80 112 574 83 44 60 Namibia . - . . . . . . - . . . . - - . . . 61 Paraguay 7 126 0 -1 2 13 4 21 13 159 5 79 62 ElSalvador 2 99 8 -16 2 235 4 0 15 318 -1 261 63 Colombia 174 371 -59 -266 21 34 39 546 175 685 22 -1,503 64 Thailand 28 -122 62 1,642 6 123 43 1,650 139 3,293 87 1,946 65 Jamaica 9 143 1 -9 3 113 161 28 174 274 5 -48 66 Tunisia 42 243 0 -10 42 ItO 16 74 99 416 61 -75 Note: For data comparability and coverage, see the technical notes. Figureu in italics are for years other than those specified. 248 Net flows on long-term debt (millions of dollars) Public and pub- Private Net foreign Aggregate net Aggregate net licly guaranteed nonguaranteed Official grants direct investment resoarce flows transfers 1970 1989 1970 198.9 1970 1989 1970 1989 1970 1989 1970 1989 67 Turkey 203 835 -2 163 21 68 58 663 280 1,729 202 -1,041 68 Botswana 6 29 0 0 9 68 6 129 21 226 20 -122 69 Jordan 12 830 0 0 41 102 0 53 932 51 679 70 Panama 44 -1 0 0 5 33 12 77 16 51 -20 71 Chile 242 101 206 576 11 30 -79 259 380 966 172 -706 72 CostaRica 9 -3 10 0 4 134 26 115 49 245 31 38 73 Poland 24 -402 0 0 -7 24 -409 24 -1,176 74 Mauritius 1 5 0 42 3 19 2 26 5 92 3 33 75 Mexico 297 440 61 -714 Ii 59 323 2,241 692 2,026 50 -7,123 76 Argentina 139 -435 -4 1 1 27 11 1,028 147 621 -264 -1,572 77 Malaysia -2 -765 3 83 4 18 94 1,846 99 1,182 -92 -1,481 78 Algeria 279 -197 0 0 56 55 45 -59 379 -201 219 -2,052 79 Bulgaria . . . . . . . . . . 0 . 80 Lebanon 10 5 0 0 2 73 12 78 11 64 81 Mongolia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 82 Nicaragua 28 264 0 0 2 163 15 45 428 15 418 Upper-middle-income 83 Venezuela 174 662 41 -160 - - 4 -23 77 192 583 -429 -2,193 84 South Africa 318 7 - . 0 0 - 0 85 Brazil 636 -1,076 700 -908 26 41 407 782 1,770 -1,160 1159 -7,725 86 Hungaly 0 594 0 0 . . . . - - 125 0 719 0 -466 87 Uruguay -10 138 9 -55 2 13 . - I 1 98 -18 -177 88 Yugoslavia 9 -626 261 -21 -8 4 . . . . 262 -643 158 -2,017 89 Gabon 17 66 0 0 10 27 -1 80 26 172 15 116 90 Iran, Islamic Rep. . . . . . . . . . . . 25 . . . . . . 0 91 TrinidadandTobago 3 -10 0 0 1 6 83 36 81 32 16 -106 92 Czechoslovakia . . . . 93 Portugal -45 1,178 -1 81 . . 65 15 1,546 -31 2,870 -65 1,744 94 Korea,Rep. 246 -1,756 25 49 119 1 66 453 456 -1,253 374 -3,417 95 Oman . 184 0 0 0 0 . . . . . . 184 . . -42 96 Libya . 0 0 139 . . . 97 Greece . . . 0 50 752 . 98 Iraq 24 99 Romania -1,620 -1,620 . -1,725 Low- and middle-income Sub-Saharan Africa East Asia South Asia Europe, M.East, & N.Africa Latin America & Caribbean Severely indebted High-income economies OECD members (Other 100 tSaudi Arabia 101 Ireland 102 Spain 103 (Israel 104 tHong Kong 105 tSingapore 106 New Zealand 107 Australia 108 United Kingdom 109 Italy 110 Netherlands 111 IKuwait 112 Belgium 113 Austria 114 France 115 (United Arab Emirates 116 Canada 117 Germany 118 Denmark 119 United States 120 Sweden 121 Finland 122 Norway 123 Japan 124 Switzerland Other economies World Oil exporters (exci. USSR) 249 Table 24. Total external debt ratios Total debt service as Total external debt as a percentage of apercentage of interest payments as a Exports of goods exports of goods percentage of exports and services GNP and services of goods and services 1980 1989 1980 1989 1980 1989 1980 1989 Low-income economies 95.3 w 214.1 w 13.7 w 32.3 w 9.8 w 20.2 w 4.7w 9.8w China and India 70.5 w 130.8 w 5.3 w 15.9 w 6.5 w 14.7 w 2.6w 8.1w Other low-income 106.9 w 322.2 w 27.0 w 71.0 w 11.4 w 27.4 w 5.7 w 12.0 w 1 Mozambique 1,744.7 426.8 23.1 17.1 2 Ethiopia 136.2 416.8 19.6 50.6 7.6 38.7 4.7 11.6 3 Tanzania 334.1 931.4 50.2 186.1 21.1 16.5 9.7 7.7 4 Somalia 252.0 2,253.4 109.5 202.8 4.9 34.1 0.9 14.7 5 Bangladesh 345.6 437.6 31.7 53.3 23.2 19.9 6.4 7.8 6 LaoPDR 1,116.4 . . 152.6 . . 15.6 3.2 7 Malawi 260.8 411.3 72.1 91.4 27.7 28.0 167 11.8 8 Nepal 85.5 330.5 10.3 43.5 3.2 16.0 2.1 6.9 9 Chad 305.9 163.3 30.2 36.7 8.3 5.2 0.7 1.7 10 Burundi 180.1 754.3 18.1 81.9 9.5 32.9 4.8 13.8 11 Sierra Leone 155.6 . . 40.2 119.5 22.9 . . 5.7 12 Madagascar 242.3 779.8 31.5 154.1 17.2 52.0 10.9 27.8 13 Nigeria 32.2 389.6 9.0 119.3 4.2 21.3 3.3 15.6 14 Uganda 221.7 664.9 42.7 39.0 13.2 77.0 3.3 17.0 15 Zaire 202.2 371.0 33.5 96.6 22.5 21.5 11.0 4.2 16 Mali 227.5 488.7 45.5 105.2 5.1 15.0 2.3 4.8 17 Niger 132.8 416.7 34.5 79.4 21.7 32.1 12.9 12.6 18 BurkinaFaso 88.8 182.2 19.6 29.6 5.9 9.4 3.1 5.1 19 Rwanda 103.4 415.2 16.3 30.2 4.2 18.5 2.8 7.9 20 India 135.7 259.5 11.9 24.0 9.1 26.4 4.1 14.3 21 China 22.1 77.3 1.5 10.8 4.6 9.8 1.6 5.5 22 Haiti 72.9 203.0 20.9 34.2 6.2 13.1 1.8 4.3 23 Kenya 171.3 294.1 50.2 71.7 22.3 33.3 11.7 14.1 24 Pakistan 208.9 242.4 42.5 46.9 18.0 23.2 7.6 9.7 25 Benin 100.8 303.5 36.5 71.9 4.9 6.7 3.5 4.4 26 Central African Rep. 94.8 336.0 24.4 65.8 4.9 14.2 1.6 5.2 27 Ghana 108.3 343.8 29.7 59.9 12.5 48.9 4.3 12.3 28 logo 180.1 239.2 93.4 91.2 9.0 18.2 5.8 8.6 29 Zambia 201.0 453.6 90.9 158.8 25.3 11.3 8.8 4.2 30 Guinea 201.9 292.8 85.3 19.8 15.2 6.0 5.0 31 SriLanka 123.4 223.0 46.1 73.5 12.0 17.8 5.7 6.7 32 Lesotho 19.5 65.0 11.2 39.0 1,5 4.5 0.6 1.5 33 Indonesia 94.2 210.7 28.0 59.4 13.9 35.2 6.5 14.9 34 Mauritania 306.7 394.8 125.7 213.2 17.3 20.1 7.9 7.2 35 Afghanistan 36 Bhutan 37 Kampuchea, Dem. 38 Liberia 111.8 62.8 8 39 Myanmar 269.9 643.7 25.4 30.4 9.4 10.9 40 Sudan 499.4 1,234.4 65.7 25.5 9.2 12.8 4.8 41 VietNam Middle-income economies 148.6 w 184.4 w 36.1 w 46.1 w 26.1 w 23.1 w 13.3w 11.1 w Lower-middle-income 155.4 w 227.4 w 37.7 w 67.7 w 25.4 w 26.6 w 12.8 w 12.9 w 42 Angola . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43 Bolivia 258.2 488.9 93.3 102.2 35.0 31.3 21.1 14.3 44 Egypt, Arab Rep. 208.4 333.6 95.0 159.0 20.8 20.5 9.0 10.3 45 Senegal 162.2 320.7 50.3 93.2 28.6 29.4 10.4 14.6 46 Yemen, Rep. 78.5 253.6 38.6 70.6 3.4 11.6 2.0 4.7 47 Zimbabwe 45.4 169.7 14.9 53.9 3.8 26.0 1.5 9.9 48 Philippines 212.5 226.4 49.5 65.3 26.5 26.3 18.2 17.1 49 Cole d'Ivoire 160.7 463.9 58.8 182.2 28.3 40.9 13.0 15.6 50 Dominican Rep. 133.8 165.5 31.5 63.3 25.3 13.0 12.0 4.6 51 Momcco 223.8 328.4 53.1 98.4 32.7 32.2 17.0 18.4 52 Papua New Guinea 66.1 161.5 29.2 73.7 13.8 34.3 6.6 11.2 53 Honduras 152.0 303.0 61.5 72.5 21.4 13.1 12.4 6.2 54 Guatemala 63.6 171.1 14.9 32.6 7.9 19.0 3.7 7.7 55 Congo, People's Rep. 145.2 363.9 97.0 215.0 10.5 27.0 6.6 11.9 56 Syrian Arab Rep. 82.3 21.0 47.1 11.4 4.7 57 Camemon 136.7 224.3 36.8 44.2 15.2 17.3 8.1 7.9 58 Peru 207.7 432.2 51.0 73.5 46.5 6.8 19.9 3.6 59 Ecuador 201.6 392.3 53.8 117.0 33.9 36.2 15.9 17.1 60 Namibia . 61 Paraguay 121.8 183.1 20.7 61. i 18.6 11.9 62 ElSalvador 71.1 177.3 25.9 32.1 7.5 16.6 4.7 6.3 63 Colombia 117.1 208.3 20.9 45.8 16.0 45.9 11.6 19.3 64 Thailand 96.3 87.1 25.9 34.1 18.7 15.9 9.4 6.1 65 Jamaica 129.3 188.0 76.5 133.8 19.0 26.4 10.8 11.8 66 Tunisia 96.0 136.7 41.6 71.9 14.8 22.6 6.9 8.5 Note: For data comparability and coverage, see the technical notes. Figures in italics are for years other than those specified. 250 Total debt service as Total external debt as a percentage of a percentage of Interest paymentt as a Exports of goods exports of goods percentage of exports and services GNP and services of goods and services 1980 1989 1980 1989 1980 1989 1980 1989 67 Turkey 332.9 190.0 34.3 53.8 28.0 32.1 14.9 14.1 68 Botswana 17.8 26.5 16.2 23.2 1.9 3.5 1.1 1.7 69 Jordan 79.2 246.0 181.2 8.4 19.6 4.3 11.7 70 Panama 70.3 257.8 92.3 142.5 11.5 0.1 6.0 0.0 71 Chile 192.5 187.7 45.2 78.3 43.1 27.5 19.0 16.8 72 Costa Rica 224.5 236.2 59.5 91.2 29.0 19.2 14.6 10.5 73 Poland 54.9 262.9 16.4 66.3 17.9 9.4 5.2 5.3 74 Mauritius 80.6 57.2 41.5 41.0 9.1 9.8 5.9 3.7 75 Mexico 259.2 264.0 30.3 51.2 49.5 39.6 27.4 25,7 76 Argentina 242.4 537.0 48.4 119.7 37.3 36.1 20.8 17.7 77 Malaysia 44.6 64.5 28.0 51.6 6.3 14.6 4.0 4.8 78 Algeria 130.0 248.8 47.1 56.8 27.1 68.9 10.4 19.1 79 Bulgaria 80 Lebanon 81 Mongolia 82 Nicaragua 422.3 2,652.9 104.9 21.5 8.6 12.7 3.4 Upper-middle-income 139.4 w 127.7 w 34.0 w 26.5 w 27.1 w 18.5 w 14.0 w 8.7 w 83 Venezuela 131.9 211.5 42.1 79.9 27.2 25.0 13.8 20.3 84 South Africa 85 Brazil 304.8 301.6 31.2 24.1 63.1 31.3 33.8 15.5 86 Hungaty 95.9 161.0 44.8 74.5 18.5 26.3 10.5 11.7 87 Umguay 104.4 170.5 16.5 46.5 18.8 29.4 10.6 15.3 88 Yugoslavia 103.1 76.5 25.6 26.2 20.8 14.5 7.2 5.8 89 Gabon 62.2 169.1 39.2 101.8 17.7 11.9 6.3 8.6 90 Iran, Islamic Rep. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91 Trinidad and Tobago 24.6 107.0 14.0 53.9 6.8 12.3 1.6 8.9 92 Czechoslovakia . . . . . . . . S . 93 Portugal 99.2 94.3 40.4 41.4 18.3 18.2 10.5 6.6 94 Korea, Rep. 130.6 44.7 48.7 15.8 19.7 11.4 12.7 3.8 95 Oman 15.4 11.2 39.0 6.4 . . 1.8 96 Libya 97 Greece . 98 Iraq 99 Rornania 80.3 12.6 4 Low- and middle-income 134.4 w 191.7 w 27.6 w 41.2 w 21.8 w 22.4 w 11.0w 10.7w Sub-Saharan Africa 96.8 w 362.0 w 26.8 w 96.9 w 10.9 w 22.1 w 5.7 w 10.2 w East Asia 89.5 w 90.2 w 16.7 w 23.7 w 13.6 w 15.5 w 7.7w 6.7w South Asia 162.7 w 272.8 w 17.3 w 29.6 w 12J w 24.8 w 5.1 w 12.3 w Europe, M.East, & N.Africa 115.3 w 185.9 w 35.7 w 55.5 w 19.0w 24.1 w 8.1w 9.9w Latin America & Caribbean 202.8 v 288.5 w 35.1 w 45.8 w 38.5 w 31.0 w 20.3 w 17.6 w Severely indebted 195.8 w 292.7 w 37.9 w 54.0 w 36.0 w 28.5 w 18.6 w 16.3 w High-income economies OECD members tOther 100 tSaudi Arabia 101 Ireland 102 Spain 103 1Israel 104 tHong Kong 105 tSingapore 106 New Zealand 107 Australia 108 United Kingdom 109 Italy 110 Netherlands 111 tKuwait 112 Belgium 113 Austria 114 France 115 tUnited Arab Emirates 116 Canada 117 Germany 118 Denmark 119 United States 120 Sweden 121 Finland 122 Norway 123 Japan 124 Switzerland Other economies World Oil exporters (excl. USSR) 251 Table 25. Terms of external public borrowing Average Average Public loans with variable Commitments interest rate Average maturity grace pen ad interest rates, as a (millions of dollars) (percent) (years) (years) percentage ofpubIc debt 1970 1989 1970 1989 1970 1989 1970 1989 1970 1989 Low-income economies 32,958 1 . . 5.6 w 22 w 7w 20.5 China and India 14,587 t . . 7.0 w . . 17 w 5w 25.5 Other low-income 3,331 t 18,371 t 3.2 w 4.4 w 29 w 26 w 8w 0.2 w 17.9 1 Mozambique . . 294 . . 1.0 . . 40 . . 10 . . 4.9 2 Ethiopia 21 601 4.4 2.8 32 29 7 8 0.1 5.2 3 Tanzania 284 106 1.2 0.8 39 43 11 10 1.6 2.4 4 Somalia 22 128 0.0 0.8 20 40 16 10 0.0 1.1 5 Bangladesh 0 1,023 0.0 1.2 0 37 0 10 0.0 0.0 6 LaoPDR 12 163 3.0 0.6 28 41 4 21 0.0 0.0 7 Malawi 14 113 3.8 0.7 29 39 6 10 0.0 3.7 8 Nepal 17 341 2.8 1.3 27 38 6 10 0.0 0.6 9 Chad 10 182 5.7 1.2 8 40 1 10 0.0 0.0 10 Bunindi 1 81 2.9 1.2 5 37 2 10 0.0 0.2 11 Sierra Leone 25 111 2.9 1.5 27 22 6 12 10.6 1.2 12 Madagascar 23 86 2.3 0.7 39 29 9 10 0.0 7.3 13 Nigeria 65 1,613 6.0 7.1 14 19 4 5 2.7 38.3 14 Uganda 12 261 3.8 2.4 28 24 6 7 0.0 0.4 15 Zaire 258 292 6.5 1.1 12 41 4 10 0.0 5.3 16 Mali 34 272 1.1 1.0 25 33 9 9 0.0 0.4 17 Niger 19 143 1.2 3.8 40 27 8 9 0.0 9.5 18 BurkinaFaso 9 246 2.3 2.1 36 31 8 8 0.0 0.3 19 Rwanda 9 136 0.8 1.5 50 35 10 9 0.0 0.0 20 India 954 7,771 2.5 6.4 34 20 8 6 0.0 17.1 21 China . . 6,817 . . 7.8 . . 15 . . 4 . . 37.8 22 Haiti 5 60 4.8 1.4 10 35 1 9 0.0 0.8 23 Kenya 50 716 2.6 2.7 37 31 8 8 0.1 4.3 24 Pakistan 951 2,125 2.8 5.6 31 21 12 6 0.0 10.7 25 Benin 7 189 1.8 1.6 32 32 7 9 0.0 0.8 26 CentralAfrican Rep. 7 104 2.0 1.2 36 38 8 10 0.0 0.0 27 Ghana 51 567 2.0 2.8 37 33 10 9 0.0 1.5 28 Togo 3 86 4.5 1.4 17 36 4 9 0.0 3.9 29 Zambia 557 56 4.2 9.1 27 7 9 2 0.0 14.3 30 Guinea 68 249 2.9 1.8 13 32 5 9 0.0 8.2 31 Sri Lanka 81 258 3.0 3.7 27 29 5 7 0.0 3.5 32 Lesotho 0 21 5.5 3.2 20 28 2 8 0.0 0.0 33 Indonesia 530 7,068 2.6 6.1 34 21 9 7 0.0 31.0 34 Mauritania 7 183 6.0 2.5 11 27 3 7 0.0 5.7 35 Afghanistan 36 Bhutan 2 1.0 39 . . 10 0.0 37 Kampuchea, Dem. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38 Liberia 12 0 6.7 0.0 19 0 5 0 0.0 11,3 39 Myanmar 48 13 4.1 0.0 16 20 5 8 0.0 0.0 40 Sudan 98 216 1.8 1.1 17 38 9 10 0.0 15.0 41 VietNam . Middle-income economies 8,092 1 47,810 I 6.2 w 7.6 w 16 w 15 w 5w 5w 2.7 w 52.6 w Lower-middle-income 5,402 1 34,2791 5.9 w 74 w 17 w 15 w 5w 5w 1.4w 48.2w 42 Angola . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43 Bolivia 24 323 1.9 4.0 48 28 4 8 0.0 25.5 44 Egypt, Arab Rep. 771 1,464 5.3 6.5 21 15 9 5 0.0 9.1 45 Senegal 7 297 3.9 1.7 23 32 7 9 0.0 1.6 46 Yemen, Rep. . . 202 . . 2.4 27 7 2 47 Zimbabwe 0 435 0.0 7.6 0 13 0 3 0.0 26.0 48 Philippines 171 2,572 7.3 5.0 11 20 2 6 0.8 43.0 49 Côte d'tvoire 71 512 5.8 7.3 19 19 5 6 9.0 53.1 50 Dominican Rep. 20 137 2.4 5.2 28 14 5 6 0.0 29.2 51 Morocco 187 1,410 4.6 7.1 20 17 3 4 0.0 40.1 52 Papua New Guinea 91 312 6.4 5.8 22 19 8 5 0.0 28.0 53 Honduras 23 75 4.1 6.3 30 19 7 3 0.0 19.5 54 Guatemala 50 153 3.7 7.5 26 14 6 3 10.3 10.9 55 Congo,People'sRep. 31 93 2.8 5.9 18 16 6 6 0.0 31.7 56 SyrianArabRep. 14 260 4.4 6.8 9 20 2 5 0.0 1.7 57 Cameroon 42 685 4.7 7.4 29 17 8 5 0.0 10.7 58 Peru 125 608 7.4 5.7 14 15 4 5 0.0 32.3 59 Ecuador 78 590 6.2 7.5 20 13 4 3 0.0 64.3 60 Namibia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61 Paraguay 14 60 5.7 5.2 25 17 6 2 0.0 34.0 62 ElSalvador 12 33 4.7 5.4 23 21 6 6 0.0 3.8 63 Colombia 363 2,893 6.0 9.0 21 14 5 5 0.0 46.0 64 Thailand 106 1,344 6.8 7.5 19 14 4 5 0.0 34.3 65 Jamaica 24 222 6.0 7.9 16 15 3 4 0.0 24.1 66 Tunisia 144 1,388 3.5 7.2 28 16 6 4 0.0 20.2 Note: For data comparability and coverage, see the technical notes. Figures in italics are for years other than those specified. 252 Average Average Public loans with variable Commitments interest rate Average maturity grace period interest rates, as a (millions of dollars) (percent) (years) (years) percentage of public debt 1970 1989 1970 1989 1970 1989 1970 1989 1970 1989 67 ilirkey 489 4,674 3.6 7.9 19 13 5 6 0.9 30.5 68 Botswana 38 77 0.6 5.0 39 24 10 6 0.0 13.8 69 Jordan 36 436 3.7 5.2 16 18 5 5 0.0 27.3 70 Panama 111 0 6.9 0.0 15 0 4 0 0.0 60.2 71 Chile 361 736 6.8 8.2 12 16 3 5 0.0 69.5 72 Costa Rica 58 244 5.6 8.1 28 19 6 1 7.5 47.5 73 Poland 0 247 0.0 9.3 0 6 0 3 0.0 64.0 74 Mauritius 14 76 0.0 5.4 24 18 2 8 6.0 19.8 75 Mexico S58 2,994 7.9 8.3 12 15 3 5 5.7 79.3 76 Argentina 494 234 7.3 8.5 12 8 3 2 0.0 83.2 77 Malaysia 84 1,451 6.1 7.9 19 12 5 7 0.0 48.1 78 Algeria 378 6,500 5.7 8.2 12 13 3 3 2.8 32.3 79 Bulgaria . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 80 Lebanon 7 15 2.9 7.3 21 29 1 5 0.0 15.3 81 Mongolia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 82 Nicaragua 23 265 7.1 4.9 18 17 4 3 0.0 18.4 Upper-middle-income 2,691 I 13,531 I 6.7 w 8.0 w 15 w 14 w 4w 4w 6.0 w 63.8 w 83 Venezuela 188 1,582 7.6 8.9 8 12 2 4 2.6 87.1 84 South Africa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85 Brazil 1,439 3,063 7.0 8.5 14 13 3 3 11.8 71.0 86 Hungalya 0 2,323 0.0 8.5 0 9 0 5 0.0 64.4 87 Uruguay 71 453 7.9 8.8 12 12 3 4 0.7 72.9 88 Yugoslavia 199 34 7.1 8.7 17 10 6 4 3.3 69.4 89 Gabon 33 135 5.1 7.1 11 16 1 5 0.0 10.5 90 Iran, Islamic Rep. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91 TrinidadandTobago 3 40 7.4 6.1 10 24 1 6 0.0 47.2 92 Czechoslovakia . . . . . 93 Portugal 59 3,705 4.3 6.7 17 18 4 5 0.0 31.2 94 Korea,Rep. 691 1,409 5.8 8.3 19 20 6 2 1.2 27.1 95 Oman 731 7.7 12 5 54.1 96 Libya . . . . . . 97 Greece . . . . . . . 98 Iraq 99 Romania 6.6 Low- and middle-income 12,377 1 80,7681 5.1 w 6.7 w 21 w 18w 6w 5w 1.7 w 43.3 w Sub-Saharan Africa 1,903 t 9,663 t 3.6 w 3.9 w 26 w 27 w 8w 7w 0.9 w 19.5 w East Asia 1,6891 21,2131 5.0w 6.8 w 23 w 18w 6w 6w 0.5 w 35.7 w South Asia 2,052 I 11,556 I 2.7 w 5.6 w 32 w 22 w 10 w 7w 0.0 w 12.5 w Europe, M.East, & N.Africa 2,363 1 23,501 1 4.8 w 7.5 w 19w 14 w 6w 4w 1.0 w 36.8 w Latin America & Caribbean 4,370 I 14,835 t 7.0 w 8.2 w 14 w 14 w 4w 4w 4.0 w 68.3 w Severely indebted 4,979 I 20,083 1 6.8 w 7.4 w 15 w 15 w 4w 5w 3.8w 61.3w High-income economies OECD members tOther 100 tSaudi Arabia 101 Ireland 102 Spain 103 tlsrael 104 tHong Kong 105 tSingapore 106 New Zealand 107 Australia 108 United Kingdom 109 Italy 110 Netherlands 111 tKuwait 112 Belgium 113 Austria 114 France 115 tUnited Arab Emirates 116 Canada 117 Germany 118 Denmark 119 United States 120 Sweden 121 Finland 122 Norway 123 Japan 124 Switzerland Other economies World Oil exporters (excl. USSR) a. Includes debt in convertible currencies only. 253 Table 26. Population growth and projections Hypothetical size Age structure ofpopulation (percent) Average annual growth ofpopulation of stationary (percent) Population (millions) 0-14 years 15-64 years population 1965-80 1980-89 1989_2000a 1989 20001 2025a (millions) 1989 2025a 1989 2025a Low-income economies 2.3 w 2.0 w 1.9 w 2,9481 3,633 1 5,201 1 35.5 w 26.9 w 60.0w 65.3w China and India 2.2w 1.7 w 1.5 w 1,9461 2,3001 2,950 31.4 w 22.3 w 63.3 w 67.3 w Other low-income 2.5w 2.7w 2.6w 1,0021 1,3331 2,251 1 43.3 w 32.8 w 53.6 w 62.6 w 1 Mozambique 2.5 2.7 3.1 15 21 41 87 4.4.0 37.7 52.9 59.0 2 Ethiopia 2.7 3.0 3.4 49 72 159 435 46.6 43.2 50.6 54.3 3 Tanzania 2.9 3.1 3.3 24 34 66 140 46.7 37.7 50.3 59.2 4 Somalia 2.6 3.0 3.1 6 9 17 39 45.9 39.7 51.2 57.2 5 Bangladesh 2.7 2.6 2.1 111 139 196 295 44.6 26.3 52.7 69.1 6 Lao PDR 1.9 2.7 3.1 4 6 10 21 44.0 37.0 53.1 59.5 7 Malawi 2.9 3.4 3.6 8 12 27 72 46.5 43.0 50.8 54.4 8 Nepal 2.4 2.6 2.5 18 24 37 60 43.0 29.0 54.9 65.9 9 Chad 2.0 2.4 2.7 6 7 14 29 41.8 37.2 54.7 58.9 10 Burundi 1.9 2.9 3.5 5 8 16 39 46.3 41.4 50.8 56.2 11 Sierra Leone 2.0 2.4 2.6 4 5 10 24 43.2 40.5 53.7 56.3 12 Madagascar 2.5 2.9 3.1 11 16 29 54 46.2 35.1 50.3 61.7 13 Nigeria 2.5 3.4 3.2 114 160 298 580 47.6 35.2 50.2 61.3 14 Uganda 2.9 3.2 3.5 17 25 51 119 48.6 40.6 49.1 57.0 15 Zaire 2.8 3.1 3.0 34 48 86 164 46.1 34.4 51.3 62.0 16 Mali 2.1 2.5 3.0 8 11 24 60 46.6 41.3 50.4 56.1 17 Niger 2.6 3.4 3.3 7 11 24 76 47.1 44.7 50.4 52.9 18 BurkinaFaso 2.1 2.6 2.9 9 12 23 51 45.3 38.5 51.7 58.7 19 Rwanda 3.3 3.2 4.1 7 11 24 74 48.3 44.3 49.4 53.4 20 India 2.3 2.1 1.7 833 1,007 1,350 1,876 37.1 24.1 58.6 68.4 21 China 2.2 1.4 1.4 1,114 1,294 1,597 1,890 27.2 20.7 66.9 66.4 22 Haiti 1.7 1.9 2.1 6 8 12 21 40.1 31.0 55.8 64.0 23 Kenya 3.6 3.9 3.4 24 34 62 114 50.3 31.9 46.7 64.6 24 Pakistan 3.1 3.2 3.2 110 155 279 518 45.3 33.9 52.2 62.4 25 Benin 2.7 3.2 3.0 5 6 11 21 47.4 33.4 49.8 63.2 26 CentralAfricanRep. 1.9 2.7 2.7 3 4 7 13 42.3 33.7 54.8 62.6 27 Ghana 2.2 3.4 3.1 14 20 35 63 46.7 32.8 50.2 63.5 28 Togo 3.0 3.5 3.3 4 5 9 18 47.9 35.4 49.1 61.4 29 Zambia 3.0 3.7 3.6 8 12 24 52 49.2 38.5 48.6 58.8 30 Guinea 1.5 2.5 2.8 6 8 IS 34 46.2 40.4 51.3 56.8 31 SriLanka 1.8 1.5 1.1 17 19 24 28 32.5 21.0 62.3 66.0 32 Lesotho 2.3 2.7 2.7 2 2 4 6 43.2 29.2 53.2 66.0 33 Indonesia 2.4 2.1 1.6 178 213 282 371 36.8 23.3 59.3 68.2 34 Mauritania 2.4 2.4 2.8 2 3 5 14 44.4 42.4 52.4 55.0 35 Afghanistan 2.4 36 Bhutan 1.6 2.1 2.4 1 2 3 5 40.1 32.8 56.7 62.9 37 Kampuchea,Dem. 0.3 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38 Liberia 3.0 3.2 3.0 2 3 6 11 44.8 32.6 51.9 63.2 39 Myanenar 2.3 2.1 2.1 41 51 70 96 37.5 24.0 58.4 68.5 40 Sudan 3.0 2.8 2.8 24 33 57 106 44.8 33.7 52.1 62.5 41 VietNam 2.1 2.2 65 83 119 167 40.1 24.2 55.7 68.8 Middle-income economies 2.3 w 2.1 w 1.9w 1,1041 1,3541 1,9541 36.2 w 26.4w 58.7 w 65.0w Lower-middle-income 2.5 w 2.3 w 2.0 w 682 t 842 1 1,2241 37.9 w 26.3 w 57.5 w 65.8 w 42 Angola 2.8 2.6 3.0 10 14 27 65 44.8 40.1 52.3 56.8 43 Bolivia 2.5 2.7 2.8 7 10 16 27 43.9 31.1 52.9 64.6 44 Egypt, Arab Rep. 2.1 2.5 1.8 51 62 86 120 39.2 24.4 56.5 67.6 45 Senegal 2.9 3.0 3.2 7 10 20 46 46.9 39.6 50.6 57.9 46 Yemen, Rep. 2.3 3.4 3.7 11 17 38 113 48.2 44.1 48.8 54.1 47 Zimbabwe 3.1 3.5 2.7 10 13 20 29 45.8 25.4 51.5 68.7 48 Philippines 2.8 2.5 1.8 60 73 101 137 40.1 23.9 56.4 68.4 49 Côted'Ivoire 4.1 4.1 3.8 12 18 37 85 48.9 39.5 48.8 57.6 50 Dominican Rep. 2.7 2.3 1.8 7 9 11 15 38.1 23.2 58.4 68.0 51 Morocco 2.5 2.6 2.3 25 32 48 72 41.0 25.9 55.2 67.9 52 PapuaNewGuinea 2.4 2.5 2.4 4 5 7 II 41.2 27.6 56.3 67.8 53 Honduras 3.2 3.5 2.9 5 7 Il 18 45.0 28.1 51.7 66.9 54 Guatemala 2.8 2.9 2.8 9 12 20 33 45.7 28.9 51.5 66.4 55 Congo,People'sRep. 2.8 3.4 3.4 2 3 7 16 45.0 39.2 51.0 57.8 56 SyrianArabRep. 3.4 3.6 3.7 12 18 36 69 48.3 34.9 49.0 61.3 57 Cameroon 2.7 3.2 3.2 12 16 33 69 46.9 37.0 49.3 59.5 58 Peru 2.8 2.3 2.1 21 27 37 50 38.4 23.8 58.1 68.4 59 Ecuador 3.1 2.7 2.2 10 13 19 26 40.1 24.0 56.3 68.4 60 Namibia 2.4 3.1 3.0 2 2 4 7 45.6 31.2 51.2 64.4 61 Paraguay 2.8 3.2 2.8 4 6 10 16 41.1 30.2 55.4 63.7 62 ElSalvador 2.8 1.4 2.1 5 6 10 16 44.7 27.7 52.1 67.4 63 Colombia 2.5 2.0 1.6 32 38 51 64 35.9 22.2 60.0 67.9 64 Thailand 2.9 1.9 1.3 55 64 83 103 33.4 21.6 61.9 68.2 65 Jamaica 1.3 1.3 0.5 2 3 3 4 33.8 20.9 59.2 67.9 66 Tunisia 2.1 2.5 2.1 8 10 14 19 38.4 23.7 57.5 68.3 Note: For data comparability and coverage, see the technical notes. Figures in italics are for years other than those specified. 254 Hypothetical size Age structure ofpopulation (percent) Average annual growth of population of stationary (percent) Population (millions) population 0-14 years 15-64 years 1965 80 1980-89 1989_2000a 1989 2000a 2025a (mi/lions) 1989 2025a 1989 25a 67 Thrkey 2.4 2.4 2.0 55 68 92 121 35.1 23.1 60.7 67.6 68 Botswana 3.5 3.4 2.6 I 2 2 4 47.3 25.3 48.9 68.9 69 Jordan 2.6 3.3 2.8 4 5 9 16 35.6 32.7 40.4 63.1 70 Panama 2.6 2.2 1.6 2 3 4 5 35.4 21.9 59.9 67.2 71 Chile 1.7 1.7 1.3 13 15 19 23 30.7 21.3 63.4 65.7 72 CostaRica 2.7 2.4 1.9 3 3 5 6 36.2 22.1 59.6 66.3 73 Poland 0.8 0.7 0.4 38 39 44 49 25.1 19.7 65.1 62.3 74 Mauritius 1.6 1.0 0.9 1 1 1 2 29.8 18.9 65.1 66.8 75 Mexico 3.1 2.1 1.8 85 103 142 185 38.1 22.9 58.3 68.3 76 Argentina 1.6 1.4 1.1 32 36 44 54 29.9 21.5 61.1 65.0 77 Malaysia 2.5 2.6 2.2 17 22 31 43 37.8 23.6 58.2 67.4 78 Algeria 3.1 3.0 2.8 24 33 52 78 44.0 25.7 52.1 68.5 79 Bulgaria 0.5 0.2 -0.4 9 8 8 9 19.4 17.9 64.5 61.1 80 Lebanon 1.7 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 81 Mongolia 2.6 2.7 2.6 2 3 4 6 40.9 25.9 55.6 67.9 82 Nicaragua 3.1 3.4 3.1 4 5 9 14 46.1 28.4 51.3 66.4 Upper-middle-income 2.0 w 1.9 w 1.8 w 423 t 512 / 730/ 33.4 w 26.6 w 60.7 w 63.6 w 83 Venezuela 3.5 2.8 2.2 19 24 34 45 38.5 23.3 57.9 67.5 84 SouthAfrica 2.4 2.4 2.3 35 45 65 96 38.2 25.3 57.9 67.1 85 Brazil 2.4 2.2 1.7 147 178 236 304 35.5 22.8 60.1 66.9 86 Hungary 0.4 -0.2 -0.1 11 10 10 II 19.7 17.7 66.9 61.6 87 Uniguay 0.4 0.6 0.6 3 3 4 4 25.9 20.0 62.7 63.9 88 Yugoslavia 0.9 0.7 0.6 24 25 28 30 23.1 18.6 67.7 62.1 89 Gabon 3.6 3.7 2.8 1 1 3 6 38.7 38.2 56.5 57.5 90 Iran, Islamic Rep. 3.1 3.5 3.3 53 77 158 420 44.0 38.8 53.0 56.9 91 TrinidadandTobago 1.2 1.7 1.3 1 1 2 2 33.6 22.2 60.7 65.8 92 Czechoslovakia 0.5 0.3 0.3 16 16 18 19 23.4 19.1 64.9 62.9 93 Portugal 0.4 0.6 0.4 10 11 11 11 21.3 16.5 65.9 63.4 94 Korea, Rep. 2.0 1.2 0.9 42 47 53 56 26.4 18.0 68.7 66.0 95 Oman 3.6 4.7 3.9 1 2 5 10 45.9 36.8 51.7 58.5 96 Libya 4.3 4.2 3.6 4 6 14 36 46.0 39.5 51.4 56.7 97 Greece 0.7 0.4 0.2 10 10 10 9 19.5 15.4 66.6 60.6 98 Iraq 3.4 3.6 3.4 18 26 48 85 46.6 32.0 50.7 63.6 99 Romania 1.1 0.4 0.5 23 24 27 31 23.5 20.0 66.2 63.6 Low- and middle-income 2.3 w 2.1 w 1.9 w 4,053 1 4,987 I 7,155 1 35.7 w 26.7 w 59.7 w 65.2 w Sub-Saharan Africa 2.7 w 3.2 w 3.2 w 4801 679t 1,3111 46.8 w 37.4 w 50.6 w 59.4 w East Asia 2.2 w 1.6 w 1.5 w 1,5521 1,822 I 2,3071 29.8 w 21.5 w 64.8 w 66.9 w South Asia 2.4 w 2.3 w 1.9w 1,131/ 1,396/ 1,9591 38.7 w 25.8 w 57.4 w 67.5 w Europe, M.East, & N.Africa 1.9 w 2.0 w 2.0 w 4331 533t 8131 35.4 w 29.5 w 58.3 w 62.5 w Latin America & Caribbean 2.5 w 2.1 w 1.8w 4211 5131 7001 36.6 w 23.6 w 58.9 w 67.1 w Severely indebted 2.4 w 2.1 w 1.8 w 554t 673t 9261 36.6 w 24.4 w 58.6 w 66.4w High-income economies 0.9 w 0.7 w 0.6 w 830 1 884/ 965 1 20.5 w 17.8 w 66.8 w 60.7 w OECD members 0.8 w 0.6 w 0.5 w 773 1 813 1 862 1 19.7 w 16.8 w 67.1 w 60.6 w tOther 2.8 w 2.4 w 1.8 w 58 1 711 103 1 32.1 w 26.4 w 61.9 w 61.9 w 100 (Saudi Arabia 4.6 5.0 3.7 14 21 43 89 45.1 36.3 51.8 59.1 101 Ireland 1.2 0.4 0.3 4 4 4 5 27.2 19.7 61.6 64.9 102 Spain 1.0 0.4 0.4 39 41 43 41 20.9 16.2 66.8 63.0 103 fIsrael 2.8 1.7 1.8 5 6 7 9 31.8 21.2 60.2 65.1 104 tHongKong 2.0 1.5 0.9 6 6 7 6 21.6 15.9 69.6 61.3 105 tS/ngapore 1.6 1.2 1.0 3 3 3 4 23.7 18.0 70.8 61.5 106 New Zealand 1.3 0.7 0.8 3 4 4 4 23.4 18.7 67.4 62.7 107 Australia 1.8 1.4 1.4 17 19 23 24 22.4 18.1 66.9 63.0 108 UnitedKingdom 0.2 0.2 0.3 57 59 61 62 19.0 17.5 65.5 61.2 109 Italy 0.5 0.2 0.0 58 58 55 46 17.0 14.3 68.7 61.0 110 Netherlands 0.9 0.5 0.4 15 16 16 14 17.8 15.4 69.2 59.7 111 (Kuwait 7.1 4.4 3.1 2 3 4 5 36.1 21.3 62.5 64.9 112 Belgium 0.3 0.1 0.2 10 10 10 9 18.2 15.9 67.1 59.8 113 Austria 0.3 0.1 0.1 8 8 8 7 17.8 15.3 67.3 60.5 114 France 0.7 0.4 0.4 56 59 63 63 20.3 17.3 66.1 60.6 115 tUnited Arab Emirates 16.5 4.6 2.3 2 2 3 3 30.9 22.2 67.4 60.7 116 Canada 1.3 0.9 0.8 26 29 32 31 21.1 16.9 67.9 60.7 117 Germany 0.3 0.0 -0.1 62 62 57 61 15.1 14.3 69.5 58.8 118 Denmark 0.5 0.0 0.0 5 5 5 4 17.2 15.3 67.5 60.2 119 UnitedStates 1.0 1.0 0.8 249 272 309 319 21.6 18.0 66.1 61.1 120 Sweden 0.5 0.2 0.4 8 9 9 9 17.5 17.6 64.6 59.3 121 Finland 0.3 0.4 0.2 5 5 5 5 19.4 16.3 67.6 58.8 122 Norway 0.6 0.4 0.4 4 4 5 5 19.2 17.1 64.4 61.0 123 Japan 1.2 0.6 0.4 123 129 131 121 19.0 15.7 69.3 58.8 124 Switzerland 0.5 0.5 0.4 7 7 7 6 16.9 15.8 68.2 58.3 Other economies 1.0w 1.0w 0.7w 3231 3491 4041 25.8w 20.2 w 64.8w 63.5w World 2.0 w 1.8 w 1.6 w 5,2061 6,220 / 8,524 / 32.6 w 25.4 w 61.1 w 64.6 w Oil exporters (excl. USSR) 3.0 w 3.4 w 3.1 w 265 / 373 / 692 / 44.9 w 34.8 w 51.9 w 60.9 w a. For the assumptions used in the projections, see the technical notes. 255 Table 27. Demography and fertility Women of Assumed year Married women of Crude birth rate Crude death rate childbearing age of reaching childbearing age (per] 000 (per] 000 as a percentage of net using contraception population) population) all women Total ferttltty rate (percent)b reproduction 2000a 1965 1989 1965 1989 1965 /989 /965 1989 rate of] 1987 Low-income economies 42 w 31 w 16 w 10 w 46 w 51 w 6.3 w 39 w 33 w China and India 41 w 26 w 14 w 8w 46 w 53 w 6.3 w 3.2 w 2.5 w Other low-income 46w 40 w 21 w 13w 46 w 46 w 6.3 w 5.5 w 4.7 w 1 Mozambique 49 46 27 17 47 45 6.8 6.4 6.2 2040 2 Ethiopia 43 52 20 18 46 43 5.8 7.5 7.3 2050 3 Tanzania 49 47 23 17 45 45 6.6 6.5 6.1 2040 4 Somalia 50 48 26 18 45 44 6.7 6.8 6.6 2045 5 Bangladesh 47 37 21 14 44 46 6.8 4.9 3.6 2015 32 6 LaoPDR 45 47 23 17 47 45 6.1 6.7 6.0 2040 7 Malawi 56 54 26 19 46 45 7.8 7.6 7.4 2050 8 Nepal 46 41 24 15 50 47 6.0 5.7 4.6 2025 15 9 Chad 45 44 28 19 47 46 6.0 5.9 6.6 2040 10 Burandi 47 48 24 15 44 45 6.4 6.8 6.6 2045 9 11 Sierra Leone 48 47 31 23 47 46 6.4 6.5 6.5 2045 12 Madagascar 47 46 22 16 47 44 6.6 6.5 5.8 2030 13 Nigeria 51 47 23 15 45 44 6.9 6.6 5.6 2035 14 Uganda 49 51 19 16 44 43 7.0 7.3 6.6 2045 5 15 Zaire 47 45 21 14 47 45 6.0 6.1 5.4 2035 16 Mali 50 50 27 19 46 45 6.5 7.0 7.0 2050 5 17 Niger 48 51 29 20 45 44 7.1 7.1 7.3 2055 18 Burkina Faso 48 47 26 18 47 45 6.4 6.5 6.3 2045 19 Rwanda 52 52 17 17 45 43 7.5 8.3 7.6 2055 20 India 45 31 20 11 48 49 6.2 4.1 3.0 2015 40 21 China 38 22 10 7 45 56 6.4 2.5 2.1 2000 74 22 Haiti 41 36 21 13 45 48 6.1 4.9 4.2 2035 11 23 Kenya 52 46 20 10 41 41 8.0 6.7 5.2 2035 27 24 Pakistan 48 46 21 12 43 45 7.0 6.6 5.4 2035 25 Benin 49 46 24 15 44 44 6.8 6.4 5.2 2035 26 CentralAfricanRep. 34 42 24 15 47 46 4.5 5.8 5.3 2035 27 Ghana 47 45 18 13 45 44 6.8 6.3 5.1 2030 13 28 Togo 50 49 22 14 46 44 6.5 6.7 5.5 2035 29 Zambia 49 49 20 13 46 44 6.6 6.7 6.1 2040 30 Guinea 46 48 29 21 45 45 5.9 6.5 6.5 2045 31 SriLanka 33 21 8 6 47 53 4.9 2.5 2.1 1995 62 32 Lesotho 42 41 18 12 47 45 5.8 5.7 4.5 2025 33 Indonesia 43 27 20 9 47 51 5.5 3.3 2.4 2005 45 34 Mauritania 47 48 26 19 47 45 6.5 6.8 6.8 2050 35 Afghanistan 53 29 . . 49 . . 7.1 36 Bhutan 42 39 23 17 48 48 5.9 5.5 5.4 2035 37 Kampuchea, Dem. 44 . . 20 . . 47 . . 6.2 . . . 38 Liberia 46 44 20 14 47 44 6.4 6.4 5.2 2035 6 39 Myanmar 40 30 18 9 46 50 5.8 3.9 2.9 2010 40 Sudan 47 44 24 15 46 45 6.7 6.4 5.4 2035 41 VietNam 32 7 48 4.0 2.9 2015 58 Middle-income economies 37 w 29 w 13 w 8w 45 w 49 w 55 w 37 w 3.1 w Lower-middle-income 40 w 30 w 14 w 8w 45 w 49 w 5.9 w 3.9 w 3.2 w 42 Angola 49 47 29 19 47 45 6.4 6.5 6.6 2045 43 Bolivia 46 42 21 13 46 46 6.6 5.9 4.8 2030 30 44 Egypt,ArabRep, 43 32 19 10 43 48 6.8 4.2 3.1 2015 38 45 Senegal 47 45 23 16 45 44 6.4 6.5 6.3 2045 12 46 Yemen,Rep. 49 53 27 18 47 43 7.0 7.7 7.5 2055 47 Zimbabwe 55 37 17 7 42 46 8.0 5.1 3.4 2015 43 48 Philippines 42 30 12 7 44 50 6.8 3.9 2.7 2010 44 49 Côted'Ivoire 52 50 22 14 44 42 7.4 7.3 6.4 2045 50 Dominican Rep. 47 30 13 6 43 51 6.9 3.6 2.7 2010 50 51 Momcco 49 36 18 9 45 48 7.1 4.7 3.6 2020 36 52 Papua New Guinea 43 36 20 II 47 48 6.2 5.1 4.0 2020 53 Honduras 51 39 17 8 44 46 7.4 5.3 4.1 2025 41 54 Guatemala 46 39 17 8 44 45 6.7 5.5 4.3 2025 23 55 Congo, People's Rep. 42 48 18 15 45 43 5.7 6.5 6.3 2045 56 Syrian Arab Rep, 48 45 16 7 43 7.7 6.6 5.5 2035 57 Cameroon 40 44 20 12 47 42 5.2 6.5 5.9 2040 58 Pens 45 31 16 9 44 50 6.7 3.9 2.8 2010 46 59 Ecuador 45 32 13 7 43 49 6.8 4.1 3.0 2015 44 60 Namibia 46 43 22 12 46 44 6.1 6.0 4.8 2030 61 Paraguay 41 36 8 6 41 48 6.6 4.7 4.0 2030 45 62 ElSalvador 46 35 13 8 44 46 6.7 4.7 3.8 2025 47 63 Colombia 43 25 11 6 43 53 6.5 2.9 2.2 2000 63 64 Thailand 41 22 10 7 44 54 6.3 2.5 2.1 1995 66 65 Jamaica 38 22 9 7 42 51 5.7 2.5 2.1 1995 55 66 Tunisia 44 30 16 7 43 49 7.0 4.0 2.8 2010 50 Note: For data comparability and coverage, see the technical noses. Figures in italics are for years other than those specified. 256 Women of Assumed year Married women of Crude birth rare Crude death rate childbearing age of reaching childbearing age (per 1000 (per 1,000 as a percentage of net using contraception population) population) all women Totalfertrlits' rate reproduction (percent)' 1965 1989 196.5 1989 1965 1989 1965 1989 2000a rate of! 1987 67 Turkey 41 29 15 8 45 50 5.7 3.6 2.7 2010 77 68 Botswana 53 36 19 6 45 44 6.9 4.9 3.1 2015 33 69 Jordan 53 43 21 6 45 45 8.0 6.3 5.2 2035 70 Panama 40 25 9 5 44 52 5.7 2.9 2.2 2000 71 Chile 34 23 11 6 45 53 4.8 2.6 2.1 2000 72 Costa Rica 45 26 8 4 42 52 6.3 3,1 2.3 2005 68 73 Poland 17 15 7 10 47 48 2.5 2.1 2.1 2030 74 Mauritius 36 18 8 6 45 55 4.8 1.9 1.8 2030 78 75 Mexico 45 28 11 6 43 51 6.7 3.4 2.4 2005 53 76 Argentina 23 20 9 9 50 47 3.1 2.8 2.3 2005 77 Malaysia 40 30 12 5 44 51 6.3 3.7 3.0 2015 78 Algeria 50 36 18 8 44 45 7.4 5.2 3.7 2020 79 Bulgaria 15 12 8 12 51 46 2.1 1.9 1.9 2030 80 Lebanon 40 . . 12 . . 42 . . 6.2 . . . 81 Mongolia 43 35 16 9 46 48 5.9 4.8 3.7 2020 82 Nicaragua 49 40 16 7 43 46 7.2 5.4 4.2 2025 Upper-middle-income 33 w 27 w 12 w 8w 46 w 50 w 4.8 w 3.4 w 3.0 w 83 Venezuela 42 29 8 5 44 50 6.1 3.6 2.7 2010 84 SouthAfnca 40 34 16 10 46 49 6.1 4.3 3.4 2020 85 Brazil 39 27 II 8 45 51 5.6 3.3 2.4 2005 65 86 Hungary 13 12 II 13 48 47 1.8 1.8 1.8 2030 73 87 Uruguay 21 17 10 10 49 47 2.8 2.3 2.1 1995 88 Yugoslavia 21 15 9 9 50 49 2.7 2.0 2.0 2030 89 Gabon 31 42 22 15 48 47 4.1 5.7 6.1 2045 90 Iran, Islamic Rep. 46 44 18 9 42 47 7.1 6,1 5.4 2055 91 TrinidadandTobago 33 25 8 6 46 52 4.3 2.8 2.3 2005 53 92 Czechoslovakia 16 14 10 11 46 48 2.4 2.0 2.0 2030 93 Portugal 23 12 10 9 48 49 3.1 1.6 1.7 2030 94 Korea,Rep. 35 16 11 6 46 57 4.9 1.8 1.8 2030 70 95 Oman 50 44 24 6 47 43 7.2 7.1 5.9 2040 96 Libya 49 44 17 9 45 44 7.4 6.7 5.8 2050 97 Greece 18 11 8 9 51 47 2.3 1.5 1.6 2030 98 Iraq 49 42 18 8 45 44 7.2 6.2 5.1 2030 99 Romania 15 16 9 10 50 48 1.9 2.1 2.1 1985 Low- and middle-income 41 w 30 w 15w 10 w 46w 50 w 6.1 w 3.9 w 3.3 w Sub-Saharan Africa 48 w 47 w 23 w 15 w 45 w 44w 6.6 w 6.6 w 6.0 w East Asia 39 w 23 w 11w 7w 45 w 54 w 6.2 w 2.7 w 2.3 w South Asia 45 w 33 w 20 w 11w 47 w 48w 6.3 w 4.4 w 3.4 w Europe, M.East, & N.Africa 33 w 30 w 14 w 10 w 46 w 47 w 4.8 w 4.1 w 3.7 w Latin America & Caribbean 40 w 28 w 12w 7w 45 w 50 w 5.8 w 3.5 w 2.6 w Severely indebted 37 w 28 w 12 w 8w 45 w 49 w 5.6 w 3.6 w 2.8 w High-income economies 20 w 14 w 10 w 9w 47 w 50 w 2.8 w 1.8w 1.9 w OECD members 19 w 13 w 10 w 9w 47 w 50 w 2.7 w 1.7 w 1.8w tOther 34 w 24 w 8w 6w 45 w 51 w 5.0 w 3.5 w 3.2 w 100 tSaudiArabia 48 42 20 8 45 42 7.3 7.1 5.9 2040 101 Ireland 22 16 12 9 42 49 4.0 2.2 2.1 1990 102 Spain 21 12 8 8 49 49 2.9 1.4 1.6 2030 59 103 tlsrael 26 22 6 7 46 49 3.8 2.9 2.3 2005 104 tHong Kong 27 14 6 5 45 56 4.5 1.6 1.6 2030 72 105 tSingapore 31 18 6 5 45 59 4.7 1.9 1.9 2030 106 New Zealand 23 16 9 8 45 52 3.6 2.0 2.0 2030 107 Australia 20 15 9 7 47 53 3.0 1.9 1.9 2030 108 United Kingdom 18 14 12 11 45 48 2.9 1.8 1.9 2030 109 Italy 19 10 10 10 48 49 2.7 1.3 1.4 2030 110 Netherlands 20 12 8 9 47 53 3.0 1.5 1.6 2030 76 Ill tKuwait 48 27 7 3 45 52 7.4 3.7 2.7 2010 112 Belgium 17 12 12 II 44 48 2.6 1.6 1.6 2030 113 Austria 18 11 13 Il 43 48 2.7 1.5 1.5 2030 114 France 18 14 11 10 43 48 2.8 1.8 1.8 2030 115 tkinitedArabEmirates 41 23 14 4 47 47 6.8 4.6 3.7 2020 116 Canada 21 14 8 7 47 53 3.1 1.7 1.7 2030 117 Germany 18 10 12 II 45 48 2.5 1.4 1.4 2030 78 118 Denmark 18 II 10 12 47 50 2.6 1.5 1.6 2030 119 United States 19 15 9 9 46 52 2.9 1.9 1.9 2030 120 Sweden 16 13 10 12 47 47 2.4 2.0 2.0 2030 121 Finland 17 12 10 10 48 49 2.4 1.7 1.7 2030 122 Norway 18 13 10 10 45 48 2.9 1.8 1.8 2030 123 Japan 19 11 7 7 56 50 2.0 1.7 1.7 2030 124 Switzerland 19 12 10 10 48 50 2.6 1.6 1.7 2030 Other economies 20w 18w 8w lOw 47 w 47 w 2.7w 2.4w 2.1 w World 35 w 27 w 14 w 9w 46 w 50 w 5.2 w 3.5 w 3.0 w Oil exporters (excl. USSR) 49 w 43 w 20 w 11 w 44 w 45 w 6.9 w 6.1 w 5.2 w a. For assumptions used in the projections, see the technical notes for Table 26. b. Figures include women whose husbands practice contraception; see the technical notes. 257 Table 28. Health and nutrition Births Infant mortality rate Population per attended by Babies with low (per 1,000 live Daily calorie supply health staff birth weight Physician Nursing person births) (per capita) (percent) (percent) /965 1984 1965 1984 1985 1985 1965 1989 1965 1988 Low-income economies 9,750 w 5,890 w 6,050 w 2,180 w 124 w 70 w 1,988 w 2,331 w China and India 2,930 w 1,650 w 4,420 w 1,650 w 114 w 58 w 2,001 w 2,407 w Other low-income 28,130 w 14,890 w 10,300 w 3,670 w 146 w 94 w 1,960 w 2,182 w I Mozambique 18,000 5,370 28 15 179 137 1,704 1,632 2 Ethiopia 70,190 78,770 5,970 5,390 58 165 133 1,802 1,658 3 Tanzania 21,700 24,980 2,100 5,490 74 14 138 112 1,800 2,151 4 Somalia 36,840 16,080 3,950 1,530 2 165 128 1,410 1,736 5 Bangladesh 8,100 6,730 8,980 31 144 106 1,984 1,925 6 Lao PDR 24,320 1,360 4,880 530 39 148 105 2,133 2,637 7 Malawi 47,320 11,340 40,980 59 10 200 147 2,196 2,009 8 Nepal 46,180 30,220 87,650 4,680 10 171 124 1,887 2,078 9 Chad 72,480 38,360 13,610 3,390 II 183 127 2,374 1,852 10 Burundi 55,910 21,030 7,320 4,380 12 14 142 70 2,383 2,253 II Sierra Leone 16,840 13,620 4,470 1,090 25 14 208 149 1,976 1,806 12 Madagascar 10,620 9,780 3,650 62 10 201 117 2,375 2,101 13 Nigeria 29,530 6,440 6,160 900 25 166 100 2,166 2,039 14 Uganda 11,110 3,130 10 121 99 2,343 2,013 15 Zaire 34,740 12,940 1,800 141 94 2,135 2,034 16 Mali 51,510 25,390 3,360 1,350 27 17 207 167 1,843 2,181 17 Niger 65,540 39,670 6,210 460 47 20 180 130 1,930 2,340 18 BurkinaFaso 73,960 265,250 4,150 1,680 18 190 135 1,841 2,061 19 Rwanda 72,480 35,090 7,450 3,690 17 141 118 1,660 1,786 20 India 4,880 2,520 6,500 1,700 39 30 150 95 2,103 2,104 21 China 1,600 1,010 3,000 1,610 6 90 30 1,931 2,632 22 Haiti 14,350 7,130 13,210 2,280 20 17 158 94 2,045 1,911 23 Kenya 13,280 10,050 1,930 13 112 68 2,169 1,973 24 Pakistan 2,910 9,910 4,900 24 25 149 106 1,797 2,200 25 Benin 32,390 15,940 2,540 1,750 34 10 166 112 1,976 2,145 26 CentralAfricanRep. 34,020 3,000 15 157 100 2,016 1,980 27 Ghana 13,740 20,460 3,730 1,670 73 17 120 86 1,912 2,209 28 Togo 23,240 8,700 4,990 1,240 20 156 90 2,345 2,133 29 Zambia 11,380 7,150 5,820 740 14 121 76 2,042 2,026 30 Guinea 47,050 4,110 IS 191 140 2,006 2,042 31 Sri Lanka 5,820 5,520 3,220 1,290 87 28 63 20 2,164 2,319 32 Lesotho 20,060 18,610 4,700 . . 28 10 142 96 2,024 2,307 33 Indonesia 31,700 9,460 9,490 1,260 43 14 128 64 1,796 2,670 34 Mauritania 36,530 11,900 1,180 23 10 178 123 1,796 2.528 35 Afghanistan 15,770 24,430 206 2,304 36 Bhutan . . 9,730 3 171 125 37 Kampuchea,Dem. 22,410 . . 3,670 . . . . 134 . . 2,271 38 Liberia 12,560 9,350 2,330 1,380 89 . 176 137 2,110 2,270 39 Myanmar 11,860 3,740 11,370 900 97 16 122 66 1,917 2,572 40 Sudan 23,500 10,190 3,360 1,260 20 15 160 104 1,853 1,996 4! VietNam 950 . 590 . . 18 . . 43 . . 2,233 Middle-income economies 3,800 w 2,180 w 2,110 w 980 w 97 w 51 w 2,482 w 2,834 w Lower-middle-income 5,010 w 2,910 w 2,150 w 1,020 w 104 w 51 w 2,407 w 2,738 w 42 Angola 13,150 17,790 3,820 1,020 15 17 192 132 1,843 1,725 43 Bolivia 3,300 1,540 3,990 2,480 36 15 160 106 1,854 2,086 44 Egypt, Arab Rep. 2,300 770 2,030 . 24 7 145 68 2,336 3,213 45 Senegal 19,490 2,440 2,030 10 160 82 2,452 1,989 46 Yemen, Rep. 31,580 . . 1,970 197 125 1,994 2,322 47 Zimbabwe 8,010 6,700 990 1,000 69 15 103 46 2,044 2,232 48 Philippines . 6,570 1,140 2,680 . . 18 72 42 1,896 2,255 49 Côted'Ivoire 20,640 . . 2,000 . . 20 14 149 92 2,334 2,365 50 DominicanRep. 1,700 1,760 1,640 1,210 57 16 110 61 1,834 2,357 51 Morocco 12,120 4,760 2,290 1,050 . . 9 145 69 2,066 2,820 52 Papua New Guinea 12,640 6,070 620 880 34 25 143 59 1,903 2,236 53 Honduras 5,370 1,510 1,530 670 50 20 128 66 1,972 2,164 54 Guatemala 3,690 2,180 8,250 850 19 10 112 55 2,046 2,352 55 Congo,People'sRep. 14,210 . . 950 . . . . 12 129 115 2,236 2,512 56 SyrianArabRep. 5,400 1,260 . . 890 37 9 114 44 2,195 3,168 57 Cameroon 26,720 . . 5,830 . . 13 143 90 1,990 2,16! 58 Peru 1,650 1,040 900 . . 55 9 130 79 2,325 2,269 59 Ecuador 3,000 820 2,320 610 27 10 112 61 2,123 2,338 60 Namibia . . . . . . . . . . . . 145 101 1,882 1.889 61 Paraguay 1,850 1,460 1,550 1,000 22 6 73 32 2,586 2,816 62 ElSalvador . . 2,830 1,300 930 35 15 120 55 1,859 2,415 63 Colombia 2,500 1,240 890 660 51 IS 86 38 2,175 2,561 64 Thailand 7,160 6,290 4,970 710 33 12 88 28 2,134 2,287 65 Jamaica 1,990 2,050 340 490 89 8 49 16 2,232 2,572 66 Tunisia 8,000 2,150 . . 370 60 7 145 46 2,150 2,964 Note: For data comparability and coverage, see the technical notes. Figures in italics are for years other than those specified. 258 Births infant mortality rate Population per attended by Babies with low (per 1,000 live Daily calorie supply health staff birth weight Physician Nursing person births) (per capita) (percent) (percent) 1965 1984 1965 /984 1985 1985 1965 1989 1965 1988 67 Turkey 2,900 1,390 1,030 78 7 172 61 2,670 3,080 68 Botswana 27,450 6,900 17,710 700 52 8 112 39 1,982 2,269 69 Jordan 4,690 1,120 1,800 1,270 75 7 114 53 2,277 2,907 70 Panama 2,130 1,000 1,600 390 83 8 56 22 2,254 2,468 71 Chile 2,120 1,230 600 370 97 7 101 19 2,588 2,584 72 Costa Rica 2,010 960 630 450 93 9 72 17 2,367 2,782 73 Poland 800 490 410 190 8 42 16 3,292 3,451 74 Mauritius 3,930 1,900 2,030 90 9 65 21 2,212 2,679 75 Mexico 2,080 1,242 980 880 IS 82 40 2,570 3,135 76 Argentina 600 370 610 980 6 58 30 3,207 3,118 77 Malaysia 6,200 1,930 1,320 1,010 82 9 55 22 2,307 2,686 78 Algeria 8,590 2,340 11,770 300 9 154 69 1,683 2,726 79 Bulgaria 600 280 410 160 100 31 13 3,440 3,614 80 Lebanon 1,010 2,030 56 2,494 81 Mongolia 730 320 99 10 113 64 2,333 2,458 82 Nicaragua 2,560 1,500 1,390 530 15 121 57 2,398 2,361 Upper-middle-income 2,190 w 1,160 w 2,070 w 930 w 87 w 50 w 2,593 w 2,990 w 83 Venezuela 1,210 700 560 82 9 65 35 2,319 2,547 84 South Africa 2,050 . . 490 . . . . 12 124 68 2,615 3,035 85 Brazil 2,500 1,080 3,100 1,210 73 8 104 59 2,415 2,709 86 Hungaty 630 310 240 170 99 10 39 17 3,170 3,601 87 Uruguay 880 510 590 8 47 22 2,812 2,770 88 Yugoslavia 1,200 550 850 260 . . 7 72 24 3,244 3.505 89 Gabon . . 2,790 760 270 92 16 153 98 1,805 2,396 90 Iran, Islamic Rep. 3,890 2,840 4,270 1,110 . . 9 152 90 2,219 3,100 91 TnnidadandTobago 3,810 950 560 260 90 . . 42 15 2,497 2,960 92 Czechoslovakia 540 280 200 140 100 6 26 12 3,396 3,564 93 Portugal 1,240 410 1,160 . . . . 8 65 13 2,567 3,382 94 Korea, Rep. 2,680 1,160 2,970 580 65 9 62 23 2,254 2,878 95 Oman 23,790 1,700 6,420 390 60 14 191 36 . 96 Libya 3,860 690 850 . . 76 5 138 77 1,803 3,384 97 Greece 710 350 600 450 6 34 11 3,045 3,699 98 Iraq 5,000 1,740 2,910 1,660 50 9 119 67 2,150 2,962 99 Romania 760 570 400 99 6 44 27 2,988 3,357 Low- and middle-income 8,150 w 4,990 w 5,010 w 1,880 w 117 w 65 w 2,122 w 2,468 w Sub-Saharan Africa 33,200 w 26,640 w 5,410 w 2,170 w 157 w 107 w 2,034 w 2,011 w East Asia 5,600 w 2,400 w 4,130 w 1,530 w 95 w 35 w 1,943 w 2,596 w South Asia 6,220 w 3,510 w 8,380 w 2,720 w 147 w 95 w 2,058 w 2,116 w Europe, M.East, & N.Africa 4,100 w 1,640w 3,130 w 1,200 w 106 w 58 w 2,668 w 3,131 w Latin America & Caribbean 2,380 w 1,230 w 2,100 w 1,020 w 94 w 50 w 2,451 w 2,724 w Severely indebted 2,940 w 1,830 w 1,660 w 1,180 w 93 w 51 w 2,513 w 2,805 w High-income economies 940 w 470 w 470 w 140 w 25 w 9w 3,082 w 3,398 w OECD members 870 w 450 w 420 w 130 w 24 w 8w 3,100 w 3,417 w tOther 4,430 w 810 w 2,440 w 280 w 65 w 27 w 2,323 w 2,945 w 100 tSaudi Arabia 9,400 740 6,060 340 78 6 148 67 1,842 2,832 101 Ireland 950 680 170 /40 . . 4 25 8 3,569 3,699 02 Spain 800 320 1,220 260 96 . . 38 8 2,768 3,543 103 tlsracl 400 350 300 110 99 7 27 10 2,791 3,138 104 tHongKong 2,520 1,070 1,250 240 . . 4 27 7 2,537 2,899 105 tSingapore 1,900 1,310 600 . . 100 7 26 8 2,286 2,892 106 New Zealand 820 580 570 80 99 5 20 10 3,266 3,459 107 Australia 720 440 150 110 99 6 19 8 3,015 3,322 108 United Kingdom 870 . . 200 98 7 20 9 3,350 3,252 109 Italy 1,850 230 790 . . 7 36 9 3,104 3,566 110 Netherlands 860 450 270 . . . . 4 14 7 3,090 3,354 Ill tKuwait 790 640 270 200 99 7 64 15 2,796 3,132 112 Belgium 700 330 590 . . 100 5 24 9 . 113 Austria 720 390 350 180 6 28 8 3,239 3,478 114 France 830 320 380 . . . . 5 22 7 3,218 3,310 115 tUnited Arab Emirates . . 1,020 . 390 96 . . 103 24 2,709 3,552 116 Canada 770 510 190 . . 99 6 24 7 3,128 3,447 117 Germany 640 380 500 230 . . 5 24 8 3,103 3,514 118 Denmark 740 400 190 60 . . 6 19 8 3,393 3,577 119 United States 670 470 310 70 100 7 25 10 3,236 3,666 120 Sweden 910 390 310 . . 100 4 13 6 2,880 3,007 121 Finland 1,300 440 180 60 . . 4 17 6 3,125 3,170 122 Norway 790 450 340 60 100 4 17 8 3,036 3,253 123 Japan 970 660 410 180 100 5 18 4 2,679 2,848 124 Switzerland 710 700 270 . . . . 5 II 7 3,504 3,547 Other economies 510w 530 w 300w 290w 30 w 24w 3,129w 3,358w World 6,060 w 4,200 w 3,720 w 1,630 w 92 w 54 w 2,390 w 2,669 w Oilexporters (exci. USSR) 16,870w 4,490w 5,450w 900w 149w 86w 2,114w 2,491 w 259 Table 29. Education Percentage of age group enrolled in education Primary net Primary Secondary enrollment Primary pupil- Total Female Total Female Tertiary (total) (percent) teacher ratio 1965 1988 1965 1988 1965 1988 1965 1988 1965 1988 1975 1988 1965 1988 Low-income economies 73w 105w 95w 20w 37w 29w 2w China and India 83w 119w 108w 25w 43w 34w 2w Other low-income 49w 75w 37w 68w 9w 25w Sw 20w 1w 3w 67w 42w 40w 1 Mozambique 37 68 26 59 3 5 2 4 0 0 45 61 2 Ethiopia 11 36 6 28 2 15 1 12 0 1 26 41 43 3 Tanzania 32 66 25 66 2 4 1 3 0 0 50 52 33 4 Somalia 10 4 13 2 1 0 3 16 26 5 Bangladesh 49 59 31 49 13 18 3 11 1 5 62 45 58 6 LaoPDR 40 110 30 98 2 27 1 22 0 2 70 37 27 7 Malawi 44 72 32 65 2 4 1 3 0 1 .. 55 63 8 Nepal 20 86 4 57 5 30 2 17 1 5 64 9 Chad 34 51 13 29 1 6 0 2 1 38 83 10 Bumndi 26 70 IS 50 1 4 1 3 0 1 46 40 62 11 SierraLeone 29 53 21 40 5 18 3 0 1 32 12 Madapascar 65 97 59 95 8 19 5 19 1 4 66 71 40 13 Nigena 32 62 24 48 5 16 3 7 0 33 39 14 Uganda 67 77 50 50 4 8 2 8 0 1 53 30 15 Zaire 70 76 45 65 5 22 2 14 0 37 37 16 Mali 24 23 16 17 4 6 2 4 0 1 18 46 38 17 Niger 11 30 7 21 1 7 0 4 1 42 41 18 Burkina Faso 12 32 8 24 1 6 1 4 0 1 27 47 65 19 Rwanda 53 64 43 66 2 6 1 5 0 0 64 67 57 20 India 74 99 57 83 27 41 13 29 5 42 21 China 89 134 126 24 44 37 0 2 100 23 22 Haiti 50 83 44 80 5 19 3 17 0 44 23 Kenya 54 93 40 91 4 23 2 19 0 2 88 34 33 24 Pakistan 40 40 20 28 12 19 5 11 2 5 42 41 25 Benin 34 63 21 43 3 16 2 9 0 3 50 41 35 26 CentralAfrican Rep. 56 67 28 51 2 11 1 6 1 49 54 70 27 Ghana 69 73 57 66 13 39 7 30 1 2 32 24 28 Togo 55 101 32 78 5 24 2 12 0 3 73 50 52 29 Zambia 53 97 46 92 7 . 3 . . . . 2 . 51 47 30 Guinea 31 30 19 19 5 9 2 4 0 1 . . 23 40 31 SriLanka 93 107 86 105 35 71 35 74 2 4 100 . . 14 32 Lesotho 94 112 114 123 4 25 4 30 0 4 . . . 57 56 33 Indonesia 72 119 65 117 12 48 7 43 1 . 72 100 . 28 34 Mauritania 13 52 6 43 1 16 0 10 . . 3 20 50 35 Afghanistan 16 5 2 1 0 . . . . 53 36 Bhutan 7 26 1 20 0 5 . 2 . . . 0 37 37 KampucheaDem. 77 . . 56 9 4 . . I . . . 48 38 Liberia 41 35 23 . . 5 3 . 1 3 39 Myanmar 71 103 65 100 15 . . 11 23 1 40 Sudan 29 49 21 4 20 2 1 2 . 48 41 VietNam . . . . . . . . . . . . 0 Middle-income economies 92w 104w 86w 102w 26w 55w 23w 56w 7w 17w 89w 36w 28w Lower-middle-income 89 w 103 w 81 w 101 w 25 w 54 w 22 w 54 w 7w 17 w 89w 38w 29w 42 Angola 39 . . 26 . . 5 . . 4 . . 0 . . . . . . 43 Bolivia 73 91 60 85 18 37 15 35 5 18 73 83 28 27 44 Egypt, Arab Rep. 75 90 60 79 26 69 15 58 7 20 . . 39 30 45 Senegal 40 59 29 49 7 16 3 10 1 3 50 43 54 46 Yemen,Rep. 13 3 3 1 . . . . 42 47 Zimbabwe 110 128 92 126 6 51 5 42 0 4 . . 100 . . 39 48 Philippines 113 110 111 111 41 71 40 71 19 28 95 98 31 33 49 Côte d'tvoire 60 . . 41 . 6 19 2 12 0 . . 47 50 Dominican Rep. 87 101 87 103 12 74 12 . . 2 . . . 73 53 33 51 Momcco 57 67 35 53 11 36 5 30 1 10 47 55 39 26 52 PapuaNewGuinea 44 71 35 65 4 13 2 9 . . 2 . . . . 19 32 53 Honduras 80 106 79 108 10 32 9 1 9 . . 91 . . 39 54 Guatemala 50 77 45 70 8 21 7 2 9 53 33 35 55 Congo, People's Rep. 114 . . 94 . . 10 . . 5 . . 1 8 . . . . 60 66 56 SyrianArabRep. 78 110 52 104 28 57 13 47 8 18 87 99 36 26 57 Cameroon 94 111 75 102 5 27 2 21 0 3 69 80 47 51 58 Peru 99 . . 90 . 25 . . 21 . . 8 26 . . 36 59 Ecuador 91 117 88 116 17 56 16 57 3 26 78 . . 37 31 60 Namibia . . . . . . . 0 . . 0 . . . 61 Paraguay 102 104 96 102 13 29 13 29 4 9 83 90 30 25 62 ElSalvador 82 80 79 81 17 29 17 31 2 17 72 34 45 63 Colombia 84 114 86 115 17 56 16 56 3 14 73 36 29 64 Thailand 78 87 74 . . 14 28 11 . . 2 16 . . . . 35 19 65 Jamaica 109 103 106 105 51 63 50 68 3 4 90 97 . . 34 66 Tunisia 91 116 65 105 16 44 9 38 2 7 85 56 30 Note: For data comparability and coverage, see the technical notes. Figures in italics are for years other than those specified. 260 Percentage of age group enrolled in education Primary net Primary Secondary enrollment Primary pupil- Total Female Total Female Tertiary (total) (percent) teacher ratio 1965 1988 1965 1988 1965 1988 1965 1988 1965 1988 1975 1988 1965 1988 67 Thrkey 101 117 83 113 16 46 9 34 4 11 84 46 31 68 Botswana 65 116 71 119 3 33 3 33 3 58 97 40 32 69 Jordan 95 83 38 23 2 38 18 70 Panama 102 106 99 104 34 59 36 63 7 28 87 90 30 22 71 Chile 124 102 122 101 34 74 36 76 6 18 94 90 52 72 CostaRica 106 100 105 99 24 41 25 42 6 24 92 85 27 32 73 Poland 104 100 102 99 69 81 69 83 18 20 96 99 28 16 74 Mauritius 101 105 97 105 26 53 18 53 3 2 82 95 34 23 75 Mexico 92 117 90 115 17 53 13 53 4 15 99 47 31 76 Argentina 101 111 102 114 28 74 31 78 14 41 96 20 77 Malaysia 90 102 84 102 28 57 22 57 2 7 21 78 Algeria 68 96 53 87 7 62 5 53 1 9 77 89 43 28 79 Bulgaria 103 104 102 103 54 75 55 76 17 25 96 91 23 17 80 Lebanon 106 93 26 20 14 81 Mongolia 98 102 97 103 66 92 66 96 8 22 95 32 31 82 Nicaragua 69 99 69 104 14 43 13 58 2 8 65 76 34 32 Upper-middle-income 98 w 104 w 94 w 103 w 28 w 58 w 24 w 58 w 6w 16 w 80 w 90 w 32 w 26 w 83 Venezuela 94 106 94 107 27 54 28 59 7 27 81 89 34 26 84 South Africa 90 88 15 14 4 0 85 Brazil 108 104 108 16 38 16 45 2 II 71 84 28 24 86 Hungary 101 96 100 97 71 72 13 15 93 23 14 87 Uruguay 106 109 106 108 44 77 46 8 48 77 23 88 Yugoslavia 106 94 103 94 65 80 59 79 13 18 31 89 Gabon 134 122 11 5 5 39 46 90 Iran,IslamicRep. 63 116 40 109 18 53 11 44 2 7 96 32 29 91 Trinidad and Tobago 93 100 90 100 36 82 34 85 2 5 87 88 34 24 92 Czechoslovakia 99 94 97 94 29 85 35 88 14 18 23 21 93 Portugal 84 126 83 127 42 59 34 63 5 18 91 100 32 94 Korea,Rep. 101 104 99 104 35 87 25 84 6 37 99 100 62 36 95 Oman 100 95 42 34 4 32 82 27 96 Libya 78 44 14 4 1 31 97 Greece 110 102 109 102 49 95 41 93 10 28 97 97 36 23 98 Iraq 74 96 45 87 28 47 14 37 4 14 79 84 22 23 99 Romania 101 97 100 39 79 32 80 10 10 23 Low- and middle-income 78 w 105 w 63 w 97 w 22 w 42 w 14 w 36 w 3w 8w 89 w 39 w 29 w Sub-Saharan Africa 41 w 67 w 31 w 60 w 4w 18 w 2w 14 w Ow 2w 47 w 42 w 42 w East Asia 88 w 128 w 123 w 23 w 46w 41 w 1w 5w 100 w 24 w South Asia 68 w 90 w w 76 w 24 w 37 w ii 26 w 4w 42 w Europe, M.East, & N.Africa 85 w 98 w 73 w 92 w 32 w 60 w 27 w 55 w 8w 14 w 84w 35 w 27 w Latin America & Caribbean 98 w 107 w 96 w 108 w 19w 48 w 19w 52 w 4w 17 w 86 w 34 w 28 w Severely indebted 97 w 103 w 93 w 100 w 27 w 54 w 25 w 55 w 8w 19 w 81 w 89 w 34 w 27 w High-income economies 104 w 103 w 105 w 102 w 61 w 93 w 59 w 94 w 21 w 40 w 88 w 96 w 25 w 19 w OECD members 104 w 103 w 106 w 103 w 63 w 95 w 61 w 96 w 21 w 41 w 88 w 96 w 25 w 19 w fOther 88 w 89 w 75 w 86 w 37 w 62 w 32 w 59 w 7w 17 w 72 w 65 w 28 w 20 w 100 fSaudiArabia 24 71 11 65 4 44 1 35 1 13 42 56 22 16 101 Ireland 108 JO] 108 101 51 98 50 102 12 25 91 89 27 102 Spain 115 111 114 110 38 105 29 111 6 32 100 100 34 25 103 flsrael 95 95 95 97 48 83 51 87 20 34 19 104 tHongKong 103 106 99 105 29 74 25 76 5 92 29 27 105 (Singapore 105 III 100 110 45 69 41 70 10 100 29 26 106 New Zealand 106 106 104 105 75 87 74 88 15 36 100 100 22 19 107 Austmlia 99 106 99 106 62 99 61 101 16 29 98 98 28 17 108 United Kingdom 92 107 92 107 66 83 66 84 12 23 97 100 20 109 Italy 112 95 110 95 47 76 41 76 11 26 97 22 13 110 Netherlands 104 117 104 117 61 104 57 102 17 32 92 100 31 17 Ill (Kuwait 116 93 103 92 52 81 43 79 17 68 79 23 18 112 Belgium 109 100 108 100 75 99 72 100 15 33 83 21 15 113 Austria 106 102 105 101 52 80 52 82 9 31 89 91 20 11 114 France 134 114 133 113 56 94 59 98 18 35 98 100 30 21 115 fUnitedArabEmirates 104 104 62 68 0 9 93 18 116 Canada 105 105 104 104 56 105 55 106 26 62 97 26 17 117 Germany 105 105 94 0 0 92 II 32 90 24 17 118 Denmark 98 97 99 99 83 107 67 108 14 31 0 11 11 119 United States 100 100 100 98 99 40 60 72 95 25 21 120 Sweden 95 101 96 101 62 90 60 92 13 31 100 100 20 16 121 Finland 92 100 89 100 76 108 80 116 11 40 23 122 Norway 97 97 98 97 64 94 62 96 11 35 100 96 21 16 123 Japan 100 102 100 101 82 95 81 96 13 30 99 100 29 22 124 Switzerland 87 87 37 35 8 25 0 Other economies 103 w 105 w 103 w 100 w 70 w 98 w 77 w 90 w 29 w 23 w 96 w 12 w 10 w World 85 w 104 w 74 w 98 w 31 w 54 w 29 w 46 w 9w 16 w 84 w 91 w 33 w 26 w Oil exporters (excl. USSR) 50 w 87 w 37 w 81 w 11 w 40 w 7w 34 w 1w 12 w 73 w 88 w 33 w 27 w 261 Table 30. Income distribution and ICP estimates of GDP ICP estimates of GDPper capila Current Percentage share of household income, by percentile group of householdsb international Untied States = 100 dollars Loweat Second Third Fourth Highest Highest 1985 1989 1989 Year 20 percent quintile quintile quintile 20 percent lOpercent Low-income economies China and India Other low-income I Mozambique . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 Ethiopia 1.6 1.6 330 3 Tanzania 2.6 2.3 490 4 Somalia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5 Bangladesh 5.0 4.7 960 1985_86c 10.0 13.7 17.2 21.9 37.2 23.2 6 LaoPDR 7 Malawi 3.6 3.2 660 8 Nepal 9 Chad 10 Burundi II Sierra Leone 3.0 2.6 540 12 Madagascar 3.9 3.4 700 13 Nigeria 7.2 6.2 1,290 14 Uganda IS Zaire . 16 Mali 2.4 2.5 520 . . . . . 17 Niger 18 BurkinaFaso . . . 19 Rwanda 3.8 3.0 620 . . . . . . . . . 20 India 4.5 4.7 980 l983c 8.1 12.3 16.3 22.0 41.4 26.7 21 China 22 Haiti . . . 23 Kenya 5.3 5.2 1,070 . . . . . . . . . 24 Pakistan 8.1 8.2 1,700 l9848S 7.8 11.2 15.0 20.6 45.6 31.3 25 Benin 6.5 5.0 1,040 . 26 Central African Rep. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27 Ghana l987_88c 6.5 10.9 15.7 22.3 44.6 29.1 28 Toga . . . 29 Zambia 4.7 4.3 900 30 Guinea . . . 31 SriLanka 11.2 10.5 2,160 1985_86e 4.8 8.5 12.1 18.4 56.1 43.0 32 Lesotho . . . . . . . . . 33 Indonesia I987 8.8 12.4 16.0 21.5 41.3 26.5 34 Mauritania 35 Afghanistan . . . . . . . 36 Bhuean 37 Kampuchea, Dem. 38 Liberia 39 Myanmar 40 Sudan 41 VietNam Middle-income economies Lower-middle-income 42 Angola . . . 43 Bolivia . . . . . . - . . 44 Egypt, Arab Rep. 15.8 15.3 3,160 . . . 45 Senegal 7.0 6.5 1,340 46 Yemen, Rep. . . . . . . . 47 Zimbabwe 9.9 8.8 1,830 . . . . . . . 48 Philippines 10.8 11.0 2,280 1985d 9.7 22.0 48.0 32.1 14.8 49 Côted'Ivoire 10.2 8.2 1,700 l986_87c 5.0 8.0 13.1 21.3 52.7 36.3 50 Dominican Rep. . . . . . . . 51 Morocco 13.1 . 12.5 2,590 . . l9h485 9.8 . 13.0 16.4 . 21.4 39.4 25.4 52 Papua New Guinea 53 Honduras . 54 Guatemala . . . 1979-81 5.5 8.6 12.2 l8.7 55.0 40.8 55 Congo, People's Rep. 16.4 12.8 2,650 56 Syrian Arab Rep. . 57 Cameroon 14.0 10.0 2,070 58 Peru l985_86c 4.4 8.5 13.7 21.5 51.9 35.8 59 Ecuador . 60 Namibia 61 Paraguay 62 El Salvador . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 63 Colombia . . . . . l988e 4.0 8.7 13.5 20.8 53.0 37.1 64 Thailand 16.0 20.2 4,190 . . . . . . . . . . 65 Jamaica . . . . . 1988c 5.4 9.9 14.4 21.2 49.2 33.4 66 Tunisia 19.8 18.0 3,720 . . Note: For data comparability and coverage, see the technical notes. Figures in italics are for years other than those specified. 262 ICP estimates of GDP per cap itaa Current international Percentage share of household income, by percentile group of households' United States = 100 dollars L.oss'est Second Third Fourth Highest Highest 1985 1989 1989 Year 20 percent quintile quintile quintile 20 percent lOpercent 67 Turkey 21.8 22.3 4,610 . . . . . . . . . 68 Botswana 16.1 19.3 3,990 1985-86 2.5 6.5 11.8 20.2 59.0 42.8 69 Jordan . . . 70 Panama . . . . 71 Chile .. .. 72 Costa Rica 1986e 3.3 8.3 13.2 20.7 54.5 38.8 73 Poland 24.5 24.0 4,980 1987e 9.7 14.2 18.0 22.9 35.2 21.0 74 Mauritius 24.8 29.1 6,030 75 Mexico 76 Argentina 77 Malaysia 1987e 4.6 9.3 13.9 21.2 51.2 34.8 78 Algeria 79 Bulgaria 80 Lebanon 81 Mongolia 82 Nicaragua Upper-middle-income 83 Venezuela . 1987e 4.7 9.2 14.0 21.5 50.6 34.2 84 South Africa . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85 Brazil . . . . . . 1983 2.4 5.7 10.7 18.6 62.6 46.2 86 Hungaiy 31.2 30.0 6,200 1983e 10.9 15.3 18.7 22.8 32.4 18.7 87 Uruguay . . . . . . . . . . . . 88 Yugoslavia 29.2 25.7 5,320 1987e 6.1 11.0 16.5 23.7 42.8 26.6 89 Gabon . . . . . 90 Iran, Islamic Rep. 27.9 21.4 4,430 . . . 91 Trinidad and Tobago . . . . . 92 Czechoslovakia 93 Portugal 33.8 37.2 7,700 94 Korea, Rep. 24.1 32.5 6,720 95 Oman 96 Libya . . . . . 97 Greece 35.5 34.2 7,090 98 Iraq 99 Romania Low- and middle-income Sub-Saharan Africa East Asia South Asia Europe, M.East, & N.Africa Latin America & Caribbean Severely indebted High-income economies OECD members tOther 00 tSaudi Arabia 101 Ireland 40.9 41.3 8,540 1: 1 . . . 11 102 Spain 46.0 51.2 10,600 1980-81 6.9 12.5 17.3 23.2 40.0 24.5 103 lisrael 1979 6.0 12.1 17.8 24.5 39.6 23.5 104 tHong Kong 61.7 75.7 15,660 1980 5.4 10.8 15.2 21.6 47.0 31.3 05 tSingapore . . . . . . 1982-83 5.1 9.9 14.6 21.4 48.9 33.5 106 New Zealand 60.9 56.9 11,780 1981-82 5.1 10.8 16.2 23.2 44.7 28.7 107 Australia 71.1 69.0 14,290 1985 4.4 11.1 17.5 24.8 42.2 25.8 108 United Kingdom 66.1 68.0 14,070 1979 5.8 11.5 18.2 25.0 39.5 23.3 109 Italy 65.6 67.3 13,920 1986 6.8 12.0 16.7 23.5 41.0 25.3 110 Netherlands 68.2 65.9 13,630 1983 6.9 13.2 17.9 23.7 38.3 23.0 Ill tKuwait . . . . . . . . . . . . . 112 Belgium 64.7 66.1 13,680 1978-79 7.9 13.7 18.6 23.8 36.0 21.5 113 Austria 66.1 66.3 13,710 . . . . . . . . . 114 France 69.3 70.0 14,480 1979 6.3 12.1 17.2 23.5 40.8 25.5 115 tUnited Arab Emirates . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 116 Canada 92.5 92.9 19,230 1987 5.7 11.8 17.7 24.6 40.2 24.1 117 Germany 73.8 73.5 15,220 1984 6.8 12.7 17.8 24.1 38.7 23.4 118 Denmark 74.2 69.3 14,340 1981 5.4 12.0 18.4 25.6 38.6 22.3 119 UnitedStates 100.0 100.0 20,690 1985 4.7 11.0 17.4 25.0 41.9 25.0 120 Sweden 76.9 75.7 15,670 1981 8.0 13.2 17.4 24.5 36.9 20.8 121 Finland 69.5 73.6 15,230 1981 6.3 12.1 18.4 25.5 37.6 21.7 122 Norway 84.4 83.5 17,280 1979 6.2 12.8 18.9 25.3 36.7 21.2 123 Japan 71.5 75.9 15,710 1979 8.7 13.2 17.5 23.1 37.5 22.4 124 Switzerland , . . . 1982 5.2 11,7 44.6 16.4 22.1 29.8 Other economies World Oil exporters (excl. USSR) a. ICP refers to the United Nations' International Comparison Program. Data for 1985 are preliminary Phase V results; those for 1989 are estimated from the t985 values. b. These estimates should be treated with caution; see technical notes for details of different distribution measures. c. Data refer to per capita expendi- ture. d. Data refer to household expenditure. e. Data refer to per capita income. 263 Table 31. Urbanization Urban population Population in cities of) million or more in Population in capital city 1990, as a percentage of As a percentage of Acerage annual growth a percentage of total population rate (percent) Urban Total Urban Thin! 1965 1989 1965-80 /980-89 1990 /990 1965 1990 /965 1990 Low-income economies 17w 36 w 3.5 w 10 w 3w 41w 31w 7w 9w China and India 18w 42 w 2.9 w 3w 1w 42w 29w 8w 9w Other low-income 14 w 25 w 4.9 25 w 6w 37w 34w 5w 9w I Mozambique 5 26 10.2 10.7 38 10 68 38 3 10 2 Ethiopia 8 13 4.9 5.3 29 4 27 30 2 4 3 Tanzania 5 31 11.3 10,8 21 7 38 18 2 6 4 Somalia 20 36 5.2 5.5 31 II . . ' . . S Bangladesh 6 16 6.9 6.6 36 6 50 47 3 8 6 La0PDR 8 18 5.3 6.1 52 10 7 Malawi 5 12 7.4 6.3 31 4 8 Nepal 4 9 6.4 7.4 20 2 9 Chad 9 29 8.0 6.5 43 13 tO Burundi 2 5 6.9 5.6 82 4 Ii Sierra Leone 15 32 5.2 5.4 52 17 . 12 Madagascar 12 24 5.2 6.3 23 6 . 13 Nigeria 17 35 5.7 6.2 19 7 23 24 4 14 Uganda 7 10 4.7 5.1 38 4 . 15 Zaire 26 39 4.6 4.6 25 10 17 25 5 10 16 Mali 13 19 4.4 3.6 4! 8 . . 17 Niger 7 19 7.2 7.7 39 8 . 18 BurkinaFaso 5 9 4.1 5.4 51 5 . 19 Rwanda 3 7 7.5 8.1 54 4 . . . . . 20 India 19 27 3.7 3.8 4 1 32 32 6 9 21 China 18 53 2.3 . . 2 1 49 27 9 9 22 Haiti 18 28 3.7 3.7 56 16 47 56 8 16 23 Kenya 9 23 8.1 8.2 26 6 41 27 4 6 24 Pakistan 24 32 4.3 4.6 1 0 44 42 10 13 25 Benin 13 37 8.9 5.2 12 4 . . . 26 Central African Rep. 27 46 4.3 4.9 5! 24 . . . . . 27 Ghana 26 33 3.2 4.2 22 7 27 22 7 7 28 Togo 11 25 6.6 6.9 55 14 . 29 Zambia 23 49 6.6 6.2 24 12 . . . . . 30 Guinea 12 25 4.9 5.7 89 23 47 88 5 23 31 SriLanka 20 2! 2.3 1.3 17 4 . 32 Lesotho 6 20 7.5 7.1 17 4 . . . . . 33 Indonesia 16 30 4.8 5.4 17 5 42 33 7 10 34 Mauritania 9 45 10.6 7.7 83 39 . . . 35 Afghanistan 9 . . 6.0 4! . . 4 36 Bhutan 3 5 3.9 5.2 22 1 . 37 Kampuchea,Dem. 11 . . -0.5 . . . . . . . 38 Liberia 22 45 6.2 6.1 57 26 . . . . . 39 Myanmar 2! 25 3.2 2.4 32 8 23 32 5 8 40 Sudan 13 22 5.9 3.9 35 8 30 35 4 8 41 VietNam . , 22 . . 3.4 22 5 . . 30 7 Middle-income economies 42w 58w 3.8w 3.4w 26w 14w 42w 41w 18w 25w Lower-middle-income 40w 53w 3.7w 3.5w 31w 16w 41w 41w 17w 23w 42 Angola 13 28 6.4 5.8 61 17 49 61 6 17 43 Bolivia 40 51 3.1 4.3 33 17 28 33 II 17 44 Egypt,Arab Rep. 41 46 2.7 3.1 37 17 53 52 22 24 45 Senegal 33 38 3.3 4.0 52 20 40 53 13 20 46 Yemen,Rep. II 28 6.6 7.3 11 3 . 47 Zimbabwe 14 27 6.0 6.0 3! 9 . . . . . 48 Philippines 32 42 4.0 3.8 32 14 28 32 9 14 49 Côte d'Ivoire 23 40 7.6 4.7 44 18 30 45 7 18 50 Dominican Rep. 35 59 5.2 4.2 51 31 46 51 16 31 51 Morocco 32 47 4.3 4.3 9 4 39 36 12 17 52 PapuaNewGuinea 5 16 8.2 4.5 32 5 53 Honduras 26 43 5.5 5.5 35 15 . . . 54 Guatemala 34 39 3.5 3.4 23 9 . 55 Congo, People's Rep. 32 40 3.5 4.8 68 28 . . . . . 56 SyrianArabRep. 40 50 4.5 4.4 32 16 58 60 23 30 57 Cameroon 16 40 7.6 6.1 16 6 . . . . . 58 Peru 52 70 4.3 3.1 41 29 37 41 19 29 59 Ecuador 37 55 4.7 4.5 21 12 50 49 19 28 60 Namibia 17 27 4.6 5.3 30 8 . 61 Paraguay 36 47 3.8 4.6 47 22 . . . 62 E!Salvador 39 44 3.2 2.0 25 II . . . . . . 63 Colombia 54 69 3.7 3.0 21 IS 38 39 20 27 64 Thailand 13 22 5.1 4.7 57 13 66 57 8 13 65 Jamaica 38 52 2.8 2.4 51 27 . . . . . . 66 Tunisia 40 54 4.0 2.9 37 20 35 37 14 20 Note: For data comparability and coverage, see the technical notes. Figures in italics are for years other than those specified. 264 Urban population Population in capital cit-c as a Population in cities of] million or more in percentage of 1990 as a percentage of As a percentage of Average annual growth total population rate (percent) Urban Total Urban Total 1965 1989 1965-80 /980-89 1990 1990 1965 1990 /965 1990 67 Turkey 34 60 4.1 6.0 8 5 41 35 14 22 68 Botswana 4 26 12.5 10.1 38 10 . . . . 69 Jordan 46 67 4.4 4.6 53 32 33 38 IS 26 70 Panama 44 53 3.4 2.9 37 20 . . . . . 71 Chile 72 85 2.6 2.3 42 36 39 42 28 36 72 Costa Rica 38 47 3.5 3.3 77 36 62 72 24 34 73 Poland 50 61 1.9 1.4 10 6 32 28 16 18 74 Mauritius 37 4! 2.5 0.4 36 15 . . . . . 75 Mexico 55 72 4.4 3.0 32 23 41 45 22 32 76 Argentina 76 86 2.2 1.8 41 36 53 49 40 42 77 Malaysia 26 42 4.6 4.9 22 10 16 22 4 10 78 Algeria 38 51 3.9 4.9 23 12 24 23 9 12 79 Bulgaria 46 67 2.5 1.2 20 14 21 19 10 13 80 Lebanon 50 . . 4.5 . . . 81 Mongolia 42 52 4.0 2.9 42 22 . . . . . 82 Nicaragua 43 59 4.6 4.6 44 26 36 44 15 26 Upper-middle-income 44 w 66 w 4.1 w 3.3 w 17 w 11 w 43 w 40 w 19 w 28 w 83 Venezuela 70 84 4.8 2.7 25 2! 34 29 24 27 84 South Afiica 47 59 3.2 3.7 II 6 40 30 19 IS 85 Brazil 50 74 4.3 3.5 2 2 48 47 24 35 86 Hungary 43 61 1.9 1.2 33 20 43 33 19 20 87 Uruguay 81 85 0.7 0.8 45 39 53 45 43 39 88 Yugoslavia 31 55 3.5 2.9 12 7 II 12 3 7 89 Gabon 21 45 7.3 6.4 57 26 . . . . . 90 Iran, tslamic Rep. 37 56 5.2 4.9 22 12 43 41 16 23 9! Trinidad and Tobago 30 68 5.6 3.8 12 8 . . . . . 92 Czechoslovakia 51 77 2.4 1.7 II 8 15 II 8 8 93 Portugal 24 33 1.8 2.0 46 15 44 46 Il 16 94 Korea,Rep. 32 71 5.8 3.6 36 26 74 69 24 50 95 Oman 4 10 7.5 8.7 41 4 . . . . . 96 Libya 26 69 9.8 6.5 . . . 55 65 14 45 97 Greece 48 62 2.0 1.2 55 34 59 55 28 34 98 Iraq 51 71 5.3 4.4 30 21 40 29 20 21 99 Romania 38 52 2.9 1.2 18 9 21 18 8 9 Low- and middle-income 24 w 42 w 3.7 w 6.8 w 15 w 6w 41 w 33 w 10 w 13w Sub-Saharan Africa 14 w 28 w 5.8 w 6.0 w 31 w 9w 30 w 29 w 4w 9w East Asia 19w 47 w 3.0 w 9w 3w 48 w 30 w 9w 11 w South Asia 18w 26 w 3.9 w w 8w 2w 35 w 34 w 6w 9w Europe, M.East, & N.Africa 38 w 54 w 3.4 w 3.4 w 22 w 11 w 36 w 36 w 14 w 19 w Latin America & Caribbean 53 w 71 w 3.9 w 3.1 w 23 w 16 w 44w 45 w 24 w 33 w Severely indebted 49w 64w 3.7w 3.0w 24w 15w 42w 43w 21w 28w High-income economies 71 w 77 w 1.4w 0.9 w II w 9w 37w 37w 27 w 28 w OECD members 72 w 77 w 1.2 w 0.8 w 10 w 8w 37 w 36 w 26 w 28 w tOther 63 w 77 w 3.8 w 3.0 w 45 w 39 w 54 w 53 w 42 w 47 w 100 tSaudiArabia 39 76 8.5 6.6 17 13 23 29 9 23 101 Ireland 49 57 2.1 0.7 46 26 . . . . . 102 Spain 61 78 2.2 1.2 17 13 26 28 16 22 103 1Israel 81 91 3.5 2.0 12 tI 43 45 34 41 104 tHongKong 89 94 2.1 1.7 00 94 90 100 81 94 105 tSingapore 100 100 1.6 1.2 1(10 100 100 100 100 (00 106 NewZealand 79 84 1.6 0.8 12 10 . . . 0 107 Australia 83 86 2.0 1.4 2 1 60 59 50 51 108 United Kingdom 87 89 0.3 0.2 14 13 33 26 28 23 109 Italy 62 69 1.0 0.6 8 5 42 37 26 25 110 Netherlands 86 89 1.2 0.5 8 7 18 16 16 14 III IKuwait 78 95 8.2 5.0 53 50 100 55 78 53 112 Belgium 93 97 0.4 0.2 10 10 . . . . . 113 Austria 51 58 0.8 0.7 47 27 51 47 26 28 114 France 67 74 1.3 0.6 20 IS 30 26 20 19 115 tUnited Arab Emirates 41 78 23.7 4.1 . . - . . . . . . 116 Canada 73 77 1.5 1.1 4 3 37 39 27 30 117 Germany 79 86 0.7 0.2 I I 19 15 IS 13 118 Denmark 77 87 1.1 0.4 31 27 38 31 29 27 119 United States 72 75 1.2 1.2 2 1 49 48 35 36 120 Sweden 77 84 0.9 0.3 23 19 17 23 13 20 121 Finland 44 60 2.6 0.4 34 20 27 34 12 20 122 Norway 58 75 1.9 1.0 21 16 . . . . . . 123 Japan 67 77 2.1 0.7 19 IS 37 36 25 27 124 Switzerland 53 60 1.0 1.0 7 4 Other economies 52 w 65 w 2.3 w 1.5w 6w 4w 25w 23w 13 w 15 w World 36 w 49 w 2.6 w 4.5 w 14 w 6w 39 w 33 w 14 w 16 w Oil exporters (exci. USSR) 30 w 50 w 5.5 w 5.1 w 23 w 11 w 30 w 30 w 10 w 16 w 265 Table 32. Women in Development Health and welfare Education Under 5 Percentage of cohort mortality rate persisting to grade 4 Females pee 100 males Life expectancy as birth (years) Maternal mortali (per 1,000 live births) (per 100(100 Female Male Female Male Primary Secondarya Female Male live births) 1989 1989 1965 1989 1965 1989 1980 1970 1984 1970 1984 1965 1988 1965 1988 Low-income economies 92w 98w SOw 63w 48w 61w 40w 61w China and India 71w 74w 52w 66w 50w 64w .. 42w 61w Other low-income 134 w 145 w 45 w 56 w 43 w 54 w 63w 75w 72w 73w 49w 76w 34w 60w 1 Mozambique 193 214 39 50 36 47 479b . . 78 85 54 2 Ethiopia 188 208 43 49 42 46 2,000b 57 45 56 50 38 64 28 67 3 Tanzania 176 197 45 51 41 47 371P 82 88 88 89 60 99 33 54 4 Somalia 204 227 40 49 37 46 1,100 46 59 51 65 27 . 11 5 Bangladesh 162 146 44 51 45 52 600 30 44 77 14 46 6 La0PDR 163 183 42 51 39 48 . . . . 59 78 59 73 7 Malawi 237 251 40 48 38 47 250 55 64 60 65 80 40 60 8 Nepal 187 178 40 51 41 52 . . . . . . . 17 9 Chad 203 225 38 48 35 45 700 . . . . 23 40 6 18 10 Burundi 102 118 45 51 42 48 . . 47 84 45 84 42 75 10 52 11 Sierra Leone 239 264 34 44 31 40 450 . . . 55 . . 37 12 Madagascar 162 180 45 52 42 50 300 65 . 63 . 83 95 64 94 13 Nigeria 155 174 43 54 40 49 1,500 64 . 66 . 63 . . 43 14 Uganda 151 171 47 50 44 47 300 . . . . . . 82 30 54 45 54 42 800b 56 65 48 IS Zaire 143 161 51 78 15 16 Mali 210 239 39 49 37 46 . . 52 68 89 75 49 59 30 42 17 Niger 208 231 38 47 35 420k' 75 76 74 88 46 56 19 42 18 BurkinaFaso 190 210 40 49 37 46 600 71 84 68 82 48 59 27 46 19 Rwanda 188 209 45 51 42 47 210 63 82 65 81 69 97 37 35 20 India 134 118 44 59 46 58 500 42 45 . . 57 35 51 21 China 31 41 59 71 56 69 44 76 77 84 47 69 22 Haiti 125 142 47 57 44 54 340 . . . . . . 44 23 Kenya 98 114 50 61 46 57 5l0' 84 75 84 73 57 94 38 70 24 Pakistan 139 133 45 55 47 55 600 56 . . 60 . . 31 49 27 39 25 Benin 154 173 43 53 41 49 1,680" 59 64 67 63 44 51 44 39 26 CentralAfricanRep. 154 173 41 52 40 49 600 67 67 67 74 34 62 19 40 27 Ghana 130 56 46 1,070b 80 34 66 148 49 53 . . 82 . . 71 28 Togo 136 154 44 55 40 52 476' 85 77 88 70 42 63 26 32 29 Zambia 112 128 46 56 43 52 110 93 97 99 . . 78 90 39 30 Guinea 224 249 36 44 34 43 . . 62 . . 67 45 19 31 31 Sri Lanka 22 28 64 73 63 69 90 94 97 73 99 86 93 102 106 32 Lesotho 128 146 50 58 47 54 . . 87 86 70 75 157 125 100 153 33 Indonesia 80 95 45 63 43 60 800 67 78 89 99 . . 93 . . 79 34 Mauritania 196 218 39 48 36 45 119 . . 91 . . 96 31 70 11 44 35 Afghanistan 35 . . 35 . . . . 64 . . 71 . . 17 . . 23 36 Bhutan 187 180 40 48 41 49 26 29 . 59 . . 41 37 Kampuchea, Dem. . . . . 46 . . 43 . . 56 26 38 Liberia 170 195 46 55 43 53 173 . . 33 39 Myanmar 82 98 49 63 46 59 140 39 58 . . . 57 40 Sudan 161 181 41 52 39 49 60715 81 80 55 30 41 VietNam 48 61 . . 69 . . 64 110 Middle-income economies 60 w 72 w 59 w 68 w 56 w 63 w 78 w 85 w 78 w 90 w 83 w 89 w 81 w 104 w Lower-middle-income 63 w 74 w 58 w 68 w 54 w 63 w 79 w 82 w 79 w 87 w 80 w 89 w 71 w 100 w 42 Angola 211 234 37 47 34 44 . . . . . . . 89 43 Bolivia 144 162 47 56 42 52 480 . 68 87 57 44 Egypt. Arab Rep. 99 114 50 61 48 59 500 85 . 93 . 64 75 41 68 45 Senegal 123 140 42 50 40 47 S3O 88 . 92 57 69 35 5/ 46 Yemen,Rep, 175 194 41 49 39 48 14 29 . 47 Zimbabwe 60 72 46 62 150b 87 80 87 95 50 66 74 . . . . 88 48 Philippines 47 60 57 66 54 62 80 . . 82 . . 76 94 97 96 49 Côted'Ivoire 141 159 44 55 40 51 . . 77 82 83 83 51 . . 19 44 50 Dominican Rep. 75 83 57 69 54 65 56 . . 52 . . 70 . . 162 104 51 Morocco 87 103 51 63 48 60 327' 78 77 83 79 42 63 31 66 52 Papua New Guinea 72 87 44 55 44 54 1,000 76 . . 84 . . 61 79 27 60 53 Honduras 73 87 51 67 48 63 82 38 63 35 59 . . 100 69 54 Guatemala 66 80 50 65 48 60 110 33 62 73 73 80 82 67 55 Congo,People'sRep. 170 183 47 57 41 51 . . 86 82 89 89 71 95 29 76 56 SyrianArabRep. 58 70 54 68 51 64 280 92 96 95 97 47 87 28 70 57 Cameroon 119 136 47 59 44 55 303 59 85 58 86 66 85 28 64 58 Pent 91 107 52 64 49 60 310 . 82 . . 69 59 Ecuador 75 82 57 68 55 64 220 69 70 91 96 46 91 60 Namibia 121 141 47 59 44 56 . . . . . . . . . . 61 Paraguay 34 45 67 69 63 65 469 70 75 71 76 88 93 89 99 62 El Salvador 66 80 56 67 53 59 74 56 . . 56 . . 86 102 75 92 63 Colombia 40 50 61 72 57 66 130 57 75 51 67 102 100 57 99 64 Thailand 29 39 58 68 54 64 270 71 69 . . 89 . . 68 65 Jamaica 16 23 67 75 64 71 100 . . . . . . 97 121 66 Tunisia 53 66 52 67 51 66 l,000' 90 . . 94 52 82 37 74 Note; For data comparability and coverage, see the technical notes. Figures in italics are for years other than those specified 266 Health and welfare Education Under 5 Percentage of cohort mortality rate 11' expectancy at birth (years) Maternal mortality persisting to grade 4 Females per 100 males (per 1000 live births) (per 100,000 Secondarya Female Male Female Male Primary Female Male live births) 1989 1989 1965 1989 1965 1989 1980 1970 1984 1970 1984 1965 1988 1965 1988 67 Thrkey 76 83 55 69 52 64 207 76 97 81 98 66 89 37 60 68 Botswana 42 55 49 69 46 65 300 97 95 90 95 129 107 77 103 69 Jordan 64 71 52 69 49 65 . . 90 99 92 . 72 94 40 96 70 Panama 22 30 65 75 62 70 90 97 90 97 89 93 92 tOO 105 71 Chile 20 26 63 75 57 68 55 86 96 83 97 96 96 106 106 72 CostaRica 19 23 66 77 63 73 26 93 92 91 90 94 94 110 103 73 Poland 17 22 72 75 66 67 12 99 97 . S 93 95 217 262 74 Mauritius 21 30 63 72 59 67 99 97 99 97 99 90 88 53 97 75 Mexico 43 53 61 73 58 66 92 . . 72 . 95 91 94 53 89 76 Argentina 31 42 69 74 63 68 85 92 . 69 96 60 172 77 Malaysia 22 31 60 72 56 68 59 . 100 99 . . 95 . . tOt 78 Algeria 87 95 51 66 49 64 129 90 95 62 80 45 76 79 Bulgaria 14 19 73 75 66 70 22 91 95 100 98 93 94 180 80 Lebanon . . . . 64 . . 60 . . . . . . . 81 Mongolia 79 94 51 63 49 61 140 . . 100 . . 107 82 Nicaragua 69 84 52 66 49 63 65 48 64 45 58 99 107 69 168 Upper-middle-income 57 w 68 w 61 w 72 w 58 w 65 w 77 w 90 w 76 w 97 w 88 w 89 w 95 w 111 w 83 Venezuela 36 46 65 73 61 67 65, 84 82 61 89 98 96 109 119 84 South Africa 85 100 54 65 49 58 55O . . 87 85 Brazil 64 78 59 69 55 63 150 56 . 54 . 98 . . 93 86 Hungaty 17 23 72 74 67 67 28 90 97 99 97 94 96 197 194 87 Umguay 23 29 72 76 65 69 56 . 99 . 99 . . 95 110 88 Yugoslavia 27 32 68 75 64 69 27 91 . . 99 . . 91 . . 86 94 89 Gabon 151 171 44 55 41 51 12415 73 80 78 78 84 98 39 81 90 Iran, Islamic Rep. 105 124 52 63 52 63 . . 75 79 74 99 46 80 44 68 91 TrinidadandTobago 16 21 67 74 63 69 81 78 99 74 96 97 98 107 100 92 Czechoslovakia 12 17 73 75 67 68 8 96 97 98 97 93 97 195 159 93 Portugal 15 19 68 78 62 72 IS 92 . . 92 . . 95 . . 92 114 94 Korea, Rep. 23 32 58 73 55 67 34 96 100 96 99 91 94 59 87 95 Oman 38 50 45 67 43 63 82 96 82 99 . . 87 . . 71 96 Libya 88 104 51 64 48 60 . . 92 . . 95 . . 39 . . 13 97 Greece 13 16 72 80 69 74 12 97 98 96 99 90 94 86 101 98 Iraq 83 91 53 65 51 61 . . 84 90 90 92 42 79 29 63 99 Romania 25 34 70 73 66 68 180 90 . . 89 . . 94 . . 147 233 Low- and middle-income 84 w 91 w 52 w 65 w 50 w 62 w 61 w 78 w 65 w 79 w 66 w 83 w 52 w 70 w Sub-Saharan Africa 159 w 178 w 43 w 53 w 41 w 49 w 66 w 73 w 69 w 74 w 56 w 78 w 36 w 59 w East Asia 39 w 50 w 55 w 70 w 52 w 67 w 78 w 81 w 86 w 50 w 72 w South Asia 127 w 121 w 45 w 58 w 46 w 58 w 45 w 48 w 54 w 34 w 50 w Europe, M.East, & N.Africa 74 w 85 w 60 w 68 w 56 w 64 w 86 w 90 w 89 w 95 w 70 w 80 w 88 w 104 w Latin America & Caribbean 56 w 67 w 60 w 70 w 56 w 64 w 64 w 75 w 59 w 86 w 95 w 98 w 77 w 110 w Severely indebted 60 w 72 w 60 w 68 w 56 w 63 w 75 w 79 w 72 w 87 w 88 w 90 w 90 w 119 w High-income economies 10 w 13 w 74 w 79 w 67 w 73 w 95 w 97 w 94 w 96 w 95 w 94 w 93 w 99 w OECD members 9w 11 w 74w 80w 68w 73 w 96 w 97w 94w 96w 96w 95 w 94w 100w tOther 30 w 37 w 67 w 74 w 62 w 70 w 94 w 94 w 94 w 94 w 59 w 89 w 66 w 87 w 100 tSaudiArabia 75 89 50 66 47 62 52 93 93 91 93 29 80 8 66 101 Ireland 9 12 73 77 69 71 7 . . . . . . 95 13 101 102 Spain 9 II 74 80 69 74 10 76 97 76 96 93 93 70 101 103 tjsrael Il 15 74 78 71 74 5 96 98 96 98 . . 98 127 121 104 tHongKong 8 10 71 80 64 75 4 94 . . 92 . . 85 92 72 104 105 tSingapore 8 10 68 77 64 71 Il 99 . 99 . 85 . . 91 106 New Zealand 11 15 74 78 68 72 . 98 . 98 94 95 . . 98 107 Australia 8 11 74 80 68 73 11 . 97 94 95 95 92 99 108 United Kingdom 9 12 74 79 68 73 7 . . 94 96 109 Italy 10 13 73 80 68 73 13 . 93 . . 80 110 Netherlands 8 10 76 81 71 74 5 99 . . 96 . . 95 93 111 Ill (Kuwait 15 21 65 76 61 71 18 96 92 98 93 66 . . 63 67 112 Belgium 10 12 74 80 68 73 10 . . 87 . . 85 94 96 85 /03 113 Austria 9 13 73 79 66 72 11 95 99 92 100 95 94 95 94 114 France 8 11 75 81 68 73 13 97 96 90 99 95 94 108 108 115 fUnitedArabEmirates 24 33 59 73 56 69 . . 97 95 93 92 . . 94 . . 101 116 Canada 8 10 75 81 69 74 2 95 97 92 93 94 93 94 95 117 Germany 8 11 73 79 67 72 11 97 97 96 96 . . 96 82 97 118 Denmark 9 II 75 78 70 72 4 98 tOO 96 100 96 96 104 105 119 UnitedStates II 13 74 79 67 72 9 . . 96 . . 94 94 . 120 Sweden 7 8 76 80 72 75 4 98 . . 96 . . 96 95 104 107 121 Finland 7 9 73 79 66 72 5 . . 99 . . 98 90 95 115 112 122 Norway 9 11 76 81 71 74 . . 99 99 98 99 96 95 95 103 123 Japan 6 7 73 82 68 76 15 100 100 100 100 96 95 101 99 124 Switzerland 7 9 75 81 69 74 5 94 99 93 99 96 99 Other economies 24 w 33 w 72 w 74 w 65 w 66 w 100 w 99 w 95 w 93 w 109 w 102 w World 68 w 75 w 58 w 67 w 55 w 64 w 67 w 83 w 70 w 83 w 85 w 86 w 58 w 74 w Oil exporters (excl. USSR) 119 w 135 w 48 w 59 w 46 w 56 w 74 w 84 w 74 w 95 w 59 w 83 w 47 w 77 w a. See technical notes. b. Data refer to maternal mortality in hospitals and other medical institutions only. c. Community data from rural areas only. 267 Table 33. Forests, protected areas, and water Forest area Internal renewable water resources: (thousands of square kilometers) annual withdrawal (1970-8 7) Protected land areas Annual Per capita (cubic meters) Area Asa Asa Total area deforest atton (thousands percentage Total percentage of Industrial 1980 1981-85 of square of total (cubic totat water and Total Closed Total Closed kilometers) Number land area kilometers) resources Total Domestic agricultural Low-income economies China and India Other low-income 1 Mozambique 154 9 1.20 0.10 0.00 0 0.0 0.76 1 53 13 40 2 Ethiopia 272 44 0.88 0,08 68.73 25 6.2 2.21 2 48 5 43 3 Tanzania 420 14 1.30 0.10 119.13 20 13.4 0.48 1 36 7 28 4 Somalia 91 15 0.14 0.04 0.00 0 0.0 0.81 7 167 5 162 5 Bangladesh 9 9 0.08 0.08 0.97 8 0.7 22.50 1 211 6 205 6 LaoPDR 136 84 1.30 1.00 0.00 0 0.0 0.99 0 228 18 210 7 Malawi 43 2 1.50 . 10.67 9 11.3 0.16 2 22 7 15 8 Nepal 21 19 0.84 0.84 9.59 Il 7.0 2.68 2 155 6 149 9 Chad 135 5 0.80 . . 1.14 1 0.1 0.18 0 35 6 29 10 Burundi 0 0 0.01 0.01 0.00 0 0.0 0.10 3 20 7 13 II SierraLeone 21 7 0.06 0.06 1.01 3 1.4 0.37 0 99 7 92 12 Madagascar 132 103 1.56 1.50 10.31 31 1.8 16.30 41 1,675 17 1,658 13 Nigeria 148 60 4.00 3.00 9.60 4 1.1 3.63 1 44 14 30 14 Uganda 60 8 0.50 0.10 13.32 18 6.7 0.20 0 20 7 14 15 Zaire 1,776 1,058 3.70 1.82 88.27 9 3.9 0.70 0 22 13 9 16 Mali 73 5 0.36 . . 8.76 6 0.7 1.36 2 159 3 156 17 Niger 26 1 0.67 0.03 16.54 4 1.3 0.29 1 44 9 35 18 BurkinaFaso 47 3 0.80 0.03 7.39 7 2.7 0.15 I 20 6 14 19 Rwanda 2 1 0.05 0.03 2.62 2 10.5 0.15 2 23 6 17 20 India 640 378 0.48° . . 131.70 288 4.4 380.00 18 612 18 594 21 China 1,150 978 0.00 . . 79.04 179 0.8 460.00 16 462 28 434 22 Haiti 0 0 0.02 0.02 0.08 2 0.3 0.04 0 46 11 35 23 Kenya 24 11 0.39 0.19 30.95 30 5.4 1.09 7 48 13 35 24 Pakislan 25 22 0.09 0.07 75.83 57 9.8 153.40 33 2,053 21 2,032 25 Benin 39 0 0.67 0.01 8.44 2 7.6 0.11 0 26 7 19 26 Central African Rep. 359 36 0.55 0.05 39.04 7 6.3 0.07 0 27 6 21 27 Ghana 87 17 0.72 0.22 11.75 8 5.1 0.30 1 35 12 23 28 Togo 17 3 0.12 0.02 4.63 6 8.5 0.09 I 40 25 15 29 Zambia 295 30 0.70 0.40 63.59 19 8.6 0.36 0 86 54 32 30 Guinea 107 21 0.86 0.36 0.13 1 0.1 0.74 0 115 12 104 31 SriLanka 17 17 0.58 0.58 7.40 38 11.4 6.30 15 503 10 493 32 Lesotho 0 0 . . . . 0.07 1 0.2 0.05 1 34 7 27 33 Indonesia 1,169 1,139 9.20' 900a 140.67 141 7.8 16.59 96 12 1 84 34 Mauritania 6 0 0.13 0.01 14.83 2 1.4 0.73 10 473 57 417 35 Afghanistan 12 8 . . 1.42 4 0.2 26.11 52 1,436 14 1,422 36 Bhutan 21 21 0.01 0.01 8.76 5 18.6 0.02 0 15 5 10 37 Kampuchea, Dem. 126 75 0.30 0.25 0.00 0 0.0 0.52 0 69 3 66 38 Liberia 20 20 0.46 0.46 1.31 1 1.4 0.13 0 54 15 39 39 Myanmar 319 319 6.77' 6.77° 1.73 2 0.3 3.96 0 103 7 96 40 Sudan 477 7 5.04 0.04 81.16 13 3.4 18.60 14 1,089 11 1,079 41 VietNam 101 88 1.73° l.73a 8.58 56 2.6 5.07 1 81 II 70 Middle-income economies Lower-middle-income 42 Angola 536 29 0.94 0.44 8.90 3 0.7 0.48 0 43 6 37 43 Bolivia 668 440 1.17 0.87 48.37 12 4.5 1.24 0 184 18 166 44 Egypt,Arab Rep. 0 0 . . . . 6.85 9 0.7 56.40 97 1,202 84 1,118 45 Senegal 110 2 0.50 . . 21.77 9 11.3 1.36 4 201 10 191 46 Yemen, Rep. 0 0 0.00 . . 0.00 0 0.0 47 Zimbabwe 198 2 0.80 0.00 27.60 19 7.1 1.22 5 129 18 Ill 48 Philippines 95 95 1.43° l.43a 5.21 32 1.7 29.50 9 693 125 568 49 Côted'lvoire 98 45 5.10 2.90 19.58 10 6.2 0.71 1 68 15 53 50 Dominican Rep. 6 6 0.04 0.04 5.50 13 11.4 2.97 5 453 23 430 SI Momcco 32 IS 0.13 2.98 10 0.7 11.00 37 501 30 471 52 PapuaNewGuinea 382 342 0.23 0.22 0.07 3 0.0 0.10 0 25 7 18 53 Honduras 40 38 0.90 0.90 5.80 15 5.2 1.34 1 508 20 487 54 Gualemala 45 44 0.90 0.90 0.99 13 0.9 0.73 1 139 13 127 55 Congo,People'sRep. 213 213 0.22 0.22 13.53 10 4.0 0.04 0 20 12 8 56 Syrian Arab Rep. 2 1 0.00 . . 0.00 0 0.0 3.34 9 449 3l 418 57 Cameroon 233 165 1.90' 1.00a 17.02 12 3.6 0.40 0 30 14 16 58 Peru 706 697 2.70 2.70 54.83 22 4.3 6.10 15 294 56 238 59 Ecuador 147 143 3.40 3.40 106.19 13 38.4 5.56 2 561 39 522 60 Namibia 184 . . 0.30 . . . . . . . . 0.14 2 77 5 72 61 Paraguay 197 41 2.12 1.90 11.21 9 2.8 0.43 0 111 17 94 62 ElSalvador 1 1 0.05 0.05 0.22 7 1.1 1.00 5 241 17 224 63 Colombia 517 464 8.90 8.20 56.14 35 5.4 5.34 0 179 73 105 64 Thailand 157 92 240a 46.77 75 9.1 31.90 24 18 599 575 65 Jamaica 1 1 0.02 0.02 0.00 0 0.0 0.32 4 157 11 146 66 Tunisia 3 2 0.05 . . 0.45 6 0.3 2.30 53 325 42 283 Note: For data comparability and coverage, see the technical notes. Figures in italics are for yeara other than those specified. 268 Forest area Internal renewable water resources: (thousands of square kilometers) Protected land areas annual withdrawal (1970-8 7) Annual Per capita (cubic meters) Area Ass Asa Total area deforestation Industrial (thousands percentage Total percentage of 1980 1981-85 (cubic and of square of total total water Total Closed Total Closed kilometers) Number land area kilometers) resources Total Domestic agricultural 67 Turkey 202 89 . . 246 15 0.3 15.60 8 317 76 241 68 Botswana 326 0 0.20 100.25 9 17.7 0.09 1 98 5 93 69 Jordan 1 0 . . 0.93 7 1.0 0.45 41 173 50 123 70 Panama 42 42 0.36 0.36 13.0 14 17.3 1.30 I 744 89 654 71 Chile 76 76 0.50 . . 119.83 69 16.0 16.80 4 1,625 98 1.528 72 CostaRica 18 16 042a 0.42a 6.10 25 12.0 1.35 I 779 31 748 73 Poland 87 86 . . . 21.93 75 7.2 16.80 30 472 76 397 74 Mauritius 0 0 0.00 0.00 0.04 1 2.0 0.36 16 415 66 348 75 Mexico 484 463 6.15 5.95 55.83 47 2.9 54.20 15 901 54 847 76 Argentina 445 445 . . . . 109.75 69 4.0 27.60 3 1,059 95 964 77 Malaysia 210 210 2.55 2.55 11.01 39 3.4 9.42 2 765 176 589 78 Algeria 18 IS 0.40 . . 4.97 17 0.2 3.00 16 161 35 125 79 Bulgaria 37 33 . . . . 1.29 39 1.2 14.18 7 1,600 112 1,488 80 Lebanon 0 0 0.00 0.04 1 0.3 0.75 16 271 30 241 81 Mongolia 95 95 . . . . 3.18 13 0.2 0.55 2 272 30 242 82 Nicaragua 45 45 1.21 1.21 0.43 6 0.4 0.89 1 370 92 277 Upper-middle-income 83 Venezuela 339 319 2.45 1.25 86.19 43 9.8 4.10 0 387 166 221 84 South Africa 3 3 . . . . 58.02 152 4.8 9.20 18 404 65 340 85 Brazil 5,145 3,575 b b 200,96 160 2.4 35.04 1 212 91 121 86 Hungaiy 16 16 5.11 46 5.5 5.38 5 502 45 457 87 Uruguay 5 5 0.30 7 0.2 0.65 1 241 14 227 88 Yugoslavia 105 91 . . . . 10.36 76 4.1 8.77 3 393 63 330 89 Gabon 206 205 0.15 0.15 17.53 6 6.8 0.06 0 51 37 14 90 Iran, Islamic Rep. 38 28 0.20 . . 36.26 30 2.2 45.40 39 1,362 54 1,307 91 TnnidadandTobago 2 2 0.01 0.01 0.16 6 3.1 0.15 3 149 40 109 92 Czechoslovakia 46 44 . . . . 19.86 66 15.8 5.80 6 379 87 292 93 Portugal 30 26 . . . . 6.20 27 6.8 10.50 16 1,062 159 903 94 Korea, Rep. 49 49 . . 5.58 17 5.7 10.70 17 298 33 265 95 Oman 0 0 . . 0.54 2 0.3 0.43 22 561 17 545 96 Libya 2 1 1.55 3 0.1 2.62 374 262 39 222 97 Greece 58 25 . . . . 5.34 61 4.1 6.95 12 721 58 663 98 Iraq 12 1 . . . . 0.00 0 0.0 42.80 43 4,575 137 4,437 99 Romania 67 63 . . . . 1.52 18 0.7 25.40 12 1,144 92 1,053 Low- and middle-income Sub-Saharan Africa East Asia South Asia Europe, M.East, & N.Africa Latin America & Caribbean Severely indebted High-income economies OECD members tOther 100 tSaudi Arabia 2 0 8.08 5 0.4 2.33 106 321 145 177 10! Ireland 4 3 0.24 5 0.4 0.79 2 267 43 224 102 Spain 108 69 25.61 110 5.1 45.25 41 1,174 141 1,033 103 tlsrael 1 1 2.36 19 11.6 1.90 88 447 71 375 104 tHong Kong 0.00 . . . . . . . . . . . 105 tSingapore 0 0 0.03 1 4.8 0.19 32 84 38 46 106 New Zealand 95 72 28.28 122 10.5 1.20 0 379 174 204 107 Australia 1,067 417 364.81 625 4.8 17.80 5 1,306 849 457 108 United Kingdom 22 20 25.69 84 10.6 28.35 24 507 101 405 109 Italy 81 64 12.66 100 4.3 56.20 30 983 138 845 110 Netherlands 4 3 1.51 47 4.4 14.47 16 1,023 51 972 Ill tKuwait 0 0 0.00 0 0.0 0.01 . . 10 6 4 112 Belgium 8 7 . . 0.84 5 2.6 9.03 72 917 101 816 113 Austria 38 38 . . . . 15.94 129 19.3 3.13 3 417 79 338 114 France 151 139 . . 45.01 73 8.2 40.00 22 728 116 612 115 tunited Arab Emirates 0 0 . . . 0.00 0 0.0 0.42 140 429 47 381 116 Canada 4,364 2,641 . . 338.85 311 3.7 42.20 1 1,752 196 1,556 137 Germany 72 70 27.57 86 11.3 41.22 26 668 67 601 118 Denmark 5 5 , . . . 2.82 58 6.7 1.46 II 289 87 202 119 United States 2,960 2,096 1.59 790.40 396 8.6 467.00 19 2,162 259 1,903 120 Sweden 278 244 . . 17.07 68 4.3 3.98 2 479 172 307 121 Finland 232 199 . . . 8.06 34 2.6 3.70 3 774 93 681 122 Norway 87 76 47.62 65 15.5 2.00 0 489 98 392 123 Japan 253 239 24.01 61 6.4 107.80 20 923 157 766 124 Switzerland II 9 . . . . 1.21 19 3.0 3.20 6 502 115 387 Other economies World Oil exporters (cxci. USSR) a. Data are for the periods as follows: India 1983-87, Indonesia 1979-84, Myanmar 1975-81, Viet Nam 1976-81, Philippines 1981-88, Cameroon 1976-86, Thailand 1985-88, Costa Rica 1973-89. b. See the technical notes for alternative estimates. 269 Technical notes This fourteenth edition of the World Development dated, some figuresespecially those relating to Indicators provides economic, social, and natural re- current periodsmay be extrapolated. Several esti- source indicators for selected periods or years for 184 mates (for example, life expectancy) are derived from economies and various analytical and geographical models based on assumptions about behavior and groups of economies. prevailing conditions. Issues related to the reliability The main criterion of country classification is gross of demographic indicators are reviewed in the UN's national product (GNP) per capita. With the inclusion World Population Trends and Policies. Readers are urged of four new World Bank members, Bulgaria, to take these limitations into account in interpreting Czechoslovakia, Mongolia, and Namibia, the main the indicators, particularly when making compari- tables now include country data on 124 economies. Sons across economies. As only sparse data are available for four additional A major methodological change introduced in this economies, these are not included in the main tables edition is the use of 1987 constant price series for except in summary form under the heading other calculating growth rates instead of the 1980 constant economies, where available; selected data are pre- price series previously used. sented for them, and for the former German Demo- To provide long-term trend analysis, facilitate inter- cratic Republic, in Box A.2. Box A.1, showing basic national comparisons and include the effects of indicators for economies with populations of less changes in intersectoral relative prices, constant price than 1 million, covers another fifty-six economies. data for most economies are partially rebased to three Other changes are outlined in the introduction. base years and linked together. The year 1970 is the Considerable effort has been made to standardize base year for data from 1960 to 1975, 1980 for 1976 to the data; nevertheless, statistical methods, coverage, 1982, and 1987 for 1983 and beyond. These three practices, and definitions differ widely among coun- periods are "chain-linked" to obtain 1987 prices tries. In addition, the statistical systems in many de- throughout all three periods. veloping economies are still weak, and this affects the Chain-linking is accomplished for each of the three availability and reliability of the data. Moreover, subperiods by rescaling; this moves the year in which cross-country and cross-time comparisons always in- current and constant price versions of the same time volve complex technical problems, which cannot be series have the same value, without altering the trend fully and unequivocally resolved. The data are drawn of either. Components of GDP are individually re- from the sources thought to be most authoritative, scaled and summed to provide GDP and its subag- but many of them are subject to considerable margins gregates. In this process, a rescaling deviation may of error. occur between the constant price GDP by industrial Most social and demographic data from national origin and the constant price GDP by expenditure. sources are drawn from regular administrative files, Such rescaling deviations are absorbed under the although some come from special surveys or periodic heading private consumption, etc. on the assumption census inquiries. In the case of survey and census that GDP by industrial origin is a more reliable esti- data, figures for intermediate years have to be inter- mate than GDP by expenditure. polated or otherwise estimated from the base refer- Because private consumption is calculated as a re- ence statistics. Similarly, because not all data are up- sidual, the national accounting identities are main- 270 Box A.1 Basic indicators for economies with populations of less than 1 million GNP per capita5 Average Area Average annual expehitfaency Adult illiteracy Population (thousands growth rate rate of inflattona at birth (percent) (thousands) of square Dollars (percent) (percent) (years) Female Total mid-1989 kilometers) 1989 1965-89 1965-80 1980-89 1989 1985 1985 1 Guinea-Bissau 960 36 180 . . . 53.2 40 83 69 2 The Gambia 849 11 240 0.7 8.1 14.1 44 85 75 3 Equatorial Guinea 407 28 330 . . . . . . 46 . . 63 4 Guyana 796 215 340 -1.6 7.9 20.0 64 5 4 5 São Tome and Principe 120 1 340 . . . . 18.3 66 6 Maldives 210 b 420 2.5 . . 6.4 61 7 Comoros 458 2 460 0.5 . . 5.3 55 . 8 Solomon Islands 313 29 580 . . 7.7 10.5 64 . 9 Kiribati 69 1 700 . . . . 5.5 55 . 10 Western Samoa 163 3 700 . . . . 9.7 66 . 11 Cape Verde 361 4 780 . . . . 9.7 66 61 12 Vanuatu 152 12 860 . . . . 4.3 64 . 13 Swaziland 761 17 900 2.1 9.0 11.9 56 34 32 14 Tonga 98 1 910 . . . . 7.5 67 . 15 Fiji 740 18 1,650 1.8 10.3 5.6 67 19 15 16 Belize 184 23 1,720 2.5 7.1 2.4 68 . 17 St. Lucia 148 1 1,810 . . . . 3.6 71 . 18 Grenada 94 b 1,900 . . . . . . 69 . 19 Suriname 437 163 3,010 1.2 . . 6.2 67 10 10 20 Seychelles 67 b 4,230 3.2 12.2 3.4 70 . 21 Malta 350 b 5,830 7.2 3.5 2.0 73 18 16 22 Barbados 256 b 6,350 2.4 11.0 5.5 75 . 23 Cyprus 695 9 7,040 . . . . 6.0 76 . 24 The Bahamas 249 14 11,320 1.1 6.4 6.1 68 . 25 Qatar 422 11 15,500 . . . . . . 70 . 26 Iceland 254 103 21,070 3.4 26.8 34.8 78 . . 27 Luxembourg 377 3 24,980 6.1 4.3 4.4 75 . 28 American Samoa 38 b c . . . . . . 72 . 29 Andorra 50 . . c . . . . . . . . . 30 Antigua and Barhuda 78 b d . . . . 6.7 74 . 31 Aruba 60 b c . . . . . . . . . 32 Bahrain 489 1 c . . . . -1.3 69 36 27 33 Bermuda 60 b c . . 8.1 9.1 . . . 34 Brunei 249 6 c . . . . -5.1 75 . 35 Channel Islands 142 . . C . . . . . . 77 . 36 Djibouti 411 23 e . . . . . . 48 . 37 Dominica 82 1 e 0.5 12.6 6.1 75 . 38 Faeroe Islands 47 1 c . . . . . . . . . 39 French Guiana 90 90 d . . . . . . . . . 40 French Polynesia 193 4 c . . . . . . 72 . 41 Gibraltar 31 b d . . . . . . . . . 42 Greenland 56 342 c . . . . . S 43 Guadeloupe 341 2 c . . . . . . 74 . 44 Guam 134 1 c .. .. .. 73 45 Isle of Man 67 . . c . . . . . . . . . 46 Macao 448 b d . . . . . . 72 . 47 Martinique 338 1 d . . . . . . 76 . 48 Mayotte 69 . . c . . . . . . . . . 49 Netherlands Antilles 189 1 C . . . . . . 77 . 50 New Caledonia 162 19 d . . . . . . 69 . 51 Pacific Islands, Trust Territories 169 2 d . . . S . 52 Puerto Rico 3,301 9 c . . . . . 75 . . 53 Reunion 584 3 d . . . . .72 . . 54 St. Kitts and Nevis 41 b d . . . 6.4 . 69 . 55 St. Vincent and the Grenadines 113 b e 1.9 10.9 5.8 70 . 56 Virgin Islands (U.S.) 109 b c . . . . . . 74 . Note: Economies in italics are those for which 1989 GNP per capita cannot be calculated. figures in italics are for years other than those spec- ified. a. See the technical note for Table I. b. Less than 500 square kilometers. c. GNP per capita estimated to be in the high-income range. d. GNP per capita estimated to be in the upper-middle-income range. e. GNP per capita estimated to be in the lower-middle-income range. f. Population is more than I million. 271 Box A.2 Selected indicators for other economies Former People's German Democratic Democratic Republic of Albania Cuba Republica Korea USSR 1965 1989 1965 1989 1965 1989 1965 1989 1965 1989 Population (millions) 2 3 8 11 17 17 12 21 232 288 Urban population (percentage of total) 32 35 58 74 73 77 45 60 52 66 Life expectancy at birth (years) 66 72 67 76 70 74 57 70 69 70 Crude birth rate (per 1,000 population) 35 24 34 18 17 12 44 22 18 18 Crude death rate (per 1,000 population) 9 6 8 7 14 13 12 5 7 10 Population per physician 2,100 . . 1,150 530 870 440 . . 420 480 270 Total fertility rate 5.4 3.0 4.4 1.9 2.5 1.8 6.5 2.4 2.5 2.4 Infant mortality (per 1,000 live births) 87 26 38 12 25 8 63 27 28 24 Low birth weight (percent) . . . . . . 8 . . 6 . . . . . Under 5 mortality (per 1,000 live births, female) . . 28 . . 14 . . 9 . . 27 . 25 Under 5 mortality (per 1,000 live births, male) . . 34 . . 17 . . 12 . . 36 . . 33 Daily calorie supply (per capita) 2,376 2,741 2,373 3,103 3,203 3,890 2,298 3,193 3,205 3,386 Food production per capita index (1979-81 = 100) 84 96 82 108 72 113 73 108 86 113 Primary education (female) 87 98 119 101 111 105 . . 100 103 Primary education (total) 92 99 121 104 109 105 . . 100 103 105 Area (thousands of square kilometers) . . 29 . . 111 . . 108 . . 121 . . 22,402 Population projected to year 2000 (millions) . . 4 . . 12 . . 15 . . 25 . . 307 Note: For data comparability and coverage and definitions, see the technical notes for the appropriate main table. Figures in italics are for years other than those specified. a. Not included in the "other economies" country group in the main tables. tam. Rebasing does involve incorporating in pri- The summary measures are calculated by simple vate consumption whatever statistical discrepancies addition when a variable is expressed in reasonably arise for expenditure. The value added in the services comparable units of account. Economic indicators sector also includes a statistical discrepancy, as re- that do not seem naturally additive are usually com- ported by the original source. bined by a price-weighting scheme. The summary With some exceptions, use of 1987 rather than 1980 measures for social indicators are weighted by values as country weights does not greatly alter the population. group indexes and growth rates reported here. Most The World Development Indicators, unlike the exceptions relate to oil exporters and reflect declining World Tables,provide data for (usually) two reference shares of group GNP, trade, and so on from 1980 to points rather than annual time series. For summary 1987. This is most notable for Sub-Saharan Africa, measures that cover many years, the calculation is with the dramatic decline in Nigeria's weight. In con- based on the same country composition over time trast, changing the base year for country series them- and across topics. The World Development Indicators selves, as described above, is likely to alter trends permit group measures to be compiled only if the significantly. Differences of half a percentage point a country data available for a given year account for at year in growth rates could be quite common; larger least two-thirds of the full group, as defined by the changes may occur for economies that have under- 1987 benchmarks. So long as that criterion is met, gone significant structural change, such as oil uncurrent reporters (and those not providing ample exporters. history) are, for years with missing data, assumed to 272 behave like the sample of the group that does provide More generally, GNP abstracts from environmental estimates. Readers should keep in mind that the pur- issues, particularly natural resource use. The Bank pose is to maintain an appropriate relationship across has joined with others to see how national accounts topics, despite myriad problems with country data, might provide insights into these issues. The possi- and that nothing meaningful can be deduced about bility of developing "satellite" accounts is being con- behavior at the country level by working back from sidered; such accounts could delve into practical and group indicators. In addition, the weighting process conceptual difficulties, such as assigning a meaning- may result in discrepancies between summed sub- ful economic value to resources that markets do not group figures and overall totals. This is explained yet perceive as "scarce" and allocating costs that are more fully in the introduction to the World Tables. essentially global within a framework that is inher- All growth rates shown are calculated from con- ently national. stant price series and, unless otherwise noted, have GNP measures the total domestic and foreign value been computed using the least-squares method. The added claimed by residents. It comprises GDP (de- least-squares growth rate, r, is estimated by fitting a fined in the note for Table 2) plus net factor income least-squares linear regression trend line to the log- from abroad, which is the income residents receive arithmic annual values of the variable in the relevant from abroad for factor services (labor and capital) less period. More specifically, the regression equation similar payments made to nonresidents who contrib- takes the form log X, = a + bt + e where this is uted to the domestic economy. equivalent to the logarithmic transformation of the In estimating GNP per capita, the Bank recognizes compound growth rate equation, X = X0 (1 + r)t. In that perfect cross-country comparability of GNP per these equations, X is the variable, t is time, and capita estimates cannot be achieved. Beyond the clas- a = log X0 and b = log (1 + r) are the parameters to be sic, strictly intractable index number problem, two estimated; e is the error term. If b* is the least-squares obstacles stand in the way of adequate comparability. estimate of b, then the average annual percentage One concerns the GNP and population estimates growth rate, r, is obtained as [antilog (b*)] - 1 and themselves. There are differences in national ac- multiplied by 100 to express it as a percentage. counting and demographic reporting systems and in the coverage and reliability of underlying statistical Table 1. Basic indicators information among various countries. The other re- For basic indicators for economies with populations lates to the use of official exchange rates for convert- of less than 1 million, see Box A.1. For selected indi- ing GNP data, expressed in different national curren- cators for other economies and for the former Ger- cies, to a common denominationconventionally the man Democratic Republic, see Box A.2. US dollarto compare them across countries. Population numbers for mid-1989 are World Bank Recognizing that these shortcomings affect the estimates. These are normally projections from the comparability of the GNP per capita estimates, the most recent population censuses or surveys; most are World Bank has introduced several improvements in from the 1980s, and for a few countries, the 1960s or the estimation procedures. Through its regular re- 1970s. Note that refugees not permanently settled in view of member countries' national accounts, the the country of asylum are generally considered to be Bank systematically evaluates the GNP estimates, fo- part of the population of their country of origin. cusing on the coverage and concepts employed and, The data on area are from the Food and Agriculture where appropriate, making adjustments to improve Organization. Area is the total surface area, mea- comparability. As part of the review, Bank staff esti- sured in square kilometers, comprising land area and mates of GNP (and sometimes of population) may be inland waters. developed for the most recent period. GNP per ca pita figures in US dollars are calculated The World Bank also systematically assesses the according to the World Bank Atlas method, which is appropriateness of official exchange rates as conver- described below. sion factors. An alternative conversion factor is used GNP per capita does not, by itself, constitute or (and reported in the World Tables) when the official measure welfare or success in development. It does exchange rate is judged to diverge by an excep- not distinguish between the aims and ultimate uses tionally large margin from the rate effectively applied of a given product, nor does it say whether it merely to foreign transactions. This applies to only a small offsets some natural or other obstacle, or harms or number of countries. For all other countries the Bank contributes to welfare. For example, GNP is higher in calculates GNP per capita using the Atlas method. colder countries, where people spend money on The Atlas conversion factor for any year is the aver- heating and warm clothes, than in balmy climates, age of the exchange rate for that year and the ex- where people are comfortable wearing light clothes in change rates for the two preceding years, after adjust- the open air. ing them for differences in relative inflation between 273 the country and the United States. This three-year converting GNP from national currencies to US average smooths fluctuations in prices and exchange dollars. rates for each country. The resulting GNP in US dol- The average annual rate of inflation is measured by lars is divided by the midyear population for the lat- the growth rate of the GDP implicit deflator for each est of the three years to derive GNP per capita. of the periods shown. The GDP deflator is first calcu- Some sixty low- and middle-income economies lated by dividing, for each year of the period, the have suffered declining real GNP per capita in con- value of GDP at current values by the value of GDP at stant prices during the 1980s. In addition, significant constant values, both in national currency. The least- currency and terms of trade fluctuations have af- squares method is then used to calculate the growth fected relative income levels. For this reason the rate of the GDP deflator for the period. This measure levels and ranking of GNP per capita estimates, cal- of inflation, like any other, has limitations. For some culated by the Atlas method, have sometimes purposes, however, it is used as an indicator of infla- changed in ways not necessarily related to the rela- tion because it is the most broadly based measure, tive domestic growth performance of the economies. showing annual price movements for all goods and The following formulas describe the procedures for services produced in an economy. computing the conversion factor for year t: Life expectancy at birth indicates the number of years a newborn infant would live if prevailing patterns of (e,_2,) = 1 [e,_ i- P, P1 + c,_, P1 P + e,j mortality at the time of its birth were to stay the same throughout its life. Data are from the UN Population Division, supplemented by World Bank estimates, and for calculating GNP per capita in US dollars for and do not yet reflect the potentially significant im- year t: pact of the human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) (Y1) = (Y, I N, e_Zt) epidemic. where Adult illiteracy is defined here as the proportion of Yt = current GNP (local currency) for year the population over the age of fifteen who cannot, Pt = GNP deflator for year with understanding, read and write a short, simple e, = annual average exchange rate (local currency/US statement on their everyday life. This is only one of dollar) for year three widely accepted definitions, and its application N, = midyear population for year is subject to qualifiers in a number of countries. P1 = US GNP deflator for year t. The summary measures for GNP per capita, life Because of problems associated with the availabil- expectancy, and adult illiteracy in this table are ity of comparable data and the determination of con- weighted by population. Those for average annual version factors, information on GNP per capita is not rates of inflation are weighted by the 1987 share of shown for some economies. country GDP valued in current US dollars. The use of official exchange rates to convert na- tional currency figures to US dollars does not reflect Tables 2 and 3. Growth and structure of production the relative domestic purchasing powers of curren- cies. The United Nations International Comparison Most of the definitions used are those of the UN Sys- Program (ICP) has developed measures of real GDP tem of National Accounts (SNA), Series F, No. 2, Revi- on an internationally comparable scale, using pur- sion 3. Estimates are obtained from national sources, chasing power parities (PPPs) instead of exchange sometimes reaching the World Bank through other rates as conversion factors. Table 30 shows the most international agencies but more often collected dur- recent ICP estimates. Information on the ICP has ing World Bank staff missions. been published in four studies and in a number of World Bank staff review the quality of national ac- other reports. The most recent study is Phase V, parts counts data and in some instances, through mission of which have already been published by the Eu- work or technical assistance, help adjust national se- ropean Communities (EC)covering Europe and Af- ries. Because of the sometimes limited capabilities of ricaand the Organisation for Economic Co-opera- statistical offices and basic data problems, strict inter- tion and Development (OECD). national comparability cannot be achieved, especially The ICP figures reported in Table 30 are prelimi- in economic activities that are difficult to measure nary and may be revised. The United Nations and its such as parallel market transactions, the informal sec- regional economic commissions, as well as other in- tor, or subsistence agriculture. ternational agencies, such as the EC, the OECD, and GDP measures the total output of goods and ser- the World Bank, are working to improve the meth- vices for final use produced by residents and nonresi- odology and to extend annual purchasing power dents, regardless of the allocation to domestic and comparisons to all countries. However, exchange foreign claims. It is calculated without making deduc- rates remain the only generally available means of tions for depreciation of "manmade" assets or deple- 274 tion and degradation of natural resources. Although cedure, as described in the technical note for Tables 2 SNA envisages estimates of GDP by industrial origin and 3. to be at producer prices, many countries still report The figures for the remainder of this table are from such details at factor cost. International comparability the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO). Cereal of the estimates is affected by the use of differing imports are measured in grain equivalents and de- country practices in valuation systems for reporting fined as comprising all cereals in the Standard Interna- value added by production sectors. As a partial solu- tional Trade Classification (SITC), Revision 2, Groups tion, GOP estimates are shown at purchaser values if 041-046. Food aid in cereals covers wheat and flour, the components are on this basis, and such instances bulgur, rice, coarse grains, and the cereal component are footnoted. However, for a few countries in Tables of blended foods. The figures are not directly compa- 2 and 3, GDP at purchaser values has been replaced rable because of reporting and timing differences. Ce- by GDP at factor cost. real imports are based on calendar-year data reported The figures for GDP are dollar values converted by recipient countries, and food aid in cereals is based from domestic currencies using single-year official ex- on data for crop years reported by donors and inter- change rates. For a few countries where the official national organizations, including the International exchange rate does not reflect the rate effectively ap- Wheat Council and the World Food Programme. Fur- plied to actual foreign exchange transactions, an al- thermore, food aid information from donors may not ternative conversion factor is used (and reported in correspond to actual receipts by beneficiaries during a the World Tables). Note that this table does not use the given period because of delays in transportation and three-year averaging technique applied to GNP per recording, or because aid is sometimes not reported capita in Table 1. to the FAO or other relevant international organiza- Agriculture covers forestry, hunting, and fishing as tions. Food aid imports may also not show up in well as agriculture. In developing countries with high customs records. The earliest available food aid data levels of subsistence farming, much of agricultural are for 1974. The time reference for food aid is the production is either not exchanged or not exchanged crop year, July to June. for money. This increases the difficulty of measuring Fertilizer consumption measures the plant nutrients the contribution of agriculture to GDP and reduces used in relation to arable land. Fertilizer products the reliability and comparability of such numbers. In- cover nitrogenous, potash, and phosphate fertilizers dustry comprises value added in mining; manufactur- (which include ground rock phosphate). Arable land ing (also reported as a separate subgroup); construc- is defined as land under temporary crops (double- tion; and electricity, water, and gas. Value added in cropped areas are counted once), temporary mead- all other branches of economic activity, including im- ows for mowing or pastures, land under market or puted bank service charges, import duties, and any kitchen gardens, and land temporarily fallow or lying statistical discrepancies noted by national compilers, idle, as well as land under permanent crops. The time are categorized as services, etc. reference for fertilizer consumption is the crop year, Partially rebased, chain-linked 1987 series in do- July to June. mestic currencies, as explained at the beginning of The average index of food production per capita shows the technical notes, are used to compute the growth the average annual quantity of food produced per rates in Table 2. The sectoral shares of GOP in Table 3 capita in 1987-89 in relation to the average produced are based on current price series. annually in 1979-81. The estimates are derived by In calculating the summary measures for each indi- dividing the quantity of food production by the total cator in Table 2, partially rebased constant 1987 US population. For this index food is defined as compris- dollar values for each economy are calculated for each ing nuts, pulses, fruits, cereals, vegetables, sugar year of the periods covered; the values are aggre- cane, sugar beet, starchy roots, edible oils, livestock, gated across countries for each year; and the least- and livestock products. Quantities of food production squares procedure is used to compute the growth are measured net of animal feed, seeds for use in rates. The average sectoral percentage shares in Table agriculture, and food lost in processing and 3 are computed from group aggregates of sectoral distribution. GDP in current US dollars. The summary measures for fertilizer consumption are weighted by total arable land area; the summary Table 4. Agriculture and food measures for food production are weighted by population. The basic data for value added in agriculture are from the World Bank's national accounts series at current Table 5. Commercial energy prices in national currencies. Value added in current prices in national currencies is converted to US dol- The data on energy are primarily from UN sources. lars by applying the single-year conversion pro- They refer to commercial forms of primary energy- 275 petroleum and natural gas liquids, natural gas, solid products (Major Groups 353-56), basic metals and fuels (coal, lignite, and so on), and primary electricity mineral products (Divisions 36 and 37), fabricated (nuclear, geothermal, and hydroelectric power)all metal products and professional goods (Major converted into oil equivalents. Figures on liquid fuel Groups 381 and 385), and other industries (Major consumption include petroleum derivatives that have Group 390). When data for textiles, machinery, or been consumed in nonenergy uses. For converting chemicals are shown as not available, they are also primary electricity into oil equivalents, a notional included in other. thermal efficiency of 34 percent has been assumed. Summary measures given for value added in man- The use of firewood, dried animal excrement, and ufacturing are totals calculated by the aggregation other traditional fuels, although substantial in some method noted at the beginning of the technical notes. developing countries, is not taken into account be- cause reliable and comprehensive data are not Table 7. Manufacturing earnings and output available. Energy imports refer to the dollar value of energy Four indicators are showntwo relate to real earn- importsSection 3 in the Standard International Trade ings per employee, one to labor's share in total value Classification, Revision 1and are expressed as a per- added generated, and one to labor productivity in the centage of earnings from merchandise exports. Be- manufacturing sector. The indicators are based on cause data on energy imports do not permit a distinc- data from the United Nations Industrial Develop- tion between petroleum imports for fuel and those ment Organization (UNIDO), although the deflators for use in the petrochemicals industry, these percent- are from other sources, as explained below. ages may overestimate the dependence on imported Earnings per employee are in constant prices and are energy. derived by deflating nominal earnings per employee The summary measures of energy production and by the country's consumer price index (CPI). The CPI consumption are computed by aggregating the re- is from the International Monetary Fund's Interna- spective volumes for each of the years covered by the tional Financial Statistics. Total earnings as a percentage of periods and then applying the least-squares growth value added are derived by dividing total earnings of rate procedure. For energy consumption per capita, employees by value added in current prices, to show population weights are used to compute summary labor's share in income generated in the manufactur- measures for the specified years. ing sector. Gross output per employee is in constant The summary measures of energy imports as a per- prices and is presented as an index of overall labor centage of merchandise exports are computed from productivity in manufacturing with 1980 as the base group aggregates for energy imports and merchan- year. To derive this indicator, UNIDO data on gross dise exports in current dollars. output per employee in current prices are adjusted using the implicit deflators for value added in manu- Table 6. Structure of manufacturing facturing or in industry, taken from the World Bank's national accounts data files. The basic data for value added in manufacturing are To improve cross-country comparability, UNIDO from the World Bank's national accounts series at cur- has, where possible, standardized the coverage of es- rent prices in national currencies. Value added in cur- tablishments to those with five or more employees. rent prices in national currencies is converted to US The concepts and definitions are in accordance dollars by applying the single-year conversion pro- with the International Recommendations for Industrial cedure, as described in the technical note for Tables 2 Statistics, published by the United Nations. Earnings and 3. (wages and salaries) cover all remuneration to em- The data for distribution of manufacturing value added ployees paid by the employer during the year. The among industries are provided by the United Nations payments include (a) all regular and overtime cash Industrial Development Organization, and distribu- payments and bonuses and cost of living allowances; tion calculations are from national currencies in cur- (b) wages and salaries paid during vacation and sick rent prices. leave; (c) taxes and social insurance contributions and The classification of manufacturing industries is in the like, payable by the employees and deducted by accordance with the UN International Standard Indus- the employer; and (d) payments in kind. trial Classification of All Economic Activities (ISIC), Revi- The value of gross output is estimated on the basis sion 2. Food, beverages, and tobacco comprise ISIC Divi- of either production or shipments. On the production sion 31; textiles and clothing, Division 32; machinery and basis it consists of (a) the value of all products of the transport equipment, Major Groups 382-84; and chemi- establishment, (b) the value of industrial services ren- cals, Major Groups 351 and 352. Other comprises dered to others, (c) the value of goods shipped in the wood and related products (Division 33), paper and same condition as received, (d) the value of electricity related products (Division 34), petroleum and related sold, and (e) the net change in the value of work-in- 276 progress between the beginning and the end of the currency units are used to compute the indicators in reference period. In the case of estimates compiled on Table 8. Distribution of GDP in Table 9 is calculated a shipment basis, the net change between the begin- from national accounts series in current domestic cur- ning and the end of the reference period in the value rency units. of stocks of finished goods is also included. "Value The summary measures are calculated by the added" is defined as the current value of gross out- method explained in the note for Tables 2 and 3. put less the current cost of (a) materials, fuels, and other supplies consumed, (b) contract and commis- Table 10. Structure of consumption sion work done by others, (c) repair and maintenance work done by others, and (d) goods shipped in the Percentage shares of selected items in total household same condition as received. consumption expenditure are computed from details The term "employees" in this table combines two of GDP (expenditure at national market prices) de- categories defined by the UN, regular employees and fined in the UN System of National Accounts (SNA), persons engaged. Together these groups comprise mostly as collected from International Comparison regular employees, working proprietors, active busi- Program (ICP) Phases IV (1980) and V (1985). For ness partners, and unpaid family workers; they ex- countries not covered by the ICP, less detailed na- clude homeworkers. The data refer to the average tional accounts estimates are included, where avail- number of employees working during the year. able, in order to present a general idea of the broad structure of consumption. The data cover eighty-four Tables 8 and 9. Growth of consumption countries (including Bank staff estimates for China) and investment; structure of demand and refer to the most recent estimates, generally for 1980 and 1985. Where they refer to other years the GDP is defined in the note for Tables 2 and 3, but for figures are shown in italics. Consumption here refers these two tables it is in purchaser values. to private (nongovernment) consumption as defined General government consumption includes all current in the SNA and in the notes for Tables 2 and 3, 4, and expenditure for purchases of goods and services by 9, except that education and medical care comprise all levels of government. Capital expenditure on na- government as well as private outlays. This ICP con- tional defense and security is regarded as consump- cept of "enhanced consumption" reflects who uses tion expenditure. rather than who pays for consumption goods, and it Private consumption, etc., is the market value of all improves international comparability because it is goods and services, including durable products (such less sensitive to differing national practices regarding as cars, washing machines, and home computers) the financing of health and education services. purchased or received as income in kind by house- Cereals and tubers, a major subitem of food, comprise holds and nonprofit institutions. It excludes pur- the main staple products: rice, flour, bread, all other chases of dwellings but includes imputed rent for cereals and cereal preparations, potatoes, yams, and owner-occupied dwellings (see the note for Table 10 other tubers. For high-income OECD members, how- for details). In practice, it includes any statistical dis- ever, this subitem does not include tubers. Gross crepancy in the use of resources. At constant prices, it rents; fuel and power consist of actual and imputed also includes the rescaling deviation from partial re- rents and repair and maintenance charges, as well as basing, which is explained at the beginning of the the subitem fuel and power (for heating, lighting, cook- technical notes. ing, air conditioning, and so forth). Note that this Gross domestic investment consists of outlays on ad- item excludes energy used for transport (rarely re- ditions to the fixed assets of the economy plus net ported to be more than 1 percent of total consump- changes in the level of inventories. tion in low- and middle-income economies). As men- Gross domestic savings are calculated by deducting tioned, medical care and education include government total consumption from GDP. as well as private consumption expenditure. Transport Exports of goods and nonfactor services represent the and communication also includes the purchase of auto- value of all goods and nonfactor services provided to mobiles, which are reported as a subitem. Other con- the rest of the world; they include merchandise, sumption, the residual group, includes beverages and freight, insurance, travel, and other nonfactor ser- tobacco, nondurable household goods and house- vices. The value of factor services, such as investment hold services, recreational services, and services (in- income, interest, and labor income, is excluded. Cur- cluding meals) supplied by hotels and restaurants; rent transfers are also excluded. carry-out food is recorded here. It also includes the The resource balance is the difference between ex- separately reported subitem other consumer durables, ports of goods and nonfactor services and imports of comprising household appliances, furniture, floor goods and nonfactor services. coverings, recreational equipment, and watches and Partially rebased 1987 series in constant domestic jewelry. 277 Estimating the structure of consumption is one of reasons the data presented, especially those for edu- the weakest aspects of national accounting in low- cation and health, are not comparable across coun- and middle-income economies. The structure is esti- tries. In many economies private health and educa- mated through household expenditure surveys and tion services are substantial; in others public services similar survey techniques. It therefore shares any bias represent the major component of total expenditure inherent in the sample frame. Since, conceptually, but may be financed by lower levels of government. expenditure is not identical to consumption, other Caution should therefore be exercised in using the apparent discrepancies occur and data for some coun- data for cross-country comparisons. Central govern- tries should be treated with caution. For example, ment expenditure comprises the expenditure by all some countries limit surveys to urban areas or, even government offices, departments, establishments, more narrowly, to capital cities. This tends to produce and other bodies that are agencies or instruments of lower than average shares for food and high shares the central authority of a country. It includes both for transport and communication, gross rents, fuel current and capital (development) expenditure. and power, and other consumption. Controlled food Defense comprises all expenditure, whether by de- prices and incomplete national accounting for subsis- fense or other departments, on the maintenance of tence activities also contribute to low food shares. military forces, including the purchase of military supplies and equipment, construction, recruiting, Table 11. Central government expenditure and training. Also in this category are closely related items such as military aid programs. Defense does The data on central government finance in Tables 11 not include expenditure on public order and safety, and 12 are from the IMF Government Finance Statistics which are classified separately. Yearbook (1990) and IMF data files. The accounts of Education comprises expenditure on the provision, each country are reported using the system of com- management, inspection, and support of preprimary, mon definitions and classifications found in the IMF primary, and secondary schools; of universities and Manual on Government Finance Statistics (1986). colleges; and of vocational, technical, and other train- For complete and authoritative explanations of con- ing institutions. Also included is expenditure on the cepts, definitions, and data sources, see these IMF general administration and regulation of the educa- sources. The commentary that follows is intended tion system; on research into its objectives, organiza- mainly to place these data in the context of the broad tion, administration, and methods; and on such sub- range of indicators reported in this edition. sidiary services as transport, school meals, and The shares of total expenditure and current revenue by school medical and dental services, Note that Table 10 category are calculated from series in national curren- provides an alternative measure of expenditure on cies. Because of differences in coverage of available education, private as well as public, relative to house- data, the individual components of central govern- hold consumption. ment expenditure and current revenue shown in Health covers public expenditure on hospitals, ma- these tables may not be strictly comparable across all ternity and dental centers, and clinics with a major economies. medical component; on national health and medical Moreover, inadequate statistical coverage of state, insurance schemes; and on family planning and pre- provincial, and local governments dictates the use of ventive care. Note that Table 10 provides a more com- central government data; this may seriously under- prehensive measure of expenditure on medical care, state or distort the statistical portrayal of the alloca- private as well as public, relative to household tion of resources for various purposes, especially in consumption. countries where lower levels of government have Housing, amenities; social security and welfare cover considerable autonomy and are responsible for many expenditure on housing (excluding interest subsidies, economic and social services. In addition, "central which are usually classified with "other"), such as government" can mean either of two accounting con- income-related schemes; on provision and support of cepts: consolidated or budgetary. For most countries, housing and slum clearance activities; on community central government finance data have been consoli- development; and on sanitary services. These catego- dated into one overall account, but for others only the ries also cover compensation for loss of income to the budgetary central government accounts are available. sick and temporarily disabled; payments to the el- Since all central government units are not always in- derly, the permanently disabled, and the unem- cluded in the budgetary accounts, the overall picture ployed; family, maternity, and child allowances; and of central government activities is usually incom- the cost of welfare services, such as care of the aged, plete. Countries reporting budgetary data are the disabled, and children. Many expenditures rele- footnoted. vant to environmental defense, such as pollution It must be emphasized that for these and other abatement, water supply, sanitary affairs, and refuse 278 collection, are included indistinguishably in this ments, for instance, for taxes collected on behalf of category. state and local governments and not allocable to indi- Economic services comprise expenditure associated vidual tax categories. with the regulation, support, and more efficient oper- Non tax revenue comprises receipts that are not a ation of business; economic development; redress of compulsory nonrepayable payment for public pur- regional imbalances; and creation of employment op- poses, such as fines, administrative fees, or entrepre- portunities. Research, trade promotion, geological neurial income from government ownership of prop- surveys, and inspection and regulation of particular erty. Proceeds of grants and borrowing, funds arising industry groups are among the activities included. from the repayment of previous lending by govern- Other covers interest payments and items not in- ments, incurrence of liabilities, and proceeds from cluded elsewhere; for a few economies it also in- the sale of capital assets are not included. cludes amounts that could not be allocated to other components (or adjustments from accrual to cash Table 13. Money and interest rates accounts). Total expenditure is more narrowly defined than the The data on monetary holdings are based on the measure of general government consumption given IMF's International Financial Statistics (IFS). Monetary in Table 9 because it excludes consumption expendi- holdings, broadly defined, comprise the monetary and ture by state and local governments. At the same quasi-monetary liabilities of a country's financial in- time, central government expenditure is more stitutions to residents other than the central govern- broadly defined because it includes government's ment. For most countries, monetary holdings are the gross domestic investment and transfer payments. sum of money (IFS line 34) and quasi-money (IFS line Overall surplus/deficit is defined as current and capi- 35). Money comprises the economy's means of pay- tal revenue and official grants received, less total ex- ment: currency outside banks and demand deposits. penditure and lending minus repayments. Quasi-money comprises time and savings deposits and similar bank accounts that the issuer will readily Table 12. Central government current revenue exchange for money. Where nonmonetary financial institutions are important issuers of quasi-monetary Information on data sources and comparability is liabilities, these are also included in the measure of given in the note for Table 11. Current revenue by monetary holdings. source is expressed as a percentage of total current The growth rates for monetary holdings are calcu- revenue, which is the sum of tax revenue and nontax lated from year-end figures, while the average of the revenue and is calculated from national currencies. year-end figures for the specified year and the pre- Tax revenue comprises compulsory, unrequited, vious year is used for the ratio of monetary holdings nonrepayable receipts for public purposes. It includes to GDP. interest collected on tax arrears and penalties col- The nominal interest rates of banks, also from IFS, lected on nonpayment or late payment of taxes and is represent the rates paid by commercial or similar shown net of refunds and other corrective transac- banks to holders of their quasi-monetary liabilities tions. Taxes on income, profit, and capital gains are taxes (deposit rate) and charged by the banks on loans to levied on the actual or presumptive net income of prime customers (lending rate). The data are, how- individuals, on the profits of enterprises, and on capi- ever, of limited international comparability partly be- tal gains, whether realized on land sales, securities, cause coverage and definitions vary, and partly be- or other assets. Intragovernmental payments are cause countries differ in the scope available to banks eliminated in consolidation. Social security contribu- for adjusting interest rates to reflect market tions include employers' and employees' social secu- conditions. rity contributions as well as those of self-employed Since interest rates (and growth rates for monetary and unemployed persons. Domestic taxes on goods and holdings) are expressed in nominal terms, much of services include general sales and turnover or value the variation among countries stems from differences added taxes, selective excises on goods, selective in inflation. For easy reference, the Table 1 indicator taxes on services, taxes on the use of goods or prop- of recent inflation is repeated in this table. erty, and profits of fiscal monopolies. Taxes on interna- tional trade and transactions include import duties, ex- Table 14. Growth of merchandise trade port duties, profits of export or import monopolies, exchange profits, and exchange taxes. Other taxes in- The main data source for current trade values is the clude employers' payroll or labor taxes, taxes on UN Commodity Trade (Comtrade) data file supple- property, and taxes not allocable to other categories. mented by data from United Nations Conference on They may include negative values that are adjust- Trade and Development (UNCTAD) and World Bank 279 estimates. The statistics on merchandise trade are Series M, No. 34, Revision 1. Estimates from second- based on countries' customs returns. ary sources also usually follow this definition. For Merchandise exports and imports, with some excep- some countries, data for certain commodity catego- tions, cover international movements of goods across ries are unavailable and the full breakdown cannot be customs borders; trade in services is not included. shown. Exports are valued f.o.b. (free on board) and imports In Table 15, food commodities are those in SITC c.i.f. (cost, insurance, and freight), unless otherwise Sections 0, 1, and 4 and Division 22 (food and live specified in the foregoing sources. These values are in animals, beverages, oils and fats, and oilseeds and current dollars. nuts). Unlike previous years, Division 12, tobacco, is The growth rates of merchandise exports and im- included in food, rather than other primary commodities; ports are based on constant price data, which are thus the data are not strictly comparable with those of obtained from export or import value data as deflated previous years, particulartly if tobacco is a major im- by the corresponding price index. The World Bank port item. Fuels are the commodities in SITC Section uses its own price indexes, which are based on inter- 3 (mineral fuels, and lubricants and related mate- national prices for primary commodities and unit rials). Other primary commodities comprise SITC Sec- value indexes for manufactures. These price indexes tion 2 (crude materials, excluding fuels), less Division are country-specific and disaggregated by broad com- 22 (oilseeds and nuts), plus Division 68 (nonferrous modity groups. This ensures consistency between metals). Machinery and transport equipment are the data for a group of countries and those for individual commodities in SITC Section 7. Other manufactures, countries. Such consistency will increase as the calculated residually from the total value of manufac- World Bank continues to improve its trade price in- tured imports, represent SITC Sections 5 through 9, dexes for an increasing number of countries. These less Section 7 and Division 68. growth rates can differ from those derived from na- In Table 16, fuels, minerals, and metals are the com- tional practices because national price indexes may modities in SITC Section 3 (mineral fuels, and lubri- use different base years and weighting procedures cants and related materials), Divisions 27 and 28 from those used by the World Bank. (minerals and crude fertilizers, and metalliferous The terms of trade, or the net barter terms of trade, ores), and Division 68 (nonferrous metals). Other pri- measure the relative movement of export prices mary commodities comprise SITC Sections 0, 1, 2, and against that of import prices. Calculated as the ratio 4 (food and live animals, beverages and tobacco, in- of a country's index of average export prices to its edible crude materials, oils, fats, and waxes), less Di- average import price index, this indicator shows visions 27 and 28. Machinery and transport equipment changes over a base year in the level of export prices are the commodities in SITC Section 7. Other manufac- as a percentage of import prices. The terms of trade tures represent SITC Sections 5 through 9, less Sec- index numbers are shown for 1985 and 1989, where tion 7 and Division 68. Textiles and clothing, represent- 1987 = 100. The price indexes are from the source ing SITC Divisions 65 and 84 (textiles, yarns, fabrics, cited above for the growth rates of exports and and clothing), are a subgroup of other manufactures. imports. The summary measures in Table 15 are weighted The summary measures for the growth rates are by total merchandise imports of individual countries calculated by aggregating the 1987 constant US dollar in current dollars; those in Table 16 by total merchan- price series for each year and then applying the least- dise exports of individual countries in current dollars. squares growth rate procedure for the periods (See the technical note for Table 14.) shown. Table 17. OECD imports of manufactured goods: Tables 15 and 16. Structure of merchandise origin and composition imports and exports The data are from the United Nations, reported by The shares in these tables are derived from trade high-income OECD economies, which are the OECD values in current dollars reported in the UN trade members excluding Greece, Portugal, and Turkey. data system and the UN Yearbook of International Trade The table reports the value of imports of manufac- Statistics, supplemented by other secondary sources tures of high-income OECD countries by the economy and World Bank estimates, as explained in the techni- of origin, and the composition of such imports by cal note for Table 14. major manufactured product groups. Merchandise exports and imports are also defined in The table replaces one in past editions on the origin that note. and destination of manufactured exports, which was The categorization of exports and imports follows based on exports reported by individual economies. the Standard International Trade Classification (SITC), Since there was a lag of several years in reporting by 280 many developing economies, estimates based on var- current account balance, whereas those derived from ious sources were used to fill the gaps. Until these shorter-term stays are included in services as labor estimates can be improved, this table, based on up- income. The distinction accords with internationally to-date and consistent but less comprehensive data, agreed guidelines, but many developing countries is included instead. Manufactured imports of the pre- classify workers' remittances as a factor income re- dominant markets from individual economies are the ceipt (and hence a component of GNP). The World best available proxy of the magnitude and composi- Bank adheres to international guidelines in defining tion of the manufactured exports of these economies GNP and, therefore, may differ from national to all destinations taken together. practices. Manufactured goods are the commodities in the S tan- Gross international reserves comprise holdings of dard International Trade Classification (SITC), Revision monetary gold, special drawing rights (SDRs), the 1, Sections 5 through 9 (chemical and related prod- reserve position of members in the IMF, and holdings ucts, basic manufactures, manufactured articles, ma- of foreign exchange under the control of monetary chinery and transport equipment, and other manu- authorities. The data on holdings of international re- factured articles and goods not elsewhere classified), serves are from IMF data files. The gold component excluding Division 68 (nonferrous metals). This defi- of these reserves is valued throughout at year-end nition is somewhat broader than the one used to de- (December 31) London prices: that is, $37.37 an fine exporters of manufactures. ounce in 1970 and $401.00 an ounce in 1989. The re- The major manufactured product groups reported serve levels for 1970 and 1989 refer to the end of the are defined as follows: textiles and clothing (SITC Sec- year indicated and are in current dollars at prevailing tions 65 and 84), chemicals (SITC Section 5), electrical exchange rates. Because of differences in the defini- machinery and electronics (SITC Section 72), transport tion of international reserves, in the valuation of equipment (SITC Section 73), and others, defined as the gold, and in reserve management practices, the levels residual. SITC Revision 1 data are used for the year of reserve holdings published in national sources do 1969, whereas the equivalent data in Revision 2 are not have strictly comparable significance. Reserve used for the year 1989. holdings at the end of 1989 are also expressed in terms of the number of months of imports of goods Table 18. Balance of payments and reserves and services they could pay for. The summary measures are computed from group The statistics for this table are mostly as reported by aggregates for gross international reserves and total the IMF but do include recent estimates by World imports of goods and services in current dollars. Bank staff and, in rare instances, the Bank's own cov- erage or classification adjustments to enhance inter- Table 19. Official development assistance national comparability. Values in this table are in US from OECD and OPEC members dollars converted at current exchange rates. The current account balance after official transfers is the Official development assistance (ODA) consists of net difference between (a) exports of goods and services disbursements of loans and grants made on conces- (factor and nonfactor) as well as inflows of unre- sional financial terms by official agencies of the mem- quited transfers (private and official) and (b) imports bers of the Development Assistance Committee of goods and services as well as all unrequited trans- (DAC) of the Organisation for Economic Co-opera- fers to the rest of the world. tion and Development (OECD) and members of the The current account balance (before official transfers) is Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries the current account balance that treats net official un- (OPEC) to promote economic development and wel- requited transfers as akin to official capital move- fare. Although this definition is meant to exclude ments. The difference between the two balance of purely military assistance, the borderline is some- payments measures is essentially foreign aid in the times blurred; the definition used by the country of form of grants, technical assistance, and food aid, origin usually prevails. ODA also includes the value which, for most developing countries, tends to make of technical cooperation and assistance. All data current account deficits smaller than the financing shown are supplied by the OECD, and all US dollar requirement. values are converted at official exchange rates. Net workers' remittances cover payments and re- Total net flows are net disbursements to developing ceipts of income by migrants who are employed or countries and multilateral institutions. The disburse- expect to be employed for more than a year in their ments to multilateral institutions are now reported new economy, where they are considered residents. for all DAC members on the basis of the date of issue These remittances are classified as private unrequited of notes; some DAC members previously reported transfers and are included in the balance of payments on the basis of the date of encashment. Total bilateral 281 flows to low-income economies exclude unallocated bi- debt reported by twenty-seven developing countries lateral flows and all disbursements to multilateral and complete or partial estimates for an additional institutions. twenty others that do not report, but for which this The nominal values shown in the summary for type of debt is known to be significant. ODA from high-income OECD countries were con- Public loans are external obligations of public verted at 1987 prices using the dollar GDP deflator. debtors, including the national government, its agen- This deflator is based on price increases in OECD cies, and autonomous public bodies. Publicly guaran- countries (excluding Greece, Portugal, and Turkey) teed loans are external obligations of private debtors measured in dollars. It takes into account the parity that are guaranteed for repayment by a public entity. changes between the dollar and national currencies. These two categories are aggregated in the tables. For example, when the dollar depreciates, price Private nonguaranteed loans are external obligations of changes measured in national currencies have to be private debtors that are not guaranteed for repay- adjusted upward by the amount of the depreciation ment by a public entity. to obtain price changes in dollars. Use of IMF credit denotes repurchase obligations to The table, in addition to showing totals for OPEC, the IMF for all uses of IMF resources, excluding those shows totals for the Organization of Arab Petroleum resulting from drawings in the reserve tranche. It is Exporting Countries (OAPEC). The donor members shown for the end of the year specified. It comprises of OAPEC are Algeria, Iraq, Kuwait, Libya, Qatar, purchases outstanding under the credit tranches, in- Saudi Arabia, and United Arab Emirates. ODA data cluding enlarged access resources, and all of the spe- for OPEC and OAPEC are also obtained from the cial facilities (the buffer stock, compensatory financ- OECD. ing, extended fund, and oil facilities), Trust Fund loans, and operations under the enhanced structural Table 20. Official development assistance: receipts adjustment facilities. Use of IMF credit outstanding at year-end (a stock) is converted to US dollars at the Net disbursements of ODA from all sources consist of dollar-SDR exchange rate in effect at year-end. loans and grants made on concessional financial Short-term debt is debt with an original maturity of terms by all bilateral official agencies and multilateral one year or less. Available data permit no distinctions sources to promote economic development and wel- between public and private nonguaranteed short- fare. They include the value of technical cooperation term debt. and assistance. The disbursements shown in this ta- Total external debt is defined for the purpose of this ble are not strictly comparable with those shown in Report as the sum of public, publicly guaranteed, and Table 19 since the receipts are from all sources; dis- private nonguaranteed long-term debt, use of IMF bursements in Table 19 refer only to those made by credit, and short-term debt. high-income members of the OECD and members of OPEC. Net disbursements equal gross disbursements Table 22. Flow of public and private less payments to the originators of aid for amortiza- external capital tion of past aid receipts. Net disbursements of ODA are shown per capita and as a percentage of GNP. Data on disbursements, repayment of principal (am- The summary measures of per capita ODA are ortization), and payment of interest are for public, computed from group aggregates for population and publicly guaranteed, and private nonguaranteed for ODA. Summary measures for ODA as a percent- long-term loans. age of GNP are computed from group totals for ODA Disbursements are drawings on long-term loan com- and for GNP in current US dollars. mitments during the year specified. Repayment of principal is the actual amount of princi- Table 21. Total external debt pal (amortization) paid in foreign currency, goods, or services in the year specified. The data on debt in this and successive tables are Interest payments are actual amounts of interest paid from the World Bank Debtor Reporting System, sup- in foreign currency, goods, or services in the year plemented by World Bank estimates. That system is specified. concerned solely with developing economies and does not collect data on external debt for other groups Table 23. Aggregate net resource flows of borrowers or from economies that are not members and net transfers of the World Bank. The dollar figures on debt shown in Tables 21 through 25 are in US dollars converted at Net flows on long-term debt are disbursements less the official exchange rates. repayment of principal on public, publicly guaran- The data on debt include private nonguaranteed teed, and private nonguaranteed long-term debt. Of- 282 ficial grants are transfers made by an official agency in usually computed on the amount of principal drawn cash or in kind in respect of which no legal debt is and outstanding. The maturity of a loan is the inter- incurred by the recipient. Data on official grants ex- val between the agreement date, when a loan agree- clude grants for technical assistance. ment is signed or bonds are issued, and the date of Net foreign direct investment is defined as investment final repayment of principal. The grace period is the that is made to acquire a lasting interest (usually 10 interval between the agreement date and the date of percent of the voting stock) in an enterprise operating the first repayment of principal. in a country other than that of the investor (defined Public loans with variable interest rates, as a percentage according to residency), the investor's purpose being of public debt, refer to interest rates that float with an effective voice in the management of the enter- movements in a key market rate; for example, the prise. Aggregate net resource flows are the sum of net London interbank offered rate (LIBOR) or the US flows on long-term debt (excluding IMF), plus official prime rate. This column shows the borrower's expo- grants (excluding technical assistance), and net for- sure to changes in international interest rates. eign direct investment. Aggregate net transfers are The summary measures in this table are weighted equal to aggregate net resource flows minus interest by the amounts of the loans. payments on long-term loans and foreign direct in- vestment profits. Table 26. Population growth and projections Table 24. Total external debt ratios Population growth rates are period averages calcu- lated from midyear populations. Total external debt as a percentage of exports of goods and Population estimates for mid-1989 and estimates of services represents public, publicly guaranteed, pri- fertility and mortality are made by the World Bank vate nonguaranteed long-term debt, use of IMF from data provided by the UN Population Division, credit, and short-term debt drawn at year-end, net of the UN Statistical Office, and country statistical of- repayments of principal and write-off s, and, through- fices. Estimates take into account the results of the out this table, goods and services include workers' latest population censuses, which, in some cases, are remittances, For estimating total external debt as a per- neither recent nor accurate. Note that refugees not centage of GNP, the debt figures are converted into US permanently settled in the country of asylum are gen- dollars from currencies of repayment at end-of-year erally considered to be part of the population of their official exchange rates. GNP is converted from na- country of origin. tional currencies to US dollars by applying the con- The projections of population for 2000, 2025, and version procedure described in the technical note for the year in which the population will eventually be- Tables 2 and 3. come stationary (see definition below) are made for Total debt service as a percentage of goods and services is each economy separately. Information on total popu- the sum of principal repayments and interest pay- lation by age and sex, fertility, mortality, and interna- ments on total external debt (as defined in the note tional migration is projected on the basis of gener- for Table 21). It is one of several conventional mea- alized assumptions until the population becomes sures used to assess a country's ability to service stationary. debt. A stationary population is one in which age- and Interest payments as a percentage of exports of goods and sex-specific mortality rates have not changed over a services are actual payments made on total external long period, and during which fertility rates have re- debt. mained at replacement level; that is, when the net The summary measures are weighted by exports of reproduction rate (defined in the note for Table 27) goods and services in current dollars and by GNP in equals 1. In such a population, the birth rate is con- current dollars, respectively. stant and equal to the death rate, the age structure is constant, and the growth rate is zero. Table 25. Terms of external public borrowing Population projections are made age cohort by age cohort. Mortality, fertility, and migration are pro- Commitments refer to the public and publicly guaran- jected separately and the results are applied iter- teed loans for which contracts were signed in the year atively to the 1985 base-year age structure. For the specified. They are reported in currencies of repay- projection period 1985 to 2005, the changes in mortal- ment and converted into US dollars at average an- ity are country specific: increments in life expectancy nual official exchange rates. and decrements in infant mortality are based on pre- Figures for interest rates, maturities, and grace periods vious trends for each country. When female second- are averages weighted by the amounts of the loans. ary school enrollment is high, mortality is assumed to Interest is the major charge levied on a loan and is decline more quickly. Infant mortality is projected 283 separately from adult mortality. Note that the data do is speculative and should not be regarded as a not yet reflect the potentially significant impact of the prediction. human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) epidemic. Married women of childbearing age using contraception Projected fertility rates are also based on previous are women who are practicing, or whose husbands trends. For countries in which fertility has started to are practicing, any form of contraception. Contracep- decline (termed "fertility transition"), this trend is tive usage is generally measured for women age 15 to assumed to continue. It has been observed that no 49. A few countries use measures relating to other country with a life expectancy of less than 50 years age groups, especially 15 to 44. has experienced a fertility decline; for these countries Data are mainly derived from demographic and fertility transition is delayed, and then the average health surveys, contraceptive prevalence surveys, decline of the group of countries in fertility transition World Bank country data, and Mauldin and Segal's is applied. Countries with below-replacement fertility article "Prevalence of Contraceptive Use: Trends and are assumed to have constant total fertility rates until Issues" in volume 19 of Studies in Family Planning 1995-2000 and then to regain replacement level by (1988). For a few countries for which no survey data 2030. are available, and for several African countries, pro- International migration rates are based on past and gram statistics are used. Program statistics may un- present trends in migration flows and migration pol- derstate contraceptive prevalence because they do icy. Among the sources consulted are estimates and not measure use of methods such as rhythm, with- projections made by national statistical offices, inter- drawal, or abstinence, nor use of contraceptives not national agencies, and research institutions. Because obtained through the official family planning pro- of the uncertainty of future migration trends, it is gram. The data refer to rates prevailing in a variety of assumed in the projections that net migration rates years, generally not more than two years before the will reach zero by 2025. year specified in the table. The estimates of the size of the stationary popula- All summary measures are country data weighted tion are speculative. They should not be regarded as pre- by each country's share in the aggregate population. dictions. They are included to show the implications of recent fertility and mortality trends on the basis of Table 28. Health and nutrition generalized assumptions. A fuller description of the methods and assumptions used to calculate the esti- The estimates of population per physician and per nurs- mates is contained in World Population Projections, ing person are derived from World Health Organiza- 1989-90 Edition. tion (WHO) data and are supplemented by data ob- tained directly by the World Bank from national Table 27. Demography and fertility sources. The data refer to a variety of years, generally no more than two years before the year specified. The The crude birth rate and crude death rate indicate re- figure for physicians, in addition to the total number spectively the number of live births and deaths occur- of registered practitioners in the country, includes ring per thousand population in a year. They come medical assistants whose medical training is less than from the sources mentioned in the note to Table 26. that of qualified physicians but who nevertheless dis- Women of childbearing age are those from age 15 to pense similar medical services, including simple op- 49. erations. Nursing persons include graduate, practi- The total fertility rate represents the number of chil- cal, assistant, and auxiliary nurses, as well as dren that would be born to a woman if she were to paraprofessional personnel such as health workers, live to the end of her childbearing years and bear first aid workers, traditional birth attendants, and so children at each age in accordance with prevailing on. The inclusion of auxiliary and paraprofessional age-specific fertility rates. The rates given are from personnel provides more realistic estimates of avail- the sources mentioned in the note for Table 26. able nursing care. Because definitions of doctors and The net reproduction rate (NRR), which measures the nursing personnel varyand because the data shown number of daughters a newborn girl will bear during are for a variety of yearsthe data for these two indi- her lifetime, assuming fixed age-specific fertility and cators are not strictly comparable across countries. mortality rates, reflects the extent to which a cohort Data on births attended by health staff show the per- of newborn girls will reproduce themselves. An NRR centage of births recorded where a recognized health of 1 indicates that fertility is at replacement level: at service worker was in attendance. The data are from this rate women will bear, on average, only enough WHO, supplemented by UNICEF data. They are daughters to replace themselves in the population. based on national sources, derived mostly from offi- As with the size of the stationary population, the cial community reports and hospital records; some assumed year of reaching replacement-level fertility reflect only births in hospitals and other medical in- 284 stitutions. Sometimes smaller private and rural hos- and the phenomenon of "bunching" in final grades pitals are excluded, and sometimes even relatively can influence these ratios. primitive local facilities are included. The coverage is The tertiary enrollment ratio is calculated by divid- therefore not always comprehensive, and the figures ing the number of pupils enrolled in all post-second- should be treated with extreme caution. ary schools and universities by the population in the Babies with low birth weight are children born weigh- 20-24 age group. Pupils attending vocational schools, ing less than 2,500 grams. Low birth weight is fre- adult education programs, two-year community col- quently associated with maternal malnutrition and leges, and distance education centers (primarily cor- tends to raise the risk of infant mortality and lead to respondence courses) are included. The distribution poor growth in infancy and childhood, thus increas- of pupils across these different types of institutions ing the incidence of other forms of retarded develop- varies among countries. The youth populationthat ment. The figures are derived from both WHO and is, 20 to 24 yearshas been adopted by Unesco as the UNICEF sources and are based on national data. The denominator since it represents an average tertiary data are not strictly comparable across countries since level cohort even though people above and below they are compiled from a combination of surveys and this age group may be registered in tertiary administrative records that may not have representa- institutions. tive national coverage. Primary net enrollment is the percentage of school- The infant mortality rate is the number of infants age children who are enrolled in school. Unlike gross who die before reaching one year of age, per thou- enrollment, the net ratios correspond to the country's sand live births in a given year. The data are from the primary school-age group. This indicator gives a UN publication Mortality of Children under Age 5: Pro- much clearer idea of how many children in the age jections, 1950-2025 as well as from the World Bank. group are actually enrolled in school, without the The daily calorie supply (per capita) is calculated by number being inflated by over- (or under-) age dividing the calorie equivalent of the food supplies in children. an economy by the population. Food supplies com- The primary pupil-teacher ratio is the number of pu- prise domestic production, imports less exports, and pils enrolled in school in a country, divided by the changes in stocks; they exclude animal feed, seeds for number of teachers in the education system. use in agriculture, and food lost in processing and The summary measures in this table are country distribution. These estimates are from the Food and enrollment rates weighted by each country's share in Agriculture Organization. the aggregate population. The summary measures in this table are country Table 30. Income distribution and ICP figures weighted by each country's share in the ag- estimates of GDP gregate population. The data in this table refer to the ICP estimates of Table 29. Education GDP and the distribution of income or expenditure accruing to percentile groups of households ranked The data in this table refer to a variety of years, gener- by total household income, per capita income, or ally not more than two years distant from those spec- expenditure. ified; however, figures for females sometimes refer to The first column presents preliminary results of the a year earlier than that for overall totals. The data are UN International Comparison Program (ICP), Phase mostly from Unesco. V, for 1985. ICP recasts traditional national accounts Primary school enrollment data are estimates of through special price collections and disaggregation children of all ages enrolled in primary school. Fig- of GDP by expenditure components. More compre- ures are expressed as the ratio of pupils to the popu- hensive ICP results are expected to be available by the lation of school-age children. Although many coun- end of 1991. The figures given here are subject to tries consider primary school age to be 6 to 11 years, change and should be regarded as indicative only. others do not. For some countries with universal pri- ICP Phase V details are prepared by national statisti- mary education, the gross enrollment ratios may ex- cal offices. The results are coordinated by the UN ceed 100 percent because some pupils are younger or Statistical Office (UNSO) with support from other in- older than the country's standard primary school ternational agencies, particularly the Statistical Office age. of the European Communities (Eurostat) and the Or- The data on secondary school enrollment are calcu- ganisation for Economic Co-operation and Develop- lated in the same manner, but again the definition of ment (OECD). The World Bank, the Economic Com- secondary school age differs among countries. It is mission for Europe, and the Economic and Social most commonly considered to be 12 to 17 years. Late Commission for Asia and the Pacific also contribute entry of more mature students as well as repetition to this exercise. 285 A total of sixty-four countries participated in ICP gether. The linking is done by revaluing GDPs of all Phase V and preliminary results are now available for the countries at average "world" prices and reallocat- fifty-seven. For one country (Nepal), total GDP data ing the new regional totals on the basis of each coun- were not available, and comparisons were made for try's share in the original comparison. consumption only; two countries with populations of Such a method does not permit the comparison of less than 1 millionLuxembourg, with 81.3 as its esti- more detailed quantities (such as food consumption). mated index of GDP per capita, and Swaziland, with Hence these subaggregates and more detailed expen- 13.6have been omitted from this table. Data for the diture categories are calculated using world prices. remaining seven countries, all Caribbean, are ex- These quantities are indeed comparable interna- pected soon. tionally, but they do not add up to the indicated Although the GDP per capita figures are presented GDPs because they are calculated at a different set of as indexes to the US value, the underlying data are prices. expressed in US dollars. However, these dollar Some countries belong to several regional groups. values, which are different from those shown in Ta- Some groups have priority; others are equal. Thus bles 1 and 3 (see the technical notes for these tables), fixity is always maintained between members of the are obtained by special conversion factors designed to European Communities, even within the OECD and equalize purchasing powers of currencies in the re- world comparison. For Finland and Austria, how- spective countries. This conversion factor, commonly ever, the bilateral relationship that prevails within the known as the purchasing power parity (PPP), is de- OECD comparison is also the one used within the fined as the number of units of a country's currency global comparison. However, a significantly different required to buy the same amounts of goods and ser- relationship (based on Central European prices) pre- vices in the domestic market as one dollar would buy vails in the comparison within that group, and this is in the United States. The computation of PPPs in- the relationship presented in the separate publication volves obtaining implicit quantities from national ac- of the European comparison. counts expenditure data and specially collected price The estimates in the second column are calculated data and revaluing the implicit quantities in each from the actual ICP results reported in the first, by country at a single set of average prices. The PPP rate applying average annual growth rates of GNP com- thus equalizes dollar prices in every country, and puted from World Bank files. The numbers do not cross-country comparisons of GDP based on them reflect changes in terms of trade. The estimates in the reflect differences in quantities of goods and services third column are calculated from those in the second free of any price-level differentials. This procedure is by expressing the values in 1985 "international dol- designed to bring cross-country comparisons in line lars" and multiplying them by the US inflation rate with cross-time real value comparisons that are based measured by the implicit GNP deflator. The ICP esti- on constant price series. mates are expressed in "international dollars," The figures presented here are the results of a two- which have the same purchasing power over total US step exercise. Countries within a region or group GDP as the US dollar in a given year, but with a such as the OECD are first compared using their own purchasing power over subaggregates determined by group average prices. Next, since group average average international prices rather than by US rela- prices may differ from each other, making the coun- tive prices. tries belonging to different groups not comparable, For further details on the ICP procedures, readers the group prices are adjusted to make them compara- may consult the ICP Phase IV report, World Corn pan- ble at the world level. The adjustments, done by sons of Purchasing Power and Real Product for 1980 (New UNSO, are based on price differentials observed in a York: United Nations, 1986). network of "link" countries representing each The income distribution data cover rural and urban group. However, the linking is done in a manner that areas for all countries. The data refer to different retains in the world comparison the relative levels of years between 1979 and 1989 and are drawn from a GDP observed in the group comparisons. variety of sources. These include the Economic Com- The two-step process was adopted because the rel- mission for Latin America and the Caribbean, the ative GDP levels and rankings of two countries may Luxembourg Income Study, the OECD, the UN's Na- change when more countries are brought into the tional Accounts Statistics: Compendium of Income Distri- comparison. It was felt that this should not be al- bution Statistics, 1985, the World Bank, and national lowed to happen within geographic regions; that is, sources. Data for many countries have been updated, that the relationship of, say, Ghana and Senegal and some of the income distribution data previously should not be affected by the prices prevailing in the published have been deleted because they refer to United States. Thus overall GDP per capita levels are years long past. calculated at "regional" prices and then linked to- In many countries the collection of income distribu- 286 tion data is not systematically organized or integrated percentage of total population are calculated from with the official statistical system. The data are de- country percentages weighted by each country's rived from surveys designed for other purposes, share in the aggregate population; the other sum- most often consumer expenditure surveys, that also mary measures in this table are weighted in the same collect information on income. These surveys use a fashion, using urban population. variety of income concepts and sample designs, and in many cases their geographic coverage is too limited Table 32. Women in development to provide reliable nationwide estimates of income distribution. Although the data presented here repre- This table provides some basic indicators disaggre- sent the best available estimates, they do not avoid all gated to show differences between the sexes that II- these problems and should be interpreted with lustrate the condition of women in society. The mea- caution. sures reflect the demographic status of women and Similarly, the scope of the indicator is limited for their access to health and education services. Statisti- certain countries, and data for other countries are not cal anomalies become even more apparent when so- fully comparable. Because households vary in size, a cial indicators are analyzed by gender, because re- distribution in which households are ranked accord- porting systems are often weak in areas related ing to per capita household income, rather than ac- specifically to women. Indicators drawn from cen- cording to total household income, is superior for suses and surveys, such as those on population, tend many purposes. The distinction is important because to be about as reliable for women as for men; but households with low per capita incomes frequently indicators based largely on administrative records, are large households, whose total income may be such as maternal and infant mortality, are less reli- high, whereas many households with low household able. More resources are now being devoted to de- incomes may be small households with high per cap- velop better information on these topics, but the re- ita income. Information on the distribution of per liability of data, even in the series shown, still varies capita household income exists for only a few coun- significantly. tries and is infrequently updated. Where possible, The under 5 mortality rate shows the probability of a distributions are ranked according to per capita in- newborn baby dying before reaching age 5. The rates come; more often they are ranked by household in- are derived from life tables based on estimated cur- come, with others ranked by per capita expenditure rent life expectancy at birth and on infant mortality or household expenditure. Since the size of house- rates. In general throughout the world more males hold is likely to be small for low-income households are born than females. Under good nutritional and (for instance, single-person households and couples health conditions and in times of peace, male chil- without children), the distribution of household in- dren under 5 have a higher death rate than females. come may overstate the income inequality. Also, since These columns show that female-male differences in household savings tend to increase faster as income the risk of dying by age 5 vary substantially. In indus- levels increase, the distribution of expenditure is in- trial market economies, female babies have a 23 per- dined to understate the income inequality. The World cent lower risk of dying by age 5 than male babies; Bank's Living Standards Measurement Study and the the risk of dying by age 5 is actually higher for fe- Social Dimensions of Adjustment project (the latter males than for males in some lower-income econ- covering Sub-Saharan African countries) are assisting omies. This suggests differential treatment of males a few countries in improving their collection and and females with respect to food and medical care. analysis of data on income distribution. Such discrimination particularly affects very young girls, who may get a smaller share of scarce food or Table 31. Urbanization receive less prompt costly medical attention. This pat- tern of discrimination is not uniformly associated Data on urban population and agglomeration in large with development. There are low- and middle-in- cities are from the UN's Prospects of World Urbaniza- come countries (and regions within countries) where tion, supplemented by data from the World Bank. The the risk of dying by age 5 for females relative to males growth rates of urban population are calculated from approximates the pattern found in industrial coun- the World Bank's population estimates; the estimates tries. In many other countries, however, the numbers of urban population shares are calculated from both starkly demonstrate the need to associate women sources just cited. more closely with development. The health and wel- Because the estimates in this table are based on fare indicators in both Table 28 and in this table's different national definitions of what is urban, cross- maternal mortality column draw attention, in particu- country comparisons should be made with caution. lar, to the conditions associated with childbearing. The summary measures for urban population as a This activity still carries the highest risk of death for 287 women of reproductive age in developing countries. ment records. The slightly higher persistence ratios The indicators reflect, but do not measure, both the for females in some African countries may indicate availability of health services for women and the gen- male participation in activities such as animal eral welfare and nutritional status of mothers. herding. Life expectancy at birth is defined in the note to All things being equal, and opportunities being the Table 1. same, the ratios for females per 100 males should be Maternal mortality refers to the number of female close to 100. However, inequalities may cause the ra- deaths that occur during childbirth per 100,000 live tios to move in different directions. For example, the births. Because deaths during childbirth are defined number of females per 100 males will rise at second- more widely in some countries to include complica- ary school level if male attendance declines more rap- tions of pregnancy or the period after childbirth, or of idly in the final grades because of males' greater job abortion, and because many pregnant women die be- opportunities, conscription into the army, or migra- cause of lack of suitable health care, maternal mortal- tion in search of work. In addition, since the numbers ity is difficult to measure consistently and reliably in these columns refer mainly to general secondary across countries. The data in these two series are education, they do not capture those (mostly males) drawn from diverse national sources and collected by enrolled in technical and vocational schools or in full- the World Health Organization (WHO), although time apprenticeships, as in Eastern Europe. many national administrative systems are weak and All summary measures are country data weighted do not record vital events in a systematic way. The by each country's share in the aggregate population. data are derived mostly from official community re- ports and hospital records, and some reflect only Table 33. Forests, protected areas, and water deaths in hospitals and other medical institutions. Sometimes smaller private and rural hospitals are ex- This new table on natural resources is a first step cluded, and sometimes even relatively primitive local toward including environmental data in the assess- facilities are included. The coverage is therefore not ment of development and the planning of economic always comprehensive, and the figures should be strategies. It provides a partial picture of the status of treated with extreme caution. forests, the extent of areas protected for conservation Clearly, many maternal deaths go unrecorded, par- or other environmentally related purposes, and the ticularly in countries with remote rural populations; availability and use of freshwater. The data reported this accounts for some of the very low numbers here are drawn from the most authoritative sources shown in the table, especially for several African available, cited in World Resources Institute's World countries. Moreover, it is not clear whether an in- Resources 1990-91. Perhaps even more than other data crease in the number of mothers in hospital reflects in this Report, however, these data should be used more extensive medical care for women or more com- with caution. While they accurately characterize plications in pregnancy and childbirth because of major differences in resources and uses between poor nutrition, for instance. (Table 28 shows data on countries, true comparability is limited because of low birth weight.) variation in data collection, statistical methods, defi- These time series attempt to bring together readily nitions, and government resources. available information not always presented in inter- No conceptual framework has yet been agreed national publications. WHO warns that there are in- upon that integrates natural resource and traditional evitably gaps in the series, and it has invited coun- economic data. Nor are the measures shown in this tries to provide more comprehensive figures. They table intended to be final indicators of natural re- are reproduced here, from the 1986 WHO publication source wealth, environmental health, or resource de- Maternal Mortality Rates, supplemented by the pletion. They have been chosen because they are UNICEF publication The State of the World's Children available for most countries, are testable, and reflect 1989, as part of the international effort to highlight some general conditions of the environment. data in this field. The data refer to any year from 1977 The total area of forest refers to the total natural to 1984. stands of woody vegetation in which trees predomi- The education indicators, based on Unesco sources, nate. These estimates are derived from country statis- show the extent to which females have equal access tics assembled by the Food and Agriculture Organiza- to schooling. tion of the United Nations (FAO) in 1980. Some of Percentage of cohort persisting to grade 4 is the per- them are based on more recent inventories or satel- centage of children starting primary school in 1970 lite-based assessments performed during the 1980s. and 1984, respectively, who continued to the fourth In 1992 the FAQ will complete and publish an assess- grade by 1973 and 1987. Figures in italics represent ment of world forest extent and health that should earlier or later cohorts. The data are based on enroll- modify some of these estimates substantially. The to- 288 tal area of closed forest refers to those forest areas with some unique aspects, managed nature reserves where trees cover a high proportion of the ground and wildlife sanctuaries, and protected landscapes and there is no continuous ground cover.) Closed for- and seascapes (which may include cultural land- est, for members of the Economic Commission for scapes). This table does not include sites protected Europe (ECE), however, is defined as those forest only under local or provincial law or areas where con- areas where tree crowns cover more than 20 percent sumptive uses of wildlife are allowed. These data are of the area. These natural stands do not include tree subject to variations in definition and in reporting to plantations. the organizations, such as the World Conservation Total annual deforestation refers to both closed and Monitoring Centre, that compile and disseminate open forest. (Open forest is defined as at least a 10 these data. percent tree cover with a continuous ground cover.) Internal renewable water resources data are subject to In the ECE countries open forest has 5-20 percent variation in collection and estimation methods but crown cover or a mixture of bush and stunted trees. accurately show the magnitude of water use in both Deforestation is defined as the permanent conversion total and per capita terms. These data, however, also of forest land to other uses including pasture, shifting hide what can be significant variation in total renew- cultivation, mechanized agriculture, or infrastructure able water resources from one year to another. They development. Assessments of annual deforestation, also fail to distinguish the variation in water availabil- both in open and closed forest, are difficult to make ity within a country both seasonally and geographi- and are usually undertaken as special studies. The cally. Because freshwater resources are based on estimates shown here for 1981-85 were calculated in long-term averages, their estimation explicitly ex- 1980, projecting the rate of deforestation during the cludes decade-long cycles of wet and dry. These data first five years of the decade. Figures in italics are are compiled from national, international, and pro- estimates from other periods and are based on more fessional publications from a variety of years. In the recent or better assessments than those used in the absence of other measures, estimates of sectoral with- 1980 projections. drawals are modeled when necessary (based on in- Special note should be taken of Brazilthe country formation on industry, irrigation practices, livestock with the world's largest tropical closed forestwhich populations, crop mix, and precipitation). Data from now undertakes annual deforestation assessments. small countries and arid regions are thought less reli- Deforested areas do not include areas logged but in- able than those from large countries and more humid tended for regeneration, nor areas degraded by fuel- zones. These data do not include freshwater created wood gathering, acid precipitation, or forest fires. In by desalination plants. temperate industrialized countries the permanent Annual withdrawal refers to the average annual conversion of remaining forest to other uses is rela- flows of rivers and underground waters that are de- tively rare. Brazil is unique in having several assess- rived from precipitation falling within the country. ments of forest extent and deforestation that use a The total withdrawn and the percentage withdrawn of common methodology based on images from Landsat the total renewable resource are both reported in this satellites. Closed forest deforestation in the Legal table. The total water withdrawn for use can exceed Amazon of Brazil during 1990 is estimated at 13,800 the total renewable resource of a country for two rea- square kilometers, down from the 17,900 square kilo- sons. Water might be withdrawn from a lake or river meters estimated in 1989. Between 1978 and 1988, shared with another country, or it might be with- deforestation in this region averaged about 21,000 drawn from an aquifer that is not part of the renew- square kilometers, having peaked in 1987 and de- able cycle. Domestic use includes drinking water, mu- clined greatly thereafter. By 1990, cumulative de- nicipal use or supply, and uses for public services, forestation (both recent and historical) within the Le- commercial establishments, and homes. Direct with- gal Amazon totaled 415,000 square kilometers. drawals for industrial use, including withdrawals for Deforestation outside the Legal Amazon also occurs, cooling thermoelectric plants, are combined in the but there is much less information on its extent. A final column of this table with withdrawals for agricul- 1980 estimate, that open forest deforestation in Brazil ture (irrigation and livestock production). Estimates totaled about 1.05 million hectares, is the most recent of per capita use are based on 1987 population esti- available. mates, the base year of most of the resource and with- Protected land areas are nationally protected areas of drawal estimates. at least 1,000 hectares that fall into one of five man- agement categories: scientific reserves and strict na- ture reserves, national parks of national or interna- tional significance (not materially affected by human activity), natural monuments and natural landscapes 289 Data sources Production UN Department of International Economic and Social Affairs. Various years. Statistical Yearbook. New and domestic York. absorption . Various years. Energy Statistics Yearbook. Statistical Papers, series 1. New York. UN International Comparison Program Phases IV (1980) and V (1985) reports, and data from ECE, ESCAP, Eurostat, OECD, and UN. FAO, IMF, UNIDO, and World Bank data; national sources. Fiscal and International Monetary Fund. Government Finance Statistics Yearbook. Vol. 11. Washington, D.C. monetary . Various years. International Financial Statistics. Washington, D.C. accounts UN Department of International Economic and Social Affairs. Various years. World Energy Supplies. Statistical Papers, series J. New York. IMF data. Core International Monetary Fund. Various years. International Financial Statistics. Washington, D.C. international UN Conference on Trade and Development. Various years. Handbook of International Trade and transactions Development Statistics. Geneva. UN Department of International Economic and Social Affairs. Various years. Monthly Bulletin of Statistics. New York. Various years. Yearbook of International Trade Statistics. New York. FAO, IMF, UN, and World Bank data. External finance Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. Various years. Development Co-operation. Paris. 1988. Geographical Distribution of Financial Flows to Developing Countries. Paris. IMF, OECD, and World Bank data; World Bank Debtor Reporting System. Human and Bulatao, Rodolfo A., Eduard Bos, Patience W. Stephens, and My T. Vu. 1990. World Population natural Projections, 1 989-90 Edition. Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press. resources Institute for Resource Development/Westinghouse. 1987. Child Survival: Risks and the Road to Health. Columbia, Md. Mauldin, W. Parker, and Holden J. Segal. 1988. "Prevalence of Contraceptive Use: Trends and Issues." Studies in Family Planning 19, 6: 335-53. Sivard, Ruth. 1985. WomenA World Survey. Washington, D.C.: World Priorities. UN Department of International Economic and Social Affairs. Various years. Demographic Yearbook. New York. Various years. Population and Vital Statistics Report. New York. Various years. Statistical Yearbook. New York. 1989. Levels and Trends of Contraceptive Use as Assessed in 1988. New York. 1988. Mortality of Children under Age 5: Projections 1950-2025. New York. 1989. Prospects of World Urbanization. New York. 1989. World Population Prospects: 1988. New York. UN Educational Scientific and Cultural Organization. Various years. Statistical Yearbook. Paris. 1988. Compendium of Statistics on Illiteracy. Paris. UNICEF. 1989. The State of the World's Children 1989. Oxford: Oxford University Press. World Health Organization. Various years. World Health Statistics Annual. Geneva. 1986. Maternal Mortality Rates: A Tabulation of Available Information, 2nd edition. Geneva. Various years. World Health Statistics Report. Geneva. World Resources Institute. 1990. World Resources 1990-91. New York. FAO and World Bank data. 290 The World Bank In the time it takes to read this paragraph, about a hundred children will be bornsix in industrial countries and ninety-four in developing countries. Some countries in the develop- ing world have increased their standard of living more than fivefold in the past forty years, but many others have made little progress. Today, more than one billion people, or a quarter of the people in developing countries, live in abject poverty on less than one dollar a day. No matter what the outlook in the industrial economies, the world will find lasting prosper- ity and security only if the developing countries can raise their standard of living. This is the challenge of development, the subject of this fourteenth annual World Development Report. The task of development is daunting. Yet history shows that rapid and sustained progress is possibleeven in countries with few endowments other than resourceful peo- ple. There has been enormous variation in the performance of developing countries, and there is no single formula for development. The Report shows, however, that policies on several frontsto promote investment in people, successful entrepreneurs, greater openness to trade and global economic integration, and a stable macroeconomic foundationhave proven effective in countries facing quite different circumstances. These policies form the basis for an emerging consensus in favor of a "market- friendly" strategy for development. The Report describes this strategy and what both devel- oping and industrial countries, as well as multilateral aid and finance agencies, can do to ensure that it succeeds. And it goes further: it shows the complementary ways in which markets and governments can pull together. A main theme of the Report is how the various aspects of market-friendly develop- ment interact. Investing in people spurs entrepreneurs' productivity all the more powerfully in an economy that has relatively undistorted domestic marketsand efficient domestic markets increase the returns from investing in people. A more stable macroeconomy makes it easier to withstand the external shocks that greater integration with the global economy may causeand global linkages provide access to foreign capital, which makes it easier to maintain domestic macroeconomic stability when internal shocks hit. Like previous editions, this Report includes the World Development Indicators, which give comprehensive, current data on social and economic development in more than 180 countries and territories. These data will also be available on diskette for use with personal computers. ________ 90000> Cover design by Walt Rosenquist I 9 780 95 208689 ISBN O-]I-S2U86-4