THE GENDER DIMENSIONS OF FORCED DISPLACEMENT A SYNTHESIS OF NEW RESEARCH JENI KLUGMAN THE GENDER DIMENSIONS OF FORCED DISPLACEMENT A SYNTHESIS OF NEW RESEARCH JENI KLUGMAN * Senior Academic Adviser to the World Bank’s Gender Dimension of Forced Displacement Research Program, Managing Director, Georgetown Institute of Women, Peace and Security and Senior Fellow (non-residential), Brookings Institution. Thanks to Walter Bayer and Elena Ortiz for excellent research support, and Lucia Hanmer and Diana Arango for comments on an earlier draft. Special thanks to Paolo Verme, Audrey Sacks, Alessandra Heinemann, and Ciara Silke for their thoughtful peer review comments, and to Elizabeth Koechlein for excellent editing. TABLE OF CONTENTS Acronyms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 Executive summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6 Profile and drivers of deprivations and disparities. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10 Poverty. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12 Livelihoods and economic opportunities. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16 Intimate Partner Violence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19 Adverse gender norms. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21 Implications for policy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24 The feasibility and importance of country-specific analysis . . . . . . . . . . 24 Need to promote economic opportunities—with attention to earnings. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25 Social protection programs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28 Addressing heightened risk of IPV . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32 Importance of data and measurement, and listening to displaced people . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37 Emerging conclusions. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39 Endnotes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40 Works cited. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42 01 ACRONYMS THE GENDER DIMENSIONS OF FORCED DISPLACEMENT: A SYNTHESIS OF NEW RESEARCH ACLED Armed Conflict Data & Event ODI Overseas Development Data Project Institute AGD Age, gender and diversity SGBV Sexual and gender-based violence BH Boko Haram UCDP Uppsala Conflict Data DHS Demographic Health Surveys Program DRC Democratic Republic of UN United Nations the Congo UNFPA United Nations Population FTS Financial Tracking System Fund GBV Gender-based violence UNHCR United Nations High GDFD Gender Dimensions of Commissioner for Refugees Forced Displacement UNICEF United Nations Children’s HRP Humanitarian Response Plan Fund ICRC International Committee of UN OCHA United Nations Office the Red Cross for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs IDMC Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre USAID United States Agency for International Development IDP Internally displaced person VAW Violence against women IOM International Organization for Migration WGSS Women and girls’ safe spaces IPV Intimate partner violence WPS Women, peace and security MENA Middle East and North Africa MPI Multidimensional Poverty Index The authors of this paper conducted their research under the Gender Dimensions of Forced Displacement project. The project is co-led by Lucia Hanmer and Diana Arango under the guidance of Hana Brixi, Global Director, Gender Unit, World Bank Group. This work is part of the program ‘Building the Evidence on Protracted Forced Displacement: A Multi- Stakeholder Partnership’. The program is funded by UK aid from the United Kingdom’s Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (FCDO), it is managed by the World Bank Group (WBG) and was established in partnership with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). The scope of the program is to expand the global knowledge on forced displacement by funding quality research and disseminating results for the use of practitioners and policy makers. This work does not necessarily reflect the views of FCDO, the WBG or UNHCR. 02 EXECUTIVE THE WORLD BANK GROUP SUMMARY While there have been welcome advances in global evidence on and understanding of forced displacement, research and analysis of the gendered dimensions of displacement have been limited. The Gender Dimensions of Forced Displacement (GDFD) research program has sought to fill this important gap. A series of papers were commissioned from leading experts to address several key questions, namely: • How does gender inequality affect the extent and patterns of different dimensions of poverty in forcibly displaced populations? • How do conflict and displacement affect gender norms and the prevalence of IPV and child marriage for women and girls? • What are the implications of these findings for the design and implementation of policies and programs? The GDFD research program produced comprehensively assess deprivation 03 nine detailed country investigations and and poverty. For example, male-head- three multi-country papers covering 17 ed households are income poorer than THE GENDER DIMENSIONS OF FORCED DISPLACEMENT: A SYNTHESIS OF NEW RESEARCH countries using a portfolio of research female-headed households in both approaches with analysis at individual Somalia and Jordan. But gender in- and household levels to uncover gen- fluences poverty risk. For example, der-poverty links. The overall findings in Somalia, single female caregivers, of multi-country studies of multidi- and IDP widows living outside IDP mensional poverty covering Ethiopia, settlements are all high poverty risk Nigeria, Somalia, South Sudan, and categories. Having more income earn- Sudan, and monetary poverty analysis ers of either sex reduces poverty risk in Somalia and Jordan, is that displaced for IDP and non-IDP households alike. households are generally poorer than Interestingly, for IDP households, the non-displaced households. largest decrease in poverty risk is asso- ciated with having more female earners, A tailored Multidimensional Poverty while having more male earners is asso- Index (MPI) reveals that displacement ciated with the lowest poverty risk for status is associated with deprivation non-IDPs. status at the household level, and gen- der has important impacts on individual The research findings on livelihoods re- deprivations within households. In fact, late to a diversity of forced displacement within households, gender emerges as settings: refugees in Ethiopia and pro- an important predictive factor in indi- tracted displacement of IDPs in Darfur, cators of chronic deprivation, such as Sudan. Evidence from all the countries school completion. Among the multi- investigated demonstrates that sub- dimensionally poor, girls are less likely stantial barriers constrain the economic than boys to complete school—reflecting opportunities of displaced women, most accumulated disadvantage over time. notably in the form of limited education We also find that the gender of the and care responsibilities. For example, household head is an indicator of depri- among Ethiopian refugees, the liveli- vation in most, but not all, countries. hoods of men and women are impacted differently by displacement, in part For monetary poverty, many of the because adverse gender norms result differences in income poverty risk in women having fewer opportunities between internally displaced persons for economic advancement and bearing (IDPs) and non-IDPs are associated with more care responsibilities at home. differences in household demograph- ic characteristics and the gender and The drivers of these constraints vary number of earners in the household. across settings. Endowments, specif- These, in turn, are often associated with ically lack of access to land, emerge displacement-related changes in house- as important in Ethiopia while lack of hold composition and gender roles. education is critical in both Ethiopia and Darfur. Gender norms as well as factors One important implication of both the like access to land shape participa- multidimensional and monetary pov- tion in paid work and self-employment erty analysis is the need to go beyond versus agricultural work in Darfur, with the gender of the household head to 04 THE WORLD BANK GROUP women working predominantly in family Women also have less decision-making farms and businesses. Some barriers are autonomy over their earnings in con- similar for displaced and non-displaced flict-affected districts. women. For example, female household The risks faced by displaced women headship increases the likelihood of along their displacement journey and women’s employment for refugees and impacts of gender-based violence hosts in Ethiopia. Nonetheless, some (GBV) are often lifelong. The Program’s differences emerge across different findings buttress existing literature – contexts. Interestingly, in Darfur, dis- that is, experiencing sexual violence placed women are more likely to work increases risk of future violence, as than women in the host community. does witnessing violence, alcohol abuse Women’s participation in paid work can and tolerance of violence against wom- reduce their poverty risk (as found in en (VAW). In various conflict-affected Somalia), but there is also evidence that settings, women have been found to displaced women in paid work have low be more likely to experience abuse at earnings relative to men. the hands of acquaintances, intimate The findings of the program’s research partners, family members and people on intimate partner violence (IPV) in in their community than at the hand of Colombia, Democratic Republic of the armed actors. Congo (DRC), Nigeria, Liberia, and Two studies in the series focus on Mali, underline that IPV rates are sig- gender norms—Colombia and Jordan. nificantly higher for women living in Gender norms can be defined as the households in proximity to conflict, acceptable and appropriate actions for measured by conflict-related deaths, men and women that are reproduced compared to those living in peaceful through social and economic interac- areas of the country. In Mali, wartime tions. Norms are typically embedded conflict increases the risk of all forms within both formal and informal institu- of IPV—physical, emotional, and sexual. tions. Gender attitudes can be defined as expressed views about appropriate enhance economic inclusion for dis- 05 roles, responsibilities and behaviors. placed populations, including measures The two studies suggest that gender to increase displaced people’s free THE GENDER DIMENSIONS OF FORCED DISPLACEMENT: A SYNTHESIS OF NEW RESEARCH attitudes and gender norms do not movement and access to labor markets always shift together, and do not al- and financial services, expand inclusive ways progress toward gender equality social protection to people affected by during forced displacement. Moreover, crisis and displacement, and provide attitudes and norms can shift without safe, affordable, and accessible care corresponding changes in behavior, services, notably quality childcare. at least within the time frames of the Public and private donors and multi- studies. For example, among women in lateral stakeholders need to work with Colombia, displacement corresponded governments to ensure greater policy with less rigid patriarchal norms around coherence across humanitarian and de- gender roles and GBV, but reduced velopment programs, and direct more the ability of women to make decisions multi-year, flexible funding to frontline about contraception and earnings. responders in fragile and conflict-af- A broad implication of the research is fected contexts including via local, that tracking gender attitudes and behav- national, and international NGOs and iors among all members of a community women’s rights organisations. is important, but existing data often miss A series of recommendations emerge opportunities to collect information on for agencies collecting survey data, gender norms held by men and boys. including the World Bank, UN agencies Accounting for and changing commu- and Demographic and Health Surveys nity and familial gender norms, not just (DHS), starting with including dis- those of girls themselves, is important. placed populations in population-wide Additionally, adolescent refugee girls are and household-based data collection, a distinct group who face unique chal- especially in countries where there lenges. Among the implications for policy are significant numbers of displaced and programming are the importance of people. Within households, sex-disag- contraception in basic health packages gregated individual-level data is needed and the engagement of men to promote to enable a better understanding of the more gender-equitable relationships. situation of different household mem- Humanitarian and development policies bers, dependency ratios and more. Our and programs should seek to under- studies underline the important role of stand and address intersectionality of gender norms in shaping constraints gender and displacement, to close gen- and opportunities for women, men, der gaps in education and paid work, girls, and boys. Data on gender norms development outcomes such as income should be collected, including from and other dimensions of poverty, as men and boys. Learning from qualita- well as the risk of GBV. tive information from displaced groups, and including the voices of displaced It is critical that host governments take women is key, especially those facing concrete steps to review and, where multiple disadvantages. necessary, revise national laws and policies to achieve gender equality and INTRODUCTION  The gender dimensions of forced dis- The vast majority of forcibly displaced placement are critical to the Sustainable people are located in low- and mid- Development Goals (SDGs), not dle-income countries, with Turkey, least because the numbers of forci- Colombia, Pakistan, and Uganda host- bly displaced persons have reached ing the largest numbers of refugees unprecedented levels. Most recent globally. 2 While it is difficult to quan- estimates indicate there are 26.4 million tify the average duration of refugee refugees and 48 million internally dis- displacement, displacement is often a placed persons (displaced within their long-term challenge. 3 Global evidence countries, IDPs) globally.1 suggests that displaced women have less access to employment opportuni- The Gender Dimensions of Forced ties than displaced men4 and face a lack Displacement (GDFD) research program of access to crucial services including has sought to deepen the understand- sexual and reproductive health services, ing of key gender disparities among mental health support, continued edu- forcibly displaced people, by examining cation and skills training, and services gaps and the drivers, with a focus on needed after experiencing GBV. 5 GBV, and the discriminatory norms that prevent women from owning proper- The interaction of gendered power ty, engaging in paid work and making relations and inequality with displace- decisions about their own lives. The ment raises challenging questions that program generated nine country stud- our research program was designed to ies—Colombia, Democratic Republic address, namely: of Congo, Ethiopia, Jordan, Liberia, • How does gender inequality affect Mali, Nigeria, Somalia, and Sudan—as the extent and patterns of different well as multi-country studies on child dimensions of poverty in forcibly marriage, multi-dimensional poverty, displaced populations? IPV covering 17 countries (see Annex • How does conflict affect the prev- 1). These analyses cast new light on alence and nature of IPV and child the interaction of gender inequality marriage for women and girls? and forced displacement, and fill two important gaps in the literature by • What are the implications of these providing first, evidence on poverty findings for the design and imple- and violence experienced by displaced mentation of policies and programs, women; and second, a focus on inter- and for institutional arrangements? nal displacement. Earlier studies based To set the stage, it is useful to highlight on microdata, with the exception of some key findings from recent analysis, Colombia, are almost entirely focused captured via a comprehensive multidi- on refugees. mensional measure, the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) Index. This Index Gender gaps are greatest for employ- 07 captures women’s status in the domains ment, with rates for displaced men at of inclusion (e.g., education and paid least 90 percent higher than for dis- THE GENDER DIMENSIONS OF FORCED DISPLACEMENT: A SYNTHESIS OF NEW RESEARCH work), justice (formal legal protection placed women, peaking at 150 percent and discriminatory norms), and security in Nigeria where approximately 36 (IPV and safety in the community), on percent of displaced men are employed a scale of 0-1, with higher values rep- compared to about 15 percent of dis- resenting higher levels of achievement. placed women. This reflects broader The Index was applied in five Sub- labor market segregation by gender Saharan African countries –Ethiopia, around the world, compounded by Nigeria, Somalia, South Sudan, and language barriers, lower literacy rates, Sudan—that are also investigated as unpaid care responsibilities, and gen- part of the GDFD program. der norms that limit refugee women’s prospects. 6 There are also important In all five countries, WPS Index scores nuances: for example, the paper on for displaced women are worse than Syrian refugees highlights challenges host scores, with an average disadvan- faced by older women. Overall, gender tage of about 24 percent in favor of emerges as a major factor that interacts host country women (figure 1). The with context specific challenges and disadvantage was greatest in South also intersectional vulnerabilities. Sudan, where the score for displaced women (0.284) stands about 42 per- cent below host women. FIGURE 1: WOMEN PEACE AND SECURITY INDEX SCORES FOR DISPLACED AND HOST WOMEN 0.7 0.6 WPS Index score 0.5 0.4 0.3 0.2 Nigeria Somalia Sudan Ethiopia South Sudan DISPLACED HOST Source: GIWPS and PRIO 2021. Note: Potential Index scores range between 0 and 1, where higher scores represent higher levels of achievement 08 Comparisons between displaced wom- paid work becomes more critical for en and host country men expose even family incomes during displacement. starker gaps, highlighting the cumula- However, women are also often limited THE WORLD BANK GROUP tive effects of displacement and gender in their ability to access labor markets inequality (figure 2). In Ethiopia, for ex- in the host community – not least due ample, almost three times the share of to care responsibilities, and often also host country men is employed relative due to lack of formal documentation for to refugee women. There are also some work and security concerns, unfamiliar- unexpected findings – for example, host ity with language and limited networks, men are more likely to feel unsafe in which are especially important where their community than displaced women the informal sector is the main source (8 versus 5 percent). of jobs. There are reports that displaced women face high risks of GBV at work Analysis reveals the compounding risks or while commuting. 8 Even when they of displacement on women’s safety. are working outside the home, their In each of the countries, levels of cur- economic activities are often low status rent IPV were higher among displaced and poorly remunerated. women compared to women in the host population. In Somalia, host wom- Each of the papers in this research en experienced IPV at a rate nearly 30 program drew on high-quality, rep- percent lower than displaced women resentative microdata. In the past, (26 versus 36 percent), and in South the absence of such data has limit- Sudan, nearly half (47 percent) of dis- ed research on gendered dimensions placed women have experienced IPV in of displacement (Brück and Stojetz, the past year — a number nearly double 2020). In cases where such data do ex- the national estimate of 27 percent and ist, it may not be released. However, this quadruple the global average of about barrier is being overcome by deliberate 12 percent.7 efforts to include forcibly displaced persons in survey samples (EGRIS, The GDFD program builds on recent 2018a; EGRIS, 2018b; Pape and Sharma, research, especially writings adopting 2019), in adjusting questionnaires to a feminist lens, which has found that account for experiences of forced dis- forced displacement is associated with placement (Brück et al, 2016), as well as shifts in multiple domains. Shifts can ensuring that the data is released in a occur when gendered dimensions of timely way. everyday life change in terms of liveli- hoods, support networks and access to We turn now to outline findings across services. Forcibly displaced people typ- multiple domains of forced displace- ically face several shifts simultaneously, ment and, in the subsequent section, which may not all be in the same direc- the implications for programs and tion. For example, in female-headed policies. forcibly displaced households, women’s FIGURE 2 GENDER GAPS BETWEEN DISPLACED WOMEN AND HOST COMMUNITY MEN 09 THE GENDER DIMENSIONS OF FORCED DISPLACEMENT: A SYNTHESIS OF NEW RESEARCH Ethiopia Nigeria Somalia South Sudan Sudan -50 0 50 100 150 200 Community safety Financial inclusion Employment Mobility Cellphone access Education Legal identification Source: GIWPS and PRIO 2021 Note: Gaps show the percentage gap in favor of host country men. For Ethiopia, the employment gap is 266 percent and the financial inclusion gap is 1063 percent. PROFILE AND DRIVERS OF DEPRIVATIONS AND DISPARITIES New empirical analysis was undertaken and more recent displacement in for nine countries, six in Sub Saharan Northeast Nigeria. Figure 3 shows the Africa, alongside several multi-coun- number and share of IDPs for each of try studies (table 1). The focus is on the countries we examine. IDPs, who currently account for about The results reveal systematic disadvan- twice as many displaced as refugees tage in the risks that women face of globally. The studies cover a diversi- income and multidimensional poverty, ty of displacement settings including limited access to livelihoods, height- refugees in Ethiopia, protracted dis- ened prevalence of GBV and persistent placement of IDPs in Darfur, Sudan, discriminatory norms. TABLE 1 SUMMARY OF GDFD STUDIES, DATA SOURCES AND FEATURES 11 THE GENDER DIMENSIONS OF FORCED DISPLACEMENT: A SYNTHESIS OF NEW RESEARCH Displacement Country Year Data source Population Identification setting Colombia 2005, Demographic Health Refugees and Non-camp Individual 2010, Survey, UCDP database IDPs survey 2015 responses DR Congo 2018 USAID Baseline Survey IDPs Non-camp Individual survey responses Darfur, 2018 IOM, World Bank, and IDPs Camp Camp location Sudan ACLED and household survey Ethiopia 2017 World Bank Ethiopia Skills Refugees Camp and Household Profile Survey non-camp survey Jordan 2011- UNHCR Profile Global Refugees Camp and Household 2014, Registration System, the non-camp survey, as 2016 Jordanian Home-Visits reported by dataset, 2016 Jordan Labor the principal Market Panel Survey applicant Liberia 2007 Demographic Health Self-identified as Non-camp Individual Survey, ACLED displaced survey responses Mali 2006, Demographic Health Coded for NA Individual 2018 Survey, ACLED conflict affected survey and non-conflict responses affected women Nigeria 2008, Demographic Health Coded for NA Individual 2013 Survey, ACLED conflict affected survey and non-conflict responses affected women Multicounty Various Multiple Refugees and Camp and Varies IDPs non-camp 12 FIGURE 3: DISPLACED PEOPLE, TOTAL NUMBERS AND AS A SHARE OF TOTAL POPULATION, SELECTED COUNTRIES, 2020 THE WORLD BANK GROUP 6.000.000 22 5.000.000 18 Number of displaced persons Share of total population (%) 4.000.000 14 3.000.000 10 2.000.000 6 1.000.000 2 0 0 ia C. ia* n* li a lia n n Ma eri da da mb . rda ma D.R iop Su Su Nig lo So Jo Eth Co uth So Displaced population* Displaced population/total population *Data show the population of IDPs for all countries except Ethiopia and Jordan, which count the number of refugees. Sources: Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre. Global Internal Displacement Database. Accessed 13 Sept. 2021. https://www.internal-displacement.org/database/displacement-data Total Population: The World Bank. Data. Accessed 6 Sept. 2021. https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SP.POP.TOTL?lo- cations=CO-CD-ET-LR-ML-NG-SO-SS-SD-JO Refugees: United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. 2021. Global Trends Forced Displacement in 2020. Annex Table 1, Column B. https://www.unhcr.org/60b638e37/unhcr-global-trends-2020 school attendance, primary school POVERTY completion, unemployment, and legal identification. Displacement is found to significantly increase the likelihood of It is well known that forcible displace- a household being multidimensionally ment is often characterized by loss of poor, whereas gender has important livelihoods and assets and the accumu- impacts on individual deprivations with- lation of debt. The vast majority move in households. into resource-poor settings in develop- ing countries.9 Our studies show that Within households, gender emerges IDPs are poorer than non-displaced as an important predictor of chronic people on both multi-dimensional and deprivation, such as failure to com- income poverty metrics. The inves- plete school, reflecting accumulated tigations also underline the need for disadvantage over time. Among the a portfolio of approaches to uncover multidimensionally poor, children in dis- gender-poverty links, which need to be placed households, especially girls, face understood at the individual as well as greater barriers to educational equity household levels. with boys than host community peers. The higher levels of intrahousehold The analysis of the intersection of gender inequality in school attendance gender, forced displacement, and mul- and legal identification in displaced tidimensional poverty in Ethiopia, households, relative to non-displaced Nigeria, Somalia, South Sudan, and households, underlines the importance Sudan focuses on deprivations in of going beyond household-level out- Compared to households with no 13 comes. Our findings suggest these earners, having two or more earners is inequalities typically weigh against associated with the largest reduction THE GENDER DIMENSIONS OF FORCED DISPLACEMENT: A SYNTHESIS OF NEW RESEARCH women, although sometimes boys and in poverty risk for both IDPs and non- men are disadvantaged. IDPs. Interestingly, for IDP households, the largest reduction in poverty risk is More detailed investigations in Somalia associated with having mostly women focused on links between income pov- earners rather than mostly men earners erty and female headship and other (40 versus 36 percent reduction in risk).11 explanatory variables. While national poverty rates are very high overall (70 Darfur, Sudan is well known for massive percent), the highest rates are among forced displacement. GDFD inves- IDPs (77 percent), and male-headed tigations in El Fasher highlights the households are poorer than fe- protracted nature of displacement: the male-headed households, regardless average household arrived over a de- of displacement status (81 versus 70 cade ago and 29 percent of IDPs have percent for IDPs, and 68 versus 65 been born in El Fasher.12 Overall pover- percent for non-IDPs). Controlling for ty rates are very high – exceeding 80 individual, household and displacement percent – but IDPs are 22 percent more characteristics enables a more nu- likely to be poor than non-IDPs, even anced assessment of the links between though IDPs were more likely to work poverty risk and gender. Male-headed in any form of employment and en- households are associated with high- gage in more activities than non-IDPs. er poverty risk for IDPs, but not for Likewise, IDP women worked more on non-IDPs, among whom widows are average than non-IDP women, but were 40 percentage points more likely to also more likely to be poor. This was be poor. All types of IDP households not the case for men and points to the with children10 are 17 to 20 percentage importance of the quality of economic points more likely to be poor than IDP opportunities, explored further below. households without children. By way A 2018 survey in North East Nigeria of contrast, in the host community, covering IDPs (in camps and host com- household demographic composition munities) and non-IDPs is another case is not strongly associated with poverty with overall very high poverty rates: an risk, with the exception of multi-gener- estimated 84 percent of households ational households with children. These fell below the 1.90 USD/day poverty results are consistent with the view that line, around half had not eaten bread in disruptions to family structure during the week prior and 70 percent had not displacement increase households’ risk eaten meat or dairy products. While of poverty and, in the case of non- the monetary poverty rate is highest IDPs in Somalia, it is important to be for female-headed households, wheth- aware of the heightened poverty risk of er or not they are displaced (around widows. 91 percent), displaced female-headed The results from Somalia also point to households are worst off in terms of the importance of paid work, especial- multi-dimensional poverty.13 This is ly for women and for IDP households. consistent with the finding from the 14 multidimensional poverty analysis that deprivations in school attendance, de- while displaced women are often more fined as any child of primary school age deprived than non-displaced women, not attending school up to class 6. In THE WORLD BANK GROUP as in Nigeria, in some countries be- Nigeria, for example, 34 and 31 percent ing female can be a stronger driver of of IDP girls and boys were deprived in multidimensional poverty than dis- this dimension, compared to 21 and 20 placement, highlighting the variability percent of non-IDP girls and boys. and complexity of the displacement Table 2 showcases these relative experience. rates of education deprivation across Looking at other dimensions of poverty, the countries investigated, and ta- both displacement status and gender ble 3 shows the same for children. affect access to schooling, with dis- Interestingly, Darfur, Sudan emerges as placed girls often most disadvantaged, the only place among these five set- and displaced women having fewer tings where girls are not worse off than years of schooling than displaced men. boys in schooling, whether or not they There are nuances, however. Our pro- are displaced. This unexpected result gram’s findings on Syrian refugees in again underlines the importance of Jordan suggest that displacement could country-specific analysis. open opportunities for younger women, Among displaced communities, fe- but for older women was much more male-headed households are more challenging. Similar findings emerged in likely to be deprived in years of school- Darfur. ing – the gap is 23 percentage points A GDFD multi-country study of multi- among people displaced in Ethiopia, dimensional poverty examined relative 27 percentage points among displaced deprivations in years of schooling--de- South Sudanese, and 14 percentage fined as no household member of the points among Sudanese.15 Children appropriate age having completed at in female-headed households are least six years of schooling—between also more likely to be deprived in displaced and non-displaced people.14 school attendance than those living in The starkest differences in education male-headed households. This depri- deprivation rates appear to emerge vation is 3 percentage points higher where access to schooling is also far among female-headed households in from universal for host communities, Ethiopia and 8 percentage points high- as in Ethiopia and Somalia. In Ethiopia, er among female-headed households 66 and 68 percent of male and female in South Sudan (table 3). While we are refugees, respectively, were deprived of unable to identify the causal drivers, it years of schooling, compared to 37 and may be partly driven by daughters pick- 33 percent of male and female hosts. ing up care and other work at home, In Somalia, 97 percent of both male or possibly working outside the home, and female IDPs were deprived, com- as well as the overall higher rates of pared to 60 and 63 percent of male and deprivation in these households. Results female non-IDPs. In Sudan, the rates of from Sudan showed local violence had education deprivation were again much a strong negative impact on school higher among displaced versus non-dis- attendance for IDPs and non-IDPs, and placed women: 29 versus 19 percent. girls and boys alike. Similar results emerged for individual TABLE 2 ADULTS DEPRIVED IN EDUCATION BY DISPLACEMENT STATUS AND BY GENDER, PERCENT. 15   Refugees Hosts THE GENDER DIMENSIONS OF FORCED DISPLACEMENT: A SYNTHESIS OF NEW RESEARCH   Male Female Male Female Ethiopia 66 68 37 33   IDPs Non-IDPs   Male Female Male Female Nigeria 54 56 39 45 Somalia 97 97 60 63 South Sudan 43 48 40 52 Sudan 28 29 26 19 TABLE 3 CHILDREN DEPRIVED IN SCHOOL ATTENDANCE BY DISPLACEMENT STATUS AND GENDER, PERCENT.   Refugees Hosts   Male Female Male Female Ethiopia 16 19 11 11   IDPs Non-IDPs   Male Female Male Female Nigeria 31 34 20 21 Somalia 64 68 59 63 South Sudan 20 25 25 29 Sudan 22 21 15 12 Source: Admasu, et al. 2021. Multidimensional Poverty, Gender, and Forced Displacement: A+ Multi-Country, Intrahouse- hold Analysis in Sub-Saharan Africa. Tables 7, 8, 9, 10, and 11. Notes: Deprived in years of schooling means that no household member of school age has completed at least 6 years schooling; deprived in school attendance is a child of primary school age in household not attending school Our investigation of income poverty households in both time periods. By in a large sample of Syrian refugees in 2018, female-headed households and Jordan over the period 2013-2018 using single caregivers (the vast majority of UNHCR data found no significant differ- whom are women) were worse off than ence in per capita expenditure between male-headed households by about male- and female-headed refugee 15 percentage points. These findings households, without any economies of demonstrate that examining per capita scale (table 4).16 Adjusting for econo- income without accounting for house- mies of scale reversed poverty rankings hold economies of scale can conceal between male- and female- headed gendered differences in poverty. 16 TABLE 4 PERCENTAGE OF HOUSEHOLDS BELOW 40TH PERCENTILE OF EXPENDITURE DISTRIBUTION, SYRIAN REFUGEES IN JORDAN, PERCENT. THE WORLD BANK GROUP Poverty adjusted by   Baseline Poverty Headcount Economies of Scale   2013-14 2017-18 2013-14 2017-18 Male-headed household 41 40 36 33 Female-headed household 38 40 38 49 Couples with children 54 48 40 35 Single caregivers 40 42 38 48 Source: Hanmer, et al. 2022, forthcoming, Table 3. The economies of scale adjustment divides household consumption by the square root of household size. LIVELIHOODS economic rights as hosts. The gaps in access to economic opportunities is AND ECONOMIC likely shaped by norms around unpaid OPPORTUNITIES work and care responsibilities as well as discrimination. Refugees often face larg- er barriers if there are formal constraints While the constraints and results are to paid work. context specific, displaced women In Ethiopia, Nigeria, South Sudan and often face disadvantages in access- Sudan, but not Somalia, displaced ing economic opportunities relative women were consistently less likely to displaced men, host women, and to be employed than displaced men host men, highlighting the compound- (table 5). In Ethiopia, just 2 percent of ing effects of displacement on gender displaced women had access to their inequality. This is despite the fact that own bank account, compared to 27 per- IDPs, by law, should have the same cent of host women. TABLE 5 DISADVANTAGES ACROSS GENDER AND DISPLACEMENT STATUS IN EMPLOYMENT AND FINANCIAL INCLUSION, PERCENT. Employment Financial inclusion Country Displaced Displaced Host Host Displaced Displaced Host Host women men women men women men women men Ethiopia 6.5 14.6 8.2 23.9 2.3 2.8 27.4 26.6 Nigeria 14.5 36.2 14.8 39.2 23.9 24.2 40.1 41.2 Somalia 5.3 6.9 5.8 6.1 57.8 59.1 72.9 73.6 South 6.8 7.5 6.8 8.5 – – – – Sudan Sudan 7.0 7.5 7.9 8.1 7.2 7.0 11.2 11.4 Source: Estimates underlying WPS Index, 2021 based on DHS/ HFS data Our findings indicate that displaced The Darfur study thus suggests that 17 women face greater barriers to labor gendered constraints faced by IDP market participation than displaced women begin in the norms and insti- THE GENDER DIMENSIONS OF FORCED DISPLACEMENT: A SYNTHESIS OF NEW RESEARCH men, although the identified constraints tutions at their place of origin. Both vary across settings. For example, lack IDP men and women face additional of access to land emerges as important barriers in their destination places. IDP in Ethiopia, while lack of education is women thus face a “double burden” significant in both Ethiopia and Darfur. of disadvantage in access to econom- As noted above, in Darfur, displaced ic opportunities. For younger women, women were more likely to work than displacement offers some opportunities women who had not been displaced, al- to advance their education and over- though they were still more likely to be come gendered disadvantages. But for poor. This reveals the low returns to the older displaced women who have had types of jobs undertaken by displaced less chance to catch up with their edu- women in the region. cation upon arrival in camp, the double burden is strongest. These findings There are significant gender gaps among point to the need for policy responses the displaced in Darfur. Women are much to concurrently address the needs of less likely to be employed and about half the long-term displaced and gender as likely to be paid by someone else, or inequality. Among IDPs, the design of in self-employment either on or off farm. programs and policies should be in- While the extent to which gender norms formed by the profile of disadvantage. could be directly linked to economic In the case of Darfur and livelihoods, opportunities was not well captured by this seems to point to older women the data, the Darfur study linked major needing the greatest support. gender gaps in access to jobs, especial- ly paid work and off-farm employment, In Colombia, displaced status is asso- to gender norms. While there were no ciated with more traditional gender significant gender differences in access norms as measured by attitudes to- to markets and services, perceptions of wards women’s role in the domestic safety and legal documentation, there sphere. For example, controlling for a were differences in educational achieve- range of observable factors, like place ments. Compared to displaced men of of origin and education, displacement the same age and background, displaced reduces the probability of disagreeing women were less likely to be in school with the statement ‘a woman’s main role when they left and have lower levels of is family caregiving and cooking’ by 6-8 schooling and literacy today. The au- percentage points.18 Simultaneously, thors argue that gender norms at the IDP women are 7-9 percentage points place of origin shaped observed gender less likely to be able to decide what to gaps in IDP employment.17 Compared do with the money they earn than their to IDP women, IDP men engage in more non-IDP counterparts.19 activities, work more hours per week The 2017 Skills Profile Survey cov- and months per year in their main in- ered different refugee-hosting come-generating activity, and are less regions of Ethiopia: Tigray-Afar likely to have their main activity in agri- (Eritrean), Gambella (South Sudanese), culture (32 versus 38 percent). Benishangul-Gumuz (Sudanese and 18 South Sudanese), and Somali (Somalis) example, Syrian refugee women in and their host communities. Significant Jordan may become breadwinners for gender gaps are revealed in employ- their households without any diminution THE WORLD BANK GROUP ment, both among refugees and hosts of their responsibility as the caretakers (9 and 15 percentage points respective- for their families. 24 Similar dynamics ly). In multivariate analysis, the number have been reported for IDP widows in of young children, lack of access to Nepal, 25 Chechen refugees in the Czech agricultural land, and lack of physical Republic, 26 and IDP women in Darfur. 27 safety were found to reduce female In Ethiopia, the number of young chil- employment. Living in a female-head- dren in a household was found to ed household, having more years of significantly reduce female - but not education, and experiencing longer male - employment among refugees, displacement duration increases the while the number of children in a probability of female employment. More household increased male employment generally, displaced people had fewer among hosts. 28 This confirms the glob- economic opportunities. Refugees in al pattern whereby gendered divisions Benishangul-Gumuz region (Sudanese of unpaid labor adversely affect wom- and South-Sudanese refugees) are 65 en’s employment opportunities. As percentage points less likely to be in explored further in Section 3 below, employment compared to their hosts. these results also imply an unmet need Somali refugees have better employ- for childcare services, which could be ment opportunities than other refugee an area for support to facilitate the groups in Ethiopia, which might be expansion of economic opportunities, traced to their lower language and particularly for women. The results from cultural barriers to integration in Ethiopia also underline the importance Somali, Ethiopia. 20 of education to women’s paid employ- Gendered divisions of childcare re- ment prospects, while female heads of sponsibilities often limit women’s labor households were also more likely to be force participation. Using panel data in paid work. Interestingly, access to the from 97 countries, Bloom, et al. (2009) internet, physical safety and remittanc- estimate that a birth reduces a woman’s es did not have significant effects in a labor supply for paid work by almost multivariate probit analysis. two years during her reproductive life. 21 The factors associated with work out- Cross-national surveys in the OECD side the home for displaced women are have found that in households where similar to those facing non-displaced women are expected to do most of the women, for example, the need to juggle child rearing (and home labor activi- care responsibilities. Female headship ties), the number of children is higher also increases the likelihood of wom- and the probability that the woman par- en’s employment for both refugees ticipates in the labor market is lower. 22 and hosts in Ethiopia. However, there In Germany, the share of married wom- are also differences. The GDFD results en working full-time drops drastically if show that displaced women are more they have school age children—from likely to be in paid work than women in 76 to 11 percent. 23 host communities in Darfur, 29 and both Displaced women often maintain non-settlement IDPs and non-IDPs in their roles as primary caregivers. For Somalia. 30 However, in Darfur, displaced women’s lower levels of education and violence in the home. In both Colombia 19 other constraints mean that their earn- and Liberia, controlling for wealth ings are lower, and were more likely to quintile, displaced women reported THE GENDER DIMENSIONS OF FORCED DISPLACEMENT: A SYNTHESIS OF NEW RESEARCH classed as “unpaid labor.” 40 to 55 percent greater odds of ex- periencing past-year IPV compared Our investigation of livelihoods in North to their non-displaced counterparts. 34 East Nigeria reveals that, regardless of In DRC, women also reported experi- displacement status, women are less encing higher levels of sexual violence likely to be employed than men. 31 Rates by non-partners. The evidence under- of employment among displaced wom- lines the fact that in conflict-affected en are around 15 percent, compared to settings, women are more likely to 39 percent for host men. However, local experience abuse at the hands of ac- conflict substantially reduces the likeli- quaintances, intimate partners, family hood of any economic activity with no members and people in their communi- gender differences. The adverse im- ty than at the hand of armed actors. pacts of conflict are most pronounced when levels of violence are high, as Fatal conflict events in the vicinity of measured by conflict exposure at the where women live also consistently district level, including exposure to any increase women’s experiences of IPV. form of collective violence, exposure to In both Colombia and Liberia, living in a violence against civilians, and exposure district with at least one conflict fatali- to fatalities. ty increased the odds of past-year IPV, suggesting both conflict and displace- In sum, the GDFD poverty and liveli- ment independently and significantly hoods analysis consistently points to the increase women’s risk of violence. importance of displaced women’s paid work to families, but also to constraints In the DRC, both displacement and ex- which limit the nature and quality of their periencing war-related abuses affected employment.32 Many of the constraints women’s risk of multiple forms of GBV. 35 echo those documented for women Both types of experiences were signifi- more generally.33 A number of barriers cantly associated with higher levels of appear to be amenable to policy and IPV, specifically: program interventions, including educa- • Ever-displaced women face 11 per- tion, childcare and perceptions of safety, cent higher risk of IPV and currently as well as the importance of changing displaced women face 20 percent norms around paid and unpaid work. higher risk of IPV. • Women who experienced at least INTIMATE PARTNER one incident of war-related abuse had a 12 percent higher risk of life- VIOLENCE time IPV and 14 percent higher risk of past-year IPV. • Having been displaced at any point In the diverse settings explored in the in her life increases a woman’s risk GDFD research – Colombia, Democratic of lifetime and past-year IPV by 6 Republic of Congo, Mali, and Liberia percent and experiencing war abus- —women who have been forcibly dis- es increased risk of lifetime IPV by 9 placed consistently experienced more percent. 20 Analysis of data in Mali from 2006 and In the DRC, the research finds links 2018, spatially linked with ACLED con- between conflict-related violence and flict data, compares outcomes before IPV: women experiencing physical or THE WORLD BANK GROUP and during conflict across conflict- economic abuses inflicted by armed and non-conflict-affected districts. 36 actors also experienced a significant Conflict is found to increase the risk of increase in IPV. 39 Specifically, women combined IPV, a measure that includes who experienced at least one incident physical, emotional and sexual forms of war-related abuse40 had a 12 percent of IPV. Living in a conflict-affected area higher risk of lifetime IPV and 14 per- increases the probability of a woman cent higher risk of past-year IPV. Being experiencing physical IPV by about 14 employed, having an abusive father, percent, and of combined IPV by 18 and having a partner that uses drugs or percent after controlling for a range of alcohol were also associated risk factors factors, including her attitudes towards for the conflict affected women. the acceptability of wife beating, wit- Forced displacement can amplify the nessing IPV in childhood, religion and risk of child marriage.41 This has been regional fixed effects. However, the re- traced to families marrying off daugh- sults do not show any effect of conflict ters for the protection of a male spouse on sexual IPV alone. or for greater financial security.42 Our A study using the same methodology in new multi-country analysis suggests Nigeria finds that the presence of Boko more mixed results, which vary across Haram (BH) increases the probability country contexts. that women experience physical or sex- Our findings provide solid evidence ual IPV by about 4 percentage points for the need for policy makers and after controlling for known correlates programs to seriously consider the of IPV: partner’s alcohol use, previous significant risks of GBV that displaced exposure to IPV and condoning IPV as women and girls face, to ensure actions a social norm. Controlling behaviors are taken to prevent such violence, and from husbands/partners– another form to enable support for survivors, as out- of IPV—are heightened in locations that lined in Section 3 below. are impacted by the BH insurgency. In these places, women’s risk of experienc- ADVERSE GENDER NORMS ing controlling behavior increases by 14 percentage points, indicating that the BH insurgency exacerbates behaviors that are often pre-cursors to physical Gendered social norms, the shared and sexual IPV. 37 behavioral ‘rules’ that define what mem- While the data does not allow us to bers of a society do or believe should disentangle pathways, IPV risk factors be done, operating at both the individ- affecting the displaced appear to be ual (personal) and social (community) income insecurity, stress leading to levels. Measuring complex constructs marital discord, lack of institutions able like gender norms is challenging to respond to violence, and breakdown and constrained by data availability. in social fabric. 38 However, the importance of measur- ing norms and assessing how they change is increasingly recognized as an important area for policy responses searching for work and providing for 21 to displacement.43 As noted in a recent the family. In some cases, this low- systematic review, “qualitative findings ered the self-esteem of male spouses, THE GENDER DIMENSIONS OF FORCED DISPLACEMENT: A SYNTHESIS OF NEW RESEARCH show that gender and social norms leading to increased violence in the acted as significant barriers to program home.47 Another study of Syrian ref- uptake across multiple intervention ugees in camps in Jordan found that types, including cash transfers and safe refugee women were frequently taking spaces. Policy makers must ensure they on breadwinner roles for the first time, recognize embedded power dynam- which increased their decision-making ics and specifically address patriarchal power in the community.48 In the ab- norms, as without these components, sence of men, displaced Nuer women interventions are unlikely to succeed in in South Sudan generated income for their stated aims.”44 the household and assumed roles tra- ditionally perceived as male, including Unequal gender norms are often re- negotiating dowries.49 strictive for women and girls, relative to men and boys, and may persist, Whether the spheres of activities or be disrupted by displacement. deemed unsuitable for women change Displacement can expose women and post-displacement appears to vary men, girls and boys, to new host com- across settings. A 2011 study in Darfur munity norms that are more expansive, found that IDP women were involved or restrictive, as well as to new eco- in health-related activities at the com- nomic and social realities that challenge munity level but were excluded from traditional gender roles. Women may decisions related to camp infrastructure be able to access new opportunities or management, which were perceived and services that were previously as male fields. 50 In contrast, in the after- unavailable. Afghan refugee women math of Nepal’s conflict, a 2016 study in Pakistan that had fled the previous found that widows worked outside the Taliban regime, for example, had access home and some of them even crossed to reproductive health services, often over into male-dominated fields, such for the first time. Their daughters could as construction labor or transport. 51 attend primary and secondary educa- The GDFD program includes several tion from which they were excluded at studies which cast important new light home.45 Individuals may be present- on gender norms in displacement set- ed with new reference groups in new tings. Two new empirical investigations settings that can allow for changes in directly interrogated gender norms in individual behaviors among displaced displacement in Jordan and Colombia, women, although behavior may change while others provide new insights. The without shifting the gender norm. research on gendered social norms in Displaced people often move to urban Jordan focused on adolescence, which areas, which may open up economic is the stage when boys’ and girls’ lives opportunities for women and broaden become strongly gender-differentiat- their exposure to new gender norms.46 ed, particularly in socially conservative For example, a study of Syrian refugees settings. 52 Earlier work in Jordan found in Lebanon found that displaced wom- that adolescent boys steadily gain en undertook responsibilities outside mobility, whether leaving the house or of their traditional roles, including 22 leaving the community, as they aged, networks, to access sexual and repro- whereas girls’ mobility diminished. 53 ductive health services, and more. It has been noted that in displacement con- The new examination of norms around THE WORLD BANK GROUP texts, adolescent girls were traditionally adolescent Syrian refugees in Jordan overlooked in humanitarian program- used the nationally representative 2016 ming, lumped in with children or adults, Jordan Labor Market Panel Survey although the recognition of the needs which includes questions on gender of adolescents and especially adoles- role attitudes and justification of do- cent girls has grown over time. 56 mestic VAW, as well as involvement in decision-making and mobility. The Whether gender norms change with focus is on two key aspects of adoles- displacement is also examined in the cent life: domestic work (subsistence case of IDPs in Colombia. 57 Colombia and unpaid care) and current enrolment is a national setting characterized by in school. The investigation reveals that widespread internal displacement as while gender role attitudes are similar well as deeply rooted gender unequal across generations and nationalities, norms. Women are expected to take on Syrian adolescent girls are particularly the bulk of domestic responsibilities, restricted in their mobility compared to whereas men are seen as the house- their Jordanian counterparts. This could hold head and main breadwinners for reflect the higher (real or perceived) their families. Affordable, good-quality risks they face in the public space. childcare services are lacking, no legal Syrian refugee girls in Lebanon and provision exists for paid parental leave Jordan, for example, have cited risks of to be shared between mothers and fa- GBV on the way to school as a barrier thers, 58 and women do nearly four times to education. 54 At the same time, Syrian as much as much unpaid domestic and refugee adolescent girls and boys have care work as men. The GDFD research similar educational outcomes as do uses three rounds of Demographic Syrian refugee girls and Jordanian girls and Health Surveys (DHS) data for the after accounting for socioeconomic 2005-2015 period to examine changes status. 55 in gender attitudes, norms and behavior that limit women’s access to reproduc- The findings underline the association tive health, economic opportunities, between girls’ and mothers’ deci- and mobility, and norms that tolerate sion-making and domestic workloads. VAW and endorse patriarchy. The results also highlight importance of considering adolescent refugee The GDFD research finds mixed trends girls as a distinct group that may have and patterns in gender attitudes and divergent outcomes and face unique norms over the decade, not always challenges. For example, while Syrian moving in expected directions: adult women had higher mobility rela- • Displacement is associated with tive to Jordanian adult women, Syrian more traditional attitudes around adolescent girls were much more re- women in the domestic sphere, stricted than adult women or Jordanian reducing the probability of dis- adolescent girls. Girls’ limited mobili- agreeing with the statement “a ty may constrain their access to safe woman’s main role is family care- spaces, to connect to friends and social giving and cooking” by 6 to 8 percentage points, and reducing use, which might be explained by 23 women’s ability to decide how to the lack of access to sexual and use the money they earn. On the reproductive health information and THE GENDER DIMENSIONS OF FORCED DISPLACEMENT: A SYNTHESIS OF NEW RESEARCH other hand, displacement is associ- services, as well as different atti- ated with less traditional patriarchal tudes around the ideal family size.61 attitudes such as “families with men The results thus reveal a misalignment have less problems” or “a good wife between attitudes, norms and behav- obeys her husband.”59 iors with respect to IPV, contraception • There are contrasting trends around and control over own earnings. On each IPV: IDP women are more likely of these fronts, displaced women have than their non-IDP counterparts in less rigid patriarchal attitudes, but their Colombia to state that they would risk of violence worsens, and the abil- call out a friend who abuses a wom- ity to decide about contraception and an. However, evidence on behaviors their own earnings decreases follow- show more IDP women are expe- ing displacement. These findings shed riencing IPV, even though they are light on the complexity of gender norm less likely to tolerate it.60 change and suggest that improvements • Displacement does not alter in one area do not necessarily shift un- attitudes towards the use of con- equal gender norms and behaviors. The traception. Most women in the deep-seated nature of the challenges Colombia study agree with the use suggests that programming specifical- of contraception. However, dis- ly designed to challenge and replace placement reduces women’s ability unequal norms is needed for displaced to use and decide on contraceptive and host communities. IMPLICATIONS FOR POLICY  This program of research interrogated and displacement and respond ap- existing data sets and did not involve propriately to close gaps in status and program or policy evaluations. The opportunities in specific contexts. It is results nonetheless reveal important also important to understand the needs insights about directions for policies of affected groups through direct con- and programs, given the robust evi- sultations about their constraints and dence about the profile of deprivations priorities and meaningful participation and drivers of disparities, alongside the in program and policy design.64 increased risk of GBV and difficulty in The more direct implications for policy shifting gender norms. fall into several categories, beginning The gender dimensions of displacement with the value of better understanding have implications for both humanitar- country circumstances. We cover these ian and development programming. in turn below. The protracted nature of displacement means that long-term perspectives need to be adopted, even amidst emergencies. The average length of THE FEASIBILITY humanitarian crises and responses has AND IMPORTANCE OF COUNTRY-SPECIFIC increased over time, from 5.2 years to 9.3 years between 2014 and 2018.62 While funding for humanitarian re- sponses has gradually increased over ANALYSIS the past decade, estimated needs have outpaced funding. In 2020, UN OCHA The research program reveals that estimated a $22 billion gap between much more can be done to inform the amount available for humanitarian policy and program design even with response and the $39 billion required— existing data. The analyses demonstrate the largest deficit ever.63 how diverse data sources—ranging from well-known datasets such as the DHS The overarching general implication to more recently fielded labor market for policy makers is that both human- and household income and expenditure itarian and development policies and surveys designed to address questions programs need to understand and around displacement—can cast light address the intersectionality of gender on the situation of forcibly displaced 25 people.65 In investigating these data NEED TO PROMOTE sources, it is important that gender ECONOMIC THE GENDER DIMENSIONS OF FORCED DISPLACEMENT: A SYNTHESIS OF NEW RESEARCH and displacement status be examined alongside such key variables as age and family structure and the duration of OPPORTUNITIES--WITH displacement. ATTENTION TO EARNINGS Innovative methodological approaches, combining different sources of data to Evidence from all the countries inves- test hypotheses on the gender dimen- tigated demonstrates that substantial sions of forced displacement, include barriers constrain the economic op- the research on GBV which spatially portunities of displaced women – most links data from Domestic Violence mod- notably lack of education and consider- ule of the DHS to the Armed Conflict able care responsibilities. For example, Location and Events Database (ACLED) among Ethiopian refugees, the liveli- to allow conflict-affected communi- hoods of men and women are impacted ties to be identified and contrasted to differently by displacement. Adverse communities that are not exposed to gender norms result in women hav- conflict.66 ing fewer opportunities for economic advancement and bearing more care The findings from the analyses lend sup- responsibilities at home. In Germany, port to a number of expected outcomes, Kenya, and Niger, the IRC interviewed like the disadvantages faced by displaced women refugees to better understand women in economic opportunities, their barriers and needs for improved but also highlight some counter-intui- livelihoods. The most cited needs tive results in particular settings. These included skills building and business findings underscore the importance of support, expanded social networks country-specific analysis. For exam- for information sharing, safe spaces, ple, in Darfur, IDP women work more access to childcare, and support from than non-IDP women (but are poorer, influential local authorities.67 A broad- on average). We find that in Somalia—a er review of the literature of what context of very high poverty rates— works to promote jobs for displaced male-headed households are worse off people underlines the importance of than female-headed households over- understanding context-specific obsta- all, but some types of female-headed cles. Interventions to help the forcibly households, such as widows in non-IDP displaced access labor markets must communities and IDP female single address these multiple constraints caregivers, experience the highest pov- simultaneously.68 erty rates. This points to the importance of going beyond household headship, a The Women’s Refugee Commission theme to which we return below. has warned that improperly designed livelihood programs, for example, those without a solid understanding of specific obstacles and the needs and aspirations of displaced people, can reinforce women’s traditional gender 26 roles, increase their workloads, and childcare can incentivize more private heighten their risk of experiencing sector provision of care--both home- violence.69 While this is not a call to based and by childcare centers.72 THE WORLD BANK GROUP abandon such efforts, the potential While enabling women to engage in downsides point to the need for pro- paid work can reduce household pov- gram designers and implementers to erty risks (as found in Somalia), there recognize and understand the barri- is also evidence that displaced women ers and challenges women face. One in paid work have low earnings. The solution is to include analytical work specific policy and programming impli- to identify barriers faced by women in cations will vary by context, although accessing markets and jobs in project several directions of change emerge preparation. For example, in Azerbaijan, as critical across all the settings char- a project preparation study for a living acterized by displacement. First, it is standards and livelihoods project for important to expand access to edu- IDPs took stock of divergent experienc- cation across all age groups, as well es among male and female IDPs, and as access to public technical and vo- gaps in the distribution of assets and cational training, which could include risks between them. As a result, the new skills to enable displaced women project included more micro projects to run their own business or move into and support to small businesses to fos- non-traditional occupations. Second, ter female entrepreneurship.70 there is a need for a full range of sex- Another solution is to conduct social ual and reproductive health services assessments to identify where risks for to help enable women to determine GBV lie within projects across sectors, whether and when to have children. including livelihoods. Actions to mit- Third, the expansion of childcare ser- igate and reduce these risks can be vices in camps and host community incorporated into project design as, for neighborhoods is crucial. Finally, but example, in the Development Response not least, efforts to expand economic to Displacement Impact Project in opportunities should be considered Kenya.71 Projects can also ensure that alongside ways to enhance women’s governance mechanisms represent decision-making roles and political par- women and include their voices in ticipation, as well as their access to and decisions made about community-lev- control over resources. el investments. Even when economic Evidence about what works to advance opportunities are limited, there is often economic opportunities of displaced potential to enable women better ac- women in developing country settings cess to the economic opportunities that is very limited. We know from other do exist. For example, in Jordan, regula- developing country settings– including tory reforms to formalize home-based Chile,73 Kenya,74 and Nicaragua75 —that enterprises has helped both refugee the provision of childcare services can and Jordanian women circumvent enable women’s economic opportu- barriers such as inadequate transpor- nities, although direct evidence for tation or lack of childcare by enabling displaced women is lacking. In some women to work more easily from home. cases, access to safe and affordable Reforms of regulations governing transport may be a barrier, as well as gender equality, there is a substantial 27 perceptions about safety at work. A fraction of men with gender-equitable recent review (not focused on gender views who may be engaged in progres- THE GENDER DIMENSIONS OF FORCED DISPLACEMENT: A SYNTHESIS OF NEW RESEARCH differences) concluded that healthcare sive change. 80 Schools appear to be and psychosocial support can help an important site for programs work- refugees and IDPs overcome trauma, ing to change gender norms across improve their outlook and integrate generations. 81 into labor markets, while interventions Addressing discriminatory norms more to build social networks and overcome broadly is critical for women’s econom- spatial mismatches seem promising and ic inclusion, including for displaced require further testing and evaluation.76 women. Indeed, an ongoing study of Research findings about the relative refugee financial integration in Jordan, educational disadvantage of displaced Kenya, Mexico, and Uganda found women appear to suggest a role for that the provision of financial services programs to build relevant skills. An alone did not produce significant im- assessment of the “Women and Girls provements in economic outcomes for Oasis,” operated by UN Women and displaced women. 82 Success depended INTERSOS to facilitate vocational train- on the ability to navigate pathways to ing for Syrian refugee women in Jordan economic inclusion which, for women, in computer skills, English, and hair- requires the transformation of harmful dressing, found that most participants gender norms. Similarly, the Norwegian reported increases in income and socio- Refugee Council finds that in Africa, economic status.77 However, a broader major barriers to displaced women’s review found that the track record of land ownership include harmful gen- “skills only” interventions for refugees is der norms and lack of awareness of not promising,78 pointing to the impor- property rights, highlighting the need tance of understanding labor demand for investments in efforts that help in- in host communities and gender-specif- form women of their rights and how to ic barriers to participation. navigate the process of independently owning property. 83 Programs designed to empower girls may need to engage their families and Colombia’s 2011 Victim’s Law highlights communities who act as gatekeep- an effort to promote gender justice in ers. In Kenya and Iraq, for example, land restitution. The policy, following UNHCR has facilitated men’s groups years of civil conflict and mass forced in refugee camps aimed at changing displacement, prioritizes returnee women norms around GBV and gender roles. in land restitution processes and guar- Qualitative evidence suggests that this antees special protection of their land led to men more actively working to rights. Although comprehensive evalu- prevent SGBV in camps, more equitable ations of the law’s impacts have not yet decision-making in the home, and more been conducted, some analysis suggests conversations about consent.79 A num- the policy could help erode structur- ber of studies in the MENA region have al discrimination against women and found that while the views of older men provide greater agency and economic may be a key constraint to progress on opportunities for displaced women.84 28 An ODI study in Cox’s Bazar among plus’ approaches, for example, com- Rohingya refugees and host commu- plement direct transfers with training, nities highlights the importance of key information, and access to services, THE WORLD BANK GROUP context and understanding the views aiming to address multiple constraints and preferences of displaced people. 85 at once and ensure that women can For some Rohingya women, the dignity maximize the potential of cash trans- of staying in their home ( purdah) was fers. 87 Cash transfers can be especially a priority, and may have represented a beneficial to women by increasing their self-protection mechanism if, for ex- agency and ability to participate in ample, their male household members household decision-making. 88 would not have accepted their leaving One type of social protection often the house. For others, a preference used in humanitarian settings is cash for self-reliance meant they would be and voucher assistance. Displaced willing to break purdah to work outside people and communities who have fled the home to support their families. In conflict often depend heavily on this this case, different modalities of assis- assistance for survival. Traditionally, tance would be necessary to meet the most humanitarian assistance was preferences of the affected population provided in kind, but there has been a and avoid exacerbating GBV risks for trend over the past two decades toward women. cash-based modalities. While cash is not a substitute for all the services that SOCIAL PROTECTION displaced women and men need, it can play a key role. PROGRAMS The 2016 Grand Bargain included com- mitments to increase cash transfer programming in humanitarian aid to Social protection includes the range improve the effectiveness and efficiency of policies and programs adopted by of humanitarian action. Accumulating national and local governments to evidence, including a 2016 systematic alleviate and/or prevent poverty and review, suggests that cash-based hu- vulnerability when individuals or house- manitarian assistance approaches can holds face shocks or risks along the increase food security and are more cost lifecycle. 86 Many social protection pro- effective than in-kind food transfers. 89 grams provide direct income support to address need and can be designed as Moreover, consistent with the vision of an entry point to help facilitate the ex- the 2018 Global Compact for Refugees, pansion of future opportunities through greater coherence and collaboration access to counselling, training, and job between humanitarian assistance and search support, for example. government social protection programs, where possible, can strengthen the wid- Social protection programs with design er humanitarian–development–peace features that respond to women’s care nexus. Aligning international human- responsibilities and address barriers to itarian assistance with government women’s economic opportunities are social protection programs can help especially important for IDPs. ‘Cash pave the way for inclusion of refugees and IDPs into government systems as actors to improve program inclusion 29 part of sustainable solutions. have emerged during the COVID pan- demic in Jordan, where the government In practice however, protection gaps THE GENDER DIMENSIONS OF FORCED DISPLACEMENT: A SYNTHESIS OF NEW RESEARCH used UNICEF’s RapidPro communication can arise for individuals and families technology, a tool that allows for feed- between humanitarian assistance and back between donors and beneficiaries, the national social protection system. to expand cash transfers to both host Preliminary research findings in Greece communities and refugees. The World suggest that refugees are either un- Food Programme used the Colombian aware of social protection programs, or government’s SISBEN database on face significant entry barriers to access. family living conditions to better target Many lack a social security number, displaced Venezuelan households in a tax registration number or a bank COVID-19 relief efforts.94 More generally, account— prerequisites for registra- however, it is important to ensure align- tion for state benefits programs. Very ment and avoid parallel systems, and that few of the refugees interviewed were social registries include displaced people. receiving any form of state benefit.90 For refugees, barriers to accessing the Social assistance programs typically formal labor market leads to exclusion use income or means testing, or cate- from contributory social insurance gorical criteria associated with being programs.91 poor. Displacement appears to be a robust correlate of household poverty Indeed, a recent global review conclud- status. However, within households, our ed that “forcibly displaced populations analysis also found that the patterns of are typically excluded from state social deprivations of multidimensional pover- protection and are more often served ty systematically differ by gender. by internationally financed humanitarian programs that are often short-term and The GDFD results suggest that pover- unsustainable. There are also concerns ty-targeting criteria need to go beyond as to the impacts of serving different gender of household head. For ex- populations with different cash pro- ample, male-headed households are grams, including variations in transfer income poorer than female-headed value and frequency.” 92 households in both Somalia among IDPs and among Syrian refugees in Jordan. The same review found that rights on However, gender does emerge as a paper may not hold in practice, and factor influencing poverty risk. Female that “IDPs and refugees also tend to be single caregivers, household with few excluded from state social registries, cre- working age men, widows living outside ating challenges where state systems rely IDP settlements and in host commu- on social registries for the identification nities all emerge as high poverty risk of program recipients.” At the same time categories in the same settings. The there was some evidence of these barri- results of our poverty analysis suggest ers being addressed by governments in that poverty reduction policies and Mauritania, Djibouti, and Congo.93 programs in settings with high levels of Examples of collaboration between gov- poverty like Somalia should seek to cov- ernment and international humanitarian er all households, especially those with 30 children, and avoid narrow targeting to report GBV and enroll girls in criteria. Another important targeting school.100 consideration in displacement settings • A randomized trial of social assis- THE WORLD BANK GROUP is the need to include host communi- tance in the form of vouchers for ties to avoid creating or exacerbating essential items in North Kivu, DRC tensions. Programs can be designed had significant positive effects on so that displaced people participate the participants’ mental health.101 together with host communities in cash The design of social protection needs plus activities as a way of building trust. to account for possible restrictions in There is evidence that cash transfers mobility and safety concerns of wom- can be especially beneficial to displaced en having to mobilize to receive cash women by increasing their agency or vouchers. Digital cash transfers can and ability to participate in household be beneficial by depositing money decision-making.95 Social protection directly into women’s accounts, increas- programs with design features that re- ing women’s control over assets and spond to women’s care responsibilities, strengthening women’s decision-making address barriers to women’s economic power.102 Electronic transfers may be saf- opportunities and offset risks of IPV are er for women if available in the displaced especially important. setting,103 although there are also reports Transfers can help to reduce financial of conflict-affected women in Chad pre- stress and boost psychosocial wellbe- ferring physical cash due technological ing. For example: barriers and inability to register.104 • In Gaza, transfers were found to There is accumulating evidence that cash reduce anxiety and boost morale, transfers can help to reduce risks of IPV especially among widows and in developing country settings through divorcees who felt they would reduced economic stress on the house- not survive without the transfer.96 hold, and possibly through changing A more recent UNFPA program intra-household power dynamics in favor during the COVID-19 pandemic of women.105 For example, a UNHCR provided vouchers to economical- cash assistance program in Lebanon ly vulnerable families and women was found to be highly appropriate for at risk of GBV in Gaza and East GBV survivors due to its discreet nature, Jerusalem. In Gaza, 97 percent of enabling survivors to move away from beneficiaries reported that the pro- their abuser(s) and to rent for themselves gram had a positive impact on their and their children, to undergo surgery psychological well-being.97 or cope during the recovery of a family member, and to search for another job or • Cash transfers to Syrian refugees house to escape abuses by their employ- have been found to help empower er or house owner. women when they were able to pro- vide for their families, quelled fears A recent World Bank operational guide of having to return to Syria,98 in- provides tips on design and implemen- creased feelings of confidence and tation of social protection including respect,99 and bolstered confidence addressing the risk of backlash with- in households and communities or opportunistic harassment and assault project, operated by the Women’s 31 while participating in program activities; Refugee Council and CARE, found that suggestions on how to increase the po- cash transfers to female Venezuelan THE GENDER DIMENSIONS OF FORCED DISPLACEMENT: A SYNTHESIS OF NEW RESEARCH tential for social protection to empower migrants in Ecuador reduced the inci- women and prevent GBV; and oppor- dence of IPV and increased access to tunities to shift norms and address the essential services such as healthcare. fundamental drivers of GBV. Displaced The findings also suggest that a longer women are among the at-risk groups duration of cash transfer assistance identified that might require special could further reduce the incidence of initiatives to reduce GBV risks.106 GBV.108 Other programs have intro- duced free hotlines where participants Cash plus assistance can include fi- can raise questions or grievances, nancial literacy and other forms of offering a pathway for additional sup- training, as well as gender discussion port and helping to direct survivors to groups. Evidence that complementa- relevant services.109 ry programming can promote gender equality includes the International There may also be risks that male part- Rescue Committee cash transfer pro- ners resent transfers being directed to gramming in Jordan aiming to build women, although these risks can be women’s resilience to GBV through mitigated through program design and meeting their basic needs and target- implementation. Clear communication ed protection services.107 Drawing on with family members on the transfers limited literature on cash and GBV in and how women are selected can miti- urban refugee settings, focus group gate the risks. Some relevant evidence discussions among men and women from displacement settings includes the beneficiaries, and key informant inter- following: views, receiving cash and attending • Two studies on Syrian refugees in gender discussion groups for women Jordan reported that gender con- and men was found to help reduce ventions were “turned upside down IPV risks. Gender Discussion Groups among beneficiaries.”110 Women and psychosocial services offer a sus- beneficiaries felt more independent, tained protection impact beyond the self-reliant, and able to express duration of the transfer. In the con- their needs. However, men reported text of financial inclusion, for example, feeling depressed and emascu- such groups create an opportunity to lated. In some cases, focus group bring community members—women discussions indicated that, rather and their partners—together to reflect than improving joint decision-mak- on their financial decisions and goals, ing, cash transfers led to some men the value of women in the household, exerting sole control of the transfer and alternatives to violence. The study to regain their socially ascribed role underlined the importance of flexibility as provider in the household. in the amounts and duration of the cash • In Somalia, 50 percent of women transfers, and the value of different said their husband’s opinion of them cash delivery mechanisms to give ben- changed positively as they recog- eficiaries a range of options depending nized their ability to manage money. on their specific needs. A similar 32 Sixty percent felt cash transfers for refugees, such as discrimination and improved their partner and family harassment, and provide psychosocial relationships and that these chang- support, including regular coaching THE WORLD BANK GROUP es were lasting.111 The benefits were and strengthening social networks, to much larger in Mogadishu, which address social isolation.113 was attributed to more female As recently underlined by ODI, there heads of households in the urban are significant gaps in knowledge about IDP camps, where changes in gen- the design, implementation, and ef- der dynamics and perceptions of fectiveness of social protection and women’s ability to manage money humanitarian interventions targeting were more easily changed. and covering refugees. For example, • Also in Somalia, women benefi- more evidence is needed on the combi- ciaries reported feeling scared or nations of support and services that best worried to travel to collect cash complement cash transfers to expand from distribution points.112 economic opportunities and reduce These potential risks are clearly context GBV risks. Limited evaluation evidence specific but do point to the need for is available on the impact of aligning careful consideration when designing humanitarian cash transfer programs transfer programs. The beneficiaries’ with national programs on outcomes for exposure to such risks can be mitigat- refugees, IDPs and host communities.114 ed by basing program design on solid knowledge about gender relations in the setting and embedding strong mon- ADDRESSING HEIGHTENED RISK OF IPV itoring and feedback mechanisms. Graduation and economic inclusion approaches bundle cash, asset trans- fers, training and coaching and are Most countries have laws in place increasingly used by UNHCR and oth- prohibiting IPV, although prevalence er humanitarian actors. For example, remains high and, as outlined above, UNHCR started working with the non- even worse among displaced women. profit Trickle Up in several displacement In some cases, the national laws against settings to design and implement the violence do not protect displaced wom- Graduation Approach as a time-bound en. For example, Lebanon’s law does and multipronged intervention to help not protect refugees, despite claim- people create sustainable livelihoods ing to protect all women living in the and overcome extreme poverty. Among country. Refugee women exposed to the lessons drawn from a 2019 eval- violence are not able to access govern- uation were the need to include both ment help if they lack legal residence refugees and the host community in status or live in a refugee camp.115 programming to avoid friction. Given Research findings underline that IPV the greater heterogeneity among rates are significantly higher for wom- refugees and between refugees and en living in households in proximity host populations, there was a need to to conflict, measured by conflict-re- identify and address protection risks lated deaths, compared to those living in peaceful areas of the country, home and the behavior of humanitarian 33 and displaced women’s higher IPV staff and actors. This is understand- risk continues in their new destina- able given the appropriate outrage THE GENDER DIMENSIONS OF FORCED DISPLACEMENT: A SYNTHESIS OF NEW RESEARCH tion. Moreover, the risks of IPV are following the tragedies in Rwanda and much higher than most of the rates of Bosnia, and the revelations of sexual wartime rape and sexual violence per- exploitation and abuse by aid workers petrated by individuals outside of the in Haiti and DRC, and most recent- home.116 ly similar acts carried out by World Health Organization staff responding Many standards and guidelines have to an Ebola outbreak in the Democratic been developed by various UN agen- Republic of Congo in 2018-2020.117 cies to prevent and respond to GBV. The 2015 IASC guidelines on GBV, The types of interventions that have signed onto by heads of 12 UN agencies been introduced to combat IPV in and NGOs, mandate that humanitar- displacement settings, alone or in com- ian actors across all sectors work to bination, include safe spaces, livelihood integrate GBV response and preven- programming and training, psychosocial tion across humanitarian interventions. support, batterer interventions, home The ICRC’s Professional Standards for visitations, community mobilization, humanitarian actors emphasize the im- and/or cash and voucher transfers. portance of GBV prevention measures Little research has been conducted on during armed conflict and disaster. what works to prevent and address GBV UNHCR’s 2020 Policy on the Prevention in emergency programming.118 This is in of, Risk Mitigation, and Response to part attributed to the practical difficulty GBV recommends an intersectional of tracking GBV during times of crisis approach to programming through due to issues of safety and privacy. The recognizing systemic discrimination “What Works” research program recent- and VAW, and that gender equality ly concluded that there is not sufficient programming is essential to efforts to evidence to classify any intervention as reduce GBV in the long run. This policy “effective” in preventing VAWG in con- complements UNHCR’s 2018 Policy on flict and humanitarian settings. However, Age, Gender, and Diversity (AGD) that community-based programming target- emphasizes taking an intersectional ing attitudes, behaviors and social norms approach to addressing GBV and pro- change were found to show promise, moting gender equality more broadly. although there are few completed evalu- The UN OCHA’s Policy Instruction on ations.119 A recent policy brief, based on a Gender Equality (2021-2025) echoes review of programming in a high-violence similar principles and underlines the setting in DRC, recommends recognizing, importance of consistent gender main- engaging with and supporting the inclu- streaming and ensuring local women’s sion of faith actors in responses to VAW. participation in decision-making around Work with faith-based agencies can seek humanitarian interventions. to better equip local faith leaders to re- However, these have largely focused on spond– including challenging where faith wartime rape and sexual violence per- leaders are currently upholding harmful petrated by individuals outside of the gender norms.120 34 Evidence has accumulated on the im- partnerships, and in reducing the portance of engaging men in efforts occurrence of sexual IPV for women. to reduce violence, although this may Among the challenges were low literacy THE WORLD BANK GROUP not translate into actual reductions in levels and the need to develop targeted IPV.121 Moreover, the evidence base for approaches for reaching women with effective interventions to engage men relevant information, and support for to reduce violence in displacement women post-rape. settings is limited. New findings from Community-based interventions like a cluster randomized controlled trial in Community Cares: Transforming Lives eastern DRC report on the impacts of and Preventing Violence led by UNICEF a male-only discussion group, which in South Sudan and Somalia have aims to critically reflect and challenge shown promising results. Facilitated gender attitudes and reduce IPV.122 The dialogues with community members study reported significant improve- aim to catalyze prevention activities, ments in men’s intention to commit while training is designed to improve violence and gender equitable attitudes response services to VAWG. In Somalia, and behaviors, as well as improvement the intervention was associated with in relationship quality as reported improved social norms around sexual by women. However, there were no violence in treatment relative to com- reported reductions in their female parator communities.124 partner’s report of past-year IPV. Women and Girls’ Safe Spaces (WGSS) The Population Council has reported are now among the most widely imple- promising results from a communi- mented GBV prevention and response ty-based SGBV prevention model interventions, seeking to provide implemented in a refugee settlement physical safety, access to various in western Uganda, using a pre- and GBV response services, opportunity post-intervention design.123 The ap- for women and girls to re-build social proach – implemented over a period networks and targeted skill building. of six months and involving stakehold- The World Bank is now supporting er mapping, training, village pledges, safe spaces as part of a program to and induction into an ‘alliance’ of ze- enhance safety and responses in Cox’s ro-tolerance villages—was found to Bazaar, Bangladesh. Programs in Kenya, be effective in moderating negative Tanzania, and Uganda that provided gender attitudes and beliefs around safe spaces for girls and offered skills SGBV and positively changing per- trainings have been found to boost ceptions of community SGBV norms. financial literacy, self-esteem, and Rates of some types of violence were decision-making power, though some reduced– specifically, physical IPV (for results were mixed.125 CARE USA re- men and women), sexual IPV for men cently examined the effectiveness of only, non-partner physical violence (for safe spaces in Northwest Syria and men and women), and non-partner sex- South Sudan, settings in which women ual violence for women. However, the and girls face a significant risk of expe- intervention was less effective in chang- riencing GBV and both home to a large ing men’s negative attitudes toward number of IDPs.126 Service knowledge women’s sexual autonomy in intimate (e.g., where to go for help) and utili- skills. A 2018 evaluation found that 35 zation was significantly higher among this improved access to essential ser- participants relative to non-participants. vices and a higher level of engagement THE GENDER DIMENSIONS OF FORCED DISPLACEMENT: A SYNTHESIS OF NEW RESEARCH A significant association was observed of women because children simul- between participation in WGSS pro- taneously participate in the mobile grams and more gender-equitable child-friendly spaces.130 The shared attitudes in Northwest Syria (gender-eq- experience was also found to create a uitable attitudes were not examined in stronger sense of community among South Sudan). IRC has also reported women living in the same area, and the positive results from safe spaces in delivery costs were cheaper due to sav- Ethiopia, DRC, and Pakistan.127 Overall, ings on rent. however, more evidence is needed to COVID-19 has led to some innovative inform programming practices to ensure approaches for preventing and re- safe spaces yield positive results. sponding to GBV in displacement. In Safety audits in Somalia, conducted by Jordan, for example, designated phone UNICEF, have been found to increase booths have been transformed into the understanding of GBV-related safe spaces where survivors of abuse concerns in the camp.128 Safety audits can call GBV case workers, offering a have been used by the Global Camp discreet and convenient pathway to Management and Camp Coordination, support.131 the IRC, UNFPA, and other More generally, however, governments organizations to assess potential GBV- have rarely introduced policies and related safety risks through observation interventions designed to reduce the and consultation with affected commu- risk of violence against displaced wom- nities.129 Safety audits were conducted en and girls. One major gap has been with a multisectoral approach, which that GBV responses in humanitarian resulted in a shared ownership of GBV settings tend to build a parallel struc- risk mitigation in the different sectors, ture for addressing GBV among forcibly deeper data analysis, and more target- displaced people in camps. A better ap- ed recommendations. proach would be for local actors to work One promising innovation has been through and strengthen local institutions, the use of mobile services. In Lebanon, so local agencies can handle caseloads where many Syrian refugees live in and provide quality services for both urban settings, the delivery of WGSS host and displaced communities. In was shifted to a roving team delivering Bangladesh, a new World Bank support- services to vulnerable women where ed program is providing GBV services for they were living (i.e., non-formal camps, both host and refugee women.132 shelters, or homes). The services Where policies are in place, resourc- provided a range of age-appropri- es may be inadequate. For example, ate psychosocial support, awareness the Government of Bangladesh de- sessions, parenting skills, information ployed only 20 female police officers dissemination, economic empower- to respond to VAWG in the Rohingya ment through vocational training, and refugee camps, which have a popula- referrals to specialized services includ- tion of more than 880,000 in South ing legal and birth registration and life Bangladesh.133 36 As outlined above, there is emerging lower, estimated at just 27 cents per evidence that social assistance can help woman in 2021, totaling 175 million.135 to mitigate and address risks of IPV. A 2015 review concluded that re- THE WORLD BANK GROUP Factors enabling the success of cash sponders did not prioritize GBV as a assistance in GBV programming include lifesaving intervention in emergen- functioning complementary services, cies.136 Relatedly, IRC has documented thoughtful case management plans, that GBV interventions are often un- counselling on safety and empowerment derfunded, especially at the beginning issues, including gender, and monitoring. of an emergency.137 Furthermore, even Social protection programs can be in interventions that have a vital GBV complemented with access to GBV component, funding remains very limit- survivor and support services. These ed. In 2019, less than 1 percent of global could include case management, refer- humanitarian funding was spent GBV ral systems, gender discussion groups, prevention and response activities.138 livelihoods support, and financial litera- The Financial Tracking System (FTS)139 cy training. Options include: and the Humanitarian Response Plan (HRP)140 are the most accurate sources • Integrating cash or voucher as- for GBV prevention and response fund- sistance into comprehensive GBV ing. However, due to the humanitarian programming including case man- appeals lifecycles, FTS and HRP do not agement, referrals, awareness give a complete picture of available raising and psychosocial support at financing. The inconsistent planning WGSS. and reporting of GBV prevention and • GBV awareness sessions for vouch- response funds in the humanitarian sec- er recipients. tor makes it very difficult to understand • Grassroots-level partnerships and funding trends and make year-to-year coordination to best respond to the fund comparisons.141 needs of local women. Progress toward the inclusion and fund- However, more evidence is needed about ing of local organizations working on the combinations of support and ser- GBV and displacement has been limited. vices that best complement cash transfer In July 2015, the Charter for Change on programming to address GBV outcomes. the Localization of Humanitarian Aid, signed by nearly 40 NGOs, reiterated Several problems appear to have ham- the importance of working with local pered the responses of the international partners.142 In practice, however, lack of community in preventing and re- sponding to violence, including limited funding limits local organizations’ abilities funding. In 2019, the latest year with to strengthen or scale up their programs available data, less than 0.3 percent of and secure additional funding.143 assistance went to combat violence, Across the spectrum of groups, agen- which amounts to roughly USD 0.86 cies, and organizations that respond to per woman.134 Only thirteen countries GBV in humanitarian emergencies, local were spending more than one dollar per women’s groups are often not prop- woman. The amount of humanitarian erly prioritized nor integrated within aid allocated to combat VAWG is even the greater international humanitarian response.144 Without local agency in • Sampling: there is limited data on 37 GBV prevention and response, local displaced populations, a lack of women’s expertise is lost, and contex- data at the household level, and a THE GENDER DIMENSIONS OF FORCED DISPLACEMENT: A SYNTHESIS OF NEW RESEARCH tual best practices may be overlooked. lack of data over time. Local organizations sometimes lack the • Identification is a related challenge. capacity to meet the data and technical On the one hand, some people standards demanded by international may not identify as internally dis- actors, which can exclude them from placed, so counting may be limited funding opportunities. to people in humanitarian need. On the other hand, children born in the destination location who were not IMPORTANCE OF DATA themselves displaced may be iden- AND MEASUREMENT, AND tified as such if living in households with a displaced head. LISTENING TO DISPLACED • Information gaps on displace- ment include it is difficult to find PEOPLE geo-coded data, camp versus non-camp settlement status; displacement status, reason for There are basic deficits in the availabil- displacement, duration (in each ity of data to understand the gender location); and labor market par- dimensions of forced displacement, ticipation, employment, earnings, especially since microdata on IDPs income, transfers, remittances. are very scarce and UNHCR does not register IDPs. Microdata on refugees • Comparability issues: it is hard to are much more widely available and find datasets that allow for com- UNHCR registration allows access to parison between displaced and important information. host populations, men and wom- en, boys and girls, communities of The most basic gap is the lack of different origin, and camp versus sex-disaggregated information in re- non-camp settlements. ported internal displacement data.145 • Specific ethical considerations when According to the Internal Displacement measuring IPV or any form of GBV Monitoring Centre (IDMC), the main may limit data collection, and there agency collecting data on internal dis- is limited data on gender norms, placement, DRC, Ethiopia, Mozambique, especially among men and boys. and Peru are the only countries that fully disaggregate IDP data by sex Capturing key intersectionalities—like for disaster and conflict-driven dis- disability, sexual orientation and gender placement (table 6). An additional 17 identity—is another major gap which countries partially sex-disaggregate IDP detracts from the knowledge needed data in cases of disaster or conflict. for inclusive programming. The empirical study of the gender di- A series of recommendations emerge mensions of forced displacement faces for agencies collecting survey data, further major challenges. These fall including the World Bank, UN agencies under several broad headings: and major population surveys like the 38 DHS. First, it is important to include dis- (and ideally unpaid work), earnings and placed populations in population-wide transfers are needed. and household-based data collection, A growing body of scholarship shows THE WORLD BANK GROUP especially in countries where there that female headship does not pro- are significant numbers of displaced vide sufficient insights into gendered people. A joint World Bank-UNHCR dimensions of wellbeing and disadvan- research program has spearheaded tage. The intrahousehold investigations the inclusion of displaced populations across our series seek to highlight the in regular national surveys and the multiple dimensions of disadvantage, WB-UNHCR Joint Data Centre was es- from education to gender norms to tablished to address this issue.146 economic opportunities for women. Much more could be done with stan- More nuanced measurements include: dard surveys—provided relevant • Sex and marital status of the house- questions are asked—in countries hold head, de jure and de facto where displacement is an issue. In such household head settings, basic information on dis- • Measures of women’s voice, placement should be collected, such agency and social inclusion (e.g., in- as displacement status, the reason for tra-household decision-making and displacement, the number of displace- civic participation) ments experienced and their duration in each location. Large samples with • Dependency ratios and household adequate representation of key sub- composition, including elderly and groups is needed to underpin research disabled household members on social and economic characteristics • Relevant norms and attitudes of across the life course. women and men, girls and boys, e.g., on women and girl’s mobility Within households, sex-disaggregat- outside the home, women’s em- ed individual-level data is needed ployment, girl’s access to higher to enable a better understanding of education, child marriage, and GBV; household composition and dependen- cy ratios. Female headship can be a • Male and female earnings, useful proxy but is insufficient to un- hours worked and conditions of derstand gendered disadvantages in employment displacement settings. For individuals • Sex-disaggregated data on access in the household, questions about labor to assets and capital (e.g., land market participation, hours of paid work and finance). 39 EMERGING THE GENDER DIMENSIONS OF FORCED DISPLACEMENT: A SYNTHESIS OF NEW RESEARCH CONCLUSIONS To date, research and analysis of the and qualitative data on the gendered gender dimensions of forced displace- impacts of forced displacement are too ment have been limited. These findings often lacking. This is manifest in the from a new, major World Bank Research new UNHCR Indicator report on the Program contribute important knowl- Global Compact for Refugees, which edge on this front. The results over four provides very limited gender-disag- main areas of research—poverty, live- gregated data and none on economic lihoods, IPV, and gender norms—lend inclusion indicators.147 support to a number of expected pat- The gendered displacement gaps point terns, like the disadvantages faced by to the need for targeted support spe- displaced women in economic opportu- cifically for displaced women’s safety nities. The findings also highlight some and economic opportunities, in line with counter-intuitive results in particular the ambition of the Global Compact settings, underscoring the importance on Refugees (GCR). Progress has been of country-specific analysis. made on the GCR agenda since 2018, The results highlight the policy impor- including increased development tance of comprehensive, intersectional assistance funding to refugee hosting approaches to women’s empowerment, countries, enhanced legal protections, particularly in humanitarian and crisis and strengthened access to education. contexts, that recognize how forced It is nonetheless clear that future ef- displacement, geographic location, forts should more explicitly prioritise race, ethnicity, and other characteris- the gender dimensions of forced dis- tics interact to affect women’s safety, placement, to support a transformation experiences, and opportunities. Such of gender discriminatory social norms approaches are essential to an in- and collect disaggregated data to track clusive recovery from the COVID-19 progress for women and other margin- pandemic. However, both quantitative alized groups. 40 ENDNOTES THE WORLD BANK GROUP 1 UNHCR 2021a. 34 Ekhator-Mobayode et al. 2021. 2 UNHCR 2021a. 35 Kelly et al. 2021a. 3 Sova 2017. 36 Ekhator-Mobayode et al. 2021. 4 Kabir and Klugman 2019. 37 Ekhator-Mobayode et al. 2020. 5 Grossman and Post 2019; Priebe, Giacco and 38 Ekhator-Mobayode et al. 2021. El-Nagib 2016; UNHCR 2021b. 39 Kelly et al. 2021a. 6 Kabir and Klugman 2019. 40 War-related abuses are defined to include a range 7 GIWPS and PRIO. 2021. of war experiences by armed groups, namely house 8 Buscher 2013. destruction, looting, theft, extortion, abduction, physical harm, forced labor, and forced physical 9 World Bank 2017.  harm to others. 10 Types of households consist of female single care- 41 Lu, Siddiqui and Bharadwaj 2021. givers, couples with children, and multiple genera- tion households. 42 Wringe et al. 2019. 11 For non IDPs the equivalent risk reductions are 24 43 Presler-Marshall et al. 2021; Levine et al. 2019. percent for households with mostly female earners 44 Lwamba et al. 2021. and 31 percent for households with mostly male 45 Buscher 2015. earners. 46 Cislaghi and Heise 2020; Harper et al. 2020. ; 12 This raises an interesting issue about the defini- Muñoz Boudet et al. 2013. tion of IDPs – which are here self-identified by the household head. Thus, children born in the desti- 47 El-Masri, Harvey and Garwood. 2013.  nation location are classified as displaced. More 48 Jabbar and Zaza 2015. research is needed to understand the trajectories 49 Grabska 2013. of “second and third generation”, who may have significantly different opportunities to their parents 50 De La Puente 2011. and grandparents. 51 Ramnarain 2015. 13 Admasu et al. 2021a. 52 Krafft, Assad and Pastoor 2021. 14 Admasu et al. 2021b. 53 Jones et al. 2019 15 Admasu et al. 2021b. 54 Garbern et al. 2020; IRC 2015a. 16 Hanmer et al. 2022 forthcoming. The economies of 55 Krafft, Assad and Pastoor 2021. scale adjustment divides household consumption 56 World Bank 2020. by the square root of household size – i.e. the needs of a household of four persons are deemed to be 57 Rubiano-Matulevich 2021. twice as great as those of a single-person house- 58 World Bank, 2019, 2020. hold. See the OECD (2013) Framework for Statistics 59 Rubiano-Matulevich 2021. on the Distribution of Household Income, Consump- tion and Wealth. 60 Kelly et al. 2021b. 17 Stojetz and Brück 2021. 61 Harper et al. 2020. 18 The analysis is done in two stages. First, IDP wom- 62 UN OCHA 2019. en are matched with non-IDP women with similar 63 UN OCHA 2021a. observable characteristics – one of which is rural/ 64 IRC 2020. urban. Second, multilevel models are run using the matched sample to estimate the effect of displace- 65 Brück and Stojetz 2020 ment. So, the difference that we see in gender 66 Kelly et al. 2021. norms is the effect of displacement. See Rubia- 67 IRC 2021. no-Matulevich 2021. 68 Schuettler 2020. 19 Rubiano-Matulevich 2021. 69 WRC 2014. 20 Admasu 2021. 70 Hanmer et al. 2019. 21 Bloom et al. 2009. 71 See World Bank 2021. 22 De Laat and Sevilla-Sanz 2011. 72 Slimane et al. 2020. 23 Albrecht, Edin and Vroman 2003. 73 Offering afterschool care for children aged be- 24 Culcasi 2019. tween 6 and 13 in Chile increased employment by 5 25 Ramnarain 2015. percent and labor force participation by 7 percent. 26 Szczepanikova 2005. See Martínez and Peticará 2017. 27 De La Puente 2011. 74 A randomized control trial study in an informal settlement in Nairobi, Kenya found that poor urban 28 Admasu 2021. women who were offered vouchers for subsidized 29 Stojetz and Brück 2021. early childcare were, on average, 8.5 percentage 30 Hanmer, Rubiano-Matulevich and Santamaria 2021. points more likely to be employed than those who were not given vouchers. See Clark et al. 2018. 31 Stojetz and Brück 2022 forthcoming. 32 See also Buscher 2015. 33 Barrigozi, Cremer and Roeder 2017; Kabir, 2018. 75 In poor urban areas in Nicaragua, a public pro- gram that introduced access to part-time childcare 110 Abu Hamad et al. 2017; Pertek 2016. 111 Hedlund et al. 2013. 41 centers for children younger than four years of age 112 Wasilkowska 2012. increased mother’s work participation by 14 per- THE GENDER DIMENSIONS OF FORCED DISPLACEMENT: A SYNTHESIS OF NEW RESEARCH centage points. See Hojman and Boo 2019. 113 Arévalo and Simanowitz 2019. 76 Schuettler 2020. 114 Meral and Both 2021. 77 Jabbar and Zaza 2016. 115 Moussawi and Yassin 2017. 78 Ayoubi and Saavedra 2018. 116 Stark and Ager 2011. 79 UNHCR 2020. 117 WHO 2021. 80 El Feki, Heilman, & Barker, 2017. 118 Holmes and Bhuvanendra 2014. 81 Dhar, Jain and Jayachandran 2018; Levy et al. 2020. 119 Three studies were deemed promising, although these did not specifically focus on displaced groups 82 Finance in Displacement 2021. – viz., a study of school peace education and com- 83 NRC 2021. munity-based program in Afghanistan (Corboz 2018 84 Von Au 2013. et al. 2019); a longitudinal qualitative panel study and a household survey examining the effect of a 85 Holloway and Fan 2018. faith-based program in the DRC (Palm et al. 2019); 86 These programs may include public works, or have and a randomized controlled trial on social norms a work requirement, but those aspects are not cov- change in Somalia (Glass et al. 2019). ered here. 120 WhatWorks 2017. 87 Heinenmann and Beegle 2021. 121 Peacock and Barker 2014. 88 UNHCR 2018. 122 Vaillant et al. 2020. 89 Doocy and Tappis 2016. 123 Undie et al. 2016. 90 Tramountanis 2021. 124 Glass et al. 2018. 91 Kabir and Klugman 2019. 125 Nobel et al. 2019. 92 Meral and Both 2021. 126 Landis 2021. 93 Hagen-Zanker and Both 2021. 127 IRC 2017. 94 Hagen-Zanker and Both 2021. 128 UNICEF 2017. 95 UNHCR 2018. 129 Pillay 2019. 96 Abu Hamad and Pavanello 2012. 130 Lilleston et al. 2018. 97 UNFPA 2021a. 131 UNFPA 2020. 98 Cross, Manell and Megevand 2018. 132 UNFPA 2021b. 99 Yoshikawa 2015. 133 UN OCHA 2017. 100 WRC 2018. 134 Calculated based on estimates from the OECD 101 As measured through the Hopkins Symptom Creditor Reporting System (CRS) last updated Oc- Checklist (evaluating anxiety and depression), the tober 2021. See OECD 2021. WHO wellbeing Index (measuring recent feelings 135 Calculated based on estimates from UN OCHA. See and emotions), and responses to life satisfaction UNOCHA 2021b. questions. See Quattrochi et al. 2019. 136 IASC 2015. 102 Heinenmann and Beegle 2021. 137 IRC 2015b. 103 Doocy and Tappis 2016. 138 IASC 2015. 104 Casswell et al. 2019. 139 UN OCHA 2021b. 105 Buller et al. 2018. A more recent meta-analysis of 14 experimental and quasi- experimental cash transfer 140 UN OCHA n.d. studies found average decreases in physical/sexual 141 IRC 2015b. IPV (4 percentage points (pp)), emotional IPV (2 142 Charter4change n.d. pp) and controlling behaviors; see Baranov et al. 2021. 143 IRC 2015b. 106 Botea et al. 2021. 144 Barclay, Higelin and Bungcaras 2016. 107 Yoshiwaka 2015. 145 Cazabat et al. 2020. 108 Manell and Radice 2019. 146 https://www.jointdatacenter.org 109 CARE 2019. 147 UNHCR 2021c. 42 WORKS CITED THE WORLD BANK GROUP Admasu, Yeshwas. 2021. 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