92660 Engaging Male Youth in Karamoja, Uganda An examination of the factors driving the perpetration of violence and crime by young men in Karamoja and the applicability of a communications and relationships program to address related behavior JUNE 2014 LOGiCA Study Series No.3 The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development / The World Bank 1818 H Street, NW Washington, DC 20433 All rights reserved First published June 2014 www.logica-wb.net This Study Series disseminates the findings of work in progress to encourage discussion and exchange of ideas on gender and conflict related issues in Sub-Saharan Africa. Papers in this series are not formal publications of the World Bank. The papers carry the names of the authors and should be cited accordingly. Correspondence regarding the study should be directed to elizabeth.stites@tufts.edu. The series is edited by the Learning on Gender and Conflict in Africa (LOGiCA) Program of the World Bank within the Fragile States, Conflict and Social Development Department. This paper has not undergone the review accorded to official World Bank publications. The findings, interpreta- tions and conclusions herein are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development/World Bank and its affiliated organizations, its Executive Directors, or the governments they represent. To request further information on the series, please contact ereessmith@worldbank.org LOGiCA. Papers are also avail- able on the LOGiCA website: www.logica-wb.net and www. fic.tufts.edu. Cover and layout design: Duina Reyes Photos credits: Khristopher Carlson Engaging Male Youth in Karamoja, Uganda An examination of the factors driving the perpetration of violence and crime by young men in Karamoja and the applicability of a communications and relationships program to address related behavior LOGiCA Study Series No.3 June 2014 Elizabeth Stites Anastasia Marshak Emily Nohner Simon Richards Darlington Akabwai Table of Contents Executive Summary................................................................................................................... 3 Overview...................................................................................................................................................3 Stepping Stones Intervention.....................................................................................................................3 ....................................................................................................................................................3 Methods. Findings.....................................................................................................................................................4 ..........................................................................................................6 Conclusions and Recommendations. Implications for Further Research/Next Steps............................................................................................7 Acknowledgments..................................................................................................................... 8 Introduction.............................................................................................................................. 9 Stakeholders...............................................................................................................................................9 Objectives................................................................................................................................................10 Methodology . ......................................................................................................................... 12 Research Overview...................................................................................................................................12 Overall Results and Impact..................................................................................................... 15 External Factorsof Potential Relevance.................................................................................. 16 Findings: Lonetia, Security, Livelihoods, and Interpersonal Relationships.......................... 18 Lonetia: Overview....................................................................................................................................18 Security....................................................................................................................................................22 Interpersonal Relationships......................................................................................................................30 Conclusions............................................................................................................................. 35 Male Youth and Violence ........................................................................................................................36 The Lonetia........................................................................................................................................ 36 Recommendations.................................................................................................................. 38 ...........................................................38 Target Programs and Tailor Objectives Based on Lonetia Findings. Integrate Livelihoods and Behavior Change Programming.......................................................................39 Implications for Further Research/Next Steps..........................................................................................40 Sources Cited........................................................................................................................... 42 ANNEXES............................................................................................................................... 45 Annex A.Stepping Stones..................................................................................................... 46 Annex B. Vocational Skills Training (VST)......................................................................... 48 Annex C. Quantitative Analysis and Challenges.................................................................. 49 Quantitative Analysis...............................................................................................................................49 Challenges to the Quantitative Model......................................................................................................50 Engaging Male Youth in Karamoja, Uganda 1 Annex D. Qualitative Interviews by Location and Type...................................................... 52 Annex E. Combined Program Constraints and Limitations............................................... 53 Program Design ......................................................................................................................................53 Voluntary Nature of the Stepping Stones Program and Evaluation ..........................................................53 ....................................................................................53 Timeframe and Duration of the Overall Program. ........................................................................................................54 The Nature of the Change Required. Annex F. Study Locations .................................................................................................... 55 Annex G. Livelihoods and Violence in Context................................................................... 56 Livelihoods..............................................................................................................................................56 ..............................................................................................................................57 Violence and Security. 2 Engaging Male Youth in Karamoja, Uganda Executive Summary Engaging Male Youth in Karamoja: An examination of the factors driving the perpetration of violence and crime by young men in Karamoja and the applicability of a communica- tions and relationships program to address related behavior Overview Stepping Stones This report concludes the Engaging Male Youth in Intervention Karamoja project funded by the Learning on Gen- The Stepping Stones intervention led by NESSA der and Conflict in Africa (LOGiCA) Trust Fund of was developed in Uganda in the mid-1990s with the the World Bank.1 The study focused on the role of aim of reducing HIV transmission through partici- male youth and violence in southern Karamoja and patory approaches. The success of Stepping Stones tested the impact of an adapted communication and led to adaptations of the model for multiple diverse relationships intervention on violence and criminal contexts in order to improve communication and activities. Multiple aspects relating to security and relationship skills. For the Karamoja project, NES- the identity of male youth, including interpersonal SA (with input from FIC) adapted their existing and domestic violence, criminal behavior, attitudes behavior change model to target violence around and perceptions, livelihood adaptations, and the sta- cattle theft and other criminal behaviors perpetrat- tus of male youth within their communities, were ed by male youth. Implementation of the Stepping examined. Stones program took place over a ten week period This project entailed collaboration between three in each of seven locations, and sessions consisted main stakeholders: the Feinstein International Cen- of a mix of facilitated group discussions, role plays, ter (FIC) of Tufts University (USA), the Network demonstrations, and guided self-reflection. Peer ed- for Stepping Stones Approaches (NESSA), and ucations led the sessions with support from NESSA Concern Worldwide. FIC carried out the research trainers, and participant groups were arranged by and evaluation components. NESSA adapted a gender and age. proven behavior change program to address some of the underlying causes of violence in the Karamoja Methods region. Concern Worldwide volunteered to have Stepping Stones join forces with an existing voca- FIC used a mixed-methods approach in 10 parishes tional skills training (VST) program. The research, in Moroto, Napak, and Nakapiripirit Districts. For intervention and evaluation took place over a nine- the quantitative analysis, the team used a stepped month period in 2013. wedge evaluation in which seven parishes received the Stepping Stones intervention at different (ran- domized) time periods, and three parishes served as zero-intervention sites. Each male youth survey par- ticipant was interviewed four times—at the baseline, 1  Insight was provided on this report by Munyes Joyfree and Ki- midterm 1, midterm 2, and endline. The total survey don Joshua sample resulted in 1,556 interviews. The qualitative Engaging Male Youth in Karamoja, Uganda 3 component of the research entailed 195 interviews in this report, we know that the lonetia phenomenon collected through focus group discussions (FGDs) is widespread across all of Karamoja, and hence it with males and females, semi-structured, open- is strongly felt that the findings have applicabil- ended individual interviews with male youth, direct ity for the broader geographic region. Furthermore, observation of Stepping Stones activities, and key the findings presented here support trends on male informant interviews. youth, violence, and unfulfilled livelihoods else- where, particularly in pastoral and agro-pastoral re- To note, both the intervention and the evaluation gions of Eastern Africa. took place over a very short time period. Consider- ing both the historical context and the magnitude of The lonetia were more likely than the rest of the the problem being addressed—violence as commit- sample population to have disposable income ted by male youth in a pastoral and agro-pastoral re- (possibly as a result of theft activities) as evidenced gion—we would not necessarily expect widespread in their being significantly3 more likely to say they behavior change immediately. While broad change planned to marry in the next year (as compared to is not apparent in the findings to date, there are in- the rest of the sample, which showed a decrease in dications of promising trends in attitudes that might the expression of the likelihood of marriage over develop into positive impacts given a longer inter- time). In addition, lonetia were more likely to pro- vention and accompanying evaluation period. vide clothing for their households. While the popu- lation as a whole bought fewer heads of livestock, Findings guns or spears, and beads or other items of jewelry over time, the lonetia purchased more of these over Lonetia the same time period. This study is unique in that it looks at the con- The lonetia category proved to be very fluid, with tinuing and pervasive insecurity in Karamoja individuals moving in and out of it over the course largely from the perspective of the lonetia, who of the study. Overall, the majority of lonetia (60 per- are the perpetrators. The term lonetia is used by lo- cent) were one-time offenders, meaning that they cal populations to describe the cohort of exclusively engaged in theft or self-identified as lonetia one time male individuals who steal and/or cause physical over the course of the four data collection periods. violence within or outside their community. Lonetia In contrast, only 7 percent qualified as lonetia all four activities are listed by respondents as the main type times. Over the course of the survey, for all locations, of insecurity in much of Karamoja today, in contrast the frequency of lonetia activity decreased; this was to the widespread and large-scale cattle raiding that primarily driven by a decline in one-time offenders. occurred prior to the 2006 disarmament campaign. We found a number of potentially important This study sought to better understand who these variations based on frequency of theft in the individuals are, the factors behind their use of crime characteristics of individuals classified as lonetia. and violence, and how these activities might be re- First, those who stole more often were more will- duced. Within our study population, we found that ing to take (hypothetical) economic risks. Second, the lonetia are young (between 20–25 years old), the more times a man stole, the less optimistically with the majority made up of the Pian (61 percent), he viewed his future. Third, those engaged in more followed by the Tepeth (25 percent) and Bokora frequent lonetia activities were more likely to feel it (14 percent).2 was morally acceptable to steal to support hungry or While we can only speak about the study population ill family members. Fourth, those who stole more often were more likely to do so from their own com- 2  The lonetia phenomenon is widespread across Karamoja; these three groups were the only ones represented within our sample pop- 3  All findings in this executive summary are statistically significant; ulation. for the sake of readability we will not use “significantly” hereafter. 4 Engaging Male Youth in Karamoja, Uganda munities. Fifth, interpersonal physical violence was data show that following the intervention, respon- reported at a higher rate amongst those lonetia who dents were more likely to report that they would engaged more frequently in theft. Last, those who steal to feed themselves or their families, but this reported stealing four times were more likely to ex- only applied to certain types of theft (i.e., assets change the loot for money than to use it to acquire from outside their community, livestock from inside food or other household essentials. their community). Direct participants in Stepping Stones were also more likely to report stealing after The lonetia were more violent in their daily inter- the intervention, compared to the rest of the sample. actions than non-lonetia, felt more powerful now In addition, theft of assets as reported by perpetra- and in thinking about their future compared to tors was higher when breaking out the intervention non-lonetia, and had decreasing rates of trust for parishes from control sites. This surprising finding other villagers and for young men in other vil- may be due to a variety of factors, including a pos- lages. They were more likely to have had a physical sible short-term increase in negative self-esteem due altercation with a woman in their household, an el- der, a man, or a child. Lonetia also were more likely to the self-reflective element of the Stepping Stones to believe it was acceptable to hit a child if he/she program. misbehaves. Livelihoods Security The notion of an ideal man is closely associated Overall, respondents (in all locations) felt more with economic status; young men are under pres- secure over the course of the study. More respon- sure to achieve economic sustainability but are dents felt safe at night (48 percent in baseline, up to unable to do so. One objective of the research was 68 percent in endline) and experienced a security- to examine the nexus between livelihoods and the related increase in mobility, which in turn led to potential for violence perpetrated by male youth. It better access to natural resources and markets. How- was thus critical to understand the various nuances ever, the improvements in perceived security did around income-generating activities and socio-eco- not mean an actual decline in experiences of theft, nomic identities for males in Karamoja. Over time, which increased (all locations) from 14 percent to we saw a shift from agriculture to the collection of 22 percent over the study. Interestingly, there was building poles as the most important activity for an increase in the theft of small livestock as reported survival. We found that the notion of an “ideal man” by the victims (all locations), but a decrease in the was closely associated with economic status, and overall rate of respondents who reported stealing that there is significant pressure to acquire wealth (in livestock. This decrease is likely due to new puni- livestock, wives, and children) for young men. How- tive policies introduced by local military command- ever, the idealized routes to economic sustainability ers. Self-reported theft of food, livestock, and assets were not in line with what men were actually doing. consistently followed the seasonal patterns, with the In other words, men feel tremendous pressure to ac- highest rate recorded at the hunger gap. cumulate assets but find the means through which to do so largely unsatisfactory and insufficient. The findings on the impact of the Stepping Stones intervention on theft are mixed and complex. Interpersonal Relations Data from qualitative interviews with young men, male elders, and women show marked improvement Respondents of both genders reported a de- in the behavior of male youth, including a reduction crease in domestic violence as well as improved in their engagement in crime and violence. In addi- relations at the household level. They attributed tion, relations between male elders and male youth this change directly to the Stepping Stones pro- are reportedly improving, which has increased the gram. The quantitative results support this finding: elders’ ability to both control and discipline the 43 percent of respondents at the baseline felt it was youth, thereby potentially decreasing incidents of acceptable to hit a woman, compared to 23 percent theft and violence. However, the quantitative survey at the endline in intervention locations. Views on Engaging Male Youth in Karamoja, Uganda 5 the acceptability of violence against children also to reduce violence. In contrast, many young men decreased in the intervention sites, but only when engage in lonetia activities only occasionally and in we remove the lonetia from the sample (thus high- order to make ends meet; these men may be easier lighting both the greater propensity for violence by to turn away from this lifestyle through the intro- the lonetia and the greater challenge in changing at- duction of viable, sustainable, and market-driven titudes among this group). The quantitative results livelihood alternatives. Lastly, the majority of young indicate that changing the perceptions around vio- men are not engaging in crime or violence but are lence may be easier than influencing actions; in the struggling to support themselves and their families. quantitative data we see that the intervention had no Programs should aim to help this at-risk group avoid impact on self-reported rates of violence by young turning to lonetia activities as a coping strategy. men. Harness the enthusiasm and eagerness for new Men and women credited the Stepping Stones inter- opportunities generated by Stepping Stones into vention with better behavior management. These viable and sustainable livelihood programs. The improvements applied to both men and women, qualitative data indicate that Stepping Stones par- and, importantly, included after the consumption of ticipants were extremely enthusiastic following the alcohol, and were cited as contributing to the reduc- completion of the program and were eager for op- tion of disputes at both the household and commu- portunities for real change in their lives. Lessons nity levels. from this study imply that Stepping Stones would be an ideal precursor to a livelihoods program. For The qualitative data also show some cases of in- programmers considering this approach, the Step- creased sharing of domestic chores following the ping Stones and livelihoods components should be Stepping Stones intervention, with men actively designed in conjunction at the onset; this fully inte- participating in activities normally falling exclu- grated approach would allow for the greatest com- sively within the female domain, including childcare plementarity and optimal measuring of outcomes. and food preparation. Build on positive results around gender-based Conclusions and violence. The overwhelmingly positive reports from female and male respondents regarding do- Recommendations mestic violence point to the potential value of Step- This study includes new and important information ping Stones in bringing sustained change, though on the continuing transformation of livelihoods and a longer evaluation period would allow for greater security in southern Karamoja. In particular, it pro- certainty in this regard. Reduction of gender-based vides insight into the self-identity of male youth and violence is something the Stepping Stones program how this influences the perpetration of crime and appears to do very well. Building on the lessons from violence. The evaluation component of the study this study, we recommend that future programs in- points to several recommendations that have the po- corporate a similar community-focused approach to tential to solidify into lasting change if implemented this widespread problem. (and evaluated) over a longer time period: Continue to focus on gender relations of all types. Tailor programs and objectives in peacebuilding, The qualitative findings indicate that the Stepping livelihoods, and behavior change based on varia- Stones program improved respect and communica- tions among male youth. Programs aimed at male tion across multiple relationships. The cross-gender livelihoods or violence should recognize the varia- impact was apparent in shifts in gendered roles with- tions among male youth in Karamoja in terms of pro- in households and in better conflict resolution at the pensity for crime and violence. The most persistent household level. These changes, and the reported lonetia are the most violent, the most entrenched improvements in domestic violence, should be built in their ways, and the most difficult to reach. This upon and strengthened in future Stepping Stones group, however, is the most in need of interventions programs. In addition, the program appeared to 6 Engaging Male Youth in Karamoja, Uganda strengthen communication between generations of with this target group of at-risk male youth. In par- men. These relationships are critical to effective cus- ticular, it is not known if some of the promising tomary authority systems, which in turn may help to trends around domestic violence and interpersonal mitigate violence and crime by reinvigorating these relations would stand up over time, or if the nega- traditional systems. tive theft behavior would taper off. How much the findings were influenced by external factors, includ- Implications for Further ing the poor harvest and the shift in military secu- rity policy, remains unclear. It is clear, however, that Research/Next Steps establishing evidence-based approaches to working Implement and evaluate over a longer time pe- effectively with male youth is critical to addressing riod. The lonetia phenomenon is common to the pervasive insecurity in the Karamoja region and Karamoja region generally and thus findings are beyond. In view of the potential presented by the likely to be relevant to informing interventions Stepping Stones Program, a stand-alone behavior across a broader geographic area. While promising change program or a combined behavior change and trends have emerged from the research, this inter- livelihoods approach should be implemented over a vention was a short-term pilot program, which has longer time period, with a corresponding evaluation raised further questions on how to work effectively component to strengthen this evidence-base. Engaging Male Youth in Karamoja, Uganda 7 Acknowledgments T he authors of this report wish to acknowl- edge the many individuals and organiza- tions who made this project a success. First and foremost, we thank the residents of Moroto, Nakapiripirit and Napak districts who welcomed us Akongo Mary Lilly, Ilukol Mary Evalyn, Kasande Gloria Eve, Loukae Jina, Okajje Alfred, Okello Denis Okelly, Olar Francis and William Lochodo. The field component of the project was possible due into their homes and communities and spent many to the generosity and assistance of Concern World- hours in long conversations. Next we thank the vil- wide: we thank the teams in Moroto and Kampala lage leaders and local and sub-county officials in Lo- for working closely with us on all aspects, including tome, Lorengedwat, and Tapac and district officials logistical support, access to suppliers and printers, in Napak, Nakapiripirit and Moroto; these leaders providing office space, and offering continuous as- welcomed the project and research and we appreci- sistance on issues large and small. In particular we ate their support. wish to acknowledge Mary O’Neill, Laura Lalor, Si- mon Foster, Cormac Staunton, Finola Mohan, Jovin This project would not have been possible without Opoka and Beatrice Atim. Musiira Henry printed the initial concept and financial and intellectual sup- materials in Kampala and Solomon Ilukol assisted port of the World Bank’s Learning on Gender and with the translation. Conflict in Africa (LOGiCA) Program. Our grati- tude goes in particular to Emilie Rees Smith for her The field team for the Feinstein International Cen- commitment and close attention to this project. ter at Tufts University was led by Emily Nohner (Senior Project Coordinator) with assistance from Alice Welbourn (creator of the original Stepping Darlington Akabwai, Agan Charles, Irene Eman- Stones), led the design and adaption of the Step- ikor, Kidon Joshua, Munyes Joyfree (Field Research ping Stones intervention, together with Baron Manager), Aboot Florence Katikati, Samson Lorika, Oron, creator of the Network for Stepping Stones Luke Lonyiko, Anastasia Marshak, Simon Richards, Approaches (NESSA) in Uganda and Germina Elizabeth Stites (Principle Investigator), and Peter Sebuwufu. The entire implementation process was Walker. Rosa Pendenza, Elizabeth O’Leary and Ani- conducted by Baron Oron and his team in Uganda, ta Robbins provided administration support from with support from Opio Emmanuel Opeitum and a Boston. Khristopher Carlson took the photographs. talented group of trainers and peer educators. The We especially thank our hard-working enumerators Salamander Trust, founded by Alice Welbourn, co- and interviewers, including Napeyok Lilly, Ekutu ordinates the network of Stepping Stones program Moris, Adonga Deogratious, Akol Samson, Aboot users worldwide and hosts the Stepping Stones site. Florence Katikati, Lemmie Abraham, Agan Cathy, We also thank Glen and Alison Williams of the Strat- Longole Joseph, Awoi Patrick, Lokut Charles Em- egies for Hope Trust as the publisher and co-copy- manuel, Nakoli Palma Marwas and Nakiru Esther. right holder of the Stepping Stones adaptations. The NESSA staff in Karamoja included Akol Domenic, 8 Engaging Male Youth in Karamoja, Uganda Introduction T he Karamoja region of northeastern Ugan- da is a semi-arid zone home to approxi- mately 1.2 million residents who tradition- ally practiced pastoral and agro-pastoral livelihoods. Violence associated with cattle raiding has been an nications and relationships program could reduce the propensity for violence as committed by male youth in Karamoja. The timeframe for this project (design, adaptation, intervention, and evaluation) was sixteen months, with an additional two months entrenched part of social, cultural, and economic for analysis and reporting. patterns in the region for generations, but recent improvements in the security situation have allowed This report begins with a brief overview of the stake- access for international and national actors. This holders and objectives and then moves to an expla- study sought to gather evidence to improve program nation of the methodology. The central section on design around the violence, committed primarily by findings covers the research and evaluation findings young men, that continues in the region. on the lonetia7 phenomenon, security, livelihoods and perceptions of identity, and gender-based vio- This report comes at the conclusion of a pilot proj- lence and interpersonal relationships. The final ect, Engaging Male Youth in Karamoja. The project section includes recommendations and points for was implemented by the Network for Stepping further consideration. The annexes provide more Stones Approaches (NESSA) in collaboration with information on the Stepping Stones and livelihood Concern Worldwide and evaluated and managed by interventions, the quantitative methods and associ- the Feinstein International Center (FIC) of Tufts University (USA). Funding and support come from ated challenges, the qualitative sample, constraints the World Bank’s Learning on Gender and Conflict and limitations, and the historical context of vio- in Africa (LOGiCA) Program.4 lence and livelihoods in the region. The objective of the project was to both gather ad- Stakeholders ditional knowledge on the factors of male youth violence and to adapt and test the applicability of a LOGiCA selected NESSA to lead the behavior communication and relationships program (Step- change component of the intervention in Karamoja. ping Stones) to influence the perpetration of vio- Developed in Uganda from 1993 to 1995 with the lence by male youth in Karamoja.5 The Engaging aim of reducing the spread of HIV by engaging com- Male Youth project combined an adapted Stepping munities in participatory training sessions, the ini- Stones program6 on communication and relation- tial success of Stepping Stones led to its adaptation ship skills with an existing livelihoods program in multiple contexts to promote positive life choices implemented by Concern Worldwide. The goal was and address risky or negative behavior. NESSA to evaluate the extent to which the adapted commu- proved successful in modifying behavior in popula- tions at risk of contracting HIV in a variety of con- texts. Beyond HIV, Stepping Stones has also shown 4  LOGiCA is a Multi Donor Trust Fund supported by the Govern- positive results in creating change around behaviors ments of Canada, Denmark, Norway and Sweden. 5  The founder of Stepping Stones, Alice Welbourn, describes the program as “designed to build bridges of mutual understanding, re- spect and appreciation, within and across genders and generations.” 7  The phrase lonetia refers to male thieves and appears to have For the purpose of this report, we will refer to the program as a emerged following the start of the 2006 disarmament campaign. For communication and relationships program. further information, see Carlson, K., K. Proctor, E. Stites, and D. Akabwai. 2012. Tradition in Transition: Customary Authority in Karamoja, 6  The original manual reference is Welbourn, Alice. 1995. Stepping Uganda. Medford, MA: Feinstein International Center, Tufts Univer- Stones. Strategies for Hope, Oxford. sity. Engaging Male Youth in Karamoja, Uganda 9 such as gender-based violence (GBV),8 household programs targeted those assumed to be the most relationships and communication, interpersonal vulnerable, including pregnant women, women trust and honesty, life-cycles of violence,9 awareness with young children, and unemployed male youth. of criminal behavior and building a more positive For the purposes of this project, Concern’s VST pro- future,10 and livelihoods.11 NESSA conducts Step- gram served as the entry point into communities, ping Stones programs in Uganda and operates an of- and the Stepping Stones program was introduced fice with full-time staff in Kampala, Uganda. as a related but optional additional component to the VST intervention, and one that was open to any For the Karamoja project, NESSA customized their member of the community. existing behavior change model to specifically tar- get violence around cattle theft and other criminal The Feinstein International Center of Tufts Univer- behaviors perpetrated by male youth. FIC provided sity, a research and policy organization with a focus the context for this process based on prior research on marginalized communities, carried out mixed- experience in the region. Implementation of the methods research to a) build operational knowledge Stepping Stones program took place over a ten week on male youth in the region and b) evaluate the im- period in each of seven locations, and sessions con- pact of the Stepping Stones intervention on male sisted of a mix of facilitated group discussions, role youth. In addition, the FIC team managed the grant, plays, demonstrations, and guided self-reflection. ensured a phased research approach, and served as a Peer educations led the sessions with support from liaison between the partners and stakeholders. NESSA trainers, and participant groups were ar- ranged by gender and age. Objectives Concern Worldwide worked for five years on a live- This project arose from the LOGiCA Program’s aim lihoods program in Karamoja funded by the Euro- to generate operational knowledge on male youth pean Commission. Their vocational skills training at-risk, livelihood, and conflict12 by testing a method (VST) program aimed to support new livelihood of addressing the pervasive and protracted violence strategies through the provision of trainings and committed by male youth in the Karamoja region. supplies delivered by four partner community- This report aims to illustrate some of the factors driv- based organizations: Matheniko Development ing violent behaviors and to make linkages between Forum (MADEFO), Karamoja Women Umbrella the social and economic dimensions of violence for Organisation (KAWUO), Action for Poverty Re- male youth in Karamoja. While the findings are spe- duction and Livestock Modernisation in Karamoja cific to the study population, it is strongly felt that (ARELIMOK), and Happy Cow. The livelihood these findings are likely applicable to other parts of Karamoja and very possibly to pastoral and agro- pastoral populations elsewhere in East Africa. 8  Gender-based violence is now widely recognized as both a cause and consequence of HIV; see Watts, Charlotte. 2012. “Gender In- The project sought to understand if and how an equality and Violence as Critical Enablers in the HIV Response,” adapted Stepping Stones program could positively PowerPoint presented at the World AIDS Day at the Commonwealth influence and engage male youth, turning them Secretariat. London. away from violence and towards economic sustain- 9  See for example Salamander Trust. 2011–2013. “Stepping Stones ability. As such, the intervention aimed to influence Training Package on Gender Communication and HIV: What Issues Does It Address?” http://www.steppingstonesfeedback.org/index. php/About/What_issues_does_it_address/gb. 10  Refer to Borhade, Anjali. “Adaptation of Stepping Stones Man- 12  The linkages of economic opportunities and social dimension ual for Purposes of a Health, Education and Awareness Program of peacebuilding remain largely unexplored in research and program- with Adolescents and Adults in Prison,” Disha Foundation. ming. For reference, see Amarasuriya, H., C. Gunduz, and M. Mayer. 2009. “Rethinking the Nexus between Youth, Unemployment and 11  An example of a livelihoods intervention can be found in Jew- Conflict—Perspectives from Sri Lanka.” Strengthening the Eco- kes, Rachel, and Andrew Gibbs. 2013. “Stepping Stones and Creat- nomic Dimensions of Peacebuilding Case Study Series. International ing Futures: Preliminary Outcomes of a Behavioural and Structural Alert. See also Walton, O. 2010. “Youth, Armed Violence and Job Pilot Intervention for Young People in Urban Informal Settlements Creation Programmes: A Rapid Mapping Study.” Norwegian Peace- in South Africa.” building Resource Centre. 10 Engaging Male Youth in Karamoja, Uganda the propensity to commit violence, perceptions livelihoods and violence in the region, b) the belief regarding the acceptability of violence on the part that participants would more readily sign up for a of male youth, and their livelihood decisions. We communication and relationship skills program in piggy-backed the Stepping Stones intervention onto conjunction with a more tangible deliverable (i.e., Concern’s VST program for practical and logistical the VST component), and c) the potential for liveli- reasons, but did not seek to evaluated the impacts hoods programmers to replicate the combined ap- of the VST program. The piggy-backed approach al- proach if it proved successful. lowed for a) the recognition of the linkages between Engaging Male Youth in Karamoja, Uganda 11 Methodology Research Overview the beneficiaries as an optional addition. Unlike the VST programs, which had a select target group, en- This study used qualitative and quantitative methods rolment in the Stepping Stones program was open to a) examine, document, and analyze the key factors to all community groups.15 influencing male youth violence in Karamoja and b) test the impact of the adapted Stepping Stones in- Research Methods tervention approach on this violence. The FIC team FIC used a mixed-methods approach in order to collected longitudinal data across four time periods best capture program impact and generate opera- using a stepped wedge design. We worked in seven tional knowledge. A reliance on both quantitative locations that crossed over from control to interven- and qualitative methods allowed the study to look tion at randomized time periods (intervention par- more in depth at questions of perceptions and rela- ishes) and three control (or zero-intervention) loca- tionships and the nuanced ways in which these did tions, for a total of over 1,500 surveys. Qualitative or did not change over time. In an effort to reduce data from 195 interviews complement the quantita- potential interviewer bias, the eight local members tive data set. of the research team were men and women from Communication and Relationship Skills: Karamoja and fluent in the local language.16 The research team collected qualitative and quantitative Network for Stepping Stones Approaches data in 10 parishes with respondents from 18 sepa- Following NESSA’s adaptation of the Stepping rate villages across the Pian, Tepeth, and Bokora Stones model for the Karamoja context, the program populations of southern Karamoja. In this section took place in three phases from April–October 2013 we review the site selection and the quantitative in the seven13 intervention parishes.14 The model and qualitative design. Annex C, D, E, and F contain takes a community-based approach to changing be- more details on the sites and methods. havior, and the program is open to all members of a community. Each intervention site had separate peer Project Site Selection groups for older men, younger men, older women, Two primary factors influenced site selection for the and younger women. Male and female participants Stepping Stones component of the project. First, be- attended sessions twice a week for ten weeks in each cause the program was to combine Stepping Stones location. Overall, Stepping Stones reached a total of 2,362 direct participants in the duration of the proj- ect (See Table 2 in Annex A). 15  Concern Worldwide and implementing local partners offered a The livelihoods programs were underway when the range of vocational options for the VST programs aimed primarily Stepping Stones intervention began, and therefore at unemployed male youth and women (see Annex B for details). Par- the Stepping Stones component was introduced to ticipants had some ability to choose which skills they wanted to learn, though with variations based on the local partner and market condi- tions. The nature and scale of the VST programs varied from one location to the next. In 2013, there were 506 women and male youth enrolled in the VST programs in Moroto, Napak, and Nakapiripirit 13  Seven parishes were used in the intervention portion of the Districts, up from 417 participants in 2012 (Concern 2013a). study; two intervention arms had two parishes each, and one inter- vention arm had three parishes. 16  The selection process for local researchers included a pre-test and a week-long training followed by a post-test; we offered posi- 14  Parishes are an administrative comprised of a number of vil- tions to those who scored highest on the post-test. One-day refresher lages. In order of population, from largest to smallest, Karamoja is trainings took place after both the baseline and first midterm survey. divided into regions, districts, sub-counties, parishes, and villages. Separate trainings were held for the qualitative component. 12 Engaging Male Youth in Karamoja, Uganda with the existing livelihoods intervention, the cho- tervention at different times. Three parishes were sen sites had to be already established VST loca- also selected to function as a control group that tions, thus limiting the possible locations to specific did not receive either the Stepping Stones or liveli- sub-counties in Moroto, Nakapiripirit, and Napak hood program (see Annex F). The addition of the Districts. Second, to ensure that sites were part of an zero-intervention group allowed the study to parse existing contiguous conflict system, the team looked out potential seasonal trends from the impact of the for similarities in experiences of violence. Third, we intervention; these groups never received the inter- sought representation across the territorial or sub- vention. groups in the region, resulting in a balance across The survey team collected baseline data in advance Tepeth, Bokora, and Pian communities.17 It was not of the Stepping Stones intervention in the seven in- possible, however, to meet all of these criteria while tervention parishes and the three zero-intervention also working in established VST locations.18 (or control) parishes. Midterm one and two and the endline were carried out following each of the three Quantitative Design phases of the Stepping Stones program. By collecting The project utilizes a stepped wedge design, which data from the same male individuals during all four is a type of cross-over design in which different clus- sets of surveys, each parish and respondent served ters, in our case parishes,19 cross over from control as its own control in the analysis, thus increasing the to intervention at different points of the research power of the sample. timeframe. This approach allows the implementa- The final number of respondents for whom data was tion of an intervention on a smaller fraction of clus- collected in all four rounds was 384, all of whom ters and increases the statistical power of the impact had signed up to participate in Stepping Stones. At- evaluation without having to increase the number trition from the baseline to the endline was small, of clusters (i.e., parishes). All parishes eventually with a loss of only 17 respondents. At the time of the receive the intervention, and thus randomization endline data collection, and in line with the stepped does not determine whether the parish is a control wedge design, almost three-quarters of the survey re- or intervention parish but rather the time of the in- spondents resided in parishes that had gone through troduction of the intervention. At subsequent time the Stepping Stones program (Table 1). points, parishes initiate the intervention of interest, and the response to the intervention is measured. Qualitative Data Collection Using the stepped wedge design, seven parishes The FIC team collected qualitative data at multiple (all of which had participants in the VST program) times through the study period. Methods included were randomized to receive the Stepping Stones in- focus group discussion (FGDs), direct observation, Table 1. Number of Survey Respondents 17  A more natural and obvious choice would have been balance across the three territorial groups of the formerly unified Ka- Control Intervention Total rimojong, i.e., the Bokora, Pian, and Matheniko. However, Concern Worldwide was not working in any Matheniko communities, and (as our locations adhered to the VST site selection) we were therefore Baseline 401 0 401 unable to include the Matheniko in the program. Midterm 1 289 98 387 18  The VST component did not (and was not intended to) to cover the conflict system; instead VST selected its sites based on a needs- based and economic assessment. Midterm 2 199 185 384 19  Parishes are a geographic unit, commonly delineated by the gov- ernment administration as a means of making new areas for political Endline 117 267 384 purposes. In order of population, from largest to smallest, Uganda is divided into regions, districts, counties, sub-counties, parishes, and Total 1,006 550 1,556 villages. Engaging Male Youth in Karamoja, Uganda 13 semi-structured open-ended individual interviews, of mixed ages. Interviews were conducted in either and key informant interviews. These interviews English or Ngakaramojong, transcribed, and coded took place with various groups depending on the using NVivo9 software for qualitative analysis. An- timeframe and the specific purpose of the data col- nex D includes a list of the time period and details of lection. FIC conducted focus groups in all locations the qualitative interviews, which totaled 195 coded with young men in Stepping Stones, young men FGDs and individual interviews. not in Stepping Stones, male elders, and women 14 Engaging Male Youth in Karamoja, Uganda Overall Results and Impact T his study includes some of the first research specifically on the lonetia criminal element and, most notably, the analysis is based pri- marily on the experiences of these young men them- the result of a lag effect between perceptions and ac- tion.) Qualitative findings also indicate better rela- tions throughout the community and increased re- spect on the part of young men for the male elders, selves. These findings have important implications with potentially important implications for the effi- for a wide variety of programming in Karamoja. cacy of customary authority systems. The data also While this study was limited to a specific geographic indicate improved trust in government officials (in- area and population, we know that the lonetia phe- cluding the military). nomenon is widespread throughout the region, and we feel confident that many of the findings from this There were also some negative trends which are dif- study would also apply to these areas. ficult to explain. For instance, respondents in inter- vention villages were more likely to say they would The evaluation component of this study shows steal after the completion of the Stepping Stones some clear and positive impacts of Stepping Stones, program, discussed later in the findings on security. although establishing clear causality is difficult and Overall, however, we saw improved security at the variations exist when comparing the qualitative and community level. Based on the qualitative data, the quantitative data. While keeping the limited time- respondents attributed these improvements to the frame of the intervention in mind, however, we be- interventions, but the quantitative data show parallel lieve that there are promising trends in key areas. In changes in both intervention and control locations. particular, male and female informants in qualitative interviews overwhelmingly cited positive changes in The Stepping Stones intervention was widely and domestic relations and a reduction in domestic vio- resoundingly applauded and appreciated by the re- lence. The quantitative data show positive change spondents (young men, older men, and women of in perceptions on the acceptability of domestic mixed ages) and also by local and district officials. violence and also demonstrate positive externality The program generated excitement and enthusiasm as these views appear to spread across community among participants, nearly all of whom requested its members, including to those who did not partici- continuation in existing communities and expan- pate directly in the program. (Self-reported acts of sion to new areas, particularly to those locations still domestic violence remain unchanged; this may be seen as contributing to instability in the region. Engaging Male Youth in Karamoja, Uganda 15 External Factors of Potential Relevance T his section touches briefly on three external factors with implications for the outcome of the intervention: recent changes to the security policy, the 2013 harvest, and the existence Previously, and as documented elsewhere, custom- ary systems as controlled by the elders have eroded in recent decades; this is often cited as a factor in the violence perpetrated by male youth (Carlson et al. 2012; Stites 2013b). Interestingly, the new UPDF of other programs in the area. Annex G provides a more detailed contextual overview of livelihoods policy seemed to catalyze the authority of the elders, and violence in the region. who were loath to see their communities lose ani- mals. Instead, respondents speak of the return and The research for this project indicates that security enforcement of ameto against alleged perpetrators, a in the study sites has markedly improved in the past system of collective physical punishment against the few years. Lonetia attacks appear fewer in number, youth. Ameto for young men requires a man’s peers and male and female respondents feel able to engage to beat him upon instructions from the elders; this in livelihood activities such as gathering firewood, brings shame (and physical pain) upon the youth going to market, and herding livestock with relative and annoyance among his peers, and hence the re- institution of this penalty may have served as an ef- security—a marked change from 2009–2010 in the fective deterrent. same area (Stites and Fries 2010). These improve- ments have been gradual and continuing through- Harvest in 2013 out the course of the intervention and data collec- tion, and hence likely contribute to the impressions Unlike the rest of Uganda, which experiences two of improved security. harvests, Karamoja follows a unimodal cropping pattern. This translates to one harvest per year for An important policy shift occurred over the course staple foods and cereals and a longer hunger gap of the study, with clear impacts on security as well (the period between food reserves running out and as on customary authority systems. In response the new harvest coming in, also called the lean sea- to continuing theft of cattle, in July 2013 the local son). A poor yield in 2012 led to low stocks and seed commander of the Uganda People’s Defence Force reserves for 2013. Communities had high hopes (UPDF) instituted a policy whereby two heads of for the 2013 season and were further encouraged cattle had to be repaid for every one stolen (here- by what started as a decent rainy season. Unfortu- after called the UPDF 2:1 cattle policy). Once the nately, total rainfall was low and a drought from May community of the alleged perpetrator is identified to August damaged crops in the critical flowering (by tracking the animal or animals), the commu- stage. As a result, Karamoja endured a seven-month nity must either turn over the suspect (who is then lean season instead of the typical five-month period forced to forfeit twice the number of cattle) or suffer (FEWS NET 2013). By December 2013, food aid the punishment collectively. If the community does organizations were discussing large plans to scale up not willingly release twice the number of stolen cat- and pre-position food supports for 2014. The move- tle, then the UPDF forcefully take cattle at random. ment of a growing number of people out of pastoral Respondents widely cited this policy as having a and agro-pastoral livelihoods (due in part to govern- strong deterrent effect on cattle theft from July 2013 ment pressure) and into agriculture has increased onward. vulnerability to drought and heightened the impacts In addition and perhaps more importantly, numer- of the poor harvests that are typical for the region ous respondents (young men, older men, and wom- (see Annex G).20 en of mixed ages) reported in qualitative interviews that the new military policy instigated a shift in the relationship between the male elders and male youth. 20  The FAO Karamoja Food Security Assessment 2012 stated that more 16 Engaging Male Youth in Karamoja, Uganda Other Programs in Area program, run by the Danish Deming Group/Danish Refugee Council (DDG/DRC), involved small and A few other programs operated in or near the study light arms weapons sensitization, peace meetings, sites for this project and may have influenced the community safety planning, and conflict manage- evaluation findings. In particular, a peacebuilding ment education in many locations near to the Step- ping Stones sites. Respondents in the study popula- tion mentioned the DDG/DRC programs as having than 30 percent of people in the region were depending on crop pro- similar objectives to Stepping Stones. duction as a source of food as compared to the 10 percent in 2008 (FEWS NET 2013). Engaging Male Youth in Karamoja, Uganda 17 Findings: Lonetia, Security, Livelihoods, and Interpersonal Relationships This section contains the key findings emerging 2. Respondent reported having stolen assets from the qualitative and quantitative research and in the past two months and/or, discusses the impact of the Stepping Stones pro- gram. 3. Respondent identified lonetia as the most important livelihood for their or their fam- Lonetia: Overview ily’s survival.21 In the post-disarmament era, the lonetia pose the Based on the above variables, Table 2 illustrates the main security threat to the population in the study frequency and percentage of lonetia who appeared in sites. We studied the patterns and motivations of the sample across the data collection periods. lonetia criminal activity, and the impacts, if any, of As discussed in more detail later, the data illustrate the intervention upon the lonetia population as a that the category of lonetia is very fluid: most of subset of the larger study population. the respondents categorized as lonetia through the The term lonetia arose following the 2006 disar- quantitative variables do not steal across all periods. mament to describe young men who continued to In other words, the numbers “defined as lonetia” in wreak havoc on local communities. Some men were the table above are not necessarily the same respon- able to retain guns for at least a period, but even in dents across the four surveys. This is backed up by the absence of weapons the lonetia or—in the words the qualitative data, in which many young men talk of many respondents, the “stubborn youth”—used about engaging in lonetia activity in previous peri- a variety of scare tactics to steal food, assets, or ods but not at present. livestock from households. These attacks normally Who Are the Lonetia? occurred at night and were usually perpetrated by those from other areas, although at times were re- Approximately 14 percent of the quantitative sam- portedly done by youth upon their own village. By ple of male youth qualified as lonetia over the course the time research for this study began in early 2013, of the study. In other words, 55 different men identi- respondents attributed every type of violence other fied as lonetia at some point across the four rounds than domestic abuse to the lonetia. This is clearly im- of data collection, measured based on the three vari- possible to verify, but it is worth noting the perva- ables listed above. The lonetia in the study popula- siveness of lonetia activity on local perspectives. In tion were slightly younger (20 to 25 years) than the addition, this is a marked change from the previous overall respondents (26 to 30 years). Of the three insecurity, which was characterized by large-scale main groups in the sample (Bokora, Pian, and Te- cattle raids on grazing areas and cattle camps (dis- peth), the highest proportion of lonetia came from cussed in more depth in Annex G). the Pian (61 percent), followed by the Tepeth (25 percent), and lastly the Bokora (14 percent).22 Edu- Youth differed in their willingness to self-identify as lonetia in the quantitative surveys, and hence we constructed variables to measure and record lonetia activity in the quantitative data, shown below. 21  All respondents that reported lonetia as the most important live- lihood for their or their families’ survival also reported having stolen either assets or livestock during that phase of data collection. 1. Respondent reported having stolen live- stock in the past two months and/or, 22  Given the important role that ethnicity plays in many of the 18 Engaging Male Youth in Karamoja, Uganda Table 2: Respondent Reported Stealing Livestock, Assets, and/or Identified Their Main Livelihood as Lonetia in the Past Two Months, by Percent and Frequency Baseline Midterm 1 Midterm 2 Endline Total (n=401) (n=386) (n=383) (n=384) (n=1,554) Perc Freq Perc Freq Perc Freq Perc Freq Perc Freq Steal 5% 20 4% 16 4% 16 2% 9 4% 61 livestock Steal assets 3% 13 2% 9 3% 13 3% 12 3% 47 Main livelihood <1% 2 <1% 2 <1% 2 <1% 2 <1% 9 lonetia Defined as 7% 30 5% 21 6% 23 5% 18 6% 92 lonetia cation levels of lonetia were not statistically signifi- motivating factors in the perpetration of theft. Young cant but still interesting: the lonetia were more likely men themselves confirmed this, and often described to have had some primary education (33 percent) compared to the rest of the population (23 percent). engaging in crime out of desperation to provide for They were less likely, however, to have continued themselves or their families. Reasons for theft are, of their education beyond the primary level (9 percent course, diverse and complex and vary both among of lonetia versus 15 percent of non-lonetia). individuals and across time. More research would The qualitative data introduces interesting and var- ied descriptors of the lonetia. For instance, the notes be required to parse out the relationship between from one focus group discussion with young men theft and violence and what combination of factors state: results in more violent criminal acts. The youths said lonetia are youths whose families are very poor and would want Livelihoods of Lonetia to help their parents but have no option but to steal. They steal because they don’t We examined differences across all variables for the want their children and parents to starve to death. These are youths whose children lonetia versus the non-lonetia population, and identi- cry for food and milk.23 fied a series of variations between young men who Many male and female respondents of various ages qualified as lonetia and those who did not; these are confirmed that hunger and poverty are important discussed in this section. Lonetia were more likely to have disposable income outcome variables and the uneven distribution of lonetia across the three groups, we controlled for ethnicity throughout the analysis. than the non-lonetia population. This is evidenced in Unless otherwise stated, all significant relationships for the lonetia or intervention variables are both significant with and without control- several variables, including their greater likelihood ling for ethnicity. to be married or to plan to marry in the near future 23  Interview with male youth group, Stepping Stones [P1], and the purchases they made for their households. Nathinyonoit Parish, Lorengedwat Sub-county, April 13, 2013. All qualitative interviews referenced in footnotes are in the following format: Type of interview, age and sex of interviewee(s), if they are Marriage is a central component of personal identity in Stepping Stones, Stepping Stones Phase 1, 2, or 3 as [P1, P2, or P3], Parish, Sub-county, and date of interview. as well as household livelihood strategies, but tradi- Engaging Male Youth in Karamoja, Uganda 19 tional marriage in the Karamoja context requires the al population, no matter the time period, to provide transfer of a large number of animals in bridewealth.24 clothing to the household. In addition, lonetia (or We examined marriage patterns among the study someone in their household) were significantly more population in order to understand economic and likely than non-lonetia to purchase livestock, guns or social differences, with associated implications for spears, and beads or jewelry: this variable decreased livelihood strategies. All respondents said that the for the population as a whole but remained steady prospect of marriage is an economic stress that con- for lonetia. These findings are relevant because they tributes to a young man’s desire for income. While demonstrate that lonetia have more ready and regu- lonetia were no more or less likely to be officially or lar access to cash than the general study population. unofficially married than the study population as whole, lonetia respondents (in all locations) were Lonetia: Fluidity and Differentiation significantly more likely to say they planned on get- As discussed in more depth in the security sec- ting married in the next year. When examined over tion below, the proportion of the population that time, the rate of planned marriages stayed steady for reported experiencing lonetia theft of assets, food, the lonetia sub-set while significantly declining for and/or livestock in the two months prior to a given the overall sample.25 survey ranged from a low of 7 percent (baseline) to Those categorized as lonetia may be more likely to a high of 22 percent (midterm 2). Our analysis of expect to marry for any number of reasons, includ- lonetia examines theft from the perspective of the ing that they are more traditional in their viewpoints, perpetrator as opposed to the victim in order to bet- that they are already in a better financial position ter understand the factors that define and influence (possibly through lonetia activities), or that they male youth, as well as the potential impact from in- assume that they can acquire assets relatively easily terventions such as Stepping Stones and the VST through theft. As discussed further below, lonetia program. felt significantly more powerful (present and future expectations) than the population as a whole. This This study found a high degree of fluidity in the cat- sense of power may contribute to their optimistic egory of lonetia, which has implications for both the expectations for marriage. The combination of their success of Stepping Stones and for future program- expected economic needs and their perceptions of ming. This fluidity is apparent in the frequency with their power may be driving the involvement of the which a given individual in the study sample was lonetia in (at times violent) crime. categorized as lonetia across the four surveys (based on the three variables listed above). There were 92 We analyzed the extent to which respondents pro- observations of lonetia across the four data collec- vided for their households. The data show that while tion periods. Most of the men (60 percent) who respondents in general were more likely to provide were identified as lonetia only met the criteria once. food, medicine and medical care for humans, medi- The data on repeat offenders (those who qualified cine for animals, and clothing as the year progressed, as lonetia more than once) are as follows: 20 per- lonetia were significantly more likely than the gener- cent were identified as lonetia twice, 13 percent were identified as lonetia three times, and 7 percent were identified as lonetia four times. 24  Under the traditional bridewealth model, men would provide large amounts of cattle (sometimes over 100 heads of cattle) to the Overall, lonetia activity significantly declined in the extended family and clan of the bride. Livestock losses, widespread sample over time for both intervention and control impoverishment, and livelihood change have made such transfers very rare in the present day, and many families now accept an un- locations. This decline of lonetia activity was primar- official version of marriage—i.e., marriage without the transfer of ily (and significantly) driven by a decrease in theft bridewealth—for their children (Stites 2013a). by those who were identified as lonetia only once 25  Lonetia were also more likely than the general population to say during the research. For the repeat offenders, their that they expected to pay two other marriage-related transfers of as- rate of theft followed the hunger season pattern— sets to the bride’s family: the pregnancy price (ekicul) and the surety payment (akirop) to demonstrate the seriousness of the man’s inten- with an increase during the hunger gap and a small tions. decline after harvest (Table 3). 20 Engaging Male Youth in Karamoja, Uganda be understood in a number of ways. Table 3: Frequency of Lonetia Activity Someone who stole regularly might expect to eventually be caught, which may contribute to a more pessimistic outlook. Conversely, a pessimistic personality may contribute to a great- er predilection to engage in lonetia activities. Third and not surprisingly, lonetia opinions on the morality of theft cor- responded to how often they stole over the course of the study. The more an individual engaged in lonetia activ- ity, the more likely he was to believe it was acceptable to steal when hungry (from either his community or anoth- er community) or if his child needed medical care. Fourth, those who stole more often were more likely to report that they stole from their own com- We examined the differences between lonetia and munities. This shift to internal theft is a marked and non-lonetia in order to understand the various fac- important change from the pre-disarmament era tors that contributed to lonetia behavior. Interesting- and may illustrate the breakdown of the systems of ly, the data indicate that the one-time lonetia offend- customary authority, as previously there was gener- ers in some instances had more in common with the ally adherence to the strict prohibitions against in- repeat offenders than with those who never engaged ternal theft (Carlson et al. 2012). in lonetia behavior. However, there are still impor- tant differences between the one-time offenders and Fifth, while Table 4 below shows that lonetia overall the repeat offenders, with potentially meaningful were significantly more likely to physically assault implications both for understanding the Stepping others than non-lonetia, the repeat offenders were Stones results and also for the design and targeting significantly more likely than the one-timers to re- of future programs aimed at male youth in the re- port that they had assaulted a man, woman, and/or gion. These differences are discussed below. elder in the two months prior to the data collection. This demonstrates a clear correlation between pro- First, there was a positive correlation between fre- pensity for theft and propensity for violence. quent theft and economic choices—the repeat of- fenders were significantly more likely to be willing to take economic risks in hypothetical situations, Table 4: The Lonetia and Propensity particularly around business ventures.26 for Violence Second, the frequency of lonetia activity correlated In the past two months, with perceptions of the future. The more times an physically assaulted Lonetia Non-lonetia individual reported stealing, the less likely he was the following: to envision a successful future. This finding could Another man 28% 7% A woman in the 25% 5% household 26  For instance, while repeat offender lonetia were no less or more likely to say they would take a goat or money now compared to later, An elder 9% <1% they were significantly more likely to go into a business with potential for large profit but higher probability of loss, compared to a business A child 37% 12% with low profits but greater security. Engaging Male Youth in Karamoja, Uganda 21 trust people from neighboring villages, and, in par- Table 5: Number of Times Identified as ticular, their trust in young men from another village Lonetia and What They Reported Stealing declined over time. This is in marked contrast to the Livestock steady increase in trust for the study population as a Livestock Assets Non-lonetia whole. Again, this is not surprising when we consid- and assets er that it is the male youth who likely have the great- One time 52% 49% 6% est knowledge—and hence suspicion—regarding Two times 68% 41% 14% the tendencies of other males. Three times 76% 48% 24% Security Four times 81% 75% 56% We analyzed security from the perspective of both victims and perpetrators and considered a combi- Last, significant correlations existed between the nation of variables in the quantitative survey and frequency of theft and the items that lonetia stole, as the qualitative interviews.27 In the larger context, it shown in Table 5. The more frequently a respondent is clear that security has improved markedly when reported carrying out lonetia activity, the significant- compared to the period prior to the 2006 disarma- ly more likely they were to have reported stealing ment campaign. In addition, respondents in all lo- both assets and livestock in the past two months or cations reported an improved sense of security over just livestock, compared to the one-time lonetia. the course of the study in the qualitative data. The quantitative findings generally support this percep- For the small group of lonetia in our sample who re- tion; for instance, while 48 percent of respondents ported stealing livestock and assets four times dur- (in both intervention and control sites) reported ing the study, theft appears to be an integral com- feeling safe where they slept at night at the baseline, ponent of their livelihood. Of these respondents, 75 this rose to 68 percent by the endline. The same percent of them also self-reported that being a lone- trend was apparent for sense of safety of money, tia was their most important livelihood activity. This food, and small livestock over the course of the is further supported by the fact that frequent lonetia study, with dips during the least food-secure period, were significantly less likely to report using the sto- most visible when looking at the safety of small live- len assets for food, but rather for money, compared stock (Table 6). While perceptions of safety around to more infrequent lonetia. Hunger appears to drive small livestock rebounded and essentially increased occasional theft, while monetary gain (and associat- from the baseline to the endline, the lonetia cohort ed benefits) drives repeat offenses. These important felt that their small livestock was significantly less differences in motivation between these groups—as safe over time (from 67 percent to 44 percent from well as the relative difficulty in recruiting the persis- baseline to endline). In all locations, respondents tent lonetia into such programs—need to be taken reported that the better security has brought liveli- into account when designing any programming with hood improvements, such as increased mobility in the goal of impacting lonetia behavior. both bush areas (for resource collection or herding) Several characteristics of lonetia overall (regardless and between villages. of how often they stole or whether they were in con- Perceptions of security may have improved over the trol or treatment locations) are worth noting. The course of the study, but this did not translate into an lonetia felt more powerful—both now and in their actual decline in the experience of theft, at times ac- expected future—than the non-lonetia population. companied by violence. Interestingly, although more This is not particularly surprising considering their people reported feeling safe by the end of the study, ability and willingness to use force to achieve de- sired ends, but may have consequences if programs aim to attract downtrodden male youth: these par- ticular youth clearly do not feel downtrodden, and 27  These variables included whether or not someone felt safe at night, how frequently thefts and/or attacks occurred, what items hence are less likely to volunteer for participation. In were stolen, and the perceived safety of household assets (food, addition, the lonetia were significantly less likely to money, and livestock) overnight. 22 Engaging Male Youth in Karamoja, Uganda and perceptions of male youth Table 6: Perceptions of Safety Over Time is central to understanding the overall outcome of the Stepping Baseline Midterm 1 Midterm 2 Endline Stones program. The final pic- ture, however, looks very differ- Physically safe at the ent when we factor in or remove 48% 53% 57% 68% place where you sleep the lonetia from the sample. Ulti- Can keep money mately, this illustrates the com- overnight if not at 81% 88% 84% 88% plexity of seeking to promote be- home havior change when the behavior is embedded in livelihood strate- Can keep food gies and self-identity. The clear overnight if not at 87% 94% 92% 94% message from the quantitative home data is the extent to which the Chickens and goats lonetia are comfortable with their 51% 48% 47% 54% are safe at night lives and resistant to change. We return to the implications of the reports of theft of food or assets perpetrated by these differences for the design and targeting of fu- people from other villages increased significantly ture programs in the conclusion section. from 14 percent to 22 percent over the course of the study (with spikes of 25 percent and 28 percent at Impact on Participation Rates in Theft and the two midterms, corresponding to the hunger sea- Types of Goods Stolen son). Young men who participated in Stepping Stones As discussed earlier, the data indicate that the UPDF and those who lived in Stepping Stones parishes 2:1 cattle repayment policy was a deterrent to cattle were significantly more likely than non-participants theft, with an associated positive effect on security. to say they would steal assets from someone outside However, there was a significant increase over the the community if they were hungry. In addition, course of the study in all sites in reported incidents they were significantly more likely to say they would steal livestock from someone inside the communi- of small livestock theft. One hypothesis is that be- ty.28 Both of these variables were highest during the cause large livestock carried a harsh punishment due midterms, thereby corresponding to the hunger gap. to the new policy, thieves went for an easier target— Individuals might be more hesitant to steal livestock small livestock. Another hypothesis is that small from other communities due to a greater likelihood livestock are quickly and easily consumable, and of being reported to the police (13 percent of re- were hence attractive as hunger spiked. In addition, spondents would report to the police if someone small livestock are less likely to be tracked and are from their own village stole from them compared more easily sold in the markets or integrated into a to 19 percent if someone from another village stole perpetrator’s herd than a larger animal. from them). Similarly, theft of assets (utensils, tools, clothing, etc.) from your own community is likely As with the theft of food and assets, the pattern to result in rapid identification of the items, whereas for theft of livestock was consistent with seasonal livestock can normally be sold very quickly, hence change, with rates of reported theft increasing dur- hiding the evidence. ing the hunger gap. This finding is supported by re- spondents in all sites feeling safer about their small The picture is also not particularly rosy when we livestock at the baseline and endline than at either consider actual theft. While self-reported theft of as- midterm (Table 6 above). sets and food remained steady at 3 percent through- Impact of the Intervention on Security-Related Variables 28  These are both perceptions in response to “would you steal if…” The impact of the intervention on overall behavior questions. Actual theft is covered in the next paragraph. Engaging Male Youth in Karamoja, Uganda 23 out the course of the entire study across both con- spondents (including young men who were also in trol and intervention sites, there was a significant the quantitative sample and older men and women difference between parishes that had received the of mixed ages) discuss a decrease in such activities. intervention and those that did not (Table 7). The These changes are not attributed solely to Stepping difference was even greater if only comparing those Stones, but rather to a combination of disarmament, respondents who attended the Stepping Stones pro- the UPDF’s 2:1 policy, and the behavior changes gram versus those who lived in a Stepping Stones brought by involvement in Stepping Stones and oth- parish. This pattern is further corroborated by the er programs, as explained by a young man: significantly higher rate of respondents reporting being victims of lonetia activity in the intervention The entire community has changed, fights parishes. Not surprisingly, the theft of both livestock have reduced, theft, killings that used to and food/assets was highest during the height of the be so rampant with a lot of envy in people hunger gap, corresponding with the second mid- all are disappearing; peace is prevailing term. This rate fell slightly by the harvest, though the now unlike in the past. To me three bodies rate of food/asset theft was still higher at the endline played a role in causing these changes, the than in the baseline or first midterm in the interven- government that took away the gun, DDG tion villages. To note, we do not know if this increase in its messages of peaceful living, and Step- in theft behavior is a short-term reaction to the self- ping Stones in its teachings and advice to reflection aspects of the intervention; this possibil- the community.29 ity is discussed in the more depth in the next section Of particular interest is the number of young men and additional analysis is included in the conclusion section. who said that they had given up lonetia activity: In addition, although livestock rates decreased over My peers too have changed, especially time, we saw no correlation with the Stepping Stones those who attend the Stepping Stones pro- intervention and decreasing rates of livestock theft. gram and also those in the VST program. Rather, this decrease was likely driven by the stricter They do not regard lonetia activities as a and more aggressive government policy against cat- source of livelihood like the way they used tle theft. The qualitative data show a markedly different 29  Interview with male youth [LA], Stepping Stones [P1] and VST perception of the acceptability of crime from the Participant, Nathinyonoit Parish, Lorengedwat Sub-county, Septem- quantitative data. The overwhelming majority of re- ber 13, 2013. Table 7: Frequency of Lonetia Activity by Intervention Parish 24 Engaging Male Youth in Karamoja, Uganda to before. Instead they see it as a criminal tions, it is at first surprising that trust levels increased act and as an activity which brings dishar- at the same rate for all groups, regardless of whether mony in the community. Instead we go for they had gone through the Stepping Stones interven- firewood, charcoal and mostly hunting for tion. This starts to make more sense, however, when survival.30 we think about the gradual improvements over time The ability of Stepping Stones to “soften hearts” was in security. Trust is both a key component of securi- repeated by numerous respondents who ascribed ty—you do not feel secure if you cannot trust those this impact of the program to the reduction in crime around you—and, as such, is also a proxy for secu- and violence and to a general change in their behav- rity. We hypothesize that although the two variables ior. As one Stepping Stones participant said: of trust and security are normally directly related— i.e., when security goes up, trust goes up; when se- Right now as I speak, Stepping Stones curity goes down, trust goes down—increased trust teaching has softened my heart such that I likely lags behind increases in security. During the consult others in the family before I make baseline, we saw already high levels of trust, but a decision. Opinions of people in the com- these only went up as people felt increasingly posi- munity matter to me now for our family tive about their security environment. Trust among instead of like it used to be. Because of the general population does not go down even dur- Stepping Stones I am now perceived as a ing the hunger season when reported thefts increase. gentle and humble man, members in the community have started to respect me un- This implies a general trend towards improved secu- like before when I used to disrespect oth- rity even with spikes in theft, and this trend is natu- ers. rally experienced equally in both control and inter- vention locations. In addition, the qualitative data Impact on Trust and Self-Reflection show widespread comprehension of the factors that motivate theft, particularly the types of theft (such We collected data on trust as a component of secu- as small livestock theft, discussed above) that corre- rity in order to gauge levels of trust in other commu- late most closely with the lean season. For example, a nities, in specific community groups, and in officials. group of elder men explained why male youth steal: Trust levels increased significantly over time for nearly all categories across the duration of the study [The young men] steal because of hunger. in both control and intervention locations. A greater They fear that if they don’t steal, their percentage of respondents reported the following families, children, and parents will starve categories to be worthy of their trust: male youth, to death. Some are very poor; they have no male elders, people in the community, neighboring animals to herd or sell for food. They are villages, male youth in other communities, district idle and what their idle minds do is to plan officials, police, UPDF, and a range of local govern- of evil. Some have guns so they use them to ment officials. Of note, trust was very high at the be- get what they want.31 ginning of the study, with more than 90 percent of As illustrated by the reference to “plan[s] of evil,” respondents reporting having trust in all categories to understand the causes of theft is not to condone except for the UPDF. Interestingly, the one group of such acts, and a victim of a crime suffers to the same respondents who did not report feeling increased degree regardless of the motivation. These largely trust in others over the course of the study was the explainable and seasonally-linked thefts, however, lonetia. do not cause a drop in trust, and hence we argue Given that the Stepping Stones intervention was that this type of theft has become normalized and designed to bolster levels of trust and improve rela- has only minimal impact on the views of the general population. 30  Interview with male youth [CL], Stepping Stones [P3] and VST participant, Narisae Parish, Lorengedwat Sub-county, November 25, 31  Interview with male elders, Nathinyonoit Parish, Lorengedwat 2014. Sub-county, April 13, 2013. Engaging Male Youth in Karamoja, Uganda 25 Returning to Stepping Stones, we posit that the in- munities, including from other groups. A man ex- tervention did have a positive impact on trust levels plained that incidents of group-based name calling within and across communities, but that these spe- in his village had decreased as a result of Stepping cific impacts are difficult to see in the quantitative Stones: “We no longer call [a person] by his place data because a) the impacts of the improved secu- name or ‘from Lorengedwat’ because these were av- rity are greater than the impact of the intervention, enues for ganging [up] and later conflicts and raids and b) trust levels were already high to begin with, would emerge.”34 Another young man said that he making it difficult to find significance in the relative- had “learned to stay in harmony with the rest of his ly small changes. However, we can see this impact ethnic neighbors, like the Pokot” and that the com- where initial levels of trust were at their lowest in the munity effectively intervened to prevent retaliatory baseline—i.e., regarding the UPDF, which was 65 raiding: percent at the baseline and 83 percent at the endline. In this case, a robust and significant relationship was If someone wants to spoil [the peace] by observed with the Stepping Stones program. stealing, the rest of the people have to track footmarks and find [the animals]. The argument that Stepping Stones has had a posi- All of the community will follow and be tive impact on trust is strongly supported by the concerned because they don’t want the qualitative data. One of the clearest positive out- peaceful co-existence to break; [thus they] comes from Stepping Stones is its contribution to need to be sure all animals are returned.35 conflict resolution and problem solving within com- munities. For instance, a Stepping Stones partici- As much of the violence was between and among pant spoke of how he had worked with a neighbor groups, these sentiments of improved relations are to avoid conflict: extremely important if they lead to longer term be- havior change and conflict reduction. My peers also respect and now listen to my advice. I relate well with my neighbors. For While trust levels increased for the population in all instance when my neighbor’s animal went locations, the lonetia were significantly less likely to to my garden and ate my crops, I talked say they trusted residents of the neighboring village, to him and we both called our boys [sons] but more likely to say they trusted male youth from and instructed them on how to care for the another community. However, trust in male youth animals instead of letting them go astray from another community by the lonetia not only sig- to people’s gardens. This is all because of nificantly decreased over time, it also became even the teachings from Stepping Stones.32 lower once their parish had received the Stepping Stones intervention. This is perhaps not surprising A young man from a different location said: when we consider that the male youth who make When my peers are angry or when I am up lonetia are likely well aware of each other’s ten- angry with them, I tend to keep away, dencies, and it is possible that the Stepping Stones and solve the problem later when I am program—and in particular the difference between calm. I don’t rush into a problem because those who have experienced the program and those sometimes I can mistake someone who is who have not—may further highlight the deleteri- innocent. All this is because of the conflict- ous effects of these actions. resolution skills.33 The self-reflection resulting from the program did Respondents also spoke of improved trust and bet- specifically impact the lonetia. The lonetia who par- ter relations with those from outside of their com- ticipated in Stepping Stones or lived in a Stepping 32  Interview with male youth [AL], Stepping Stones [P2] and VST 34  Interview with male youth [IP], Stepping Stones [P1] and VST Participant, Kamaturu Parish, Lorengedwat Sub-county, November Participant, Nariameregae Parish, Lotome Sub-county, August 24, 27, 2013. 2013. 33  Interview with male youth [CL], Stepping Stones [P3] and VST 35  Interview with male youth [AT], Stepping Stones [P2] and VST Participant, Narisae Parish, Lorengedwat Sub-county, November 25, Participant, Kamaturu Parish, Lorengedwat Sub-county, September 2013. 9, 2013. 26 Engaging Male Youth in Karamoja, Uganda Stones parish reported that they felt less optimistic with a significant decrease in the proportion of re- about the future following the intervention. Lonetia spondents reporting agriculture as the most impor- who participated in Stepping Stones, when com- tant livelihood for their survival. Over the same time pared to those who did not attend, also reported period, the proportion of respondents that reported they felt they were living their worst life and felt less collecting building poles significantly increased. The powerful within their community. shift away from agriculture is not surprising given the poor harvest in 2013; as it became apparent that These last points regarding the lonetia—the shifts the rains were not sufficient, people shifted their ef- in trust among male youth and the decrease in forts to cash-based activities. The young and mostly optimism, satisfaction, and sense of power—are able-bodied men who made up our quantitative promising, if subtle, indications of the intervention’s sample are well suited for the collection and carrying potential if tested over a longer time period. While seemingly all negative (i.e., lonetia trusted less and of the heavy poles, and the development of Moroto felt worse), we posit that these shifts may point to town creates a ready market. We knew from previ- greater awareness of the harmful impacts of lonetia ous research that women adapted their livelihood activity and may be the first signs of possible behav- strategies in the face of food insecurity by intensify- ior change. We would not necessarily expect to see ing natural resource exploitation, primarily through such results in a short pilot project, but such chang- firewood collection and charcoal production and es (in either a positive or negative direction) would sale (the latter also sometimes done by men) (Stites perhaps be visible given a longer implementation and Fries 2010; Stites and Mitchard 2011). The and evaluation period. findings from the current research indicate that in- creased reliance on natural resources is also the most Livelihoods common course of action for men within the study population, as opposed, for instance, to seeking ca- The study sought to understand current and evolv- sual labor in town, engaging in cross-border trade, ing livelihood strategies as well as people’s percep- or mining. tions of the desirability and sustainability of these strategies. Our focus on livelihoods was driven by Manhood in Karamoja is bound to social hierarchy the integral links between livelihoods and violence and economic status, which in turn is linked to one’s in the Karamoja region, particularly for male youth. ability to marry, procreate, and provide for a fami- We argue that, in order to understand shifts in vio- ly.36 Having a family is part of social status as well lent behavior, propensity for violence, or percep- as key to a successful livelihood: a broad base of hu- tions around the acceptability of violence, we must man capital and gendered household divisions of la- also understand the ways in which livelihoods are bor help to mitigate risk through the diversification (or are not) shifting and how people feel about these of livelihood strategies. In qualitative interviews, re- changes. As such, we examined change over time spondents distinguished between “traditional” male in both the livelihoods actually pursued by respon- youth and those who had opted to move away from dents and those that they most wished to pursue, i.e., the traditional rural, pastoral ways. A “traditional” actual versus ideal livelihoods. We also sought to ex- male youth was less likely to have any schooling, amine some of the more psycho-social variables as- would marry young and ideally have more than one sociated with livelihoods and personal identity, par- wife, and would produce many children. In con- ticularly around masculinity. We asked respondents trast, the “non-traditional” male youth had attended how much satisfaction they felt in their present lives school and was more likely to be living outside the and how they predicted they would feel in the future given their current plans and expectations. In addi- tion, we examined perceptions of power and respect in regard to the individual’s perceived position in the 36  Rites of initiation are critical for male youth; the uninitiated have a status akin to women and no formal voice in society. As discussed larger community. elsewhere, these important rites of passage have largely stagnated in Karamoja over the past few decades for a variety of reasons, result- Actual and Ideal Livelihoods ing in the gradual erosion of customary authority and a concurrent rise in violence by male youth no longer bound by social and political norms (Stites 2013b). A steady increase in initiations in the past sev- We saw shifts over time in the actual livelihoods eral years—including in some of the study sites—may have started pursued by male youth respondents in all locations, to reverse this trend. Engaging Male Youth in Karamoja, Uganda 27 village, with (perceived) access to formal employ- in order to accrue wealth. Men have little desire to ment. Many interviewees felt that it was the “tradi- be doing casual or menial work, particularly types tional” youth who were the most likely to engage of activities more commonly in the female domain, in raids or thefts as part of their livelihoods, and such as gathering natural resources. that this was integrally linked to the need to bolster pride, as explained by a young man who participated Impacts of Intervention on Actual and Ideal in both the Stepping Stones and the VST program: Livelihoods What [leads] traditional male youth to The findings discussed above are from both inter- be thieves is they need pride, because be- vention and control sites. We see no differences in ing rich, being with animals in community, views as to what defines an ideal man in respondents gives you pride. If your animals have been who either lived in a parish that received Stepping stolen, you need to retaliate, that’s when Stones programming or directly participated in your heart will feel good. Also, marriage, Stepping Stones. The same holds true for partici- you need to officially marry. A woman pants in the VST program. There were, however, a is unique. A woman won’t marry some- few differences for those who were in both VST and one poor. If a man has all his teeth in his Stepping Stones; these respondents were signifi- mouth, it means he has money, but when cantly more likely to say that an ideal man “provides they say this man has no teeth, then he has for his family by any means” and is “a good father,” no money and they won’t want to marry and less likely to say that an ideal man is a “protector you.37 of cattle.” The same respondents were significantly Findings from the quantitative data supported more likely to list ideal livelihoods as either casual the concept that an ideal man has both wealth and labor or petty trade, and significantly less likely to cattle. However, men’s actual livelihoods and the say herder. As participation in both the Stepping livelihoods they said characterized an ideal man did Stones and the VST program was entirely voluntary, not keep pace, as is evident in Table 8. Over time, it is highly likely that these findings are less about respondents in all locations were significantly more change and more about the type of individual with likely to say that ideal livelihoods included a herder, the interest and motivation to attend both the pro- trader, or engaging in agriculture. They were signifi- grams. In other words, these men are less attached cantly less likely to list hunting, burning charcoal, to cattle-based livelihoods, eager to find alternative building fences, engaging in petty trade, undertaking means of providing for their families, and willing to casual labor, or being idle. The largest disconnect, as engage in more town-based labor. As with the ear- Table 8 illustrates, is in herding and business. These lier point, these characteristics are important when are the activities that men in the study population thinking about how to best identify participants for most wish to be doing, but very few of them are able livelihood interventions. to achieve this reality. Satisfaction, Respect, and Power In seeking to examine possible discrepancies be- tween men’s reality and their social expectations, we We examined the degree to which respondents felt collected information on the qualities and charac- satisfied with their current life and livelihoods as teristics of an ideal man. The top two responses for well as the degree of respect and power that they survey respondents in both intervention and control felt they had within their communities.38 In each of sites (multiple responses allowed) were “protector of these areas, we also asked how they expected to feel family” (21 percent, no change over time) and “pro- tector of cattle” (13 percent, significantly increased over time). In other words, men should ideally en- gage in herding and agriculture or possibly business 38  The questions on satisfaction with current versus future lives and on relative perceptions of power and respect entailed indicating one’s position on a visual representation of a mountain, i.e., “Imag- ine a five-step mountain [picture displayed] where, on the bottom, stand the least respected people in your community, and on the top 37  Interview with male youth [AT], Stepping Stones [P2] and VST stand the most respected people in your village. On which step are Participant, Kamaturu Parish, Lorengedwat sub-county, September you today?” We then asked, “On which step do you expect to find 9, 2013. yourself in x years from now?” 28 Engaging Male Youth in Karamoja, Uganda Table 8: Real versus Ideal Occupation in one year’s time. We found that feelings of relative tent in both control and intervention locations and respect within a community, perceptions of one’s is thus not related to the programs. power within a community, and expectations for Further analysis indicated consistent commonali- future satisfaction all significantly decline over time ties in the characteristics of respondents who rated for all respondents in the intervention and control themselves higher up in regards to respect, power, locations. More specifically, at the time of the base- and satisfaction. Respondents who were older, had line data collection, the majority of male respon- some education, were officially married, and were dents said they were in the lowest possible relative employed either in the formal sector or in business position within their communities regarding degree were significantly more likely to feel that they were of afforded respect. The percentage of men at this more respected, powerful, and had a better life. This tier had increased by the endline. (In comparison, applied to both their current situation and how they only 4 percent of the sample placed themselves in imagined themselves in one year’s time. This is not the “most respected” position, in comparison to 1 surprising and indicates, in short, that men who percent at the endline.) Similarly, the majority of re- were wealthier and had more livelihood options felt spondents said they had the least possible amount they had better standing in their communities and of power in their community39 at the baseline, and had a more positive outlook regarding their current the percentage had again increased at the endline. and future situation. By the endline, 14 percent more of the respondents felt they had the “worst possible life” (satisfaction) This is one of several instances in which we found in the present day since the baseline (Table 9). In identity by group to be a significant variable. The Te- short, the male youth who made up the sample pop- peth were significantly more likely to say that they ulation for this study have negative views on their felt respected and powerful and had a better life position within their communities; this was consis- when compared to the other two groups. The Boko- ra consistently felt the worst off, with the Pian in the middle. On the variable for respect, for instance, 39  Although not specified, we can assume they were only compar- only 49 percent of the Tepeth placed themselves on ing themselves to other men. the lowest level (through the five-step mountain vi- Engaging Male Youth in Karamoja, Uganda 29 Impact of Intervention on Table 9: Perceptions of Respect, Power, Satisfaction, Respect, and and Quality of Life at Present Power Baseline Midterm 1 Midterm 2 Endline The quantitative data showed no significant impact of the pro- Lowest level of gram intervention on feelings of 66% 57% 65% 71% respect status, respect, and satisfaction Highest level of 4% 3% 3% 1% except in the case of the lonetia, respect discussed in more detail in the Lowest level of power 64% 56% 69% 70% lonetia section. Highest level of power 3% 3% 1% 1% Interpersonal Worst possible life 62% 58% 71% 78% Relationships Best possible life 3% 2% 1% 1% The Stepping Stones program for Karamoja was designed to reduce both male participation in and propensity for violent be- sualization exercise), compared to 74 percent of the havior. Part of this entails improving interpersonal Bokora and 65 percent of the Pian. These differences relationships, both within and outside of the home. held true when participants were asked the levels of This section discusses findings related to domestic respect they expected to feel in the future. This study violence and relationships more broadly. To note, in did not seek to investigate the reasons behind these differences in great depth, but it is worth noting that individual, open-ended interviews, male youth re- the Tepeth have been more successful at retaining spondents consistently reported that the most posi- traditional agro-pastoral livelihoods than the Boko- tive aspect of Stepping Stones was ensuing improve- ra, and have also generally experienced less conflict ments to peace within the home and the reduction and insecurity due to their location high on the in violence and disputes. In addition, focus group slopes of Mount Moroto. Similarly, they have gener- discussions with male elders and women of all ages ally had a less harsh experience with disarmament. confirmed the positive impacts of Stepping Stones In contrast, the Bokora bore the brunt of internal in reducing domestic violence and improving rela- insecurity among the Karimojong in the 1980s and tionships in general. 1990s and were further weakened by the uneven dis- armament campaign in 2001, which left them highly Domestic Violence vulnerable to attacks from stronger armed neigh- Domestic violence within the home (by men against bors (particularly the Jie and Matheniko).40 The women and by women and men against children) Pian have some of the best access to good agrarian is widely accepted in Karamoja. At the time of the land in southern Karamoja and have also (largely) baseline, 43 percent of the overall study popula- maintained more positive ties with their Teso neigh- tion agreed with the statement, “It is acceptable to bors, meaning they are generally better able to ac- beat your wife if she misbehaves.” This “misbehav- cess dry-season pasture and water sources in Teso ior” comprised actions such as failing to have din- and are somewhat less susceptible to poor harvests ner ready, allowing children to cry, or refusing sex. than their neighbors living in more arid ecological Female respondents gave additional reasons for zones in the region. domestic disputes, including drunken behavior by a male partner, spending money on alcohol as op- posed to the family’s needs, or taking a new wife. Data from multiple respondents indicate that the 40  Interviews with Jeremy England, Regional Manager for Kara- moja, UNICEF, June 2006, December 2006, and March 2007. consumption of alcohol by both men and women 30 Engaging Male Youth in Karamoja, Uganda Table 10: Perceptions on Domestic and Child Violence by Intervention Parish Does a married man have the right to If a child misbehaves, is it alright beat his wife if she misbehaves? for the father to beat him or her?* yes no yes no SS non-SS SS non-SS SS non-SS SS non-SS Baseline 43% 57% 57% 43% 4% 16 2% 9 Endline 23% 43% 77% 57% 35% 39% 65% 61% * Child violence sample does not include lonetia. plays a major role in domestic disputes, and hence (Table 10). This was true both for direct participants we discuss alcohol at the end of this section. and those who simply lived in an intervention par- Some women reported that the increasing idleness ish, with no significant differences between these of men due to the loss of pastoral livelihoods had two groups. In contrast, there was no change in this disrupted the household order. Men, they said, were perception in the control locations (43 percent at not used to being in the village all day with little to endline). This finding demonstrates not only an im- do and were interfering in what used to be strictly portant positive impact from the Stepping Stones the household duties of a female. For instance, a program on perceptions around domestic violence, woman in Tapac stated: but also a positive externality for the broader com- We no longer respect our men in the fam- munity. The data also indicate a change in percep- ily because of how often the man drives us tion on the acceptability of using violence against women crazy. Now they crowd over us at the stove where in the past the men would children; importantly, this trend only holds true be off with the cattle.41 when removing the lonetia from the sample. Violence is also commonly used to discipline chil- Perhaps even more significantly, we found that the dren. At the time of the baseline, 57 percent of the positive results regarding perceptions around do- respondents (all male) said it was acceptable to beat a child if they misbehaved. mestic violence against both women and children (though taking the lonetia caveat into account for Impact of the Intervention on Domestic this latter variable) were even stronger the greater Violence the time period since the Stepping Stones interven- There were significant and positive changes around tion. In other words, this impact seems to solidify domestic violence following the Stepping Stones as opposed to wane over time, even several months intervention. At the time of the endline, only 23 after the intervention (ideally, of course, we would percent of respondents in Stepping Stones locations also be testing a year or more after the program’s agreed that it was acceptable to beat a wife if she conclusion). These qualitative data offer a possible misbehaved (down from 43 percent at the baseline) explanation for these positive results over time, as evidenced by the quotes below. Many women com- 41  Interview with group of women, Stepping Stones [P3], Kalo- mented on the improved domestic relations and de- kengel West Parish, Lotome Sub-county, April 15, 2013. crease in violence, and some also said that there was Engaging Male Youth in Karamoja, Uganda 31 an increase in the willingness of neighbors to inter- had an important and at times profound effect on vene in domestic disputes. A young man explained: the way in which young men interact with others. Although we do not know if these positive changes Existence of domestic violence still exists will be sustained over time, the importance of this in the community although this is not so finding should not be overlooked in a culture in often like it used to be. When there is a case of domestic violence in the village, ev- which violence is deeply embedded not only in live- ery responsible person goes to that house- lihood strategies but also in interpersonal relation- hold to ask what the problem is.42 ships. The following comment on respect is indica- tive of the positive change we see in this regard: Similarly, a group of male youth reported that “the people in the village keep reminding each other The most useful aspect of their teachings about what they learnt in the Stepping Stones train- to me is my role as a father and a parent. ing if they find them shouting, quarrelling, or want- [The Stepping Stones facilitators] demon- ing to fight.”43 strated this as a tree that shows that me as a parent is a tree with roots to support The above discussion is about perceptions regarding the branches and then the branches are my domestic violence; we also asked about action, i.e., children and family. So I have to be the if respondents had physically assaulted anyone in main provider and also teach them how to the previous two months. Not surprisingly, the data grow well and how to behave in the com- imply that changing actual behavior is more difficult munity.45 than adjusting perceptions. The quantitative data These improved relations also extended to relations show no effect of the Stepping Stones intervention with the elders, with potentially important impli- on the percentage of respondents who admitted to cations for the resurrection of customary systems beating either a child or a woman in their house- that help to mitigate violence. One youth group in hold. The qualitative data, however, strongly coun- Lotome reported that “the Stepping Stones training ter the survey findings. Both men and women report has made the youth calm down, and they now re- a decrease in domestic violence and improved peace spect their village elders, listen to their advice, and in their homes. This was due both to the improve- have accepted to make peace.”46 Similar sentiments ment in intangible qualities, such as respect, and to are apparent from interviews with male youth in the acquisition of specific skills, such as communica- other locations,47 and confirmed by male elders in at tion, as highlighted below: least some areas. These changes might also apply to Because of the teaching of Stepping Stones, relations with female elders, as indicated by a young the issues to do with domestic violence man in Lorengedwat: “I have learnt to respect oth- have changed and are no longer common. ers especially my mother. I also know that I have to We learnt that talking and agreeing is bet- work hard and contribute to the family.”48 ter than engaging in domestic violence.44 Interestingly, a number of men in Stepping Stones Impact of the Intervention on Broader locations reported that they were now assisting with Interpersonal Relations The qualitative data indicate that Stepping Stones 45  Interview with male youth [AL], Stepping Stones [P2], Kama- turu Parish, Lorengedwat Sub-county, November 27, 2013. 46  Interview with male youth group, Stepping Stones [P3], Mu- 42  Interview with male youth [CL], Stepping Stones [P3] and VST ruongor Parish, Lotome Sub-county, November 7, 2013. participant, Narisae Parish, Lorengedwat Sub-county, November 25, 2013. 47  Interview with male youth [LL], Stepping Stones [P2] and VST Participant, Kamaturu Parish, Lorengedwat Sub-county, November 43  Interview with male youth group, Stepping Stones [P3], 4, 2013. Muruongor Parish, Lotome sub-county, November 7, 2013. 48  Interview with male youth [CL], Stepping Stones [P3] and VST 44  Interview with male youth [LD], Stepping Stones [P3], Narisae Participant, Narisae Parish, Lorengedwat Sub-county, November 25, Parish, Lorengedwat Sub-county, November 25, 2013.  2013. 32 Engaging Male Youth in Karamoja, Uganda household tasks that were previously strictly with- Nearly all respondents in the study population re- in the female domain, including preparing meals, ported regular consumption of alcohol (over 90 per- fetching water, and caring for children. One young cent), and this rate stayed consistent over time. Con- man said: sumption of alcohol by both men and women is a [There are] changes realized in that they largely social behavior. Although we might expect to share their views, and if I go home drunk I see an increase in drinking as a means to cope with don’t harass [my wife] or if there’s no food hunger during the hunger season, there were no sig- I don’t mind. I can cook, and when my nificant increases in alcohol consumption over the woman comes home she is happy! I even study. A change was apparent—if slight—when we get water to bathe kids and can dress them asked people what they had purchased in the previ- if it hasn’t been done.49 ous two months, with a rise in reported purchases of alcohol from 89 percent of respondents in the base- These perceptions were not limited to young men. line to 94 percent in the endline. However, when we When asked if there were changes in domestic rela- asked about average consumption (drinks on aver- tions brought by Stepping Stones, a group of women age), intake significantly dropped over the course said: of the study, with a small increase after the harvest [The program] changed attitudes com- (endline). pletely, [things are] totally different since the coming of Stepping Stones. It has Many people stated that Stepping Stones trans- brought cooperation within family mem- formed their drinking habits. For instance, people bers like mothers and fathers. The man would explain that although they still drank alcohol, used to be lying under the tree, today they they were less likely to fight when drunk after they share ideas together. If it’s cultivating— had gone through the Stepping Stones program. they all go together; if it’s looking for sur- People also reminded each other of the teachings in vival, they share together.50 this regard: These changes are remarkable in a society with clearly Old men, old women, younger men, and defined gender roles and norms, and say a great deal younger girls who were taught [by Step- about at least the short- to medium-term impacts of ping Stones] remind each other not to Stepping Stones. Respondents overwhelmingly re- commit mistakes. If a man or wife is drunk quested that the program run for a longer duration the other reminds them of what to do.51 and be expanded to other areas. If we weigh the find- ings from both the qualitative and quantitative data, People across the intervention sites said that the we feel that Stepping Stones has a clear and positive alcohol-related quarrels within the villages had de- impact on interpersonal relationships, including clined on the whole as a result of the Stepping Stones violence as perpetrated by men against women and trainings. A male participant commented on general children within the home. The extension of the posi- drinking behaviors: tive effects over time is also very encouraging, and, were we to either extend Stepping Stones over a lon- My peers have also changed due to the ger period or to assess the impacts down the road, teaching from the Stepping Stones pro- we might see the positive changes reflected in both gram. This is especially seen on the way the qualitative and quantitative data. they behave when drunk. Instead of dis- turbing people, whoever gets drunk just Impact on Alcohol Consumption goes to sleep.52 49  Interview with male youth [LM], Stepping Stones [P1] and VST 51  Interview with group of men, Stepping Stones [P2], Kamaturu Participant, Nariameregae Parish, Lotome Sub-county, September Parish, Lorengedwat Sub-county, September 7, 2013. 10, 2013. 52  Interview with a male youth [AL], Stepping Stones [P2] and 50  Interview with group of women, Stepping Stones [P1], Nari- VST participant, Kamaturu Parish, Lorengedwat Sub-county, No- ameregae Parish, Lotome Sub-county, August 30, 2013. vember 27, 2013. Engaging Male Youth in Karamoja, Uganda 33 In addition, participants noted that they dealt with in alcohol consumption occurs primarily (and is intoxicated people differently. They often chose to significantly more likely) in the period immediately ignore people who were drunk and bothersome in- following the intervention. A possible explanation stead of confronting the person. is that participants, upon receiving the small group stipend for participation in the Stepping Stones Respondents in intervention parishes were signifi- program,53 return to their village and drink with cantly more likely to consume alcohol and consume it more frequently than respondents in the control sites. This relationship remains significant even 53  The Stepping Stones local trainers and peer educators made the when controlling for age and ethnicity. The increase decision, in line with some other programs in the region, to give par- 34 Engaging Male Youth in Karamoja, Uganda non-participant friends from the same parish. Re- als. We posit that this is particularly pronounced for spondents who did not attend Stepping Stones, but male youth. Study findings point to the divide be- lived in a Stepping Stones parish were significantly tween what young men are actually doing and what more likely to say that someone else bought them they would ideally like to be doing as their primary their alcohol (as opposed to self-purchase with cash livelihood activity. or credit). The evaluation component of the work indicates certain promising trends resulting from the Step- Conclusions ping Stones intervention, particularly around male youth behavior as perceived by the wider commu- T he research findings of this study reflect a deep, complex, and sometimes contradicto- ry picture of what is happening in Karamoja with respect to a rapidly changing social and liveli- nity, perceptions around domestic violence, and im- provements in interpersonal relationships on mul- tiple levels. Perhaps not surprisingly given the short implementation and evaluation period and the pilot hoods environment and the part that violence plays nature of this project, the results are not always uni- within this landscape—both as violence is shaping form, and we see discrepancies in attitude and ac- the landscape and is simultaneously shaped by it. tion (for instance in regard to perceptions around Importantly, this study significantly deepens our domestic violence and actual self-reported incidents understanding of the nature of the ongoing violence of domestic violence) and across the qualitative and and insecurity in Karamoja. It generates evidence quantitative data. of key characteristics of the male youth involved in One of the starkest discrepancies in the data is lonetia activities and provides insights into nuanced around crime and violence. The qualitative data entry points that could inform program design to point to improved security and decreased crime and address violence or support livelihoods. violence on the part of male youth in intervention The research findings confirm and refine existing un- sites, but the quantitative data indicate an increase derstandings of the livelihoods context in the region, in criminal activity following the intervention. The with households engaging in a range of diverse activ- variability of findings is a consequence of a combi- ities to meet daily needs, manage risk, and cope with nation of factors. First, there is inherent complexity potential adversity. For some households, this set of in the multi-causal and multifaceted behaviors asso- activities includes the continuation of violent asset ciated with violence. Second, the study took place stripping; for other households, this practice has de- over only one agricultural cycle, and we are thus creased. As has always been the case in the region, unable to assess the degree to which the poor har- this diversified livelihoods approach is reflected in vest influenced the results. Third, given the limited the shifting importance of different activities based timeframe and pilot nature of this project, we can- on the seasonal and agricultural calendar. There is, not ascertain how some of the early indications of however, a widening divide between the reality of changes in attitudes and perceptions may ultimately play out in actual behavior change. In other words, existing daily livelihood activities and prospects of would some of the promising trends in perceptions achieving livelihood aspirations and perceived ide- around domestic violence be solidified into sus- tained change, or will the situation revert to pre-in- tervention levels? Is the increase in theft perpetrated ticipants a token amount after their participation. Each peer group by male youth following the program a spike in this received 10,000 UGX (approximately 4 USD) after each session. With often 25 people per peer group, this worked out to approxi- behavior in reaction to feelings of poor self-esteem mately 16 US cents per person. that may taper off given a longer evaluation period, Engaging Male Youth in Karamoja, Uganda 35 or is this a more unintended (and difficult-to-ex- further testing to see whether or not these positive plain) consequence of participation in the program? changes will be maintained over time). However, Would the widely reported improvements in inter- while attitudes towards domestic violence gener- personal relations, respect, and communal harmony ally improved, actual reported incidents of domestic visible in the qualitative data become apparent in abuse (self-reported by the male perpetrators) did the quantitative assessment given more time? While not change. Furthermore, while the evidence points it is impossible to answer these and other questions to a reduction in the acceptability of violence in the following this short pilot study, we believe that the domestic sphere, there is no evidence that these promising trends that are apparent warrant the fur- changes in attitude influenced livelihood decisions ther implementation and testing of this sort of be- or attitudes around the acceptability of engaging in havior change model in Karamoja or similar regions. the often violent lonetia criminal activity. That said, We briefly revisit some of these aspects before turn- such pronounced impact would be unlikely given ing to programmatic recommendations. the short and limited scope of the implementation and intervention. Male Youth and Violence One particularly interesting finding is the changes Although the overall picture is mixed, attitudes held manifested in the attitudes and feelings of the lonetia by male youth in a number of areas have changed in the Stepping Stones program. Lonetia who either over the course of this study. We know that Stepping lived in a Stepping Stones parish or directly partici- Stones has had a constructive impact on male re- pated in Stepping Stones had a less optimistic view spondents’ attitudes on the acceptability of violence of their future following the intervention. In addi- against women and children (with the exception tion, lonetia who were direct participants, compared of the lonetia) and on improving peace within the to the lonetia who had not gone through Stepping home. Equally encouraging and even remarkable in Stones, also reported feeling worse about their cur- such a short space of time are the positive changes rent life, and they felt less powerful within their in attitudes and relations emerging between gen- community. ders and between the generations of men. This is an The study provides a mixed picture regarding any area in which Stepping Stones has also had success positive influence on the actual use of crime and in other contexts and settings.54 Male and female violence by lonetia. This is disappointing but not respondents consistently reported improvements in unexpected given the nature of the pilot project family dynamics and interactions between husbands and the pervasiveness of violent insecurity in the and wives, as well as improved respect for elders. It region. In addition, the Stepping Stones approach is possible that this latter aspect may also positively is based on the assumption that an empowerment affect the declining customary systems for managing model will enable people to make choices regarding conflict. whether or not they engage in violence or criminal This positive impact on perceptions around violence behavior. But the drivers for at least some of the in the home appears to increase as time goes on, even lonetia behavior—namely hunger, poverty, and lack after the program has finished (although this needs of viable alternatives—are not addressed through an empowerment approach. In other words, the drive for survival (of oneself and one’s family) is so basic and powerful that even if someone would like to 54  Stepping Stones in Malawi focused on intimate partner violence and improved relations at home; see Gwazayani, Peter. 2013. Tra- change the way in which he copes with this pressure, ditional Leaders Spearheading Prevention and Redress of GBV. UN Trust circumstances may prevent this from being a realis- Fund to End Violence against Women. Coalition of Women Living tic choice, at least in the short term. Lastly, we are with HIV and AIDS. In Fiji, Stepping Stones brought improvement in gender equity and gender norms, see Evaluation of the Pilot Step- not able to comment on whether young men who ping Stones Program, Fiji. 2007. Pacific Regional HIV/AIDS Project. continue to engage in theft may use less violence as In South Africa, an evaluation 12 months after the program found part of these criminal acts. This important and po- “men reported more gender-equitable attitudes with their partners,” and women reported lower rates of intimate partner violence (Jewkes tentially significant aspect requires further research and Gibbs 2013). and investigation, but could be central to explaining 36 Engaging Male Youth in Karamoja, Uganda contradictions such as why self-reported theft has Karamoja context; the need for status, pride, and as- increased in intervention sites at the same time that sociated prestige and respect within the community security seems to have improved. from being able to marry, and of being wealthy with many cattle. The increased inequality within and The Lonetia among communities in the region and the erosion of cattle-based livelihood roles for many young men This study confirms the link between crime and vio- have acted as negative forces on the self-worth and lence as committed by the lonetia. The lonetia are sig- status of young men; these may also be important nificantly more likely than the overall population to drivers of violence and crime (Stites 2013a; Stites physically abuse other males, women in their house- and Akabwai 2010). holds, children, and elders. The more frequently re- spondents self-reported theft, the more likely they The relationship between the drivers of survival and were to report the use of physical violence. status may change and fluctuate. The study was not designed to capture or determine how these relative The lonetia category is highly fluid and changes over variations influence each other, but one interpreta- time; young men are sometimes engaging in theft tion would suggest that the relative importance of (possibly with violence) and sometimes they are the driver depends on a number of variables such as not. The study concludes that there are nuanced dif- seasonality (e.g., during the hunger gap it could be ferences in the profile and behaviors of those who posited that survival is the over-riding driver, while fall into this category depending on whether they status and accumulating assets takes a back seat), the are occasional or persistent lonetia. An understand- socioeconomic conditions in a given community, ing of these differences will contribute to the success and recent changes to or challenges upon an individ- of programs aimed at managing insecurity and vio- ual’s standing within his household or community. lence in Karamoja.55 In this regard, the study pro- vides a wealth of new information to improve and Understanding the relationship among the factors inform program design. motivating lonetia behavior may lead to interven- tions better suited to build peace and reduce vio- Through a better understanding of the nuance in the lence; failure to take into account this nuance may characteristics of the lonetia, we also have a much lead to overly simplistic programs. For instance, if clearer picture of the relative importance of the driv- we assume that survival is the primary motivation, ers of behavior. Respondents in both the qualitative then we might design economic development and and quantitative portions of the study describe a alternative livelihood approaches to counter crimi- critical element driving crime as the need to survive, nal activity; such an approach would leave out the address hunger, and provide for the family. These more persistent lonetia who are less motivated by social characteristics of being a provider and pro- hunger. Furthermore, it appears that the more per- tector are closely linked to masculine self-identity, sistent lonetia are more traditional and more resis- respect, and worth. Respondents identify additional tant to change; their behavior is more likely to be social drivers also associated with manhood in the self-reinforcing as it offers power, status, and loot. By understanding these and other differences, we see the need not only for different targeting strategies in existing programs, but also possibly for different 55  Similar analyses of violence from the perspective of the perpe- trators could also contribute to improved targeting and programming programs, with distinct objectives based on desired in other contexts. target groups. Engaging Male Youth in Karamoja, Uganda 37 Recommendations The study findings and conclusions point to a range marily motivated by hunger, were less likely to find of recommendations for utilizing this information in it morally acceptable to steal, were less likely to steal practical programing to address the social and eco- from within their own communities, and were less nomic issues of the Karamoja and, with adjustment, likely to be involved in violent altercations with an- possibly other similar pastoralist contexts. other man, woman, or child when compared to the most persistent lonetia. In short, these men are over- Target Programs and all less violent and are engaged in occasional crimi- nal acts to make ends meet and to provide for their Tailor Objectives Based on families. We believe that this group may be both eas- ier to reach and more receptive to opportunities for Lonetia Findings alternative livelihood programs, literacy programs, This study found important differences in the mo- and general education. tivations and behavior patterns of young men in- Third, 85 percent of the young men in the sample did volved in lonetia behavior depending on the extent not report engaging in lonetia activities (though we to which they engage in criminal acts. This finding should assume widespread underreporting in this leads to several considerations for programmers. regard). We know that there is a great deal of fluidity First, we posit that it is difficult for programs to at- in and out of the lonetia category, particularly during the lean season and to support hungry or ill family tract the most persistent troublemakers (i.e., those members. This tells us that many men (and perhaps who qualified as lonetia multiple times across the their households) view lonetia activity as a possible four survey periods). We know that members of this adaptation within a diversified livelihood strategy. group feel more powerful in the present and when As such, those who do not report lonetia activities they imagine their future. They are more traditional should be seen as very much at-risk of engaging in than their peers (less secondary education and more lonetia activities at any time, and it would seem that likely to be officially married through an exchange this group would be critical to target with interven- of bridewealth). These young men are also the most tions that help to mitigate against such behavior likely to have violent altercations and the least likely through support to existing sustainable livelihood to report any moral qualms around theft. In addition, strategies, the introduction of robust livelihood al- these young men are stealing for money; theft is al- ternatives, or programs such as Stepping Stones that lowing them to acquire wealth and, most likely, to assist young men to realize their potential and to increase their status through further acquisition of come up with plans for achieving their goals. women, children, and cattle. These young men feel relatively satisfied with their current position in life. Taking the above considerations into account, pro- They are likely to participate in programs only when grammers will need to tailor objectives and program they stand to gain more profit or status than through design accordingly. Although purely speculative, a their existing (and successful) livelihood activities. project that specifically aims to reduce conflict may ultimately have less traction than one that aims to Second, we argue that there is more potential in tar- support market sectors and introduce diversified geting those lonetia who steal out of desperation and livelihoods, because those young men most deeply who have more in common with the non-lonetia. entrenched in violence56 have little motivation to Young men who only reported stealing in one of cease their actions. On the other hand, those young four survey periods made up 60 percent of the total lonetia category, and the decrease in lonetia activity over the course of the study was due to the cessation 56  We know that lonetia activity is currently the main form of inse- of crime by this group. These young men were pri- curity across much of Karamoja. 38 Engaging Male Youth in Karamoja, Uganda men who are engaged in violence and theft only oc- jectives of improved economic status and decreased casionally or not at all are eager for new opportuni- violence.58 An ideal program would include flexibil- ties and alternatives. The participation of this group ity to respond to the participants’ livelihood aspira- in a market-based program may ultimately, there- tions that emerge from the Stepping Stones compo- fore, have a greater and more sustained impact on nent while also taking into account market realities. both conflict reduction and livelihoods support. Self-selected livelihood strategies are more likely to have local buy-in and to be tailored appropriately by Integrate Livelihoods age, gender, and geographic realities. and Behavior Change In order to be successful, a combined model would require thoughtful and thorough design and plan- Programming ning well in advance of the start of any portion of One of the most discernible impacts of the Stepping the program. Operating in an environment such as Stones program was the enthusiasm and excitement Karamoja is extremely challenging due to problems it generated in participants. The guided discussions of infrastructure, logistical support, local capacity, gave men and women a safe space in which to dis- access to remote areas, and skewed market systems. cuss their ideal futures and how they would optimal- Implementing a combined program in such a con- ly like to transform these aspirations into reality on text brings a host of additional challenges and would both personal (such as being a better husband or fa- require continuous oversight and support. Even ther) and practical (such as starting a boda business with these obstacles, we feel that there is strong in Tapac57) levels. At the completion of the program, potential for a combined approach in Karamoja or male and female participants were eager for oppor- similar areas. tunities through which to realize these goals. The Recognize the Challenges of Operating in an evaluation component of this study did not aim to assess the VST livelihoods portion of the combined Insecure Environment intervention; nonetheless, the findings and observa- As this study demonstrates, violent insecurity con- tions from this study and the experiences of Step- tinues in Karamoja. Assets are looted with regu- ping Stones in other contexts (such as recent work larity, and theft is often accompanied by violence. in South Africa; see Jewkes and Gibbs 2013) allow These assets include the resources provided through us to feel confident in recommending future inter- humanitarian and development programs, such ventions that include both a Stepping Stones and a as livestock, farming implements, food, seeds, etc. livelihoods component. Overall, the security environment does show signs A combined program should integrate the liveli- of continued (if gradual) improvement. Organiza- hoods and behavior change components from tions cannot and should not stop distributions be- the onset in a sequential approach, with Stepping cause of theft or violence, but should be cognizant Stones introduced prior to the start of the livelihood of these threats and work with communities to mini- programming. The livelihoods portion would be- mize risk to beneficiaries. Programmers may benefit gin either shortly before the conclusion of Stepping from following the lead of the beneficiaries as to the Stones or immediately following its completion. A best design for the timing, location, and nature of successfully integrated program would need to have distributions, as the local people know the patterns cohesive overall objectives, theories of change, and of insecurity and are already taking steps to mitigate targeting approaches. Such a program would also their vulnerability to the extent possible. need a monitoring and evaluation element, with the option for real-time feedback and adjustments, in part because of the difficulties in achieving dual ob- 58  For instance, the USAID/Kenya and Mercy Corps’ LEAP II program in Kenya aimed to combine peacebuilding with economic 57  A boda refers to a motorcycle taxi. Tapac is isolated from mar- empowerment. The evaluation of the program found that efforts to ket centers, and there is little reliable or affordable transport to this achieve both these objectives potentially compromised the success area. of the businesses being set up (McCallum 2013). Engaging Male Youth in Karamoja, Uganda 39 Build on Positive Results around Gender- an erosion of the power of customary authorities Based Violence contributes to insecurity in these areas (Odhiambo 2012). Peacebuilding programs often target custom- The Stepping Stones intervention had a clear and ary authorities in an attempt to reinvigorate tradi- positive impact on improving perceptions regarding tional justice systems, but little is understood about gender-based violence. Changing behavior around the success and sustainability of these approaches. this type of violence can be extremely difficult, par- The qualitative data from this study indicate a link ticularly in a society such as Karamoja with high lev- between the Stepping Stones intervention and im- els of violence, clear gendered divisions of labor, and proved relations in this regard, but external factors strict cultural expectations of feminine and mascu- (including the restarting of traditional initiation rit- line ideals. Globally, many GBV-reduction programs uals for young men in some areas) may be as much focus on sensitizing women to their rights, provid- or more responsible. Given the potential for Step- ing services for victims, and working with legal and ping Stones to have influence in this area, it is rec- justice systems to improve access and results for ommended that stakeholders consider revising and women. The root causes of the problem, including expanding the Stepping Stones program in an effort male aggression exacerbated by unemployment, in- to foster further respect among generations of men. equality, shame, and the inability of men to realize their socially mandated roles as providers and pro- tectors, rarely receive the same attention (Lwambo Implications for Further 2013). Focusing on both men and women, Step- Research/Next Steps ping Stones offers a uniquely divergent design from the usual GBV program models. Given the success Implement and Evaluate over a Longer Time of Stepping Stones in this regard and the extent of Period this problem in areas such as Karamoja, we strongly This was a pilot study of limited duration, and hence recommended that the Stepping Stones program be we are left with a number of unanswered questions. further adapted and strengthened in this area and Given some of the promising trends, however, we implemented over an extended time period. feel that an extended and revised version of the pro- Continue to Focus on Gender Relations of All gram would be a worthwhile investment, assuming Types that longer implementation and evaluation periods were possible. In particular, any evaluation should Respondents of all ages and both genders reported track whether the potentially positive changes re- that the Stepping Stones intervention had brought garding interpersonal violence can be sustained over improved respect, communication, and overall in- time and if there are any impacts on other forms of teraction across multiple forms of relationships. The violence associated with a longer-running program. cross-gender impact was visible in shifts in gendered divisions of labor within households and in conflict Several questions arising from this pilot project resolution at the family level. These changes clearly should be taken into account in the design of any link to the reported decrease in domestic violence revised model or research objective. This study took and should be built upon and strengthened in any place over one agricultural cycle and one that saw a further Stepping Stones program. very poor harvest. The coincidence of a short time- frame and a poor year make it difficult to know the Stepping Stones also appeared to improve the im- extent to which household and individual adapta- portant but often overlooked relationships and tions to food insecurity may have outweighed posi- communications between generations of men in the tive impacts of the interventions. For instance, was study population. These relationships are of particu- the increase in theft by Stepping Stones participants lar relevance when considering the critical role of over the course of the study a result of the program, customary authority systems in managing security food insecurity, or dynamics that were external to and justice in areas beyond the reach of most state functions. Scholars and residents of many pastoralist populations across the Horn of Africa believe that 40 Engaging Male Youth in Karamoja, Uganda the intervention but linked to its implementation?59 It is clear, however, that establishing evidence-based In addition, we do not know if the apparent posi- approaches to working effectively with male youth is tive changes will be sustained after the intervention critical to addressing pervasive insecurity in the Kar- ends, if the examples of positive externalities (such amoja region and beyond. In view of the potential as around perceptions on domestic violence) will presented by the Stepping Stones program, a stand- continue, or if the increases in negative behavior alone behavior change program or a combined be- (such as increased theft) are spikes in reaction to low havior change and livelihoods approach should be self-esteem that will taper with either a longer evalu- implemented over a longer time period, with a cor- ation or a longer intervention.60 responding research and evaluation component to strengthen this evidence-base. 59  For instance, did the Stepping Stones meetings provide oppor- tunities for young men to gather, plan, and discuss possible criminal expeditions? Anecdotal reports regarding peace dialogues held in amine whether there could be a S- or J-shaped curve for impact that northern Kenya imply that young men may have used such meetings emerges after the study period and is sometimes apparent for some to identify raiding opportunities. behavior change models or participatory development programs; at present we saw no evidence of such a result (see Annex C and Wool- 60  For instance, a longer evaluation period would allow us to ex- cock 2009). Engaging Male Youth in Karamoja, Uganda 41 Sources Cited Akabwai, Darlington, and Priscillar Ateyo. 2007. The ment.” Journal of Range Management 41, no. Scramble for Cattle, Power and Guns in Kara- 6: 450–459. moja. Medford, MA: Feinstein International Center, Tufts University. Evaluation of the Pilot Stepping Stones Program, Fiji. 2007. Pacific Regional HIV/AIDS Proj- Amarasuriya, H., C. Gunduz, and M. 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Stites, Elizabeth. 2013b. “A Struggle for Rites: Mas- culinity, Violence and Livelihoods in Kara- Lwambo, Desiree. “‘Before the War, I Was a Man,’ moja, Uganda.” In Gender, Violence, and Hu- Men and Masculinities in the Eastern Dem- man Security: Critical Feminist Perspectives. ocratic Republic of Congo.” Gender & Devel- Edited by Aili Mari Tripp, Myra Marx Fer- opment 21 no. 1: 47–66. ree, and Christina Ewig. New York: New Markakis, John. 2004. Pastoralism on the Margin. York University Press, 132–162. London: Minority Rights Group Interna- Stites, Elizabeth, and Darlington Akabwai. 2009. tional. Changing Roles, Shifting Risks: Livelihood Im- McCallum, Judith. 2013. Rift Valley Local Empower- pacts of Disarmament in Karamoja, Uganda. ment for Peace II (LEAP II) Final Evaluation Medford, MA: Feinstein International Cen- Report. USAID Kenya and Mercy Corps. ter, Tufts University. Mkutu, Kennedy Agade. 2008. Guns & Governance Stites, Elizabeth, and Darlington Akabwai. 2010. in the Rift Valley: Pastoralist Conflict & Small “‘We Are Now Reduced to Women’: Impacts Arms, African Issues. Bloomington, IN: Indi- of Forced Disarmament in Karamoja, Ugan- ana University Press, 7. da.” Nomadic Peoples 14 no. 2: 24–43. Ocan, Charles Emunyu. 1992. Pastoral Crisis in Stites, Elizabeth, and Lorin Fries. 2010. Foraging and Northeastern Uganda: The Changing Sig- Fighting: Community Perspectives on Natural nificance of Cattle Raids. Working Paper 21. Resources and Conflict in Southern Karamoja. Kampala: Centre for Basic Research. Medford, MA: Feinstein International Cen- ter, Tufts University. Odhiambo, M.O. 2012. “Assessment of the Status of Traditional Institutions and Governance Stites, Elizabeth, and Emily Mitchard. 2011. Milk Engaging Male Youth in Karamoja, Uganda 43 Matters in Karamoja: Milk in Children’s Diets International AIDS Conference. Global Vil- and Household Livelihoods. Medford, MA: lage-WNZ. Vienna, July 19, slide 4. Feinstein International Center, Tufts Uni- versity. Welbourn, Alice, and Amandine Bollinger. 2014. “How Does It Work?” Stepping Stones Walton, O. 2010. “Youth, Armed Violence and Job Training Package on Gender HIV Commu- Creation Programmes: A Rapid Mapping nication and Relationship Skills. Salaman- Study.” Oslo: Norwegian Peacebuilding Re- der Trust. source Centre. Woolcock, Michael. 2009. “Toward a Plurality of Watts, Charlotte. 2012. “Gender Inequality and Methods in Project Evaluation: A Contex- Violence as Critical Enablers in the HIV Re- tualized Approach to Understanding Impact sponse,” PowerPoint presented at the World Trajectories and Efficacy.” Journal of Develop- AIDS Day at the Commonwealth Secretari- ment Effectiveness 1, no. 1: 1–14. at, London. Zhou, Chuan. 2012. “Analysis of Stepped Wedge Welbourn, Alice. 2010. “Before We Were Sleeping Cluster Randomized Trials for QI Research.” But Now We Are Awake.” Presented at the PowerPoint. 44 Engaging Male Youth in Karamoja, Uganda Figure 25. Impacts on health. ANNEXES Overview of Annexes: Annex A: Stepping Stones Annex B: Vocational Skills Training (VST) Annex C: Quantitative Analysis and Challenges Annex D: Qualitative Interviews by Location and Type Annex E: Combined Program Constraints and Limitations Annex F: Study Locations Annex G: Livelihoods and Violence in Context Engaging Male Youth in Karamoja, Uganda 45 Annex A Stepping Stones T he Stepping Stones program pro- vides a series of workshops with a participatory approach to non- formal learning in which the participants are the primary actors. Stepping Stones Figure 1. Cognitive and Affective Domains works from the idea that no individual is alone; everyone is connected to various parts of their community, with variables of context and time. With this intercon- nectedness in mind, Stepping Stones guides individuals through a self-educa- tion process that teaches the participants how their peers, family, community, and sometimes school shape their iden- Source: http://www.learningandteaching.info/learning/bloomtax.htm tity (Welbourn 2010). Stepping Stones then can achieve results by helping par- ticipants to understand their behavior around the issues they face, and to conceptualize and rehearse future decisions and actions. This process is described in part by educational psychologist Bloom’s pedagogy of higher learning. Figure 1 details the “Bloom Taxonomy of Learn- ing Objectives,” from the beginning of the learning process (base) to the final result (peak). Stepping Stones aims to achieve societal change by first changing an individual’s Figure 2. Socio-Ecological Model of Behavior Change behaviors and attitudes. Known as the “Socio-Ecological Model of Behavior Change” (Figure 2), the Stepping Stones model aims to assist, educate, and em- power participants, working through four modalities of communication beginning with the individual, then moving to the social network, and finally to community and society (Welbourn 2010). The process shown in Figure 2 is imple- mented through role plays, demonstra- tions, group discussions, and guided self-reflections as means for drawing out individual experiences and lessons for the group to learn from, individually and together. Sessions follow what Stepping Stones refers to as a “fission and fusion” model, meaning the workshops begin with a general public meeting and then Source: Welbourn, Alice. 2010. separate into four peer groups of older men, younger men, older women, and younger women (Welbourn and Bollinger 2014). After a series of about Table 1: Adapted Stepping Stones Manual seven peer group sessions, the groups reconvene to Sessions for Karamoja share their findings in a plenary session with all four Stepping Stones Session Titles for Karamoja peer groups. This pattern repeats itself throughout the 17 sessions. In total, each location holds an opening 1. Let’s Communicate 9. Let’s Look Deeper (Part 1) and closing meeting for the general public and then 14 2. Our Perceptions 10. Let’s Look Deeper (Part 2) or 15 peer group sessions with two plenary sessions for the participants. At the closing public meeting, local of- 3. What is Love? 11. Let’s Support Ourselves ficials and the rest of the community are invited to hear 4. Our Assumptions About 12. Let’s Assert Ourselves from the participants about what they have learned. Others 13. Let’s Change Ourselves The first phase of this project in Karamoja entailed the 5. From Conflict and adaptation of the Stepping Stones manual into a cur- Violence to Peace and 14. (Second Full Community riculum aimed at addressing the specific situation of Prosperity in Our Homes Meeting) the region: pervasive problems of violence and com- 6. Human Rights 15. Mapping Our Peace munication barriers within households, families, and Together the community. The result was a manual of sessions 7. Weaving Our Futures 16. Let’s Map the Future laid out in alignment with the Stepping Stones “fission 8. (First Full Community and fusion” methodology so that each peer group ses- Meeting) 17. (Final Open Community sion and full community meeting built from the previ- Meeting) ous sessions. See Table 1. Source: Oron et al. 2012 Four facilitators from the local area, known as peer ed- ucators (PEs), led the activities in each area with sup- port from Moroto-based trainers. There was a great deal of enthusiasm at the parish level for Stepping Stones participation. Table 2 outlines the overall attendance numbers, for all four peer groups at each intervention location and the phase at which they received the program. Table 2: Table of Phases and Numbers of Participants Number of participants SS phase of implementation Stepping Stones parishes Stepping Stones villages (combined for all 4 peer groups) (Phase 1, 2, or 3) Nariameregae Longaroi and Nakaale 280 1 Lolet 185 1 Moruongor Naronit 230 3 Kalokengel West Loroo and Lominit 220 3 Nathinyonoit Nadukae 340 1 Lonangat 125 1 Kamaturu Lorukumo 230 2 Lokwakwa 290 2 Napakakimol, Timingorok, Tapac 220 2 and Lomudita Lonylik 125 2 Narisae Naoi 117 3 TOTAL 2,362 Annex B Vocational Skills Training (VST) C oncern Worldwide designed the VST livelihood program to address key challenges in the region, including high levels of illiteracy, low levels of education, and obstacles for women in accessing economic opportunities. Concern also targeted male youth who “face challenges in adapting to changing livelihood patterns in Karamoja and are at risk of engaging in conflict” (Concern 2013b, 5). Implicit in the design of the livelihood project was the theory that through increased economic opportunities (alternative livelihoods) for both genders, positive gains could be made towards sustainable livelihoods, improved overall economic stability, and decreased violence. Concern, along with the local four partner organizations, selected intervention villages based on areas that were the least served by other organizations (as reported by local officials). Recruitment efforts included discussions with local officials and community leaders to identify unemployed male and female youth and disadvantaged households for participation. Table 1: VST Skill Area and Implementing Partner for 2012 and 2013 VST skill area Partner 2012 2013 Total Block-making ARELIMOK 56 36 92 Carpentry ARELIMOK 23 25 48 Leather tanning ARELIMOK 0 31 31 Animal health Happy Cow 150 150 300 Handcrafts KAWUO 20 22 42 Tailoring KAWUO 20 25 45 Community kiosk KAWUO 0 24 24 Apiculture Madefo 45 45 90 Crop husbandry/ Madefo 103 148 251 agroforestry Totals 417 506 923 Participant selection varied by location based on the local partner and the market assessments.61 At times, Concern or the local partners encouraged participants to select a specific program in order to ensure gender balance or even numbers across programs. Participants could only register for one VST program. The local partners determined how many partici- pants they could reach and what livelihoods alternatives they wanted to offer based on their organization’s budget, staff, and technical expertise. Table 1 depicts the total numbers of participants for each VST skill area in 2012 and 2013. 61  The same VST programs were not offered in every location. Based on input from local authorities, market assessments, previously existing programs in the area, and feedback from community members, VST and its local partners decided which trainings would occur in which sites. Some of the communities had multiple VST local partners operating in the area, with a variety of skills offered to the participants. Other villages had only one partner and one skill set. Annex C Quantitative Analysis and Challenges Quantitative Analysis Figure 1. Stepped Wedge Design for Time and Practices/Clusters/Individuals This report analyzed data using a mixed ef- fects model to best capture both change over time and incorporate the design effect. A mixed-methods model is particularly well suited for data with repeated measurements (baseline, midterms 1 and 2, and endline) made on the same units (in this case youth respondents), and where measurements are made on clustered units (in this case the par- ish). Given the stepped wedge design of the impact evaluation, and hence multiple corre- lated measurements on the same respondent, this model is ideal for analyzing change over time and illustrates how the treatment pro- gram gradually covers a greater portion of the population (Figure 1). Due to the voluntary nature of the Stepping Stones program as well as the necessity to Source: Zhou, Chuan. 2012. “Analysis of Stepped Wedge Cluster Randomized Trials for QI Research.” PowerPoint. register all Stepping Stones male participants (including those who would only take part in the program in October) at the beginning of the survey (in March), there were issues of non-compliance to the initial randomization.62 To reduce the potential bias that this introduces and because Stepping Stones is a parish-level interven- tion, the impact evaluation relies on an Intent-to-Treat (ITT) approach to evaluate program impacts. ITT analyzes participants as if they received the treatment to which they were assigned (Begg 2000). This approach yields an unbiased estimate of being assigned to a treatment area and not for actually receiving the treatment. Hence, ITT analysis allows for an estimation of the impact of living in a treatment parish on an individual, regardless of their participation in Stepping Stones. We were aware that bias could be a problem if the surveys only compared respondents in the Stepping Stones program versus those not in the Stepping Stones, as individuals who chose to participate in the Stepping Stones program may be distinctly different from individuals who chose not to participate when given the op- tion.63 Treatment status was assigned randomly to the parishes rather than to individual participants. Therefore, parish 62  All of the male youth survey respondents we interviewed came from the registration lists of Stepping Stones. Because we wanted to study the potential impact of Stepping Stones and VST, the selection of survey respondents necessitated that the respondents be registered for Stepping Stones. This meant that before we could begin the baseline (March), we needed all of the Stepping Stones sites to finish recruitment. Because VST already had its participants regis- tered, FIC’s field team worked to try to recruit as many of the male youth VST participants into Stepping Stones as possible. In addition, due to the phased stepped wedge design, two of the three locations experienced a delay between the time they signed up for participation (March) and the start of Stepping Stones if they were in Phase two or three (June or September respectively). This meant that although all of the treatment-site survey respondents had originally registered for Stepping Stones, many opted to not participate when the program began in their parishes. 63  An example of sample bias would be that youth who are sitting under the tree or closer to town may be more likely to register and attend Stepping Stones characteristics are uncorrelated with uptake of the program, while respondent characteristics might be. Because partici- pation in Stepping Stones and living in an intervention villages were strongly correlated (at 78%), ITT analysis is a valid and unbiased treatment instrument.64 In order to verify the ITT approach to the analysis, both direct participation in Stepping Stones (taken from the Stepping Stones roster) and the ITT variable were used throughout the analysis. In most instances, the relationships between liv- ing in a Stepping Stones parish and actually participating in the Stepping Stones program were the same for both Step- ping Stones variables. Challenges to the Quantitative Model A purely linear impact trajectory of the program cannot be assumed given that the majority of our outcome indicators dealt with levels of behavior change. It is possible that the shape of the project’s functional form resembles a J or S curve (with either an initial period of stasis or even a deterioration of circumstances before the positive behavior change be- comes apparent) (Woolcock 2009). It therefore could be argued that the duration of the study (eight months) would potentially only capture that initial dip or the dormant period of impact. While the research design would have benefited from a longer duration to address this issue, two precautions were taken from the start: 1) a mixed methods approach utilized both qualitative and quantitative data collection tools; and 2) a stepped wedge approach tried to isolate the pos- sible trajectory of the intervention. The latter allowed the researchers to track the impact of the program on four cohorts with varying degrees of time after the intervention: one month, three months, and five months. However, if the program required more than five months for positive results to be observed, then this research design would be unable to capture that change. Another possible limitation of the methodology is the reliance on respondent self-reporting of sensitive questions re- garding their perceptions and history of possible theft and violence. One may argue that, as a result of Stepping Stones, the sometimes significant relationship between the intervention variables (direct participation and living in a Stepping Stones parish) and the outcome variables (theft and violence) are based on improved communication and trust in dis- cussing these activities openly in the SS program and therefore greater honesty in reporting these activities to the enu- merators during the data collection.65 If this was the case, then the interpretation of the findings would be a reflection of a positive attitudinal shift due to the Stepping Stones intervention rather than increased negative behavior. There are several factors why the above interpretation of the data is not likely to be the case and that reports of activities are proxies for actual proportions of theft and violence and not simply a reflection of more honest and open dialogue. If honesty were driving the higher proportions in the Stepping Stones parishes, then this should be reflected in all, if not most, of the outcome variables. However, for 11 out of 17 of the sensitive outcome variables, Stepping Stones is not significant.66 Furthermore, the variables that are significant are not a random assortment, but rather represent consistent relationships as the study moves from perceptions around theft and violence to reports of those activities in the past two than youth who were herding animals or out in the bush collecting building poles or burning charcoal. 64  It is important to note that we are referring here to correlation (degree to which variables move together) of the two variables—living in an interven- tion parish and attending Stepping Stones—and not direct attendance rates. Individual attendance rates for each phase decline over the course of the study. In the first round of Stepping Stones intervention, the participation rate was extremely high at 95% (92 out of 97 people attended), in the second round the participation level dropped to 48% (43 out of 89 people attended), and by the endline the participation rate dropped to 39% (33 out of 85 people attended), for a total attendance rate of 62% (168 out of 271 people). 65  Given that all respondents, both those living in parishes that received the intervention and those that did not, were primarily interviewed by the same enumerator for all four surveys, we cannot associate the correlation between the outcome variables and the intervention as a result of increased trust and familiarity with the enumerators. 66  The outcome indicators referred to here are perception questions around: beating one’s wife or child; perception on whether stealing if hungry is wrong; whether the respondent would personally steal assets or livestock from their or another community if they were hungry or their child were in need of medicine; stealing livestock or assets over past two months; having assaulted a man, women, elder, child; or two women having had a dispute in the past two months. months. The program impact on theft is consistently negative, while showing a positive impact in regards to respondent perceptions around domestic violence. This relationship with Stepping Stones is also supported by answers from respon- dents about whether they personally have been victims of lonetia activity and hence is a triangulation on the variable of theft. Here, the question is neither sensitive nor would one expect respondents to minimize their impact from the lonetia due to dishonesty. However, we still find, in line with the other correlations, that the respondents living in Stepping Stones parishes are significantly more likely to report increased activity. Annex D Qualitative Interviews by Location and Type Total number Qualitative theme Type(s) of interview Dates Locations Categories of interviewees of interviews Baseline FGDs April 4–12, Controls and Male youth, elder men, 33 2013 treatment women Behavior change FGDs August– Treatment 1.Male youth who have 46 September been in the Stepping 2013 Stones (SS) program 2. Male youth who have NOT been in the SS program 3. Women (mixed ages) who have been in the SS program 4. Male elders who have been in the SS program Security, disarmament FGDs and semi- October– Controls and 1. Local Councilors (LC1) 50 structured, open- November treatment 2. Older men ended individual 2103 interviews 3. Younger men Male youth Semi-structured, August– Treatment Male youth in both VST 56 participants in both open-ended November and SS (not necessarily VST/SS individual 2013 participants in interviews quantitative survey) Stepping Stones PE Direct May– Treatment All peer groups in N/A training, community observation October Stepping Stones training sessions, and 2013 community workshops Stepping Stones Open-ended May– All Trainers of Stepping implementation review individual October Moroto 10 Stones with Trainers interviews 2013 Baseline assessment and analysis, Multiple Local officials in Napak, identification locations Nakapiripirit, and of stakeholders, Key informant within Napak, Tapac District, Concern Rolling N/A information on region, interviews Nakapiripirit, Worldwide, NGOs and security, livelihood, and Tapac CBOs in Moroto, key gender, and matters of Districts elders initiation Total 195 Annex E Combined Program Constraints and Limitations This section touches on constraints and limitations arising from the timeframe and design of the broader program. Program Design This study sought to test a behavior change model that piggy-backed onto a livelihoods model, but the two components were not designed in conjunction with each other. The VST program had already started (and had been running for over a year in some locations) when the Stepping Stones model was introduced. The Stepping Stones intervention was therefore limited to the sites in which Concern and local partners were already implementing their program. One of the main drawbacks in this regard for the Stepping Stones model was the incomplete inclusion of actors contributing to regional tensions; i.e., one the main parties to violent conflict in southern Karamoja (the Matheniko sub-group) was not included in the VST beneficiary population. This was due to different program objectives: the VST program was not aimed at conflict resolution or reduction. A second challenge with overlapping the separate programs was the geographic spread of beneficiaries, whereby there were many more VST individual participants in some locations than others. The contrasting community-focused model of Stepping Stones meant that there were many participants in every location where Stepping Stones operated. Voluntary Nature of the Stepping Stones Program and Evaluation The voluntary nature of the intervention and participation in the FIC longitudinal study was a constraint.67 The young men who agreed to participate understood that they would be interviewed at least four times (more for the qualitative component) over the duration of the study and that they would not be receiving compensation other than the small facilitation fund. The stepped wedge design meant that the Stepping Stones intervention took place in three phases over the study. In order to collect longitudinal data on the respondents, however, we had to register all the 400 individuals for the survey at the beginning of the research. The young men in some of these locations started the Stepping Stones work- shop right away, whereas in other locations the workshops did not begin for either two or five months. While this did not significantly reduce the number of respondents surveyed throughout the study (the attrition rate was approximately four percent from the baseline to the endline), the delays associated with this staggered design meant that some of the young men who agreed to participate in the longitudinal study did not, ultimately, attend the Stepping Stones program. Timeframe and Duration of the Overall Program An additional constraint with likely implications for the findings of the evaluation component of this research is the timeframe and duration of the intervention. The Stepping Stones model normally lasts for 18 weeks; due to the short duration of the program because of donor constraints, each Stepping Stones intervention was shortened to 10 weeks per site and the number of sessions per week increased. However, considering the nature of the change required—i.e., making adjustments to social, cultural, and economic determinants regarding the acceptability of violence as part of a 67  All research conducted by FIC adheres to standards mandated by the United States government for research on human subjects. This is ensured through an internal review of all research documents and consent forms by the Social, Behavioral, and Educational Research Institutional Review Board of Tufts University and is based on voluntary and informed consent. livelihood strategy pursued by young men—even a full 18-week program may have struggled to bring about change. The extensive research on peacebuilding and conflict resolution, for instance, indicates that at least five years is normally re- quired to see any real change in attitudes on violent conflict, and decades can be required to realize sustainable peace.68 As touched on more fully in Annex C, there is no way to know the nature of any possible sustained impact brought by the program. Positive impacts may be more visible at 12 or 24 months or, in contrast, positive outcomes may start to decrease over time. These aspects would only be visible through an extended evaluation model. The Nature of the Change Required A last point on constraints is the nature of the change required to influence male involvement in violence in Karamoja. Violence associated with cattle raiding and other related forms of crime have long defined the cultural, social, and eco- nomic fabric of Karamoja (and various other pastoral and agro-pastoral regions in the Greater Horn). This violence is deeply embedded in livelihood strategies, systems, and adaptations. As such, interventions aimed at influencing this vio- lence must go the root causes and drivers of this violence and be widespread, systematic, and sustained. Such interven- tions would need to take place at a period of policy support, economic growth and prosperity, and hope. Furthermore, and clearly indicated by the seasonal variations evident in the findings for this study, much of the crime and associated violence in southern Karamoja in 2013 directly correlated to food insecurity and the absence of viable alternative eco- nomic options at the household level. 68  For instance, as John Paul Lederach explains in Preparing for Peace, Conflict Transformations Across Cultures, the approach to peacebuilding is akin to nesting eggs, wherein the first phase is crisis intervention (2–6 months), then preparation and training (1–2 years), followed by the third stage, design of social change (5–10 years); the final phase is the desired future, which can take decades (Lederach 1995). Annex F Study Locations Table 1: Study Locations by Parish, Village, Sub-county, District, Sub-group, and research status Control or Parish Village Sub-county District Sub-group intervention Loroo 1. Kalokengel West Lotome Napak Bokora Intervention Phase 3 Lominit Lokwakwa 2. Kamaturu Lorengedwat Nakapiripirit Pian Intervention Phase 2 Lorukumo 3. Kosike Nayonaiangikalio Nabilatuk Nakapiripirit Pian Control 4. Lomuno Nakaromwae Lotome Napak Bokora Control 5. Moruongor Naronit Lotome Napak Bokora Intervention Phase 3 6. Musas Kariamongole Tapac Moroto Tepeth Control Lolet 7. Nariameregae Nakaale Lotome Napak Bokora Intervention Phase 1 Longaroi 8. Narisae Naoi Lorengedwat Nakapiripirit Pian Intervention Phase 3 Lonangat 9. Nathinyonoit Lorengedwat Nakapiripirit Pian Intervention Phase 1 Nadukae Lonyilik Lomudita 10. Tapac Tapac Moroto Tepeth Intervention Phase 2 Napakakimol Timingorok Annex G Livelihoods and Violence in Context Livelihoods The population of Karamoja has traditionally practiced a combination of pastoral and agro-pastoral livelihoods, bal- ancing animal and crop-based assets through a diversified livelihood system. The region is part of the larger Karamoja Cluster, which extends into parts of western Kenya, southern Sudan, and southern Ethiopia, as well as Uganda. Karamoja is less arid than neighboring regions; however, the climate fluctuates widely and its erratic variability in rainfall makes agriculture unsuitable as a subsistence livelihood (Ellis and Swift 1988; Markakis 2004; Otim 2002). Although failed harvests today are often blamed on climate change, droughts were a regular event even half a century ago, with crop yields poor or failing completely in approximately one out of every three years (Dyson-Hudson 1966). Given these unpredictable conditions, a system of semi-nomadic animal husbandry emerged as the best suited livelihood system in the region characterized by high rainfall variability and ecological uncertainty (Gray, Leslie, and Akol 2002). Cattle were historically the preferred animal for most of the population groups, with small ruminants supplementing cattle herds. Livestock ownership—especially of cattle—remains a prime determinant of both social and economic status (Gray, Leslie, and Akol 2002), and livestock remain central to the collective consciousness and identity, even for those who have diversified their livelihood activities away from strict animal husbandry. Livelihood roles within households and communities are differentiated by age and gender (Hodgson 2000), with young men playing a central role in herd management, including animal mobility and security. Young men in pastoral and agro-pastoral households would normally spend a substantial portion of the dry season in mobile cattle camps known as ngawiyoi (singular, awi) or kraals, returning only as needed to the semi-permanent ngirerya (singular, ere) or manyattas. Decision-making took place in conjunction with the kraal leader and other elders, but young men bore a great deal of responsibility for household well-being and food security through their management of the most valuable assets (live- stock). The last several decades have brought many changes in livelihoods for communities that traditionally relied heavily on livestock. Rampant internal insecurity and the breakdown of traditional allegiances severely curtailed semi-nomadic live- lihood strategies. The growth of neighboring agrarian populations, the tightening of national and international borders, and government policies of land management and preservation all severely limited the mobility that is central to sustain- able and productive pastoralism. Animal ownership became less equitable and less communal (a trend that started with the massive raids in the 1980s; see Ocan 1992), with a growing divide between those households that were able to retain herds and those that were not. The Government of Uganda’s most recent disarmament campaign (2006 to the present) fundamentally altered the ways in which communities managed and protected animals (Stites and Akabwai 2010). Overall, the erosion of the broad livestock base and associated livelihood system has left households and communities increasingly impoverished and more vulnerable to food insecurity brought on by failed harvests and other shocks that are common to the region. On the individual level, these livelihood changes have brought particular challenges for young men. As herds have dwindled or disappeared, many young men have lost their predominant and essential role as provid- ers for their households and as protectors of their families and assets. When combined with the rampant violence inher- ent in the region—violence that was deeply imbedded in the livelihood strategies of these men, as discussed below—a situation is created whereby young men are at high risk for engagement in crime and violence. In addition, FIC research over the last three to five years indicates that young men who had lost their cattle-based livelihoods were increasingly described by other groups and by their peers as “idle” and “without purpose.” This set the stage for the introduction of the combined communications and relationship skills program with a livelihood intervention in an attempt to thwart violence as an option for young men. Violence and Security Violence is not new to Karamoja. Cattle raiding has long been a part of pastoral livelihoods systems in eastern Africa. Raids fulfilled important social, political, and economic functions within the pastoral system, as evidenced in the follow- ing quotation from a Karimojong elder: Raiding was not just a means of restocking, but it was also an ancient form of wealth redistribution among the Karimojong. It is a traditional and central form of restocking. Young warriors were compelled to accumulate cows in order to gain status. Their respect depended on the number of successful raids. (Mkutu 2008, 17) Prior to the widespread availability of firearms, young men fought with spears and bows and arrows in carefully planned and orchestrated raids, the extent and intensity of which were regulated by the elders (Dyson-Hudson 1966; Gulliver 1953). Casualties occurred but were kept to a minimum through a ritualized fighting process that included advance warning of the attack and prohibitions on harming women, children, or the elderly (Mkutu 2008; Akabwai and Ateyo 2007; Lamphear 1998). Historically, large-scale raids most commonly occurred among “traditional enemies”—i.e., the Karimojong of southern Karamoja were most commonly in conflict with the Jie, Turkana, and Pokot. The national and political upheaval of the 1980s led to a period of pronounced pillage by raiders from Karamoja of the neighboring districts of north central Uganda. The several years of raiding in the late 1980s resulted in the decimation of livestock herds for the Teso, Langi, and Acholi populations and the collapse of the important cross-ethnic relationships that had allowed pastoralists from Karamoja to access dry-season pasture in the adjacent districts. In addition, the influx of raided cattle into Karamoja introduced new strains of tick-borne disease to which the local herds had no resistance; large numbers of animals subse- quently died. The tensions and upheavals of the 1980s also brought the start of conflict among groups within Karamoja that had previously experienced only small-scale thefts and problems that could largely be addressed by negotiation among the elders. The most notable disintegration of relations was in southern Karamoja within the Karimojong ethnic group; by the 1990s violence among the Bokora, Matheniko, and Pian was pronounced, with implications for the neigh- boring Tepeth. Violence associated with cattle raiding or defending against raids was almost exclusively practiced by male youth. Vio- lence practiced by young men became increasingly widespread and destructive in the 1990s and 2000s for a number of (largely cyclical and reinforcing) reasons: traditional institutions that had once mitigated violence were weakened (Stites 2013a); weapons flowed into the region from neighboring states (Mkutu 2008); and acquisition and defense of livestock became more critical, charged, and violent as the assets became increasingly scarce. In the words of a Sandra Gray, a cultural anthropologist who was one of the few scholars conducting fieldwork during the extreme insecurity of the 1990s: “[I]t is clear that AK-47 raiding seriously constrained the bio-behavioral adaptability of the Karimojong in the last decades of the 20th century. Through its effects on seasonal migrations, subsistence activity, the struc- ture of marriage, and the stability of social networks of the Karimojong, as well as on the operation of trade routes in and out of the district and on health care delivery, armed cattle raiding emerges as the critical factor in recurring famines and epidemics in Karamoja since the 1970s (2003, S21).” Research conducted by FIC and supported by the work of other scholars indicates that violence over the past three de- cades in Karamoja has changed in several key ways, all with important implications for the combined Stepping Stones and livelihood program. These changes include a shift from a large to small group or individual being involved in raiding; the loss of sanction from the elders and corresponding decrease in involvement by the wider community in the planning and execution of raids; a decline in the ritualized aspects of raiding; a change in who accrues the bounty from the raid; a shift from incorporation of raided animals into the family herd to a quick sale; an increase in the range of victims by age and gender; a shift in communities that are targeted by raiders; and a shift in the location of violence. Until very recently, the Ugandan government’s most consistent policy towards Karamoja has been disarmament, fol- lowed by attempts to limit cross-border movement.69 Policies in both the colonial and post-colonial periods aimed to minimize negative spill-over effects of violence in Karamoja on surrounding areas considered to be more stable or po- litically relevant. Although disarmament has been a consistent and relatively regular effort from 1911 until the pres- ent, the campaign that began in 2006 is the most relevant for discussion purposes. This disarmament involved greater stakeholder consultation and an overt effort to protect assets of those communities that had been disarmed (a main complaint of previous efforts) (Bevan 2008). This resulted in the emergence of the so-called protected kraals, whereby herds were (and in many places still are) kept in often extremely large kraals adjacent or near to military barracks. While limiting losses from raids, the protected kraal system has brought a decline in animal health and an increase in mortality due to overcrowding and limited access to appropriate dry-season grazing and/or water sources. Of particular relevance, young men saw their roles as protectors and managers of the herds be supplanted by soldiers (protectors) and the small boys who were allowed access to the herds for daily grazing (the older youth had mutually suspicious relations with the military) (Stites and Akabwai 2010). Importantly, research from 2006 to 2012 by FIC indicated a general rise in insecurity as a direct consequence of the dis- armament campaign. This trend was due to the uneven nature of the disarmament, which left some communities unpro- tected.70 In addition, this time period saw the rise in small-scale but often still violent criminal behavior, a phenomenon that respondents attributed to lonetia. This term refers to the (exclusively male) thieves who steal small-scale livelihoods and productive assets from homesteads, normally at night and through forced entry. Violence often but not always ac- companies the theft; a rise in sexual violence against women and girls does appear to correlate with the rise of lonetia attacks. Crimes by lonetia emerged subsequent to the start of the 2006 disarmament and in response to the known ab- sence of weapons for self-defense. Although very difficult to quantify, crimes by lonetia appeared to increase in the years immediately following the start of disarmament. Large-scale raids of cattle appeared to decrease in the same time period, due both to the progression of disarmament in both geographic coverage and depth71 and to the steady loss of animals to disease or distress sales. In other words, having fewer guns with which to raid and fewer cattle to target ultimately led to a decrease in raiding behavior.72 (This is a relative change. As is apparent in the discussion of findings, theft of cattle, livestock, and all other assets has continued, but at a decreased rate.) In the research for this study, all of the crime and violence was described as being committed by the lonetia. Put another way, respondents no longer talked about “raids” or “raiders” and blamed all acts on the lonetia or “thugs.”73 69  A more recent variation of these selective (by ethnicity) restrictions on movement continue today and are apparent in efforts to prevent migration from Karamoja to southern cities such as Kampala and Jinja; individuals found in these areas are rounded up and bussed back to Karamoja, at times against their will and without family members. 70  The UPDF provided protection for livestock from disarmed communities, but did not protect those communities themselves. 71  Here “depth” is in reference to the number of times that communities were targeted for disarmament. Although there were many complaints about the repeated nature of the exercises and the associated brutality and human rights abuses (Human Rights Watch 2007; Stites and Akabwai 2009), these repeat visits may have ultimately resulted in a greater turnover of weapons. The lack of transparency regarding the disarmament campaign makes an accurate evaluation of impact difficult. 72  The actual number of raids is difficult to measure as many raids are not reported and, even if they are reported, the monitoring and sharing of these numbers goes against the state narrative of improved peace and security. This reference to decreased raiding is based on FIC research, reports from other development and humanitarian actors, and anecdotal information. 73  It is of course important to note that this trend may not be applicable for locations beyond these particular study sites and would require further inves- tigation in other areas. THE WORLD BANK 1818 H, Street N.W. Washington, D.C. 20433 www.logica-wb.org www. fic.tufts.edu 60 Engaging Male Youth in Karamoja, Uganda