75058 Research and Dialogue Series: Paper No. 2 The Socio-economic Costs of Crime and Violence in Papua New Guinea Drivers of Crime and Violence in Papua New Guinea Sadaf Lakhani and Alys M. Willman May 2014 Social Cohesion and Violence Prevention Team Social Development Department © 2014 The World Bank Group 1818 H Street, NW Washington, DC 20433 Telephone: 202-473-1000 Internet: www.worldbank.org/socialdevelopment E-mail: asksocial@worldbank.org All rights reserved. This paper has been prepared as part of a broader study to understand the socioeconomic costs of crime and violence to businesses, government agencies, Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) and households in PNG. This work was requested by the Prime Minister and was undertaken with extensive input from international partners and local stakeholders. The papers in this Research and Dialogue series are informal publications of the World Bank. They are circulated to encourage thought and discussion. The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development/The World Bank and its affiliated organizations, or those of the Executive Directors of The World Bank or the governments they represent. Contents I. Introduction ............................................................................................................................... 1 2. Traditional Mechanisms for Managing Conflict: Talking, Fighting and Compensation ............................................................................................................................... 2 3. Internal and External Stresses ............................................................................................... 4 3.1 Youth and Inter-generational tensions ............................................................................................2 3.2 Poverty, high cost of living and lack of economic opportunities ................................................3 3.3 Family and Sexual Violence and Gender-Based Violence ............................................................5 3.4 Inter-ethnic tensions ...........................................................................................................................6 3.5 Decentralization and violence ..........................................................................................................7 3.6 The availability of firearms ...............................................................................................................8 3.7 Misuse of alcohol, marijuana and other drugs ...............................................................................9 4. Institutional Factors: Traditional Systems under Modern Day Stresses....................... 9 5. Summary of Findings and Gaps in Understanding ........................................................ 13 Works Cited................................................................................................................................. 15 iii Drivers of Crime and Violence in Papua New Guinea rapid social and economic changes. The I. Introduction paper concludes with a summary of gaps in the current understanding of the Reports in both the national and stresses and drivers of violence in PNG. international media and anecdotal evidence indicate that the prevalence of Conflict and violence have historically crime and violence is high in PNG, and been an integral part of social life in presents an important obstacle to long- PNG. Policy makers must distinguish term development. A growing body of between ‘socially generative’ social literature and data on the issue identify a contest, and forms of conflict that are diverse range of forms of crime and corrosive and destructive for society violence; from Family and Sexual (Dinnen, Porter and Sage 2011). Managed Violence and other forms of inter- conflict has been identified as central to personal violence to violent conflict the maintenance of social cohesion and between different clans, and from armed social capital within and between burglary of domestic premises to communities in Papua New Guinea. corruption within government. The However, while traditional systems of widespread prevalence of high levels of managing disputes have been effective in crime and violence have been linked to maintaining social order, recent changes the ethnic diversity and weaknesses in in societies in PNG have created disputes the nation-building agenda, the growing that are less amenable to management by use of firearms, a lack of effectiveness of traditional means and are linked to at law enforcement, , and the introduction least some of the current violence of large-scale natural resource projects, witnessed. At the same time, the cultural amongst other drivers. characteristics of societies in t in PNG, and of conflict in particular, may render This paper presents an analysis of the formal systems of law and justice drivers and stressors behind violence ineffective in managing it. Other stresses, and crime in PNG. We begin with a discussed in more detail in the note, are description of the role of conflict in PNG also rendering conflict unmanageable by society, and of traditional mechanisms for traditional systems. A key message of this managing conflict. Next, we discuss key paper is that it is necessary to understand stresses that increase the risk of violence the cultural basis for conflict, and for in PNG. The fourth section examines how modern day crime and violence in PNG. these stresses affect the capacity of Changes are currently occurring in these institutions in PNG to manage the conflict systems, alongside broader social conflicts that have emerged along with and economic changes taking place across 1 2 ■ The Socio-economic Costs of Crime and Violence in Papua New Guinea PNG. It is on the basis of such an engaging in conflict are constantly understanding that effective strategies for shifting their boundaries. Fights are addressing crime and violence can be owned by a head-man and the disputants developed. involved vary from conflict to conflict, depending in the issue as interests and allegiances are easily shifted based on the 2. Traditional Mechanisms issue at hand and the way in which any for Managing Conflict: individual, family or group chooses to Talking, Fighting and identify itself during a given dispute (Goldman 2007). Compensation Active conflicts between clans can take In Papua New Guinea, conflict is an place almost continuously, and are never integral part of life, and is not seen as fully resolved, but rather continue over inherently negative (Banks 2008, Dinnen long periods of time, even decades. et al 2011, Goldman 2007, Fitzpatrick Disputes may lie dormant for extended 1982). Commentators note that conflict is periods of time, and be drawn upon a regularly used, encouraged, and seen as suddenly when a new event or issue a legitimate way of dealing with disputes triggers the old claims 2. Most disputes are and seeking justice and restitution for comprised of a mix of multiple claims perceived wrong-doings (Goldman 2007, that have never been resolved, some of Dinnen et al 2011). which may have been ‘settled’ on a temporary basis. It is not possible, nor While the country has several hundred useful ,to distinguish between traditional different ethno-linguistic groups, forms of conflict and forms or mechanisms of traditionally, the issues that have been conflict resolution, as the enactment of a fought over—“land, women and dispute is, at the same time, both the pigs” —and the forms that conflict 1 manifestation of the conflict (and often takes, appear to be very similar across the source of conflict) as well as the the country (Yala 2002, Goldman 2007). means through which it is managed. Conflicts have traditionally taken place between neighboring clans also known as There are three main, inter-related, ‘tribes’), but can also take place within means of addressing conflict in PNG. clan units, and even within families The first two are referred to as “talking (Banks 2008). The high levels of and fighting” (Goldman 2007). connectivity between many neighboring Additionally, there is a system of clans in PNG, through inter-marrying, compensation that often accompanies trade, lineage mixing and so on, means conflict, especially across clans. These that rather than being static, groups mechanisms, in addition to their function 1 Goldman (2007:78). Banks (2008:25) also notes that “…women, land or pigs …are all deeply 2 Intergenerational cycles of pay-back are not implicated in the construction and maintenance of uncommon, and are encouraged through the social networks.” telling of tumbuna, or ancestral stories, to children. Paper 2: Drivers of Crime and Violence in Papua New Guinea ■ 3 in dispute resolution, also play an and allies of an aggrieved individual are important role in the maintenance and all equally wronged-against, and all are evolution of culture in PNG. Considering expected to support fighting (Kopi 2010, this, what is often referred to as ‘inter- Goldman 2007). While still common in ethnic fighting’ must be understood not rural areas, there is significant evidence only as something negative, occurring that the continuation of ‘pay-back’ or between two predefined entities, and as retributive actions takes place in urban related to a discreet dispute, but rather as areas as well. 4 an ongoing process of verbal and physical negotiation that plays a critical role in In addition to the use of physical affirming culture and social relationships violence, disputes are also ‘prosecuted’ and in wealth redistribution between in public by ‘talking it out’ in informal social groups. gatherings of people who discuss the issue. Agreements are reached by Violent conflict has a strong cultural consensus or through mediation of a basis in PNG, as the use of violence is ‘headman’ or another interested party seen as a legitimate means of expressing (Banks 2008). Ongoing dialogue, rather grievances Physical fighting is one of the than permanent resolution of a dispute, is most common ways in which societies most common. The lack of a fixed code of handle disputes (Goldman 2007). 3 acceptable behavior along with the lack of Fighting can take place with traditional role for third or external parties means weapons such as bows and arrows, that prosecution of disputes and resolution spears or bush knives and, increasingly, occur through individual discretion and with firearms. Fighting, along with the self-regulation (Goldman 2007). demand and payment of compensation, are important events in which norms and The particular characteristics of conflict values are reaffirmed by the participants. systems in PNG have implications for Cultural beliefs and norms encourage strategies for law enforcement and peace- revenge-seeking through retributive brokering of conflict. The involvement of fighting or ‘payback’, as it is known, external parties—such as mediators or particularly for deaths incurred. An courts looking for rapid and final attack on an individual is considered an resolution to conflicts, and non-financial attack on the whole group and any sanctions may simply not resonate with individual linked to one of the groups involved in a dispute can be targeted for ‘pay-back’ actions. Similarly, kin, friends 4 The Justice Advisory Group (JAG 2008), for example, notes that findings from crime 3 Haley and May (2007) also note that another form victimizations studies show that a large proportion of dispute resolution that was traditionally used in of violent crimes in urban areas are ‘provoked’, or some parts of the Southern Highlands when part of a chain of ‘payback’ or revenge- actions. conflict became unmanageable was to dissolve clan Our consultations also revealed that payback ties and relocate. The increased sedentary nature of fighting between groups, even if it originates in life, bound up with the modern state, has one part of the country, may equally take place effectively removed this way of managing conflict. between wantoks in other parts of the country. 4 ■ The Socio-economic Costs of Crime and Violence in Papua New Guinea disputants (Banks 2008) 5 . Given the Goldman 2007). As well as acting as a strong cultural impetus to engage in form of restitution, payment of violence and the use of sanctions that compensation it is also an important have no basis within cultures in PNG - custom that “mends restores and such as incarceration, formal justice strengthens relationships so that society is systems have not proved effective in back in order” (Constitutional and Law deterring the use of violence and in halting Reform Commission of PNG, 1980). The cycles of ‘pay-back’ between disputants 6. exchange of resources between disputants creates and affirms economic, cultural and The payment of compensation in the family links between different groups. As settling of disputes is another important such, the payment of compensation has aspect of traditional forms of engaging been both an important cultural symbol in and managing conflict; it is key to and a resource in the maintenance of accumulation and distributing wealth, identities, and wealth, in PNG. and also in demonstrating group status and power. Material compensation, traditionally in the form of pigs, but 3. Internal and External today more often as cash, is often Stresses demanded, and paid from one party to another to ‘resolve’ a grievance. The contemporary dynamics of conflict, Observers have noted that historically crime and violence in PNG are multiple long-dormant disputes would suddenly and more complex than the issues that, be reactivated and compensation historically, have been central to demanded, for example, when a group conflict. The 2011 World Development had accumulated an above-average Report (World Bank 2011) provides a number of pigs or when a group faced useful framework for understanding this depletion of their own resources. complexity. It argues that fragility, Maintaining equilibrium of resources conflict and different forms of violence between neighboring clans is very stem from a combination of economic, important to some societies in PNG, and political, or security stresses, amongst this is achieved primarily through others, and weak institutional capacity to compensation exchange (Kopi 2010, manage those stresses. The table below 7 Banks 2008, Strathern 1977 quoted in summarizes some of the internal and external stresses for crime and violence in PNG, as emphasized in the literature and research undertaken by the World Bank 5 The lack of centralized processes of dispute resolution and governance more broadly has also and others. The following discussion been pointed to as resulting in a modern-day lack focuses on what has been identified as the of regard for centralized law and formal state most relevant stresses. authority (C.f. Goldman 2007, Moya, 2007). 6 Goldman (2007) notes that imprisonment has not helped address law and order problems in PNG because it does not have the same stigma attached to it that it does in western cultures, as such 7The table is adapted to PNG-specific stresses from incarceration has little effect as a deterrent. table 1.1 in World Bank 2011, p. 7. Stresses Internal External • Inaccessibility/remoteness of many rural areas, lack of presence of formal state institutions, including the police • Porous border and extended coastline that facilitates illegal importing/exporting of firearms Security • Increased availability and use of illegal firearms • Growing private security sector that is largely unregulated by the state • Central role of conflict in the life of clans • Communal land tenure system under stress • Gender inequalities in power and constructions of masculinity that emphasize ‘aggression’ • Rapidly transforming social norms Social and • Large youth population cultural • Distrust and lack of cultural relevancy of modern state institutions • Substance misuse (alcohol, marijuana) • Large-scale rural-urban migration • High rates of poverty and growing inequality, especially in urban areas • Growth of the cash economy and increases in the cost of living, coupled with few income generation opportunities for the majority of the population • High levels of unemployment, especially among Economic young people • Domination of the economy by several large resource-projects, creating enclave economies • Pressures on land (and housing) that are inflating prices • Perception of unequal benefits of resource projects accrued to communities • Lack of cultural relevance of, and confidence in, the formal justice institutions • Under-resourcing of the justice sector Justice • Inability of customary forms of conflict- management to handle modern-day violent conflict and crime • Strong patronage politics within decentralized and central state structures • Incitement of violence by local politicians Political • Strong economic incentives and opportunities for elected representatives • Weak accountability mechanisms between citizens and the formal state 1 2 ■ The Socio-economic Costs of Crime and Violence in Papua New Guinea 3.1 Youth and Inter- indicated, has had an impact on generational tensions employment opportunities, with young people finding it difficult to enter into the A growing youth population, along with labor market. Businesses interviewed as social and economic changes that have part of the World Bank study reported transformed societies in PNG, is linked that graduates leaving school were not to some forms of crime and violence. In equipped with the social and technical other countries, research has associated skills to assume even entry-level positions large youth populations with the risk of in their firms. Crime victimization studies violence, especially where other stresses - conducted in select urban areas of PNG such as high rates of unemployment, lack reported a perception that the lack of of educational and recreational productive activities for youth is a driver opportunities, and rapid urbanization - of violence and crime perpetration among are also present. PNG has a very large young people. The respondents in these youth population; 40% of the population surveys emphasized that the provision of was under the age of 15 at the time of the community and church organized youth 2000 census. High youth unemployment 8 activities were important in addressing has been identified by several studies in high rates of crime and violence 9. While PNG as having a relationship with high some of the literature and make reference levels of crime and violence in PNG (see to ‘raskols’, or young people committing also Haley and May 2007), although this crimes together as a group, there is little relationship is not a direct one. Lowering evidence to capture the extent of raskol quality of education in the past years, it is gangs and no studies that explore their composition and functioning. The available evidence seems to suggest that these gangs are actually loose groups of 8 In 2002 ILO estimated that each year approximately 50,000 young people enter the labor young people who engage in crime market, whilst the absorptive capacity of the opportunistically (UNHABITAT 2004), economy can only take 5,000. Unemployment rates rather than as formalized criminal gangs for men were 21.2% and for women at 12.8 %, as found elsewhere in the world. The link across all age groups, but for young people these between young people, unemployment figures are even higher-at 50% for men and 30 % for women in the 15-24 yrs age group. A and misuse of alcohol and other UNHABITAT study of Youth and Crime in POM substances is explored later in this paper. (2004) similarly found that most of the youth surveyed were either unemployed (39%) or Changes in social norms have been enrolled in education (28%). Only 14% were pointed to by other commentators as formally employed, with a further 10.5 % ‘informally’ employed. The victimization survey being a factor in the involvement of for NDC, 2010, notes that qualitative comments young people in crime and violence in received during the survey highlighted the PNG. The literature reviewed and relationship between unemployment amongst consultations undertaken by the team youth and crimes such as stealing and breaking and stealing. The study also notes that the reduction in unemployment figures in the 2009 survey maybe part of the explanation for the 9JAG (2008), Lae urban crime victimization survey marginal decrease in aggregated crime for NCD. 2010. Paper 2: Drivers of Crime and Violence in Papua New Guinea ■ 3 indicate the growth of a wide inter- 2009) 10. Although the economy has been generational gap in norms and values. experiencing sustained growth for several The assertion is that traditional social years, this has been driven primarily by hierarchies and the associated values and mineral- exploitation and other resource codes of conduct which regulated action projects. The contribution of these and social behavior have eroded, leaving industries,- particularly mineral- young people in particular lacking a exploitation -to the rest of the economy social structure for guiding their values and to poverty reduction has been weak and behavior. Others have noted that the (ADB 2011) 11. At the same time, problems external stresses brought by the of law and order problems have limited increasing presence of high-value new investments and expansion of resource projects which liaise with local existing businesses (see Allen, no date, communities have led to a privileging of INA and ADB 2008, see also paper no. 3 young people- who can speak English, this series on the cost of crime and have some basic education, but are violence to businesses). lacking in leadership and dispute resolution skills- as community leaders in The economy has shifted in the past 30 negotiations with project personnel years from small scale agriculture to a (Haley and May 2007, Walters 2007). resource economy (ADB 2011), but These young leaders are, it is alleged, without a wide or equal distribution of without the necessary life-skills that the the benefits of resource projects. ‘big-man’ had developed, more likely to Inequality in the distribution of benefits revert to violent methods of dispute from these natural resource projects resolution. The presence of young within and between communities is noted migrants to areas with resource projects as a significant source of conflict, as has also been identified with increased perceptions of injustice prevail and conflict as they do not operate within a communities seek to maintain resource clan structure in their new environments, equilibrium among themselves (Banks and as such fall outside the mechanisms 2008). 12 Conflicts have also arisen for maintaining social order. 10 The paper cited, although it makes reference to 3.2 Poverty, high cost of living several studies, is an opinion piece rather than an and lack of economic analytical paper opportunities 11 PNG is not on track to meet any of the MDGs by 2015 (ADB 2011) and, in 2011, was ranked 152 out PNG has experienced major structural of 187 countries for its Human Development shifts in its economy over the last few Indicators- below other countries with similar per decades, which contribute to conflict in capita incomes (UNDP 2011) 12 A question, raised by this perspective but not society. The key role of poverty and the covered in any of the literature reviewed, is the lack of dynamic employment growth in extent to which crimes involving property- such as the formal and informal economies since theft, breaking and entering and even vandalism- the 1970s have been identified as a key are driven by traditional cultural norms operating within an environment of unequal wealth. In other driver of high crime rates in PNG (Barker words, do perpetrators of such crimes feel justified 4 ■ The Socio-economic Costs of Crime and Violence in Papua New Guinea between communities and the state, and with high income reliance 14 and poverty between communities and the private correlated with higher incidences of crime companies investing in the resource victimization (JAG 2008). Perceptions of projects. Lack of clarity in roles between those households surveyed also the state, private actors and community highlighted this link. Nearly one-fifth of leaders in negotiating land-leasing or of respondents, when asked what they felt benefits on behalf of these communities was the key reason for the growth in makes a significant contribution to crime, answered that economic issues conflict and violence around resource (poverty, food insecurity, unemployment) projects. These forms of conflict, when were driving crime (JAG 2008:49). The they occur can result in heightened and World Bank consultations found similar extended violent conflict, with severe perceptions amongst experts and local repercussions for communities, private stakeholders. The lack of economic companies and the state alike (Banks opportunities is also ostensibly the driver 2008). for some of the politically-oriented violence described in the next sections. As Cash incomes for most of the population commentators point out, political office— are very low 13. The lack of opportunities through which resources can be secured for the large percentage of the population for oneself and one’s kin—is an immensely of employable age is seen as a key driver attractive livelihood opportunity. in violence in crime in PNG as well as elsewhere in Melanesia (Dinnen et al. With the cost of living very high in PNG, 2011, World Bank 2009). Evidence from particularly in urban areas, relative to urban victimization surveys also income levels, tensions around securing highlights the link between economic household resources may be a trigger for forces and crime; they found that areas violence experienced within the family and a motivation for crime perpetration. Inflated housing prices in the main urban areas, and pressures on land even in rural areas, mean affordable housing is hard to in engaging in theft or destruction of property come by. Household sizes are difficult to based on the prerogative of ‘compensation’ and estimate with accuracy from the surveys wealth redistribution? There is already a strong body of evidence from other developing countries analyzed because of the way in which that points to the link between violent crime and many household residents may be inequality in income and education (Bourguignon transient members, moving between 2001). different households and between urban 13 Allen (2007) estimates cash incomes in rural areas of Southern Highlands Province to be around K20 per year. This is very small compared with costs in the cash economy. For example, the cost of bus (PMV) transportation for a journey of approx. 3hrs, 14Income reliance is the number of persons within was about K10 in 2002, and K20 in 2013. Bride- a household supported an income earner. It is an price payments in 2003 in some areas of the SHP indicator of household income stress potentially were K10-20,000 in cash, plus pigs (Lewis 2007). leading to poverty. The victimization studies found Cost of Basic Needs was not available for PNG at that on average in PNG each income earner the time of writing. supported 4.2 people, including themselves. Paper 2: Drivers of Crime and Violence in Papua New Guinea ■ 5 and rural areas. Overcrowding, with intimidation by men (UN Women and household sizes of 7-10 residents per NCDC, no date, Kopi 2010). household, with only 1-2 income earners, is common. The cost of housing in urban Certain cultural values and social mores areas and a slow expansion of lower- have been highlighted as explaining the income residents to settlements on the wide-spread nature of gender-based periphery of urban areas also add to the violence (Kopi, Hinton and Robinson challenges in securing employment, and 2010, Eves 2006 and 2010, Bradley 2001, in service provision—including law Siebert 2009) 16 . Extreme inequality in enforcement- for state agencies. status between men and women is founded on the notion that women are the ‘property’ of men, subject to the 3.3 Family and Sexual dictates of their male family members, in Violence and Gender-Based particular their husbands (c.f. Kopi et al Violence 2010). Harmful social beliefs and practices, such as bride exchange between Family and sexual violence (FSV) and clans, the payment of bride price and a gender-based violence (GBV) are belief in witch-craft contribute to widespread and highly prevalent in perpetuate the inequality. At the same PNG, with some parts of the country time, exaggerated masculinities experiencing extremely high levels. A encourage aggression, and even violence, recent UN report presented findings by men in pursuit of their aims (Eves that, in Bougainville for example, 62% of 2006). This results in a situation where men surveyed admitted to having violence is a tool used frequently by men, committed rape 15. Gender-based violence not only towards each other, but to is manifest in myriad forms in PNG. In control women in both the domestic and the domestic sphere, violence is very public sphere (Kopi et al 2010). Some of common, with reports of approximately the stressors also presented in this paper - two-thirds to three-quarters of women such as housing pressures, lack of having been beaten by their husbands employment- and proximate triggers (Lewis et al 2007, PNG Law Reform such as misuse of alcohol, also contribute Commission 1992 quoted in Kopi 2010) to the high levels of FSV and GBV. and injuries from domestic violence account for between 80-90% of all patients The impacts of FSV and GBV, as seen at health clinics (Amnesty numerous studies from around the International 2006). In the public sphere, world illustrate, are not limited to women, such as those trading goods at physical injuries on the victims (see market at subject to rape and other Paper No. 4 in this series for an overview serious sexual assault, accusations of of costs and impacts of FSV and GBV in sorcery, robbery, beatings and 16See also Paper No. 1 in this series, on the evidence on the prevalence of gender-based Fulu et al 2013 15 violence 6 ■ The Socio-economic Costs of Crime and Violence in Papua New Guinea the workplace). Psychosocial trauma 3.4 Inter-ethnic tensions experienced not only by direct sufferers of violence, but also by others in the Inter-ethnic tensions, it is suggested, household, can have pervasive effects on constitute a major driver of violent social relationships; suffers of violence, conflict in PNG. This is more common in particularly at a young age, are likely to some rural areas (c.f. Muggah 2004, Haley commit violent acts towards others, and May 2007, Goldman 2007) where perpetuating cycles of violence. cultural norms underscore the use of violence in engaging in disputes and Whilst a wide body of literature exists retributive actions between social groups. with regards to the cultural basis of The role this plays in urban areas has not gender-inequalities and the triggers of been discussed widely in the literature individual experiences of domestic available, however, there is some violence (c.f Kopi et al 2010, Lewis et al indication in the literature (see for 2007), there is little analysis of the example Kopi et al 2010) and evidence impact of changing economic and social highlighted in the urban crime circumstances on gender-relations, and victimization studies that ‘inter-ethnic ultimately on the vulnerability of violence’ is also present in urban areas, women to gender-based violence. particularly in settlements 17 . Similarly, Urbanization, evolution in cultures and consultations with justice agencies and customs such as the paying of bride-price experts undertaken by the World Bank and recent changes in living team found that urban areas also arrangements within families, the spread experienced significant ethnic conflict, of HIV and increased knowledge of particularly in the settlements, and that HIV/AIDS, gender employment programs some of the violence is ‘transferred’ in the face of high levels of male between rural and urban areas through unemployment, and are just some of the wantoks and migration. The use of factors that may increase the vulnerability of women to abuse and violence. Consultations by the World Bank team 17 The presence of inter-ethnic fighting in urban found that women’s economic areas can also be inferred by the categorization and empowerment and education definition of crimes used by the victimization interventions had little impact on surveys; they describe ‘provoked’ incidences of arresting gender-based violence in the violence (provoked violence is one of the crime short term. The implication is that classifications used in the surveys) as related to development agencies should understand ‘revenge or pay-back’, indicating cycles of violence between individuals or groups. Incidences of the risks and opportunities that these provoked violence are amongst the most prevalent changes, and their own interventions, can in the urban areas surveyed. The surveys also use have on cultural norms and as such on ‘wantok’ as a category of perpetrator of crime. They gender-based violence. consistently found that the majority of all crimes were perpetrated by wantoks. Whether wantoks engage in ethnically-motivated crime or are simply the largest group of perpetrators for other reasons- such as access to potential victims- is not apparent in the survey data. Paper 2: Drivers of Crime and Violence in Papua New Guinea ■ 7 firearms in such ethnic conflict has violence is noted by a few of the studies contributed to an increase in the scale and reviewed. The interplay of ‘wantokism 18’ impacts of violence, and increasingly and decentralization has led to the protracted cycles of violence, as they alter politicization of local government andas the way in which disputes can be such, of service delivery. In the Southern managed (Goldman 2007). Highlands Province for example, ethnic competition in local governance- Inter-ethnic tensions are also to be constituencies defined largely found bound-up in politically motivated geographically, corresponding to ethno- violence. Ethnic tensions have been linguistic groups (Mendi, Huli and Kewa described as having become ‘enmeshed’ speakers) - has led to competing in the political system which is organized, administrations, ethnically-motivated at all levels, along traditional structural appointments, sackings and re- lines (Allen, no date, Dorpar and instatements, resulting in multiple claims Macpherson 2007). This is seen as for the same position (Lewis 2007). Haley particularly problematic in certain parts and May (2007) note that for one position, of the country, such as the Southern several individuals were even paid for the Highlands Province (Haley and May same role. This has further contributed to 2007). Election-related violence, and the tensions between different ethnic groups. distribution of firearms by local political Weak accountability between elected candidates to their allies has also been representatives and their constituencies is pointed to as significant in the Southern the result of the compromised political Highlands and some parts of the Western system, and a change in the electoral Highlands (Muggah 2004, Haley 2004, system from a ‘first past the post’ to a Haley and May 2007, Strathern 1993, ‘limited preferential voting’ (LPV)system- Lewis 2007). Securing a seat as a Member introduced in 2007- has not made a of Parliament gives the Member significant difference as yet . Research substantial control over expenditure indicated that the use of violence and programs. This is commonly seen, rather money-politics or other criminal activity than simply a political role, as a lucrative in gaining votes is still common, with business opportunity, not only for the MP responsiveness on the part of elected him or herself, but also for supporters official towards a broad constituency and kin-folk (Allen, no date, Goldman after election is weak (World Bank, 2007). Given this, the stakes in getting 2011b). someone from one’s own ethnic group into power are high, and as such, one of the key drivers of political violence. 18Wantokism describes a strong and pervasive system of patronage based on the concept of 3.5 Decentralization and ‘Wantok’- that is a related member of a social violence group- such as family, clan, tribe, or even if from the same province, etc. It is expected that Wantoks The role of decentralization in take care of each other, (see for example Lewis contributing to conflict and resulting 2007, describing the extent of Wantokism in many aspects of life in PNG) 8 ■ The Socio-economic Costs of Crime and Violence in Papua New Guinea Discontent between different groups suitable interventions to address crime has been further heightened by the fact and violence. that, despite being on the payroll, many public servants are not physically 3.6 The availability of firearms present in their constituencies. The lack of security and public services has While traditional weapons such as bush motivated public servants to live knives and spears have traditionally elsewhere, often outside of the province been used in tribal conflict, some (Allen, no date). The result, Haley and commentators have pointed to the May (2007) note, is that governance is widespread and growing use of very weak in the Southern Highlands; firearms, in both tribal conflict and in public institutions such as the courts, the perpetration of crime (Kopi et al police and other law enforcement 2010, Muggah 2004, Haley and May 2007, agencies have deteriorated due to the Haley and Muggah 2006, Goldman 2007). political fighting, inflated government For example, referring to the Southern expenditures and a lack of accountability. Highlands, Lewis (2007) refers to claims This situation further exacerbates that the majority of adult men own a tensions between different ethnic groups homemade gun. Others have noted that and raises discontent towards younger leaders, operating outside of the government in its lack of capacity to traditional cultural codes of conflict and deliver public services. (Haley and May lacking in the oratory skills traditionally 2007, Allen no date). used in conflict negotiation, are increasingly using firearms as a means of Violence plays a central, dynamic, role ‘resolving’ disputes (Goldman 2007, as one of the contributing factors to Haley and May 2007, Walters 2007). The shrinking revenues and resources prevalence of firearms, it is purported, is available for service delivery, and as a one of the reasons for the reluctance of tool employed in the capture of political the police force to address the law and seats as a well as a result of (a reaction to) order situation (Haley and May 2007) 19. the political capture. A reduction in state revenues, the politicization and While the evidence for the widespread deterioration of public services and the availability of firearms is neither clear intensified, often violent competition for nor strong due to the lack of nationally political positions have been identified as representative and up-to date having a direct relationship (Kopi et al quantitative data, what is clear is that 2010, Standish 2007). Understanding more clearly this relationship and the extent and impact of decentralization, 19Haley and Muggah (2006), for example, note that recent reforms in the availability of the police are reluctant to intervene and attend to development budgets at the local level, reports of crime, particularly those that could involve weapons, due to the perception that they and ethnic politics across the country will be out-numbered and ‘out-gunned’ by the would be important in considering perpetrators. This particular proposition was not reflected in the discussion held between the WB scoping mission and the police Paper 2: Drivers of Crime and Violence in Papua New Guinea ■ 9 there has been an increasing prevalence violence conducted by UNHABITAT of crimes and forms of violence found that nearly half of all respondents involving the use of firearms (see Paper drink alcohol and nearly one-fifth 1 in this series). These crimes- such as acknowledge taking drugs 20 . Of these rape and serious sexual assault, GBH, respondents using alcohol and drugs, robbery kidnapping and other serious 36% reported having stolen money to pay forms of violence- are made far easier to for the drugs, alcohol or cigarettes. execute, and are far more harmful, with the use of high-powered weapons. The scale of impact occurring with the use of 4. Institutional Factors: firearms in inter-group conflict- death, Traditional Systems under serious injury etc. it is suggested , is too Modern Day Stresses great to be handled by the traditional way of seeking recompense, as such The internal and external stresses PNG contributing to increasing rounds of is currently facing places enormous retributive violence, or ‘payback’. pressure on traditional systems for resolving conflict. 21 Rapid population 3.7 Misuse of alcohol, growth and large flows of migrants from marijuana and other drugs rural to urban areas, and even between urban areas, an increase in poverty levels The misuse of alcohol and drugs has (World Bank 2004), particularly in urban also been pointed to as contributing to areas (Storey 2010), the growing violence and crime in PNG (Muggah importance of large-scale resource 2004, Barker, UNHABITAT 2004, Eves projects in the economy (ADB 2011), a 2006). The data available does not growing HIV/AIDS epidemic and the illustrate a causal relationship, although introduction of modern governance some kind of a relationship does exist. including formal state institutions, laws Alcohol has been identified as linked to and law enforcement (Haley and May crime and violence in two ways. Firstly, 2007, Banks 2008, Allen, no date ) have victims of crime often responded that changed many aspects of everyday life in they believed that the perpetrator(s) had PNG. These changes call into question the carried out the crime while intoxicated continued role of traditional conflict (JAG 2008, LJSS (LAE) 2010, LJSS (NCD) 2010, UNHABITAT 2004). Victims of domestic violence often cited that alcohol 20 Men were more likely to use such substances, had played a factor in triggering the and to start at a younger age than women. violence towards them (Kopi et al 2010, 21 Studies have found that even in many urban Eves 2006, Lewis et al 2007). Secondly, areas, traditional mechanisms for managing conflict are still relied upon. This is true financing the consumption of alcohol, particularly for settlements, many of which cigarettes and other substances may be a maintain the same social norms and conflict driving factor behind some crime. management mechanisms as found in villages Consumption amongst young people was (Justice Advisory Group 2008). More recent data on found to be high. A survey of youth and the use and spread of traditional mechanisms for dispute resolution was not available. 10 ■ The Socio-economic Costs of Crime and Violence in Papua New Guinea systems in contributing to social cohesion, doing nor to the economic means of the and the efficacy of traditional means of wrong-doer. In ability or unwillingness to dispute resolution. pay inflated demands contribute to continued cycles of ‘pay-back’ (Kopi et al The system of compensation has in 2010). There is also some anecdotal many cases been overwhelmed by the evidence to suggest that disputes are challenges brought on by social changes. more easily trigger or even manipulated The desire to seek compensation payment for the sole purpose of extracting continues to be one of the key drivers of compensation. In addition, the use of conflict today (Goldman 2007, Dinnen et firearms in ‘tribal -fighting’ is challenging al 2011). As the participant in one the compensation system due to the consultation conducted by the World severity and number of casualties and Bank team told us “I wake up everyday degree of property destruction that guns thinking about compensation- how can I can bring (Haley and May 2007). get some, from who? .: Commentators have noted, however, that the traditional Traditional systems cannot effectively system of compensation payments, manage the social and economic although still practiced widely, cannot conflicts arising from increasing deal with the demands of the present investment in natural resource projects. socio-economic situation (Goldman 2007, Traditional life in PNG has been impacted Haley and May 2007) where wealth is through the emergence of other, more readily apparent, seemingly randomly recent actors- such as mining and logging distributed and gained and accompanied corporations, local government, and the by a sense of injustice. Commentators modern state more generally. Perceptions note that there is not enough wealth to of wrong-doing by these actors, or provide for the increased compensation demands for redistributing their wealth demanded 22 . While strict rules and cannot be managed by traditional means regulations were traditionally observed in (Goldman 2007). the implementation of compensation arrangements, in some parts of the Disputes over communally-held land country there is evidence that are very common. Historically, land has compensation claims are now often set at been intimately linked to tribal fighting, inflated rates -sometimes even when and there is evidence to suggest that land mediated by the district or village courts - is still a central issue triggering disputes. 23 that bear little relevance to the wrong- The independent Committee to Investigate 23 23 23 22Data from the urban victimization studies from Tribal Fighting in the Highlands Districts, 2004 to 2010 highlighted that while crimes were appointed in 1973 after a surge in tribal clashes in more likely to be reported to community leaders the early 1970s found that most fights were and family than to police, a majority of connected to land disputes (Oliver and Fingleton respondents in every survey favored imprisonment 2008). Preliminary analysis of data from the 2009 for stealing rather than restorative justice such as Household Income and Expenditure Survey shows the payment of compensation or community work that land disputes comprise nearly one-quarter of (JAG 2008). all disputes that had occurred in the previous 12 Paper 2: Drivers of Crime and Violence in Papua New Guinea ■ 11 Disputes occurred commonly between customary land by private actors clans over land ownership and threatens to undermine the progress boundaries, but there is evidence to made by reform in addressing land- suggest that the type of dispute and the disputes (Filer 2011). reasons for these may be changing alongside broader socio-economic The anonymity of urban life poses changes., Larger family sizes and the important challenges to traditional increased monetary value of land are two systems built around restorative justice of the factors identified in a growing and community-enforced sanctions on number of disputes within families (Kopi anti-social behavior. Victimization et al 2010). The existence of urban based studies conducted in selected urban areas ‘paper’ landowners, lack of consensual found that perpetrators are less likely to decision-making by leaders amongst all be known to the victim than in rural land-owners and inter-generational areas, and as such, traditional differences over royalties and their mechanisms which rely on community- distribution are examples of the kinds of enforced sanctions are not effective (JAG tensions that demand for land by large 2008). These challenges affect the efficacy natural resource projects has created. of these forms of conflict management Much of these take place within clan and (Banks 2008, Lavu 2007, Dinnen et al family units, and have been less amenable 2011). At the same time, our consultations to traditional means of dispute resolution. found that victims are still reluctant to rely on formal agencies to address their Despite progressive land reform that has justice needs. Informal networks—for sought to address the challenges in land example in tracking down perpetrators of tenure systems–including the high crime- were still heavily relied upon, even incidence of disputes—inefficiencies in instances where a crime had been have challenged the efficacy of the reported to the police. system (Oliver and Fingleton 2008). Village courts, established at the local Forum-shopping is common in Papua level and based on traditions of New Guinea for those seeking mediation and arbitration rather than resolution for disputes, but may adjudication of disputes, have been challenge the efficacy of each of the underperforming. Since funding justice systems. A range of different responsibility was transferred from options still exist in some parts of the national to provincial governments in country for claimants. In part, the plural 1995 they have been severely legal framework, comprising formal, underfunded, ceasing to exist in some hybrid and informal justice, providers provinces (Kopi et al 2010). At the same provides rich alternatives for a variety of time corruption and abuse of land- disputes. At the same time the way in legislation in favor of acquisition of which fora are used may also be compromising the efficacy of conflict- management and justice systems in months (forthcoming National Statistics Office general. Consultations with the RPNGC publication). and other stakeholders found that the 12 ■ The Socio-economic Costs of Crime and Violence in Papua New Guinea access to options meant that justice enforcement. Low-levels of confidence in providers were used incorrectly, and the police in urban areas are noted in often to leverage advantage between urban crime victimization surveys (Cf. disputants rather than simply to resolve JAG 2008) as well as in studies conducted disputes. For example victims sometimes in more rural areas (c.f. Kopi et al 2010). 25 report a crime to the police without any In the surveys conducted in the three intent that it be investigated and remedy largest urban areas, respondents arrived at through the courts, but rather answered that perceptions of stabilizing that it provides them with an advantage or dropping crime-rates were due more to in negotiation that is conducted improved community responses to crime, informally. Similarly, the World Bank and far less so to improved policing (LJSS team learned of domestic violence victims Kopoko 2010, LJSS Lae 2010 and LJSS who were pressured to take their claims NCD 2009). In seeking justice, victims of to the village court rather than the police crime were more likely to report their despite the fact that according to law, as experience to family and community criminal acts, domestic violence cases fall members than to police (JAG 2008, Kopi outside of the jurisdiction of village et al 2010). Similarly, Findlay (no date) courts. presents findings from the Business Crime survey for Port Moresby, 2010, Weak state capacity to provide security which indicate very low levels of and rule of law has been pointed to by a confidence in the police and reporting of number of the studies as a significant crime by businesses. Businesses believe factor in high rates of crime and that the police are “disinterested”, violence. The Report of the UN Special “corrupt” and ineffective 26 . The survey Rapporteur on Torture and other forms of also found that business believed that inhuman, degrading and humiliating ethnic affiliations played a role in police treatment (2010:2), for example, noted investigation of crime. This was echoed in that the police-force had “insufficient the findings of the World Bank human and financial resources, consultations with experts and widespread corruption, low standards of stakeholders. professionalism, difficulties in accessing rural areas”, and a lack of political will. Private security firms are being used to The ratio of police officers to civilians is provide security for businesses, some has been low, compared with those in communities as well a resource projects. developed countries in the region 24. Low There is preliminary evidence that there arrest and prosecution rates, even for has been considerable growth in the those crimes reported, illustrative of the lack of effectiveness of current law 25 Other examples included, when questioned about what they could do to make themselves or 24The ratio for PNG was noted in Goldman (2007) their households safer, only 12% of respondents as being is 1 officer for every 1000 civilians, with said that helping the police would make them feel ratios for Australia and New Zealand at 1:439 and safer. 1:692 respectively. 26 Findlay, p5,6 Paper 2: Drivers of Crime and Violence in Papua New Guinea ■ 13 number and size in the number of private 5. Summary of Findings firms offering security services. Some and Gaps in commentators have suggested that private security has taken over much of Understanding the role of the police force (UN Special An understanding of the traditional and Rapporteur on Torture, 2010 ,Walters evolving meanings of conflict, and the 2007), not least due to insufficient role they play in PNG, is important in numbers of police personnel (Lewis 2007), developing strategies to prevent with private security personnel far violence, as well as in identifying and outnumbering police officers in active addressing culturally-specific material duty 27 . While figures are currently not and non-material impacts of conflict. available 28, the WB scoping mission and This paper has highlighted the central the follow-up mission found private role that conflict has played in social and security to be widespread in the NCD, economic life in PNG. used even by individual government agencies as well as smaller and larger External and internal stresses place business. Consultations even revealed enormous pressure on institutions in that informal, private security is arranged PNG that are tasked with managing in rural areas for local businesses . Our conflict. While much of the literature consultations found a variety of views – necessarily draws upon, and creates, rich consistent with the variety in this sector- detail in the description of traditional on the efficacy of these firms, their links conflict systems, updating of knowledge to formal security agencies and to of the socio- cultural changes that have organized crime. Experiences from other taken place is essential to well-informed countries would suggest that the political policy and interventions. In addition, economy of this potentially large and augmenting the understanding of drivers growing sector of the economy deserves and stressors of conflict, particularly from examination, to explore its relationship to the perspective of the perpetrator would crime and violence and the efficacy of be key to understanding the evolving strategies to address the issue. dynamics of crime and violence. The following issues and gaps in the data/literature have been identified in this paper: • More evidence-based studies are required in both rural and urban areas 27 The report of the UN Special Rapporteur on to investigate changes in the meanings Torture and other forms of humiliating and and forms of conflict taking place, 29 degrading treatment found 4,800 private security officers, compared with 1,200 active police officers across the country. 28 The scoping team was unable to identify a 29This data may be provided by the findings of the regulatory body for the sector, or establish exactly 2009 Household Expenditure and Income Surveys how many firms were operating private security (see Paper No 1 in this series for further services in NCD. information). 14 ■ The Socio-economic Costs of Crime and Violence in Papua New Guinea • Clearer and up-to-date evidence on the underscore violence towards women, role of customary methods of conflict- or have other changes in the society management, their geographical and economy resulted in the current spread, types of disputes handled and prevalence and forms of GBV challenges faced in these customary experienced? The current literature mechanisms. does not examine the impact of recent • The role of traditional drivers of changes on gender-relations and conflict, particularly the desire to seek gender-based violence. compensation and maintain resource • While some preliminary analysis of equilibrium, needs to be further motivations and means for acquisition explored in urban environments as of firearms does exist, this would need towns and cities are characterized by to be updated with more current, greater disparities in wealth. Whether geographically representative, property crimes are an expression of empirical evidence. Accurately the desire for maintaining resource establishing prevalence (see Paper equilibrium may be a relevant No.1 in this series) by triangulating the question to consider in designing existing data and filling-in gaps would strategies to address these types of complement such analysis. crime in particular. • More empirical evidence and analysis • Greater understanding of the nature of would provide detail on the real or intra-clan and intra-family conflict perceived effectiveness of law around land-leasing and benefit- enforcement agencies, and the reasons sharing would provide valuable for their use/under-use (including the information for strengthening motivations for forum-shopping). This governance and dispute resolution in is particularly important as strategies the natural resource management to address crime and violence in PNG sector. have, in the past, placed an emphasis • Given the rapidly transforming social on improving police capacity and context, particularly with urbanization confidence of communities in the law and greater inter-marriage, it would be and justice institutions. important to investigate explicitly the • Given the growing market for private extent of social cohesion within security in response to crime and communities in settlements, given its violence, sound empirical evidence is key role in both preventing and required on multiple aspects of this addressing crime. industry- including regulation and • A better informed understanding, oversight, labor practices, and internal including differences between rural accountability. 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