Report No. 54677-TJ Republic of Tajikistan Country Economic Memorandum Tajikistan’s Quest for Growth: Stimulating Private Investment January 2011 Poverty Reduction and Economic Management Unit Europe and Central Asia Region FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY Document of the World Bank This document has a restricted distribution and may be used by recipients only in the performance of their official duties. Its contents may not otherwise be disclosed without World Bank authorization. CURRENCY EQUIVALENTS (Exchange Rate as of January 15, 2010) Currency Unit Tajikistan Somoni US$1.00 4.39 TJS 1.00 0.23 Weights and Measures: Metric System ABBREVIATIONS AND ACRONYMS BEEPS Business Environment and Enterprise Performance Survey CIS Commonwealth of Independent States CEM Country economic memorandum GDP Gross domestic product IFC International Finance Corporation IMF International Monetary Fund NBT National Bank of Tajikistan SOE State-owned enterprise TALCO Tajik Aluminum Company Vice President: Philippe Le Houérou Country Director: Motoo Konishi Sector Director: Luca Barbone/Yvonne Tsikata Sector Manager: Kazi Mahbub-Al Matin Task Team Leader: R. Sudharshan Canagarajah ii FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY Contents EXECUTIVE SUMMARY .......................................................................................................... vii Tajikistan’s Quest For Growth: Stimulating Private Investment ........................................... vii Recommendations .................................................................................................................. xiii 1. THE 2000S: A DECADE OF GROWTH WITH GRADUAL REFORM.......................... 1 Impact of the Global Economic Crisis ...................................................................................... 9 Where to Now? Comparative Advantage and Export Diversification .................................... 13 2. STIMULATING PRIVATE INVESTMENT ..................................................................... 16 Low Private Investment ........................................................................................................... 16 Poor Connectivity .................................................................................................................... 23 Policy Options ......................................................................................................................... 24 3. PROMOTING AGRICULTURAL GROWTH AND DIVERSIFICATION .................. 27 Policy Options ......................................................................................................................... 31 4. ENSURING FISCAL AND MACROECONOMIC STABILITY .................................... 32 Policy Options ......................................................................................................................... 32 5. MAINTAINING MIGRATION AND REMITTANCE INFLOWS ................................. 35 Policy Options ......................................................................................................................... 38 6. STRENGTHENING THE ELECTRICITY SECTOR ...................................................... 41 Ensuring Reliable Supply of Power ........................................................................................ 42 Exploiting Hydropower Export Potential ................................................................................ 44 Policy Options ......................................................................................................................... 45 7. IMPROVING SOCIAL PROTECTION, EDUCATION, AND HEALTH SERVICES 47 Social Protection ...................................................................................................................... 47 Education ................................................................................................................................. 49 Health ...................................................................................................................................... 51 Bibliography ............................................................................................................................ 53 List of Figures Figure 1.1: Tajikistan’s Per Capita Income Stays Woefully Low .................................................. 1 Figure 1.2: Total Factor Productivity Grows Strongly from the Early 1990s, Then Levels Off .... 2 Figure 1.3: Improved Macroeconomic Management Pays Off in the Early 2000s ........................ 3 Figure 1.4: Remittances Boom from 2005–Until the Global Crisis ............................................... 4 Figure 1.6: Real Exchange Rate Appreciation Threatens Export Expansion ................................. 6 Figure 1.7: Tajik Workers’ Gross Remittances Track the Price of Oil .......................................... 9 Figure 2.1: Gross Fixed Capital Formation in Tajikistan Compares Poorly with Regional Averages (percentage of GDP) .................................................................................. 17 This document has a restricted distribution and may be used by recipients only in the performance of their official duties. Its contents may not be otherwise disclosed without World Bank authorization. Figure 2.2: Tajikistan’s’ Trust in Economic Institutions Today is the Same as in the Republic of Korea and Thailand 40–50 Years Ago ...................................................................... 19 Figure 2.3: Tajikistan Firms Rate Lowly on Technical Efficiency .............................................. 20 Figure 2.4: Real Unit Labor Costs Rise Worryingly Fast ............................................................. 20 Figure 2.5: Tax, Electricity, and Corruption are the Three Main Constraints to Business Growth ................................................................................................................................... 21 Figure 3.1: Value Added of Noncotton Agriculture Rises Strongly in Recent Years .................. 30 Figure 5.1: Tajikistan’s Dependence on Remittances was the World’s Heaviest in 2009 ........... 35 Figure 5.2: Remittances Outstrip other Forms of Capital Inflows in Recent Years ..................... 36 Figure 5.3: Workers’ Skills are Becoming More of A Problem for Businesses in the Region, Especially in Tajikistan.............................................................................................. 37 Figure 7.1: Public Spending on Social Assistance is the Region’s Lowest .................................. 47 Figure 7.2: Social Assistance, Too, is a Regional Laggard .......................................................... 48 List of Tables Table 1.1: Structure of the Tajik Economy, 2000–09 ..................................................................... 2 Table 1.2: Macroeconomic Data, 2001–10 ..................................................................................... 3 Table 1.3: Investment, Savings, and Current Account, 2001–10 (percentage of GDP) ............... 10 Table 1.4: Nonperforming Loans, 2004–10 (percentage of gross loans) ..................................... 12 Table 1.5: Tajikistan’s Main Exports, 2000–09............................................................................ 14 Table 2.1: Seriousness of Various Constraints for Tajik Firms, 2005 and 2008 (percent of respondents) ................................................................................................................ 22 Table 4.1: Medium-term Macroeconomic Outlook ...................................................................... 33 Table 6.1: Shares of Electricity Sales, 2005–08 (percent) ............................................................ 41 Table 7.1: Education Indicators, 2008 .......................................................................................... 50 Table 7.2: Unemployment Rate by Education Attainment in Tajikistan, 2007 ............................ 51 List of Boxes Box 1.1: Trends in Remittances and their Impact on Macroeconomic Indicators................. Error! Bookmark not defined. Box 1.2: Tajikistan’s Reforms 2000–10 ......................................................................................... 8 Box 1.3: Inadequate Domestic Savings ........................................................................................ 11 Box 1.4: Continued Development of China and Russia as Major Partners .................................. 15 Box 2.1: Customs Reform: Lessons from Good Practices ........................................................... 23 Box 2.2: Substantial Benefits from Interregional Cooperation: Indonesia, Malaysia, and Singapore ........................................................................................................................ 26 Box 3.1: Improving Incentives for Efficient Use of Water and Irrigation Resources .................. 29 Box 5.1: Insights from the Philippines on Improving Migrant Workers’ Incomes and Quality of Life ................................................................................................................................. 39 Box 6.1: Strategic Issues in Tajikistan’s Aluminum Industry ...................................................... 43 Box 6.2: Lessons from Nam Theun 2 Hydropower Project in the Lao People’s Democratic Republic .......................................................................................................................... 44 iv ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The World Bank appreciates the excellent collaboration provided by the government of Tajikistan in the preparation of this Country Economic Memorandum (CEM). The Bank team benefited extensively from discussions with three key economic agencies in Tajikistan, the Ministry of Finance, the National Bank of Tajikistan, and the Ministry of Economics and Trade. Chiara Bronchi, Country Manager (ECCTJ); Sophie Sirtaine, Sector Manager (ECSF2); Dina Umali Deininger, Sector Manager (ECSS1); and Ranjit Lamech, Sector Manager (ECSSD) provided guidance and advice in finalizing the relevant sections of the document. The CEM team was led by R. Sudharshan Canagarajah, Lead Country Economist for Tajikistan (ECSPE). The following background papers written for the CEM will be posted at www.worldbank.org/tj: “Macroeconomic Challenges and Threats to Sustainable Growth,” R. Sudharshan Canagarajah and Martin Brownbridge, Consultant (ECSPE). “Agriculture Sector Growth in Tajikistan: Opportunities and Constraints,” Bekzod Shamsiev (SASDA) and Garry N. Christensen (ECSS1). “Inclusive Growth Analysis For a Remittance-Dependent Country: The Case of Tajikistan,” Elena Ianchovichina (MNACE); Leonardo Garrido, Susanna Lundstrom, and Juan Pedro Schmid (PRMED). “Shifting Comparative Advantages in Tajikistan: Implication for Growth Strategy,” Souleymane Coulibaly (ECSPE). “Development of the Energy Sector in Tajikistan: Challenges and Options,” Raghuveer Sharma (SASDE) and Venkataraman Krishnaswamy (ETWEN). “Private Sector Development in Tajikistan: Businesses Face High Hurdles to Expansion,” George Clarke and Andrea Dall’Olio (ECSF2). “Agricultural Finance in Tajikistan,” Brett E. Coleman (ECSF2). “Access to Financial Services for Private Sector Development,” Brett E. Coleman (ECSF2) and Christine L. Bowers (CEUTT). “Migration and Remittances in Tajikistan: Estimates, Impacts, and Directions for Policy,” Bryce Quillin, Jacqueline Irvine, and Matin Kholmatov. Comments and suggestions from the following are greatly appreciated: Utkir Umarov, Soulemane Coulibaly, Svetlana Proskurovska, Shuhrat Mirzoev, Matin Kholmatov, Munawar Khwaja, Hassan Aliev, Jana Kunicova (ECSPE); Brett Coleman, Andrea Dall’Olio, Chris J. v Uregian (ECFPF); Menahem Prywes, Saodat Bazarova, Pia Helen Schneider (ECSHD); John Ogallo (ECSPS); Sunil Khosla, Simone Giger, Bekzod Shamsiev, Bobojon Yatimov, Jessica Mott (ECSSD); Bryce Quillin (ECACE); Wendy Werner, Christine Bowers (IFC); Wendy S. Ayres, Martin Brownbridge, Sodiyk Khaitov, V. Krishnaswamy (consultants). Wendy Ayres, Rohit Malhotra, and Tapio Saavalainen (consultants) provided comments and assisted with editing during the final stages of writing the report. Zakia Nekaien-Nowrouz, Program Assistant (ECSPE) headed production of the written document and ably handled contracts and processed consultant travel. vi EXECUTIVE SUMMARY TAJIKISTAN’S QUEST FOR GROWTH: STIMULATING PRIVATE INVESTMENT 1. The Tajik government in its Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper for 2010–12 set an ambitious target of doubling gross domestic product (GDP) in a decade. Tajikistan clearly has the potential to grow at more than 7 percent a year as it has done in the recent past, but it is not going to be easy. The potential for “catch-up” growth from the depths of the recession of the 1990s is largely exhausted, the external environment is now less favorable than it was in the 2000s, and some drivers of past growth are unlikely to be sustained. Nevertheless, efforts by the government to create better conditions for higher private investment, exports, and employment, as well as strong support from the Tajik business community and development partners, could make this target a reality.1 2. In the 2000s, the Tajik economy recovered from the severe transition-related recession and civil conflict of the 1990s. Macroeconomic performance improved: inflation fell from 30–40 percent in the late 1990s to 6–7 percent in the mid-2000s, fiscal deficits were lower, and the current account deficit and external debt moved to more manageable levels. Real GDP growth averaged nearly 8 percent a year in 2000–08 (although per capita GDP, despite doubling, is still below pre-transition levels). The poverty headcount fell sharply, from 72 percent in 2003 to 54 percent in 2007, with more than a million people moving out of poverty; during the same period, the share of the extremely poor population fell from 42 percent to 17 percent. Key social indicators (for example, primary and secondary school enrollment rates, infant mortality, maternal mortality, and child malnutrition) also improved. 3. However, the economy suffered a downturn due to the external shocks of 2007–09. Tajikistan’s terms of trade severely worsened when world prices of cotton and aluminum (in 2007 cotton fiber and other cotton products accounted for 17 percent, and aluminum 63 percent, of total export receipts) declined relative to those of imported food and fuel. Exacerbated by the global economic crisis that hit Tajikistan’s trade partners in late 2008, aluminum export revenue fell by 46 percent and the value of cotton sales declined by 28 percent during the two years through end-2009. The global crisis also caused remittance inflows from abroad to contract by more than 30 percent. The government’s budget suffered substantial shortfalls in revenue with consequent pressures on public spending. Nonperforming loans in the banking sector rose to record levels. Economic growth slowed to 3.9 percent in 2009, less than half the average annual rate in 2000–08. Even this growth was only possible because better weather conditions contributed to higher agricultural output. 4. Tajikistan’s recovery from the recent crisis is under way. Real GDP is projected to grow by 6.5 percent in 2010, in part because growth in the first half reached 7 percent on higher output in power, construction, and manufacturing, and an increase in remittances and exports. Cotton and aluminum prices have recovered since the crisis and noncotton agricultural exports have risen. Banking performance remains weak due to the overhang of cotton debt and problems 1 The government has also shown strong commitment to addressing MDG objectives and donor coordination over the last decade. vii with state enterprises; private sector credit has yet to recover. Although government revenue has begun to pick up, the fiscal situation remains fragile with a relatively high public external debt. Without sustained future economic growth, the government will find it difficult to maintain its high rate of public investment. 5. As well as the post-conflict catch-up growth, the strong growth of the 2000s reflected rising domestic demand that was fueled by remittances. Migration to the Russian Federation grew rapidly from a relatively low base in 2000, with remittance inflows rising to 46 percent of GDP by 2008. This boosted domestic demand for services and goods, especially food and agricultural products. Total investment, dominated by public investment, has hovered at around 20 percent of GDP, while private investment has stagnated at around 5 percent of GDP, the lowest rate in the Europe and Central Asia region. 6. Five factors supported the economic performance. First, the peace agreement in 1997, which ended the civil war, permitted businesses and households to reengage in the economy. Second, the government was successful in stabilizing the economy, especially in the first five years of recovery, generating substantial dividends. Third, a growing global and regional economy during 2000–07 led to rising prices of Tajik exports, especially aluminum and cotton, and to growing demand for Tajik labor, especially from Russia. Fourth, government efforts at recovery were supported by rising inflows of assistance from donors, including international financial institutions. Fifth, the government carried out reforms, albeit gradually, that permitted existing businesses and households to take advantage of emerging opportunities. (See Box 1.2 for a list of the most important reforms from 2000 to 2010.) 7. The government’s reforms covered areas relevant for the country to benefit from a growing global and regional economy. In the early post-conflict years, the government opened up trade, established the National Bank of Tajikistan as the central bank as well as a commercial banking system, negotiated visa-free access for Tajik workers to go to Russia, and removed taxes on remittance inflows. It gave an increased role to private businesses and households, privatizing many small and medium enterprises (including cotton ginneries) and reforming agricultural and land institutions. In recent years, it has sought to improve the private investment climate, stimulate competition in air transport, rationalize cotton operations, improve public financial management, and strengthen governance in the central bank and some large state-owned enterprises (SOEs). 8. Nevertheless, Tajikistan still has a significant unfinished reform agenda. Although the private investment climate has improved, more must be done to enhance, for example, the stability and predictability of property rights by continuous monitoring of enforcement of reforms and limiting arbitrary interventions in businesses and farms for nonbusiness-related reasons. Increased financial viability and transparency of the large SOEs is needed to ensure that government revenue finances infrastructure and social services instead of SOE losses. Similarly, public expenditure must be managed more efficiently and transparently so that government revenue can be used to support growth and reduce poverty. Finally, future revenue from hydropower exports should not be used to finance losses of Barki Tajik, the state-owned power utility. viii 9. With a less favorable external environment than in the past, the government will need to accelerate reforms to meet its ambitious growth target. Migration and remittance inflows are expected to grow more slowly, given substantially lower forecast medium-term growth rates for Russia, so, although it is best to limit government interventions in remittances, facilitating migration could be useful. Similarly, efforts to improve productivity in cotton production would be helpful, even if growth prospects for cotton exports (by volume) are limited. Recent growth in noncotton agricultural exports suggests that reform and investment have considerable room to tap the potential for future growth in agriculture and in agro- processing. If appropriate conditions for implementing hydropower projects can be created, hydropower exports could be a new medium-term growth driver. 10. Tajikistan’s biggest challenge in the coming years will be lifting its low rates of private investment, and this requires a better investment climate. Existing regulations for starting a business are still too restrictive and past arbitrary government actions have discouraged investors. In addition, poor reliability of electricity supply, difficult tax administration processes, and insufficient storage facilities, among other hindrances, reduce private investment profitability even in the cities. 11. Tajikistan ranks quite low in the perception of investors and others as a place to start and operate a business. For a country that does not have a big domestic market and is not close to large markets, this is a major deficiency for attracting investment, including foreign investment. The World Bank’s 2011 Doing Business report 2 ranked Tajikistan 139 of 183 countries (although this was better than 2010’s rank of 152, putting it among the top 10 most improved countries). Elements in the improvement were that the government simplified business regulations, strengthened protection of investments for joint-stock companies, and enhanced shareholder rights. 12. In recent decades, most emerging economies sustained their strong growth by integrating into the world economy. Tajikistan can endeavor to do the same. Increased private investment and agricultural exports, and diversification into agro-processing and light manufactures, are needed to create jobs. Private investors will invest in export production if they can access competitive connections to neighboring markets from locations in Tajikistan, and if those locations have a sufficiently favorable investment climate. Since the two main cities, Dushanbe and Khujand, have better transport connections to other countries than elsewhere— especially through the north–south corridor—private investments in agriculture could potentially have higher returns if they are made in their hinterlands. The potential for export diversification, too, is highest in those two cities and their hinterlands. 13. Still, the extremely high costs of moving goods within the country and abroad are making Tajikistan uncompetitive in neighboring countries’ markets. The domestic freight rate between Dushanbe and Khujand, for example, exceeds that between Moldova and the United States. Given that Tajikistan is a small landlocked country, efforts to reduce costs and raise profitability of potential private investments will be vital, especially in agriculture and agro- processing. 2 World Bank 2010a. ix 14. To improve connectivity with neighbors, regional cooperation will be key. Tajikistan has to coordinate its efforts with those of neighbors. For example, upgrading roads to the Kyrgyz border will not reduce transport costs unless Kyrgyzstan does the same up to its border with Kazakhstan. Likewise, improving Tajikistan’s customs processing will only significantly reduce time taken in crossing borders if Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan take similar measures on the north– south corridor. Agreements on customs and transit have to be made among at least three countries. 15. Businesses in the country, including those in Dushanbe and Khujand, complain of power outages and poor supply reliability. The Business Environment and Enterprise Performance Survey highlights this as a major constraint for firms’ operations, resulting in losses amounting to nearly 20 percent of annual sales. To ensure continuous production, firms have to install generators, raising investment costs. Exporting firms find it difficult to compete with those in countries that do not have this impediment. The problem arises from less reliable domestic generation of power during the winter (when hydropower falls off due to low water levels in reservoirs), an inadequate transmission and distribution system, and the inability of Barki Tajik to operate profitably and pay cash for purchases of gas or power from neighboring countries. 16. Maintaining macroeconomic stability will be critical for raising private investment for growth, in view of the country’s high debt and vulnerability to external shocks. This will require continued vigilance by the central bank and the finance ministry to address problems facing the country. The room for additional public spending on infrastructure and social sectors is limited and thus public investment needs to be contained and prioritized for growth; in particular, public expenditure management will have to be strengthened to make spending more efficient. Large SOEs and banks require greater transparency and financial discipline, and the government must make more strenuous tax efforts, overhauling the tax regime (consistent with Tax Committee reform discussions with IFIs and as presented by the President to Majlisi Oli in April 2011). 17. The government will have to judiciously use its fiscal space and prioritize public investment. Upgrading and rehabilitating roads will be important, but they should be selected in a way that maximizes their impact on growth (such as those around Dushanbe and Khujand). In power, although it could finance transmission and distribution and small gas thermal plants, it should see that hydropower projects are financed mainly with nonrecourse debt financing so that their debt service obligations are not a potential charge on the government’s general budget. Given its high debt levels, if it borrows from abroad for public investments it should do so mainly on concessional terms. 18. Investments in noncotton agriculture are adversely affected by farmers’ still-limited ability to choose crops or to access finance, inputs, and storage facilities. Although a “freedom to farm” decree—Resolution 111—has been in effect since 2008 and some progress has been made, farmers’ freedom to select their crops is constrained partly by absence of clear rights to land and partly by interference from local authorities. In addition, farmers’ poor access to working capital and to inputs has affected both cotton and noncotton production. Storage x facilities, too, remain inadequate, with most of them built during the Soviet period. Even a region such as Sughd, which has ample facilities, saw its stored fruits and vegetables spoiled due to unreliable power supply, leading farmers to sell all their harvest in summer rather than wait for higher winter prices. Clearly, without good storage facilities in the right places and reliable power supply, exports will remain limited, even as conditions for efficient production improve. 19. Addressing the above issues simultaneously across the country may be the best option, but given limits on capacity and resources initial government efforts may be usefully focused geographically. Such a focus would mean developing a special export zone in each of the two main cities, with good connections to their agricultural hinterlands. In that event, initial government efforts (to issue land titles; develop better road connections; ease trucking and freight forwarding regulations; ensure farmers’ access to finance, inputs, and storage; ensure power reliability; and provide efficient customs processing) could be targeted at only these zones. The two zones could perhaps focus on agro-processing, dairy or meat, or light manufacturing. Many countries have used this “enclave” approach to jump-start their exports. Similarly in terms of roads, the government could first focus on connecting the two main cities’ hinterlands to the cities themselves and on improving these cities’ links to neighboring countries through selective investments in the north–south corridor. 20. Migration and remittance inflows will remain important for growth, even if they are unlikely to grow at pre-crisis rates. Improvements in the private investment climate and in connectivity with neighbors are likely to encourage recipients of remittances to increasingly allocate their receipts to local investments. A few recipients have recently started to invest in their family farms. So far, the government has not intervened in the recipients’ use of their remittance income; this policy has worked well and should be continued. Still, considerable room remains for improving conditions for migrants and potential migrants. A service that provides information on employment opportunities abroad and on migrants’ experiences will be useful, as will policies to encourage domestic banks to improve their services to capture a larger proportion of remittances. 21. Tajikistan’s energy sector is critical not only for the electricity it provides to all sectors, but also as a potential source of economic growth through hydropower exports. Domestically, electricity supply has been unreliable for businesses and households due to poor functioning of the transmission and distribution system, shortages in power in winter, and the weak management and financial performance of Barki Tajik. The addition of gas thermal generation capacity (only 5 percent of power generation is thermal) will help in winter. However, crucially, the country has huge potential to develop additional hydropower projects and export power surpluses to South Asia, Russia, and the rest of Central Asia, mainly in summer. If the government can create appropriate investment conditions for such projects, hydropower can be a future source of growth for Tajikistan as it has been for other countries. 22. Hydropower projects will require efforts along several dimensions. First, these projects need feasibility studies to determine their financially viability, at the least to ensure that they can service their debt from projected revenue. One such study is under way for the major Roghun hydropower project at government request. Second, Tajikistan will have to cooperate with other countries in the region both to ensure that those downriver are not affected and to xi secure power transmission rights over their territory. Third, in view of the high debt, these projects must use nonrecourse debt financing. Fourth, the high costs of these projects suggest that the government may not have the fiscal space to finance them. Thus efforts will have to be made to catalyze foreign private financing, which may be difficult given investor perceptions about the government’s limited capacity to fulfill contracts. Fifth, various domestic arrangements will have to be set up (such as hydropower revenue-management rules) to ensure that project revenue helps to support growth and reduce poverty. While these actions appear daunting, other countries (including small, low-income Lao People’s Democratic Republic) have implemented such measures for their own hydropower projects, with the support of international financial institutions. 23. A low-income economy like Tajikistan has to ensure that revenue from hydropower exports is additional and thus usable to support growth and reduce poverty. It therefore cannot relax its revenue-raising reforms. If it does, hydropower revenue will merely substitute for other taxes, benefiting existing taxpayers and not the poor. Similarly, the financial performance of large SOEs, including power utilities, must improve. Otherwise, revenue from hydropower will finance losses of SOEs and not contribute to growth or help to reduce poverty. Strengthening public expenditure management is also important to ensure that such revenue is used efficiently and transparently. 24. The country’s social protection, education, and health services need this revenue. Improving access of the poor in all parts of the country to education and health services will continue to be a priority. Tajikistan’s social protection system is ineffective at reducing extreme poverty and vulnerability, partly because it is dominated by old-age and disability pensions. The 2008-09 crisis illustrated that the country had no effective social programs to assist the poor; rather, it had to rely on World Food Program food aid distributed to the most vulnerable. One option to improve the social protection system would be to introduce targeted assistance for achieving higher coverage of the extreme poor and vulnerable while being cognizant that fiscal space is limited. 25. Shortages of skilled labor do not appear to be a major constraint to growth at present. Indeed, the Tajik population is relatively well educated for a country of its income level. Still, school infrastructure is poor, showing significant inequalities across regions; the quality of education is at risk of deteriorating (in spite of implementing progressive per capita financing mechanism of schools and continuous increase in teachers’ salaries shortage of teachers persists); and skill mismatches may become a constraint, as the system is not producing enough people for the specialist and technical professions. 26. Investment in health care, too, is crucial to long-term growth and development. But Tajikistan fares poorly relative to other countries in the region, due to a combination of low public financing, excessive and outdated hospital infrastructure, underfunded primary health care, and inefficient resource allocation. The cost of health care is a deterrent to accessing care— people have to make out-of-pocket payments, which excludes many of the poor from even the most basic services—although with improvements in household welfare since 2003, more people now seek health services. xii 27. Overall, the challenges facing Tajikistan’s quest for sustained growth are many, and the unfinished reform agenda is large. The country needs to put greater focus on raising private investment and pursuing regional cooperation, as success there will be critical for economic growth. This report’s analysis suggests that the reform agenda can be usefully targeted at the following four sub-objectives. The recommendations under each sub-objective provide a good basis for further discussion. Some of these measures were discussed with the government during the preparation of this report and reflect those discussions. Others are presented here for the first time. Some can be adopted right away, while others may require consultations with other stakeholders. RECOMMENDATIONS 28. Stimulate private investment, especially in agriculture. Notwithstanding promising signs in recent years, this has proven difficult to do over the last decade. This is largely because it requires successful actions along several fronts to improve the investment climate, and most importantly a signal to all investors from the highest policymaking level that their property rights are protected. The actions needed from the government are the following: Continue to simplify regulations and processes for starting and operating businesses, including those relating to licenses and permits. Make special efforts to attract foreign and regional investors with technology and market linkages in agriculture, agro-processed goods, and other relevant areas by increasing transparency and limiting arbitrariness in applying regulations. Reduce complexity and nontransparency of tax administration by reducing the number of taxes and the number of tax payments, clarifying tax regulations, and developing a tax manual showing clearly obligations and rights of tax administrators and taxpayers. Improve access to reliable supply of electricity year-round, starting with Dushanbe and Khujand and their hinterlands. This is likely to involve some combination of adding gas thermal generation capacity, enhancing the transmission and distribution system, improving power pricing, and strengthening the management and financial performance of Barki Tajik. Strengthen banking by implementing the recently adopted strategy and action plan to increase soundness of banks and improve financial services. Consider the option of establishing special export/industrial zones in Dushanbe and Khujand, giving businesses streamlined processes for private investment and operation, transparent tax and customs administration, reliable power supply, and other business services. Increase efforts at regional cooperation, for improving trade and transport connections to regional markets and trade facilitation at borders, by working closely with neighboring governments. Upgrade and rehabilitate a few key legs of the north–south corridor to reduce the transport costs of moving goods to regional markets, and ensure better connections of the two main cities with their hinterlands. Continue to foster competition in air transport to expand access and connections within and across borders and strengthen aviation operations. xiii Issue land-use certificates to confirm family farms’ land-use rights; implement and confirm the elimination of farmers’ old cotton debt; enhance timely access to working capital, irrigation, and inputs especially to farmers with land-use certificates; and expand availability of storage facilities with access to reliable electricity. To ensure maximum impact given capacity and resource limits, make these improvements initially in the agricultural hinterlands of Dushanbe and Khujand. Facilitate export diversification by promoting noncotton agribusiness expansion through financing opportunities and regional cooperation. 29. Ensure macroeconomic stability and sound public financial management. Tajikistan has made significant gains in macroeconomic management. Yet sustaining stability remains challenging, given vulnerability to external shocks, relatively high levels of public external debt and the contingent risks from SOEs, and banks’ financial situation. This requires continued vigilance by the Ministry of Finance and the National Bank of Tajikistan. The following actions are needed for sustaining macroeconomic stability in the medium term: Contain and prioritize public investment in infrastructure and social sectors, with choice of infrastructure guided by the likely growth impact and later by the impact on expanded access by the poor in all areas, especially those outside Dushanbe and Khujand. Subject SOEs and banks to financial discipline and increased transparency through regular external audits, better management, frequent monitoring and reporting by the Ministry of Finance, and reduced access to subsidies from the government, to avoid the quasi-fiscal deficits of Barki Tajik or stemming from cotton financing, which have undermined fiscal stability in the past. Improve the tax regime, increase tax efforts through better tax administration and expanded coverage of large taxpayers and ensure tax-payments by SOEs. Pursue price stability by putting in place a credible and effective monetary policy framework that requires the central bank to avoid all quasi-fiscal activities. Ensure that exchange rate policy remains supportive of exports. 30. Maintain remittance inflows at current or higher levels. Government interventions in migration and use of remittance inflows have been minimal so far, and on most counts this pattern should be continued. The environment in which migrants operate can be improved, however, making it easier on them and their families and increasing the returns per migrant. Recommendations include: Continue efforts to seek better treatment of Tajik migrants in host countries. Create an information center, consistent with the newly created Migration Service under the Presidency, for migrants and their families. It should offer information on employment opportunities abroad and share migrants’ experiences. Pursue policies that encourage the financial sector to provide better services to migrants and their families. The aim is to capture a larger share of remittance inflows through banks and to encourage a share of those inflows to remain in banks as deposits. xiv Invest in human capital development and ensure better access of the poor to education services (including basic education, specialized skills and language) so that Tajik migrants can earn higher incomes abroad and that returning migrants can contribute more to Tajikistan’s economy. 31. Strengthen the electricity sector for reliable domestic supply and larger hydropower exports. Electricity supply has been unreliable for reasons mentioned above. But given the country’s huge potential to develop additional hydropower projects and export power, if the government can create the appropriate investment climate, hydropower can be a source of growth. Recommendations include: Reorganize Barki Tajik to transform it into a commercially and technically efficient business-oriented company with management autonomy. Eliminate quasi-fiscal deficits in the power sector by reducing technical losses and misuse of the power grid, and by increasing tariffs to cost-recovery levels. Focus on enhancing domestic energy supplies while developing energy supplies for export and managing winter availability of power judiciously. Undertake feasibility studies to determine the financial viability of proposed hydropower projects to ensure that they can service their debt from project revenue. Advance discussions with other countries in the region to ensure that downstream countries are not affected adversely and that other neighbors permit transmission of power exports over their territory. Create a climate for attracting foreign private investment in hydropower through public-private partnerships. Ensure that revenue from hydropower exports is used to support growth and reduce poverty. To do that, Barki Tajik and other SOEs must improve their financial discipline; also, existing tax efforts must be maintained, public expenditure management strengthened, and hydropower project revenue-management rules developed. These efforts ought to be built into the design of hydropower projects, as done elsewhere. Continue expanding the small-scale hydropower network to reduce power shortages in remote areas through public-private partnerships. Complete the techno-economic, environmental, and social safeguards assessments for the Roghun project. xv 1. THE 2000S: A DECADE OF GROWTH WITH GRADUAL REFORM 1.1 The Tajik economy had a strong recovery from the transition-related recession, which had been more severe than in other countries of the former Soviet Union because of prolonged civil conflict. The 1997 peace agreement ended the civil war and provided the foundation for economic recovery. The peace dividend was strengthened by sound macroeconomic stabilization policies and several structural reforms—notably in the areas of small-scale privatization, limited reforms of agricultural institutions, and banking reforms. Initial steps in land reform were also taken. As a result—subsequently supported by strong growth of workers’ remittances—real GDP growth averaged 8 percent a year during 2000–08. 1.2 Still, Tajikistan remains the poorest country in the Europe and Central Asia region and per capita income is currently well that of mid-low income countries (Figure 1.1). Against this, the Tajik economy has rapidly evolved since independence, and if it continues to grow at the rates of 2000–08 in the coming years, Tajikistan could become a lower middle- income country by 2030. Figure 1.1: Tajikistan’s Per Capita Income Stays Woefully Low Source: World Development Indicators database. Note: 2010 is estimated. World Bank Atlas method (current US$). 1.3 The rise in real GDP during 2000–09 was accompanied by a structural transformation of the economy (Table 1.1). Agriculture’s contribution to GDP gradually diminished, while that of services grew. This will naturally lead to new challenges, since 75 percent of Tajik population live in rural areas and derive the majority of their income from agriculture. 1 Table 1.1: Structure of the Tajik Economy, 2000–09 2000 2008 2009 2000–08 2009 Percentage of GDP Average annual real growth (%) Agriculture 27.4 25.8 26.4 8.7 10.5 Industry 38.9 29.1 25.1 5.8 –6.5 Manufacturing 36.5 27.1 23.5 7.1 1.2 Services 33.7 45.1 48.5 12.5 7.0 GDP 8.9 3.8 Source: World Development Indicators database. 1.4 GDP growth from 1997 was largely the result of a strong rebound from the transition-related recession and the civil conflict. Tajikistan’s real GDP had fallen approximately 68 percent during 1991–96. Recovery was characterized by steady increases in capacity utilization and increases in total factor productivity (Figure 1.2); contributions from increases in investment and labor productivity were not significant. Sound macroeconomic and fiscal policies helped to stabilize the economy. Moreover, the external environment was favorable, with rising export prices of cotton and aluminum leading to a doubling in exports during 1997–2007. Consequently, economic growth remained robust even after capacity utilization had reached pre-independence levels. Figure 1.2: Total Factor Productivity Grows Strongly from the Early 1990s, Then Levels Off 20% 10% 0% -10% -20% -30% -40% 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2008 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 Output growth TFP growth factor growth Linear (TFP growth) Source: World Bank. 1.5 Improved macroeconomic management contributed significantly to stabilizing the economy in the first half of the 2000s (Figure 1.3 and Table 1.2). A marked reduction in fiscal deficits in the late 1990s and sound fiscal management since then laid a solid foundation for monetary policy to accommodate the increasing demand for money. Inflation declined and the economy was increasingly monetized, albeit from a very low level. During 2000–05, the average rate of growth of real GDP exceeded 10 percent a year. At the same time headline inflation declined to single digits. Despite a strong growth of domestic demand, the external current account recorded only small deficits. In addition, the external public debt was brought down to 2 sustainable levels by a combination of controls on foreign borrowing and external debt relief from bilateral and multilateral creditors. Figure 1.3: Improved Macroeconomic Management Pays Off in the Early 2000s Source: Tajikistan Ministry of Finance, International Monetary Fund, 2010 forecast. Table 1.2: Macroeconomic Data, 2001–10 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010* Real GDP growth, percent 9.6 10.8 11.1 10.6 6.7 7.0 7.8 7.9 3.9 6.5 Inflation, end-of period, percent 12.5 14.5 13.7 5.7 7.1 12.5 19.8 11.9 5.0 9.0 Growth nominal spending (including net lending), percent 33.5 38.9 41.6 16.0 57.1 22.7 80.4 34.9 19.4 13.0 Current account balance, percent of GDP -5.1 -3.5 -1.3 -3.9 -2.7 -2.8 -8.6 -7.6 -4.9 -3.5 Trade balance, percent of GDP -9.7 -7.7 -6.6 -7.3 -26.9 -34.9 -45.0 -52.7 -38.7 -39.6 Fiscal balance, percent of GDP -3.1 -2.2 -1.8 -2.4 -3.1 1.7 -6.1 -5.5 -5.4 -4.4 Government net domestic financing, percent of GDP -0.8 -0.1 -1.1 -1.7 0.3 -3.3 -1.3 -1.0 1.3 0.1 Public and publicly guaranteed debt, percent of GDP 98.5 84.7 66.3 39.4 38.8 32.4 33.7 29.2 34.0 34.4 Source: Ministry of Finance, International Monetary Fund. a Estimates as of December 2010. 1.6 These achievements were significant. But they also contributed to a degree of complacency among the authorities that was later reflected in serious setbacks in macroeconomic management. The favorable terms of trade may also have contributed to this sentiment. 1.7 Slippages in macroeconomic management appeared in the mid-2000s. First, the National Bank of Tajikistan (NBT) granted directed credits for cotton trade financing equivalent to nearly 16 percent of GDP in 2004–07. (Credit was directed to cotton farmers, regardless of 3 their ability to repay.) This resulted in a large increase in the growth of broad money, which, along with the sharp increases in world food prices, fueled inflation, which reached 20 percent in 2007. Second, NBT in the early 2000s started pledging its foreign exchange deposits to external commercial creditors to secure loans for cotton investors. The private investors failed to repay most of these loans and the NBT lost the bulk of its foreign exchange reserves. Investors were also unable to repay loans made in domestic currency, and the result was a quasi-fiscal deficit in 2008 equivalent to some 12 percent of GDP. Third, the state-owned electricity provider, Barki Tajik, continued to accumulate large deficits as it sold electricity below cost. In 2007, its quasi- fiscal deficit was estimated at 8 percent of GDP. This was funded by arrears to the central government budget and capital depreciation, thus undermining the future health of the electricity sector as a whole. These three elements, together with external shocks, contributed to a rise in economic imbalances even before the impacts of the global crisis were felt. 1.8 Growth in investment and consumption was first sustained by a rise in foreign aid inflows and then by workers’ remittances. Remittances started to expand rapidly in 2005 (Figure 1.4 and Box 1.1), fueling a further boom in private consumption. Domestic absorption accelerated, and grew much faster than GDP. As a result, the trade deficit widened but, as it was financed mainly by remittances, the external current account deficit remained moderate (Table 1.2). Figure 1.4: Remittances Boom from 2005–Until the Global Crisis Source: National Bank of Tajikistan, World Bank. 1.9 The strong inflows of remittances changed the structure of demand, shifting it toward nontraded goods, such as services, and away from manufacturing and agricultural production (Figure 1.5). During the second half of the 2000s, demand for traded goods was increasingly met through imports. Foreign exchange earnings were supplied mainly by remittances as they overtook total exports as the largest source of hard currency earnings. By 2008, remittances provided three and a half times as much foreign exchange as goods and services exports. It is estimated that there were half a million Tajik migrant workers in 2007, a fourfold increase since 2004. The vast majority of them worked in Russia on construction sites and in other low-skill service industries. 4 Box 1.1: Trends in Remittances and their Impact on Macroeconomic Indicators Labor migration and associated remittances to Tajikistan have become an integral part of growth, poverty reduction, and development in Tajikistan. Remittance inflows rose by a factor of five in 2004–08, overtaking exports and foreign direct investment by many times: in 2009 their value was 17 times that of foreign direct investment, and exceeded that of exports by more than 200 percent (down from 300 percent in 2008; Box Figure 1). Driven largely by the booming Russian economy, remittances grew at a staggering 60 percent a year before peaking in 2008 at a US$2.67 billion or over 46 percent of the country’s GDP. However, in 2009 remittances fell by over 30 percent from 2008 levels to about US$1.83 billion (or over a third of the GDP) because of the global slowdown that affected Russia particularly severely. Remittances have been critical to Tajikistan’s recent economic growth and reduction in the number of people living in poverty. Remittances finance consumption primarily, so the effect on poverty is huge. Remittance-fueled consumption has led to rising imports, which reached US$2.8 billion by 2009 or over 60 percent of GDP. They have also contributed to revenue, due to value-added taxes on imports. While down in 2009, remittances were critical in mitigating the impact of the global crisis on Tajikistan, providing much-needed foreign exchange and slowing the depreciation of the national currency. The importance of remittances to Tajikistan’s economy should not, however, distract the authorities from urgent reforms to attract more private investment—and jobs—to the country. Box Figure 1: Remittances Overtake Exports and Foreign Direct Investment in the Mid-2000s 5 Figure 1.5: Remittances Change the Structure of Demand (2000 = 100) 300 280 Absorption 260 GDP 240 Traded Goods 220 Non-traded Goods 200 180 Employment 160 140 120 100 80 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 Source: World Bank and government of Tajikistan estimates 1.10 In the context of weak macroeconomic management in recent years, rising remittance inflows have led to real exchange rate appreciation and “Dutch disease”-type effects. The result has been a squeeze on Tajikistan’s traded sector and an expansion of the nontraded sector, accompanied by a rise in labor costs even after adjustments for productivity are taken into account (Figure 1.6). This real exchange rate appreciation threatens the expansion of exports and the creation of productive employment, and therefore sustained and inclusive growth. It underscores the need for improvements in the competitiveness of the economy and the challenges of managing remittance flows. Figure 1.6: Real Exchange Rate Appreciation Threatens Export Expansion (2000 = 100) 180 0.160 160 0.140 140 E Rate ()Somoni / Ruble) 0.120 120 RER (2000=100) 0.100 100 0.080 80 0.060 60 0.040 40 20 0.020 0 0.000 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 Index RER, 2000=100 Nominal Exchange Rate (Somoni/ Ruble) Source: World Bank calculations. 6 1.11 The rapid growth of export earnings began to abate in the mid-2000s, due primarily to falls in exports of processed aluminum and cotton. Growth in exports of the processed output of imported raw aluminum (Tajikistan’s main export earner) was constrained by smelter capacity and the availability of power, especially in winter. The value of cotton exports declined, largely because of sharp reductions in output resulting from mismanagement and a natural transition from the Soviet-era central planning approach to agriculture. The decline of the cotton industry, which had been a major employer of wage labor in Tajikistan, was a significant push factor for migration. Workers in the cotton industry quit their jobs and migrated for work because of low wages and in many cases continuing wage arrears.3 1.12 Nevertheless, steady economic growth continued until the recent global economic crisis. This was because of a continued increase in remittances and a rapidly expanding externally financed public investment program. Tajikistan had experienced a severe terms-of- trade shock in 2007, when global prices of food and fuel soared relative to the prices of cotton and processed aluminum, but the shock did not affect GDP growth. Its impact was, although, exacerbated by the crisis. 1.13 Despite the challenges, the Tajik economy remained surprisingly resilient to the crisis. Economic growth of 3.9 percent in 2009 was better than that of almost all other countries in the region and significantly exceeded expectations at the start of that year. 1.14 Tajikistan achieved substantial welfare improvements in 2003–07, but poverty remained widespread. The poverty headcount declined from 72 percent in 2003 to 54 percent in 2007 (from 74 percent to 55 percent in rural areas, and from 69 percent to 49 percent in urban areas), using the absolute poverty line derived from the 2007 Tajikistan living standards measurement survey.4 Under this poverty line, about 1 million people escaped absolute poverty in 2003–07. The incidence of extreme poverty declined from 42 percent in 2003 to 17 percent in 2007. Although the decline in extreme poverty was more rapid in rural areas, 75 percent of the poor in 2007 still lived in those areas (as did 71 percent of the extreme poor). Subjective measures of welfare and the data on possession of durable goods also confirm that during 2003– 07 living standards in Tajikistan improved notably. 1.15 The welfare improvements were related primarily to rising migration and remittances. Migration for temporary work abroad has become one of the key strategies for households to cope with poverty. In 2007 about 25 percent of households had at least one member working abroad. Remittances from migrant workers account for as much as 35 percent of household income, and for an even larger share of income among households in the lower consumption deciles. Some 96 percent of migrants travel to Russia, and of those 55 percent work in construction and another 30 percent in various low-skill jobs. The expected reduction in migration and remittances due to the global economic downturn is therefore likely to have resulted in increased poverty levels, vulnerability, and income inequality. 3 Van Atta 2009. 4 Using the purchasing power poverty line of US$2.15 a day, the poverty headcount declined from 64 percent in 2003 to 41 percent in 2007. The absolute poverty line derived in 2007 is equal to 139 somoni a month (Tajikistan State Committee on Statistics and UNICEF 2009). 7 Box 1.2: Tajikistan’s Reforms 2000–10 2000–04 Tax: Additional offices of the large taxpayer inspectorate are established under the tax committee to improve tax administration; customs committee issues new procedures for goods moving through customs, including simplified rules for humanitarian goods. Public expenditure management: Coverage of the treasury extended to include all central government payments outside Dushanbe. Private sector/agriculture reforms: A large share of arable land privatized by moving ownership to households and to private entities. 2005–07 Tax: New tax code introduced, tax department restructured along functional lines with roles and responsibilities clarified and new procedures/systems introduced; new customs code modeled on Russian code enacted and implemented; customs tariff schedule simplified. Public expenditure management: Law on state budget incorporating public investment program and loans and grants from international finance institutions enacted; single treasury account established consolidating bank accounts of all ministries; budget committee with sector ministry participation introduced in budget formulation process and medium-term expenditure framework action plan adopted; GFS 1986 classification implemented in 14 sectors for better monitoring of budget execution; new procurement law enacted; medium-term expenditure framework initiated, with the first pilot in education; SOEs: Electricity sector restructured by separating policy making from commercial operations (Barki Tajik); schedule for electricity tariff adjustments for 2007–10 adopted to gradually move toward cost recovery; restructuring of Tajik State Airlines into several separate entities initiated (one for the airline, one for air traffic control, and four to operate the four airports). Private sector/agriculture reforms: Licensing requirements reformed to reduce time and financial cost for businesses; Resolution 111 issued, confirming farmers’ right to choose which crops to grow on their land and where to market them without interference by local authorities; universal cotton grading standards and a new cotton pricing method introduced; joint venture to provide cotton grading services accredited. 2008–10 Tax: Corporate income tax reduced from 25 to 15 percent (for banks and telecommunication companies rates remained at 25 percent). Public expenditure management: procurement offices established in seven ministries, standard bidding documents adopted, and a public procurement agency to oversee public procurement set up in all ministries as provided for under the procurement law. SOEs: Restructuring of Tajik State Airlines into several separate entities completed, aimed at increasing transparency, accountability, and efficiency of the entities; audits of Barki Tajik for 2008–09 completed; TALCO’s operations for 2006- 08 audited using reputed international auditors, and audit reports published; NBT’s financial accounts audited using reputed international auditors. Private sector/agriculture reforms: Frequency of government inspections of businesses reduced (including a 2 year moratorium) through amendments and decrees; revised joint stock companies law enacted; minority shareholders granted access to all corporate documents; minimum capital requirements eliminated for non-financial companies; one-stop shop for business registration introduced; entry of foreign airlines to provide more air transport connections expanded; national bank law and the commercial banking law amended; minimal capital requirements for commercial banks and micro finance organizations raised; cotton debt resolution strategy adopted, including the write-off of farmers’ cotton debt; requirement of clearance from the NBT for export transactions removed, including cotton exports. 1.16 High levels of migration are, however, unlikely to continue for various social, political, and economic reasons. Tajikistan’s dependence on workers’ remittances from Russia 8 is a major source of macroeconomic vulnerability due to the impact of oil price volatility on that much larger economy. Russia is currently the world’s largest exporter of natural gas and the second largest exporter of oil. In 2008, hydrocarbon exports accounted for over half its total government revenue and 69 percent of total exports. The Russian economy grew at an average annual real rate of 6.3 percent during 2007–08, as oil prices jumped to historic highs. This in turn drove up the demand for migrant labor from Tajikistan, and workers’ gross remittances peaked at US$328 million in July 2008 (Figure 1.7), totaling US$2.67 billion for the whole of 2008. However, oil (and gas) prices are historically very volatile and unpredictable. 5 The Russian economy contracted by 7.9 percent in 2009 with the collapse in oil prices. In turn, demand for migrant labor fell, and Tajik migrants’ remittances fell to US$83 million in February 2009 (totaling US$1.83 billion in all 2009). The Russian economy continues to face uncertainty and it is impossible to predict with accuracy its future demand for Tajik labor. Figure 1.7: Tajik Workers’ Gross Remittances Track the Price of Oil (monthly data, January 2005–January 2010, nominal US$) Source: National Bank of Tajikistan and U.S. Energy Information Agency (U.S. Department of Energy). IMPACT OF THE GLOBAL ECONOMIC CRISIS 1.17 When the crisis hit in late 2008, Tajikistan’s macroeconomic environment had already deteriorated significantly. Growth was slowing. In 2007, annual inflation was close to 20 percent, the external current account deficit was climbing toward 10 percent of GDP, and public and publicly guaranteed external debt remained uncomfortably high at around a third of GDP (Table 1.2). These factors, along with the inefficient spending of public funds, significantly narrowed the fiscal space available to respond to the crisis. (As discussed in detail in Section 7, Tajikistan’s spending on social protection, education, and health is very inefficient and poorly targeted). Private fixed capital investment also remained low at around a little over 6 percent of 5 After averaging nearly US$80 per barrel (in 2010 US$) in 1973–82, the real price of oil averaged only US$33 a barrel in 1983–2004. This was then followed by even more volatility. 9 GDP. Moreover, Tajikistan is at high risk of debt distress, according to the joint IMF–World Bank debt sustainability analysis conducted in March 2010, because of the vulnerabilities of the debt indicators to macroeconomic shocks.6 1.18 The current account deficit narrowed in 2009–10. At 4.9 percent of GDP in 2009 (Table 1.3), Tajikistan’s current account deficit is not large relative to other countries of similar income. It narrowed with the implementation of Chinese-financed infrastructure projects, and appears to be sustainable at this level. Table 1.3: Investment, Savings, and Current Account, 2001–10 (percentage of GDP) 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010a Investment 16.7 13.8 13.1 14.9 14.8 13.7 22.9 21.3 18.7 17.1 of which Fixed capital investment 9.3 10.8 12.0 13.5 13.8 12.8 22.0 20.5 14.2 12.1 Government 5.1 5.4 6.5 8.1 7.8 6.8 15.0 14.5 13.2 10.1 Private 4.2 5.4 5.5 5.4 6.0 6.0 7.0 6.0 1.0 2.0 Gross national savings 11.6 10.3 11.9 10.9 12.1 10.9 14.3 13.6 13.8 13.6 Government 1.9 3.0 4.8 5.8 4.9 8.5 8.9 9.0 7.8 5.8 Private 9.7 7.3 7.1 5.1 7.2 2.4 5.4 4.6 6.0 7.8 Current account deficit -5.1 -3.5 -1.2 -4.0 -2.7 -2.8 -8.6 -7.7 -4.9 -3.5 Foreign direct investment 0.9 3.0 2.0 13.1 2.4 2.3 4.3 5.8 0.3 1.6 Donor support - 0.2 0.3 0.7 0.7 4.7 1.9 1.6 3.4 2.2 Source: IMF and World Bank staff calculations. a Estimates as of December 2010. 1.19 Private investment fell substantially. Tajikistan’s challenge is that both savings (Box 1.3) and investment are low, especially private investment, which fell from already low levels to 1 percent of GDP in 2009, in response to the crisis. To sustain growth over the long term, much higher investment levels will be required. These will have to be financed from higher domestic savings or by non debt-creating external finance, such as foreign direct investment. 1.20 The crisis affected the Tajik economy most directly through a fall in remittances from migrant workers. Remittances fell by 31 percent in 2009 (Figure 1.7), both because of the drop in employment and because of the depreciation of the Russian ruble. The fall in remittances reduced private disposable incomes by about 10 percent in 2009, thus slowing the growth of private consumption and aggregate demand. The government budget suffered substantial shortfalls in revenue, in large part because of the decline in import revenue. Nevertheless, the government has maintained a broadly balanced budget (excluding the externally financed public investment program). With slower growth, continued fiscal adjustment, and renewed monetary discipline, inflation declined to single digits. 6 IMF and World Bank 2009. 10 Box 1.3: Inadequate Domestic Savings Tajikistan has a low national savings rate. It averaged just over 12 percent of GDP during 2003–08 (compared with about 29 percent of GDP for both Armenia and Russia in the same period). As long as that rate remains low, without foreign direct investment, private investment will also be low, because Tajik firms have limited access to investable savings from international capital markets. None of the key components of national savings—household, corporate, or public—shows strength. To the extent that savings exist in the private sector, they do not show up in banking’s funding base, making financial intermediation very low and inefficient by international standards. Lack of trust in banks, due to their weak governance and low quality of customer service, is an important factor in Tajik citizens’ reluctance to deposit their money in local banks. Another factor in low household savings stems from the country’s low income levels and high poverty rates. And although workers’ remittances are high, they have been used mainly to satisfy pent-up consumption demand. Aggregate corporate savings are low because of the large share of low-profit state-owned enterprises in national output. Among small and medium enterprises, cumbersome tax procedures, government interference, and corruption encourage firms to hide their financial surpluses and to self-finance their operations. As a result, shadow activities (not captured in the official statistics) undermine the public sector revenue base. Past strong economic growth should have provided a strong stimulus to private investment. So an important question is: To what extent did a shortage of finance act as a constraint to private investment growth? The evidence suggests that such a shortage is not a major constraint. Although private credit is low relative to GDP, this is not evidence of excess demand for credit from private investors. Real interest rates have, on average, been high in Tajikistan because of limited competition among banks, the poor quality of collateral to secure loans, and shortcomings in the business environment, especially with regard to deficiencies in legal rights.1 Nevertheless, although most firms that need bank loans and can afford their high cost appear to get them, access to finance is a problem for many firms: about 30 percent of firms in the 2007 Business Environment and Enterprise Performance Survey (BEEPS) cited the issue as a severe obstacle to doing business. (The BEEPS survey was undertaken in 1999, 2002, 2005, and 2009 by the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development and the World Bank.) In terms of financing from abroad, foreign direct investment is insignificant, reflecting the poor investment climate. Moreover, government access to international capital markets is virtually nonexistent, in part due to recent defaults on external cotton sector loans, which will impose a long-term reputational cost on the economy. The low private investment rate is likely to persist as a constraint to economic growth for as long as the banking sector’s funding base remains shallow and real interest rates stay high. Malaysia is an example of a small economy that attracted private investment and used it as an engine of rapid economic development. Starting in the mid-1970s, it solicited foreign investment in electronics, citing the attractions of an educated workforce and business-friendly environment. Electronics had become the country’s leading export sector by 1987, creating thousands of well-paid jobs. 1. In the finance sector, institutional shortcomings feed into inefficiencies, which increase costs and interest rates, thus reducing demand for credit. There are limited bank skills and tools to assess credit risk along with weak bank governance (for example, insider loans with low repayment) and limited competition among banks. Furthermore, weaknesses in the judicial system have led to poor contract enforcement and inefficient execution of collateral (poor collateral is the most common reason for banks to reject a loan application). Low public confidence in banks raises the costs that banks must incur to attract deposits. Lack of liquidity management instruments (such as government bonds) that can be used as collateral for an interbank money market results in banks holding excess liquidity. The lack of a credit information system (for example, a credit bureau) or strong accounting standards leads to poor information on borrowers, increasing the risk of lending to borrowers who are not creditworthy. Weak and inaccessible secured lending registries reduce the value of property as collateral. All these factors increase the costs of financial intermediation, causing interest rates to remain high and reducing demand for loans. 1.21 Responding to the crisis, the government’s economic policy achieved the right balance. Real exchange rate depreciation of 22 percent between January and July 2009 allowed the fiscal stance to remain only slightly expansionary in 2009, keeping the fiscal deficit low, consistent with the requirements of external debt sustainability. Monetary policy was constrained by the need to replenish foreign exchange reserves, devastated by the losses from NBT’s loan pledges and directed credits to finance the cotton crop. 11 1.22 The authorities, with help from the international community, successfully mitigated the impact of the global recession. To assist the government during the crisis, development partners provided external assistance of some US$73 million to support the budget. This helped the government maintain expenditure on social protection, education, and health. Looking forward, there are grounds for cautious optimism. In 2010, according to preliminary data, Tajikistan’s economy grew by 5 percent in the first 10 months compared with the same period in 2009. The economy was helped by satisfactory rains at end-2009, which led to fewer disruptions to the winter electricity supply (a perennial problem). This in turn resulted in increases in industrial output after a long period of decline. Remittances have also started to increase. Moreover, the central bank’s flexible exchange rate regime has begun to alleviate pressures on the balance of payments. 1.23 However, debt indicators worsened considerably with the crisis. Higher public borrowing over the medium term, lower GDP growth, and real exchange rate depreciation have raised the path of the nominal value of public debt to GDP over the medium term. This is now projected to exceed 40 percent of GDP by 2014, although given the concessional nature of much of the debt, the net present value of public debt will be lower, at 31 percent of GDP in 2014. Still, this breaches the debt sustainability threshold for a low-income country with a low performance rating on the country policy and institutional analysis. The country is therefore clearly vulnerable to debt distress. 1.24 The crisis left the banking system in a precarious situation. Several Tajik banks faced severe funding problems toward end-2008 because of some large firms’ drawdowns on deposits, reductions in trade credits, and declines in advances for remittances. Nonperforming loans have steadily risen in 2008–10 (Table 1.4). Table 1.4: Nonperforming Loans, 2004–10 (percentage of gross loans) 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 March Sept. 2010 2010 Share of gross loans 20.6 14.3 11.3 4.8 9.5 22.4 28.0 19.7 Source: National Bank of Tajikistan. a Estimates as of December 2010. 1.25 The share of nonperforming loans have has increased for two reasons. First, the global downturn lowered domestic and international demand for the output and services of Tajik firms. Second, the credit lines to banks from the Ministry of Finance for lending to agriculture (primarily cotton), which historically have a poor loan repayment record, have performed poorly, with a significant amount now in arrears. In addition, the large depreciation of the somoni has put pressure on banks, because debtors with U.S. dollar-denominated loans (about 56 percent of outstanding loans) do not necessarily have foreign exchange income, and some are unable to service their loans. Falling remittances in 2009 also made it difficult for households and small businesses to service their loans. As a result, bank balance sheets have deteriorated and liquidity has been constrained, and so most banks have started to raise deposit rates, constraining credit growth. The NBT has, although, provided liquidity loans, mainly in somoni. Banks’ capital so 12 far meets prudential requirements (according to their own reporting), but largely because many banks are under provisioning. The increase in defaults has significantly eroded their capital. (Section 4 looks more closely at steps the government may take to ensure fiscal and macroeconomic stability.) 1.26 The apparent reduction in the share of nonperforming loans seen in Table 1.4 during 2010 does not reflect the true situation. In April 2010, the government issued treasury bills of about 367.4 million somoni as compensation for banks’ bad cotton sector loans (as part of the cotton debt resolution process). Banks now record these treasury bills as “performing” assets. Adjusted for that, the actual share of nonperforming loans in the banking system grew by about 136 million somoni from March to September 2010. 1.27 In addition, agricultural loans have doubled as a share of the loan portfolio from end-2008 (8 percent) to end-2010 (16 percent). And they are the worst-performing part of the portfolio (28 percent of nonperforming loans in September 2010, even after the write-off and injection of treasury bills). But other segments also have high nonperforming shares: government, 20.4 percent; commercial, 21.7 percent; and individual 12.1 percent. WHERE TO NOW? COMPARATIVE ADVANTAGE AND EXPORT DIVERSIFICATION 1.28 The future of the Tajik economy will be shaped by its comparative advantage in world markets. Growth of remittances will likely be a less important driver of growth and poverty reduction than in 2000–08. Tajikistan will therefore have to reorient its economy to better exploit its comparative advantage and reap the gains from trade. The CEM uses the methodology of revealed comparative advantage to identify trade strategies that appear most promising over the long term, given the resource endowments and constraints facing the economy.7 1.29 This analysis suggests several options to diversify the economy. One of Tajikistan’s most important comparative advantages may be hydropower (discussed in detail in Section 6). The country has the potential to generate hydropower far in excess of domestic requirements, which it can sell to neighboring large, energy-scarce economies, notably the countries of South Asia and China. The 220 kilovolt transmission link under construction with Afghanistan reflects the relative comparative advantages of the two countries. 8 Tajikistan also has sizable coal deposits, which could be used to fuel gas thermal power generation. This would be the most economical way to reduce Tajikistan’s seasonal imbalances in energy supply, since hydropower generation is concentrated in the summer months. It is also possible that power generated in Tajikistan and in neighboring countries could be pooled and then exported through overhead transmission lines to energy-scarce countries. 7 This methodology has limitations, and perhaps Tajik agriculture has not had an opportunity to reveal its comparative advantage, due to factors such as poor research and extension services or limited access to agricultural finance. Still, the methodology has been used with considerable success in other countries and reveals much about Tajikistan’s hydropower potential, and this merits further consideration. 8 The link has a power purchase agreement to provide up to 300 megawatts of power in summer. The same link is, although, being used for Uzbekistan–Kabul power flows, and so actual exports could be much lower. 13 1.30 The two biggest obstacles to realizing Tajikistan’s hydropower potential are the very high capital costs of building hydropower plants, and the associated transmission systems. In the short term, unstable geopolitical situations in both potential export markets (such as Pakistan) and countries through which electricity must be exported (such as Afghanistan) complicate Tajikistan’s prospects. In addition, downstream countries, such as Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan, oppose the development of large hydropower projects in Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan as this might limit their access to water during the irrigation season. Political risks are therefore a serious deterrent to foreign private investment in hydropower, while financing costs are far too large for the Tajik government to bear alone. Developing hydropower for export thus faces difficult obstacles. 1.31 In agriculture, cotton is likely to remain an important export despite recent declines in the area under cultivation and in exports (Table 1.5). (This is discussed in more detail in Section 3.) Moving up the value chain in cotton exports—from exports of fiber to those of textiles—offers potential for export diversification. Horticulture and related products also may have export potential. The main export markets for these products are likely to be China—which is rapidly emerging as an important export market for Tajik goods—other neighboring countries, and Russia. (Box 1.3 discusses the expanding roles of China and Russia.) In addition, Tajikistan may be able to develop its livestock sector, if it improves fodder conservation and marketing of animal products. So far, prospects in these potential agricultural export sectors have been unrealized due to excessive regulation and sometimes unpredictable interference by local authorities. Recent trends in export values suggest, however, that exports of non-natural resource–products can help diversify exports further: the share of noncotton agriculture in GDP increased from 13 percent in 2004 to 19 percent in 2007. Table 1.5: Tajikistan’s Main Exports, 2000–09 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 Total merchandise exports (fob, US$) (excluding aluminum starting 2005) 788 673 730 900 1088 346 350 385 457 458 Total primary commodities (excluding aluminum starting 2005) 751 629 681 846 1013 283 274 294 339 359 Agriculture (total), of which: 111 90 143 212 184 167 159 178 162 155 Cotton fiber 92 71 128 193 162 144 129 138 108 100 Noncotton products 19 18 15 19 23 23 31 40 54 55 Aluminum 424 398 399 430 563 563 1050 1083 1013 589 Energy/hydropower 181 79 68 55 58 53 49 60 60 63 Other primary commoditiesa 35 62 72 150 208 63 66 56 117 141 Manufacturing 38 44 49 54 75 63 75 91 118 99 Source: International Monetary Fund and World Bank staff calculations. a Other primary commodities include items not included in “total primary commodities,” such as stone, cement, sand, ore, metals, wood, and other items with low export values. 14 Box 1.4: Continued Development of China and Russia as Major Partners Although Tajikistan is landlocked, the presence of China and Russia in its near neighborhood provides good prospects for the diversification of foreign trade. China has become an increasingly important market for Tajik exports. The Silk Road over the Pamirs is a historical trade link that facilitates expanding trade links with China. While in 2000 only 2 percent of Tajik goods exports went to China, by 2009 that share had increased to 27 percent. China accounted for an even larger proportion of Tajik imports in 2009 (Box Figure 1). Moreover, the Tajik economy has always been closely integrated with Russia’s, which offers opportunities for expansion of trade (Box Figure 2). Crucially, both these countries are fast growing. Economic links, like those under the umbrella of the Commonwealth of Independent States tariff policies, also provide opportunities for trade that remain underexploited. Box Figure 1: Tajik Goods Imports Box Figure 2: Tajik Goods Exports 60% 60% 2000 2004 2009 2000 2004 2009 50% 50% 40% 40% 30% 30% 20% 20% 10% 10% 0% 0% China Europe Kazakh Russia United Other China Europe Kazakh Russia United Other Union States Union States Source: Comtrade data. Note: Goods includes agricultural products, manufactures, and raw materials. Chinese investors are likely to play an increasingly important role in Tajikistan, particularly in infrastructure projects, such as the south–north power line, and in natural resource–based industries. 1.32 Given that Tajikistan is currently an agricultural economy, a diversification model building on agro-industry and processed food has considerable promise. Indeed, food is currently produced in the regions around Dushanbe and Khujand. Agro-processing industries are likely to start and expand on their own if they have a conducive investment climate for business and high-quality infrastructure services, such as reliable electricity and good transport links to markets. 1.33 Tajikistan has a comparative advantage in the export of labor services, because the country’s supply of able-bodied workers with skills matches the labor demand in Russia. To harness the full potential of labor exports will require further developing the skills of migrant workers, including their command of the Russian language. Labor exports are likely to remain the most significant source of foreign exchange for Tajikistan in the medium term. The government could use public funds to invest in its people, for example through general-purpose training. These points are discussed further in Section 5. 15 2. STIMULATING PRIVATE INVESTMENT 2.1 The Tajik government aspires to achieve middle-income country status in the long run. This is an ambitious goal, but attainable if the country can sustain annual average growth rates of about 7 percent over the next 15–20 years. Despite potential, such growth rates will be more difficult to achieve in the future than they were in the past, as it will require significant increases in private investment. Realizing the potential, however, requires substantial structural reforms of the economy (as explained below) and the political determination to address key constraints to private investment, including foreign investment. 2.2 Private investment is very mobile, especially foreign private investment, and thus highly responsive to incentives. Countries with large domestic markets, low-cost but productive labor and easy global access have a clear advantage in attracting private investment over those that do not; the same is true of natural resource rich countries. Tajikistan will thus have to make a bigger effort in terms of changing external perceptions about its business climate and improving its investment climate significantly more than others. This can be done by enhancing the predictability and stability of its property rights, by ensuring that its existing investors advertise their success in the country and by improving Tajikistan’s private investment climate. LOW PRIVATE INVESTMENT 2.3 Raising the investment rate is key. In the past decade and a half, net capital formation was barely high enough to offset the depreciation of the existing capital stock (Figure 2.1). In the last few years, the number of people working in Tajikistan has declined because of migration. The continued growth of total factor productivity at the rates achieved in the 2000s will not be possible without a much higher rate of private investment, along with increases in either labor inputs or labor productivity. With increased private investment, private investors will seek out, and likely find, more profitable areas in which to invest. This will lead to improved resource allocation across the economy, higher productivity, and job creation. 2.4 Investment ratios remained particularly low during 2000–06, the period of highest economic growth. In 2007, however, the investment ratio jumped to over 20 percent of GDP, largely on government borrowing from China. This was about the same level as in countries of the Europe and Central Asia region in aggregate and only slightly lower than in Central Asia as a whole. Domestic investment, although, remains dominated by public investment, which is mainly in infrastructure, where the rate of return is both low and takes a long time to materialize. The private investment ratio has been strikingly low, hovering at around 6 percent of GDP. Also, foreign direct investment inflows are low, making it difficult for Tajikistan to get transfers of technology needed to boost capital productivity. 2.5 A better investment climate is critical to raise the private investment rate, and requires improvements in several areas. Maintaining a sound macroeconomic framework is one area, strengthening the rule of law to protect property rights and enforce contracts another. Lowering the burden of regulation on business while providing the necessary protection to people is also critical, as is improving the tax system so that the government can raise the 16 revenue needed to provide public infrastructure and services. Reliable, cost-effective, high- quality infrastructure services (such as electricity) foster business. Finally, an arm’s-length government–private business relationship is essential to allow firms to focus on competing in markets, rather than meeting the arbitrary demands of public officials. Figure 2.1: Gross Fixed Capital Formation in Tajikistan Compares Poorly with Regional Averages (percentage of GDP) Source: World Development Indicators database. Note: Total Europe and Central Asia and total Central Asia calculated as sum of all countries gross fixed capital formation/total sum of GDP. Data unavailable for 2008 for most countries. 2.6 Productivity and the real exchange rate also warrant attention. Even although total factor productivity has increased rapidly, productivity remains low by international standards, a result of weak macroeconomic management and a deficient business environment. While output per worker rose in line with real GDP growth in 2000–08, real wages climbed even faster. In addition, the appreciation of the real exchange rate has contributed to shifting resources from the traded goods sector, narrowing the base for foreign exchange earnings, increasing the pressure on the balance of payments, and undermining the foundations for future growth. Continued excessive growth of unit labor costs would therefore harm the growth of traded goods. 2.7 Tajikistan must attract private investment to promote economic growth and so reduce poverty. Partly because of Tajikistan’s poor business environment, the private sector has so far played a limited role in contributing to growth. In 2007, the private sector accounted for only 48 percent of GDP and only 31 percent of employment, much less than in other countries of Europe and Central Asia. Almost half the medium and large enterprises are state owned, as are a quarter of smaller enterprises. Private enterprises, which—outside of agriculture—are mostly engaged in trade and services, are predominantly small, semiformal (that is, they do not pay the proper amount of taxes), and operate with little capital. A key constraint to growth is the absence of a critical mass of private medium and large enterprises to create value chains in key sectors and so reduce costs and improve competitiveness. Private growth has been impeded by heavy government regulation, a result of the Soviet legacy. Public officials have little motivation to change the current system, given that it presents many opportunities for rent seeking. 17 2.8 The government has taken important steps in the past few years to improve the investment climate. In the mid-2000s, for example, it passed laws and regulations to reduce the burden of licenses and inspections on business and initiated a new regulatory framework (see next paragraph). In 2008, it undertook a review of the implementation of the law, which revealed deficiencies in implementation. The government addressed these in early 2009. 2.9 In July 2009, the government launched “200 days of reform.” The aim was to improve the business environment and make Tajikistan more attractive to private investors. This identified streamlining the permits system and facilitating access to the licenses, permits, and other documents required to start a business as key next steps in the reform process. In May 2010, the government announced the elimination of all but 90 permits of about 510 in use. A new permits law, expected to be approved by parliament in 2011, will for the first time provide a unified legal framework regulating permits. The government has also established a one-stop shop in 50 of the country’s 68 tax inspectorates (including Dushanbe) to enable entrepreneurs to receive the information, forms, and other services they need to start a business. These measures—all of which are being supported by the World Bank–financed Programmatic Development Policy Grant Operations—are important reforms to improve the investment climate and attract private investment. 2.10 Doing Business 2011 recognizes the country’s progress. The sustained effort to rationalize licensing and inspections, along with other reforms, resulted in Tajikistan being named one of the top 10 performers in the World Bank’s Doing Business 2011. 9 This is an impressive achievement. Tajikistan’s rank improved to 139 of 183 countries from 152 of 183 countries the previous year. Much more is needed, although, if Tajikistan is to become an attractive country for foreigners to invest and to do business. 2.11 The locals are sometimes wary of government bodies, and do not trust their economic institutions. One way to measure such trust is through analyzing “contract-intensive money,” an objective measure of the broad quality of economic institutions and one that abstracts from the views of analysts or survey respondents.10 Such money shows the degree to which individuals are willing to hold a larger proportion of their financial assets in the form of currency as protection in environments where third-party enforcement of contracts is unreliable (Figure 2.2). It is measured as (M2-currency)/M2. It is based on citizens’ revealed preferences regarding the form in which they choose to hold their financial assets and is positively related to investment and growth rates, and to the relative size of contract-dependent sectors of the economy. On this measure Tajikistan lags far behind the Czech Republic, Russia, and rapidly growing East Asian economies of the Republic of Korea and Thailand. Still, the Tajikistan can take encouragement from the fact they are today little different from those Asian countries in the 1960s. In the last half century, both Korea and Thailand have emerged from relative poverty and improved the living standards of their citizens, largely through private sector–led growth. If Tajikistan can create a more enabling business environment, including increasing contract enforceability as Korea and Thailand did, it can stimulate significant private investment. 9 The findings in Doing Business 2011 are based on 2010 data (World Bank 2010a). 10 Clague and others 1999. 18 2.12 Labor costs do not appear to be an obstacle to private investment. On the contrary, due to Tajikistan’s very low per capita GDP, they are among the lowest in the region. 11 This apparent cost advantage, however, must be assessed against labor productivity. In fact, the technical efficiency12 of Tajik private sector firms is low by regional standards: the median Tajik firm is only half as efficient as a similar firm in neighboring Uzbekistan and the Kyrgyz Republic, and a twelfth of the Russian equivalent (Figure 2.3). Figure 2.2: Tajikistan’s’ Trust in Economic Institutions Today is the same as in the Republic of Korea and Thailand 40–50 Years Ago Source: International Monetary Fund, International Financial Statistics. 11 According to the International Labor Organization, in 2007 average monthly wages in Tajikistan were US$48, compared with US$469 in Russia and US$109 in Kyrgyzstan. 12 Technical efficiency is a broad measure of firm performance, which simultaneously takes use of capital and labor into account. Differences in technical efficiency between firms (such as between firms in different countries or between exporters and non-exporters) are due to differences in measures other than capital or labor. For example, differences in technical efficiency may be due to differences in firm organization, management efficiency, worker skills or education, or a country’s investment climate. 19 Figure 2.3: Tajikistan Firms Rate Lowly on Technical Efficiency Source: European Bank for Reconstruction and Development and World Bank 2009. 2.13 The country’s low technical efficiency stems from three main factors.13 First, firms do not use new technologies. Second, they lack access to efficient business services to complement their own capital and labor. Third, the paucity of human capital, exacerbated by migration, is a constraint. Still, as said, Tajik unit labor costs are among the lowest in the region. This cost advantage has remained in place, even although average unit labor costs doubled during 2000–08 without a commensurate increase in labor productivity (Figure 2.4). Such an appreciation, however, cannot continue too long without undermining external cost competitiveness and growth prospects. Figure 2.4: Real Unit Labor Costs Rise Worryingly Fast (index, 2000=100) Source: International Monetary Fund, National Bank of Tajikistan. 13 Observed productivity may be underestimated if firms do not disclose output to reduce their tax liabilities. 20 2.14 A poor investment climate was the primary reason for low private investment in Tajikistan during the 2000s. To analyze the key aspects of the investment climate, data from the 2009 BEEPS survey are used, which cover 360 private sector nonrural enterprises with five or more employees in 2008. 2.15 The most serious constraint to doing business cited by firms (55 percent of respondents in the BEEPS) was tax rates (Figure 2.5). This result reflects the complex and nontransparent tax system. The tax burden itself is exacerbated by numerous small taxes, the requirement of making frequent payments of taxes, and the practice of the tax authorities of enforcing compliance through onsite tax inspections. The tax code remains complicated, even although it has been frequently amended. It is still difficult to understand and interpret clearly, thus providing fertile ground for rent seeking by public officials. Respondents’ concerns about tax administration have, however, eased somewhat since the BEEPS of 2005. This likely reflects the impact of the 2006 enactment of the amendments to the tax code that reduced the number of tax inspections on firms. Figure 2.5: Tax, Electricity, and Corruption are the Three Main Constraints to Business Growth Source: European Bank for Reconstruction and Development and World Bank 2009. 2.16 Some 39 percent of respondents to the 2009 BEEPS survey cited the unreliable energy supply—with serious rationing during winter—as the second most important constraint (compared with 11 percent in 2005). Both the number of power outages a month suffered by firms and the losses caused by these outages as a proportion of their total revenue are higher in Tajikistan than in any other country in the Europe and Central Asia region. In Tajikistan, 7.5 percent of total sales value is lost in this way compared with the 3.8 percent regional average. This poor performance stems from a variety of inefficiencies in electricity management, generation, and distribution, as discussed further in Section 6. 2.17 Respondents to the 2009 BEEPS survey stated that corruption is the third most important obstacle to doing business. The proportion of respondents citing corruption was double that in 2005 (Table 2.1). Corruption results in unpredictable costs and thereby raises 21 business risks. It is particularly burdensome for faster growing firms, which suggests that public officials may target these firms for bribes. Corruption affects many aspects of business operations, notably obtaining licenses for construction, operations, and imports; bidding for government contracts; and getting utility connections. 2.18 Over three times as many respondents (26 percent) stated that customs and trade regulations are a major constraint in the 2009 BEEPS survey than in 2005. Given that a greater outward orientation of the economy is critical to future growth prospects, this is a worrying sign. Consequently, customs reforms are critical (Box 2.1). Table 2.1: Seriousness of Various Constraints for Tajik Firms, 2005 and 2008 (percent of respondents) BEEPS 2005 BEEPS 2009 Taxes Tax rates 23 49 Tax administration 23 18 Legal issues Corruption 20 41 Crime, theft, disorder 5 33 Courts 4 18 Human capital Access to financing 4 25 Workers skills/education 7 34 Physical capital Access to land 12 32 Electricity 11 39 Transport 2 24 Telecommunications 3 19 Regulations Customs/trade regulations 7 26 Business licenses, permits 15 16 Labor regulations 2 3 Source: European Bank for Reconstruction and Development and World Bank 2005, 2009. 2.19 The connection is strong between corruption, on the one hand, and excessive and highly complex regulations imposed on business, on the other. The World Bank’s Doing Business 2011 report ranks Tajikistan lower than any other country in the region.14 The business environment in Tajikistan is characterized by onerous laws and regulations, which are implemented in an unpredictable manner. This discourages informal and semi-formal firms from becoming formalized and discourages long-term investment.15 14 World Bank 2010a. 15 Tajik firms show a continuum of formalization: some are fully formal, others are fully informal, and some have formalized some, but not all, of their activities. 22 Box 2.1: Customs Reform: Lessons from Good Practices Customs reform in Tajikistan aims to facilitate trade and reduce bureaucratic inefficiencies and corruption. The purpose is to reduce the number of documents and time required for clearance, as well as physical inspections of cargo. At the same time customs authorities need to maintain revenue collection. Three main reform themes are institutional development and governance, customs operations, and the development of information and communications technologies. Good practices drawn from other countries include the following: Customs operations can be modernized through a highly automated, low-discretion, risk-based system. By reducing the number of goods and documents needed to clear goods, both Armenia and Georgia cut the number of days for clearance in 2009 and lowered the costs of trade. Modern customs clearance is moving from a transaction-based approach to a systems-based approach, where accounts and control systems within enterprises are checked rather than the cargo. An integrated tariff system can use “e-document” systems software, introduce risk-management principles, and perform subsequent audits for cargo, transit, and declaration processing. An integrated system can be based on technology already in use and customized for local content. The Slovak Republic sped up trading times with a new electronic system for customs administration in 2009. Underlying these points, a high level of political commitment and support from the private sector is critical. POOR CONNECTIVITY 2.20 The high costs of both domestic and international trade constitute an especially heavy institutional constraint to growth for a landlocked and mountainous country like Tajikistan. Dushanbe is thousands of kilometers from the nearest port, and the mountain range that divides the north of the country from the south impedes domestic market accessibility. Domestic road transport costs are much higher in winter, because that mountain range is often impassable and trucks have to transit through Uzbekistan to reach their destinations in Tajikistan. Access to markets is also impeded by several additional factors. 2.21 The road network is worse than elsewhere in the region, leading to extremely high domestic freight rates. For example, those between Dushanbe and Khujand exceed those between Moldova and the United States. This is because of the poor condition of the Nijny– Panj–Dushanbe–Khujand leg (including Shakrishtan and Anzob tunnels) of the north–south corridor (that is, the Nijny–Panj–Dushanbe–Khujand–Batken–Osh–Bishkek–Almaty–Astana– Petropavlovsk corridor). 2.22 Bureaucratic obstacles and petty corruption at the country’s borders delay imports and exports. Traders are subject to complex and time-consuming customs procedures and requests for informal payments. In addition, the lack of competition among truck operators and in air transport keeps costs high for both passengers and freight. In fact, the cost per mile of a round trip from Dushanbe to Moscow by air is nearly 20 percent higher than from Dushanbe to other destinations in the region. The absence of transit agreements with neighbors also adds to the costs of moving goods. Inadequate air and rail services limit multimodal transport options for both goods and people. 23 2.23 The government has, although, undertaken important reforms in aviation services during the past few years. This was with support of the Programmatic Development Policy Grant Operations. Continuing to implement the new national aviation policy adopted in 2010 will help in fostering competition on the international routes that are most important to migrants and traders. 2.24 Improving Tajikistan’s road, rail, and airport infrastructure is important in the longer run to lower transport costs. In the short to medium terms, however, international experience shows that the government can do much to lower the costs of transport by streamlining regulations affecting trade and by improving efficiency and transparency at border stations. Both these measures require limited budgetary resources, and are the priorities for the next few years. 2.25 Promoting exports and fostering greater regional cooperation are critical for Tajikistan’s economic future. The 2010 Doing Business report found, although, that the cost of exporting one container from Tajikistan, US$3,150, was twice the regional average. 16 Furthermore, the same report found that Korean and Czech exporters can export in 8 and 16 days, respectively, while it takes Tajik exporters 89 days to do so. The high costs are due to Tajikistan’s relative geographic isolation and to excessive regulation. It follows that easing their regulatory burden could make Tajik exporters more competitive. POLICY OPTIONS 2.26 Although Tajik tax rates are not excessive by international norms, the tax regime and its administration is complex and nontransparent, permitting discretion and abuse. The tax system needs to be simplified. 17 Reducing the number of taxes on business and the number of their tax payments would help. Abolishing taxes based on business expenditure would eliminate the distortions they create. Limiting the opportunities for interaction between businesses and tax officials would reduce compliance costs and opportunities for corruption. Completing and disseminating the implementing regulations to the tax code and preparing a tax manual would inform taxpayers of their obligations and rights, and help tax enforcers to apply the regulations evenly. 2.27 Deepening and extending the reach of financial services would reduce the high cost of formal finance in Tajikistan. The 2006 IFC survey of small and medium enterprises in Tajikistan showed that for firms needing financing, the most important reason for not seeking a loan was the high interest rate.18 Banks’ lending rates are high because of inefficiencies in the 16 World Bank 2010a. 17 A number of countries in the Europe and Central Asia region have undertaken reform of their tax administrations. These could provide examples for Tajikistan. Doing Business 2009 noted that many countries in the region are using electronic systems for tax filing and payments (World Bank 2008a). In Belarus, the online tax portal became operational for use by all taxpayers, while in Macedonia electronic filing became mandatory for all taxes. In the past four years changes such as these reduced the average number of tax payments in the region by four and the time for tax compliance by almost six days. 18 IFC 2006; 2009. 24 finance sector, including banks’ high funding costs. These inefficiencies need to be addressed to decrease the interest-rate spreads and bring down lending rates. A deeper securities market to trade government securities would also help in establishing a benchmark yield curve to set market-based interest rates; it would also improve monetary policy efficiency. Swift issuance of treasury bills to banks—as required by the government cotton debt resolution (see Section 1)— would go a long way to providing the needed material to the securities market and would help to ease commercial banks’ liquidity constraints. 2.28 Simplifying and making more transparent business regulations and enhancing public awareness of regulations and procedures would reduce opportunities for rent seeking. Better information will help entrepreneurs in dealing with the authorities. It will also help to reduce the discretion that public servants have in dealing with businesses seeking licenses or permits. 2.29 In the medium term, regional cooperation on trade and transport facilitation with Kazakhstan, the Kyrgyz Republic, and China is likely to bring substantial benefits. Tajikistan’s efforts have to be coordinated with its neighbors’. For example, upgrading the Nijny–Panj–Dushanbe–Khujand leg up to the Kyrgyz border will not reduce transport costs unless Kyrgyzstan also upgrades the Batken–Osh–Bishkek leg up to its border with Kazakhstan. Likewise, improving Tajikistan’s customs processing without similar measures by Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan on the north–south corridor will not significantly reduce time taken in crossing borders. In the framework of this regional cooperation, promoting the establishment of an integrated border management system at the border crossing points along the north–south corridor would be important, as would engaging in regional cooperation with Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan in linking the leading cities of the three countries. Box 2.2 presents an example of countries where regional cooperation for investment in growth poles contributed to economic expansion. Agreements on customs and transit have to be made among at least three countries to secure easier and more competitive access to regional markets. Finally, developing a quadripartite transit agreement with China would further facilitate trade. 2.30 Also in the medium term—linked to the export diversification strategy mentioned above—Tajikistan’s two leading cities could become engines of growth. They should be linked to each other and major regional markets through improved transport infrastructure. The two cities already provide most of the supporting services (finance, logistics, transport, storage, and the like) for private sector businesses. This role could be enhanced by revising regulations for business support services (distribution, transport logistics, telecommunication, finance) to facilitate entry and improve productivity, and by promoting agricultural diversification and growth in the hinterlands of the cities. Building the needed transport infrastructure in these cities would help to reduce the costs of transport to market. Finally, establishing a competent export promotion agency would provide advisory services and market information to businesses around these two cities. 25 Box 2.2: Substantial Benefits from Interregional Cooperation: Indonesia, Malaysia, and Singapore Economic growth can be driven by growth poles that are often in urban centers. For economic development, regions often need a nucleus of growth to stimulate the emergence of ancillary companies. The sector may not develop without initial external support, and governments must invest in the region to promote the leading industries or sectors. The growth triangle incorporating Riau and West Sumatra in Indonesia, Johor in Malaysia, and Singapore—IMS- GT—is one of the most celebrated models for cooperative economic development. The IMS-GT has effectively operated as two bilateral links: between Singapore and Johor and between Singapore and Riau and West Sumatra. Singapore and Johor have always had a high level of economic interaction. High-quality transport, power, and communications infrastructure in Johor, and a good supply of semiskilled and skilled labor, helped attract foreign investment. Other factors there were low corporate tax rates and exemptions from customs duties on equipment and materials for production of goods for export. In 1988, Johor started the policy of twinning with Singapore. Singapore had already been developing higher-value-added capital and technology-intensive industries as it became an important services center. Consequently, Singapore’s labor-intensive manufacturing companies started to move to Johor to lower their production costs. A new road bridge was built to connect Singapore with Johor in 1998 for the increased traffic. In 1990, Singapore and Indonesia signed an agreement for the joint development of Riau and later West Sumatra, along with an investment guarantee accord. The following year they signed an agreement to develop jointly and share Riau’s water resources. Riau and West Sumatra’s economies were largely oil-based, but in line with the overall diversification of Indonesia’s economy they rapidly became industrial centers and tourist destinations. Industrial activity was promoted by the opening of a new jointly owned industrial park in 1992. The park attracted investment in electronics, pharmaceuticals, plastics, and light mechanical factories. By end-1994, the 500 hectare site housed 61 companies with an estimated investment of US$250 million and annual exports of US$700 million. In fact, investment in this region as a whole increased more than 10-fold during 1985–95, with nearly half coming from Singapore alone. To encourage investment, infrastructure was rapidly improved. A new Asia Port was built by Indonesia to improve container services and substantially increase shipping capacity. In 1995, an international airport was opened in Riau with the capacity for wide-bodied aircraft. By 1997, six more bridges had been built to connect the islands of these provinces in Indonesia; by 2000, 570 kilometers of roads had been laid down in Riau. There are many reasons for the success of this growth triangle. The proximity of the component parts of the IMS- GT facilitated industrial redistribution with lower transport and travel costs, speedy transshipment of intermediate and final goods, and easy monitoring and control of activities in separate parts of the triangle. Additionally, proximity to Singapore promoted investment in Johor, Riau, and West Sumatra because investors could produce and distribute more efficiently, while capitalizing on Singapore’s business infrastructure and global transport links. Source: Commonwealth of Australia 1995. 26 3. PROMOTING AGRICULTURAL GROWTH AND DIVERSIFICATION 3.1 Tajikistan is a highly agrarian country. Some 70 percent of its population lives in rural areas. However, in 2008 agriculture accounted for 60 percent of total employment but only about 18 percent of GDP. Only 33 percent of Tajikistan’s territory of 14.3 million hectares is agricultural land. Of that land (4.7 million hectares in 2008), 16 percent is arable, 3 percent is under perennial crops (orchards and vineyards), and 81 percent is under pastures and hay meadows.19 Arable agriculture in Tajikistan relies heavily on irrigation, and nearly 70 percent of arable land is irrigated. Cotton and wheat are the two main cash seasonal crops, cultivated on nearly 70 percent of the cropped area (30 percent under cotton, 36 percent under wheat, 9 percent under other cereals). Cotton fiber and other cotton products are the leading agricultural export commodities, accounting in 2007 for 17 percent of total exports, second only to aluminum, which accounted for 63 percent.20 3.2 Although cotton has traditionally dominated Tajik agriculture, the country produces a wide range of agricultural products. Tajik farmers produce wheat and barley in rain-fed areas, mostly in the southern plains of Khatlon province. They grow rice along the river beds through diversions where paddies can be easily created for rice cultivation by flooding. They grow other crops, including potatoes and melons, throughout the country. Farmers in the north produce apricots, pears, plums, apples, cherries, pomegranates, figs, and nuts. They also raise livestock, including (in descending order of importance) chickens, cattle, sheep, goats, turkeys, and horses. Beef, mutton, and poultry are the most important meat products; cow’s milk, goat’s milk, cheese, and wool are also important. 3.3 During the 2000s real growth in agriculture lagged behind the rest of the economy and agricultural productivity remained low. Low productivity, mainly caused by low use of high-quality seeds and fertilizer, equates with low farm earnings and so explains the prevalence of rural poverty. In addition, as seen, Tajik farmers have very poor transport connections to markets and weak access to agricultural input markets. The pressure on arable land has led to its overuse and consequent soil erosion and salinization. 3.4 A clear dichotomy has long existed in agriculture between cotton and all other products. Until recently cotton was the dominant agricultural crop and a major foreign exchange earner. Largely this was a result of the government’s pro-cotton policy, inherited from the Soviet past. 21 Excessive areas of cotton were cultivated, including large areas of marginal land that could not produce cotton profitably. The government set targets for cotton production at levels far above what was economically viable. This model could be maintained when global cotton prices were high, allowing relatively low-productivity farms to break even. However, this model 19 Data on total land area and on land use are from FAOSTAT. 20 Comtrade data, 2007. 21 Credit to noncotton agriculture has been limited in Tajikistan. Historically, whether international credit lines were channeled through Agroinvestbank or KreditInvest, or more recently when the Ministry of Finance provided credit to banks, the government’s priority was to direct credit to cotton. 27 was unsustainable and over time many farms became indebted and eventually defaulted on their loans, precipitating a major cotton debt crisis in the mid-2000s. Many workers left the cotton farms, because their wages were low and often not paid. With financing no longer available, the government had no choice but to start reorienting agricultural policies. In 2009, the area under cotton was about 30 percent below peak levels. 3.5 The government now recognizes that its previous focus on cotton production limited the potential of other agricultural products. It is revising its approach to agriculture in general. The past overemphasis on cotton wasted hundreds of millions of dollars, indebted thousands of small farmers, weakened the financial system (via directed lending to cotton farmers), and ossified agricultural institutions. The severe terms-of-trade shock in 2007 revealed the failure of the approach, and in 2008 with the support of the Programmatic Development Policy Grant Operations the government started to institute far-ranging agricultural reforms. It has implemented Resolution 111—the 2008 “freedom to farm” decree—which grants farmers’ the right to choose which crops to grow and where to market them, in noncotton growing areas and in many cotton growing districts. As a result, some 35 percent of farmers in a 2008 survey reported that they had freedom to make independent production and marketing decisions, up from 14 percent in 2007. 3.6 In May 2009, the government adopted a resolution strategy for cotton debt. The aim was to relieve small farmers of debt and free resources for investment in new crops and rural enterprises. In July, it issued a resolution setting forth general reforms for agriculture, including specific directions for cotton debt write-off. A working group for resolving the cotton debt was set up in August 2009 and the specific procedures for debt write-off defined. Some 6,900 debt write-off certificates, equivalent to US$424 million, had been issued to farmers and investors by end-December 2009. To accelerate farmland restructuring—a major element of the incentive framework for agriculture involving reorganizing collective and state farms into family farms— the government is issuing land-use certificates to family farms. It issued 10,000 as of April 2010, 22 and plans to issue at least 65,000 of them by end-2012. 23 It has also adopted a new agricultural financing mechanism transparently from the budget, but is yet to develop a financing mechanism based on private funding. Finally, it has begun to address issues of misallocation of water and irrigation resources (Box 3.1). 22 Family farms are defined as those with no more than 25 shareholders. 23 Accelerating issuance of land-use certificates is essential. Restructuring all the country’s Soviet-era farmland into family farms would result in estimated 130,000–500,000 farms. Consequently, even greater attention to farmland restructuring will be needed over the long term. 28 Box 3.1: Improving Incentives for Efficient Use of Water and Irrigation Resources The structure of management of irrigation and drainage systems is still based on the model of a centrally planned economy and is an inefficient tool for managing water resources. Policies are changing, but public and private institutions have not changed significantly, reflecting differing perceptions of public versus private responsibilities. Except for minor divisions (building divisions, factories, motor depots), this sector saw no privatization. Moreover, the Ministry of Water Resources and Land Reclamation is involved in management activities that could be more efficiently carried out by nonstate actors. The present water management system employs 11,000 staff, with an annual state budget for staff and operating expenses of 15–20 million somoni. The low per employee cost of 100–200 somoni a month suggests that the system is also prone to absenteeism and informal payments. Farmers pay a flat fee regardless of use, and so have no incentives to produce higher value crops or to introduce more efficient irrigation systems in pump irrigation areas. They should not therefore pay a flat rate. Experience in Tajikistan shows that secure land tenure for individual and family farms in command areas is a precondition for well-functioning water-user groups. Farmer control over farm management is a precondition for optimizing the agricultural productivity of irrigated areas. The lack of financing of the irrigation and drainage system is the most serious issue for agriculture, with major implications for sustainable sector growth. It is estimated that expenditure requirements for operation and maintenance of the system are approximately six or seven times higher than actual expenditure. Much of the work needed to maintain the system’s infrastructure is not being carried out. Because of the funding shortfall, the system is steadily deteriorating, with more than 60 percent of it worn out and faults increasing environmental problems. Agriculture’s productive capacity is therefore threatened, especially of cotton, wheat, fruits, and vegetables. Furthermore, Tajikistan’s water resources are vulnerable to climate change. The increase in the global volatility of climate and temperature has led to the retreat of Tajikistan’s mountain glaciers and an increase in runoff into its rivers. The economy is very vulnerable to even modest temperature changes, due to the economywide dependence on water resources and the exposure to natural disasters that may be triggered by extreme weather events. River water irrigates cotton production (and 90 percent of the country’s electricity-generating capacity is hydropower). Improved management of the large areas of natural pasture could potentially be a significant factor in helping to build resilience to climate change. In its current state, agriculture is not profitable enough to cover the water and irrigation costs, as evidenced by the user fee collection rates of around 20–30 percent. The use of scarce government resources is also inefficient. Substantial investment from development partners in rehabilitating selected irrigation schemes has helped to offset the chronic funding shortfall, but it is a temporary and partial solution only. Their support for setting up and expanding water-user associations is a more sustainable response. Such associations could create an institutional structure for improving the efficiency of water use and serve as a platform for administering higher fees for water. The government does not appear to have sufficient resources to manage the water resources. The main objective of reform is developing an integrated water resources management system, which would efficiently and sustainably serve agriculture and other water users. The investment framework for irrigation needs to consider tenure security and freedom to farm in prioritizing investment options. The most urgent actions would be adopting improved site-selection criteria for irrigation investments; changing the institutional arrangements governing the irrigation sector and redefining functions and responsibilities of the Ministry of Water Resources and Land Reclamation; developing a new payment system, to promote efficient allocation and use of water; and creating a strategy for introducing integrated water resources management. 3.7 Government measures have stimulated agricultural diversification and growth. This is demonstrated by the large contribution of wheat to GDP in 2008. Growth in noncotton agriculture has occurred with little or no assistance from the government, whether as research and extension services, help with access to finance, or assistance with marketing, Figure 3.1. 29 Figure 3.1: Value Added of Noncotton Agriculture Rises Strongly in Recent Years Source: World Bank staff estimates. 3.8 Restructuring farmland is key for promoting profitable and diversified agriculture. Starting in the early 1990s, like most of the newly independent states of the former Soviet Union, Tajikistan started to restructure its farmland. The government split a number of state and collective farms into smaller units, but often reorganized them as cooperative farms whose operations did not deviate much from those of state and collective farms. Indeed, more than a third of agricultural output in 2008 was produced by dekhan farms and agricultural enterprises, whose managers and workers lack incentives to invest in their farms in pursuit of profit. 3.9 A new mechanism for financing agriculture is being tried to replace the unsustainable approaches of the past. Previously, financing to agriculture was largely based on external commercial funds guaranteed by the central bank and supplemented by its directed credits. The cotton debt crisis closed these financing windows. In the last two years, the financing gap—after self-financing, supplier credits, and domestic bank financing—has been met through loans from the budget to banks. While more transparent, this financing channel has not been effective, as many of the loans have not been repaid. The government has committed to gradually eliminate budgetary financing and is seeking arrangements that could strengthen the domestic banking sector’s funding base and gradually regain access to foreign commercial financing. It has requested assistance from development partners to improve banks’ lending practices and governance more generally. Good initial results have been achieved under the Tajikistan Agricultural Finance Framework—which uses a unique methodology to allocate finance to creditworthy and efficient farmers—with loan default rates at low single-digit levels during its two years of operation. In addition, the government is introducing a warehouse receipts system with World Bank support, and is considering an appropriate risk-sharing mechanism for loans. Similarly, it is seeking additional donor-sponsored credit lines to commercial banks for agricultural lending, to assist in mobilizing market-based finance for agriculture. 3.10 A variety of measures can help to raise agricultural productivity. Huge gains in efficiency and earnings are possible by allowing resources to switch freely between alternative crops in line with the “freedom to farm” principle. Cotton is an obvious area where sizable productivity gains are achievable by merely not forcing cotton cultivation in areas where yields 30 have remained below the estimated break-even level of two tons a hectare. Eliminating the shortages of winter forage will help to raise productivity of livestock husbandry. This will, although, require more arable land for fodder crops, raising difficult trade-offs among various land uses. An alternative is to encourage farmers to reduce animal overstocking and instead improve individual animals’ productivity, which requires careful attention to pasture management (to avoid environmental degradation). 3.11 The products most likely to drive future growth in agriculture include staple food crops such as wheat, potatoes, vegetables, meat, and milk. These are relatively low cost to produce and enjoy strong demand in the domestic market. Food imports have grown faster than domestic agricultural production, suggesting that lack of domestic demand will not be a constraint to agricultural growth if supply-side constraints can be overcome. Recent analysis suggests that widespread traditional farm products such as wheat, beef, and onions all enjoy good profit margins. Higher-value crops for export also have potential for contributing to growth. Indeed, exports of fresh and dried fruits and of juices have grown dramatically in recent years, to roughly US$39 million in 2007 from zero in 2004.24 POLICY OPTIONS 3.12 Much can be done to raise the profitability of agriculture, an essential step to promote growth and reduce poverty. The most important measures are reforming agricultural institutions and, especially, securing access to land-use rights for small farmers, enabling farmers to make production and marketing decision without interference from local officials, enhancing agricultural research and training, strengthening access to financial services, and improving access to marketing information. 3.13 Completing the cotton debt write-off is important. The actual implementation of the write-off resolution has been only partly completed. As of May 1, 2010, debt write-off certificates worth US$420 million had been issued and registered, thus practically clearing the farm debt owed to KreditInvest.25 In addition, investors have started to repay their debts to the central bank. 3.14 Addressing other weaknesses in agricultural institutions will require a range of reforms. Promoting the private sector generally will encourage entrepreneurs to meet the demand of farmers for inputs. Stimulating growth of agribusiness enterprises, by improving the investment climate, will generate demand for farm products. More specifically, encouraging the development of commercially oriented agricultural finance products will enable farmers to buy the inputs they need when they need them. Finally, strengthening land-ownership rights is crucial to improving incentives for farmers to invest in raising productivity and in broadening their access to both finance and inputs. 24 Comtrade data, 2007. 25 KreditInvest became operational in 2004 as an asset management company to collect loans owed by private cotton investors (Section 4). It became, although, the main vehicle through which new NBT lending and NBT- guaranteed credit lines were channeled to the cotton sector. 31 4. ENSURING FISCAL AND MACROECONOMIC STABILITY 4.1 Maintaining macroeconomic stability will be critical for raising private investment for growth, in view of the country’s high debt and vulnerability to external shocks. This will require continued vigilance by the central bank and the finance ministry to address problems facing the country. The room for additional public spending on infrastructure and social sectors is limited and thus public investment needs to be contained and prioritized for growth; in particular, public expenditure management will have to be strengthened to make spending more efficient. Large SOEs and banks require greater transparency and financial discipline, and the government must make more strenuous tax efforts, overhauling the tax regime. 4.2 The government will have to judiciously use its fiscal space and prioritize public investment. Upgrading and rehabilitating roads will be important, but they should be selected in a way that maximizes their impact on growth (such as those around Dushanbe and Khujand). In power, although it could finance transmission and distribution and small gas thermal plants, it should see that hydropower projects are financed mainly with nonrecourse debt financing so that their debt service obligations are not a potential charge on the government’s general budget. Given its high debt levels, if it borrows from abroad for public investments it should do so mainly on concessional terms. 4.3 Fiscal restraint will be imperative to maintain a sustainable fiscal position. Such restraint stems from the country’s external debt vulnerability and the constraints on domestic financing of the fiscal deficit, given the very shallow domestic financial markets. Although the country’s external debt indicators are relatively low, an adverse macroeconomic shock, which reduced GDP and/or depreciated the real exchange rate could substantially weaken debt sustainability. Inevitably, the government will be severely constrained in mobilizing public debt for large infrastructure projects such as large hydropower projects. 4.4 Structural reforms to promote growth and increase revenue—as well as reforms in tax policies—are essential for long-term fiscal sustainability. Given the very limited scope for increased public borrowing, creating fiscal space for priority public expenditures on social services and infrastructure requires strengthening domestic revenue mobilization. Fiscal sustainability is also threatened by continued large quasi-fiscal deficits in the energy sector, mainly due to the pricing of electricity at below the cost of supply and weak financial management by relevant SOEs. POLICY OPTIONS 4.5 To meet its fiscal challenges, the government will continue to request development partner resources in the form of quick-disbursing budget grants. As scope for external borrowing is very limited, it will rely on concessional aid to deliver social protection, education, and health services, and to make critical investments in infrastructure. 32 4.6 The government should seek to mobilize private investment for infrastructure. This could possibly be in the context of public–private partnerships, although such an approach would require reforms to the institutional and legislative framework, primarily to protect the rights of private investors. Table 4.1: Medium-term Macroeconomic Outlook Actual Estimated Projected 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 GDP, US$ million 2,312 2,830 3,712 5,135 4,982 5,710 6,547 7,420 8,396 Real GDP growth, % 6.7 7.0 7.8 7.9 3.9 6.5 5.0 5.0 5.0 Real per capita US$ GDP growth, % (UN population data) 5.3 5.5 6.2 6.2 1.7 3.7 3.1 3.1 3.1 Real per capita US$ GDP growth, % (national population data) 4.5 4.8 5.6 5.6 1.3 3.5 3.0 3.0 3.1 Annual consumer price index inflation (period average), % 7.3 10.0 13.2 20.4 6.5 7.0 8.0 6.5 5.5 (US$ million) Current account balance –62 –79 –318 –393 –242 –201 –353 –559 –494 Export of goods and nonfactor services 601 656 767 865 804 913 989 1,100 1,208 Import of goods and nonfactor services 1,221 1,618 2,555 3,703 2,710 3,159 3,526 3,986 4,377 Net income –79 –101 –86 –53 –71 –71 –61 –63 –68 Net transfers 636 984 1,555 2,499 1,735 2,117 2,245 2,390 2,742 Including migrants’ remittances 598 1,015 1,487 2,343 1,622 2,028 2,184 2,341 2,700 Net foreign direct investment 55 66 160 300 16 90 110 190 260 Current expenditure 348 422 502 649 729 886 1,053 1,171 1,321 Current expenditure and net lending 182 194 558 791 696 601 871 856 856 Tax revenue 384 464 661 959 878 1,022 1,199 1,393 1,575 Non-tax revenue 63 67 101 93 117 122 207 217 237 (Percent of GDP) Current account balancea –2.7 –2.8 –8.6 –7.6 –4.9 3.5 –5.4 –7.5 –5.9 Trade balance –26.9 –34.2 8.2 –55.3 –39.3 –39.6 –38.6 –38.7 –37.5 Overall revenue and grants 20.1 23.6 22.5 22.1 23.4 22.2 23.8 22.9 22.8 Total expenditures and net lending 23.0 21.9 28.6 27.6 28.8 26.6 30.0 28.3 27.2 Fiscal balance (including externally funded public investment program) –3.1 1.7 –6.1 –5.5 –5.4 –4.4 –6.1 –5.4 –4.3 Fiscal balance (excluding externally funded public investment program) 0.5 0.8 1.6 1.4 –0.6 –1.0 –1.0 –0.5 –0.5 Public and publicly guaranteed debt 41.5 34.5 34.9 30.0 34.3 36.4 37.4 39.9 41.5 Debt service due, % of export of goods and nonfactor services 17.5 14.0 6.5 10.5 19.0 8.2 6.3 9.9 11.2 Source: International Monetary Fund and World Bank staff calculations (as of December 2010). a Including grants. 4.7 The government could increase fiscal space by eliminating quasi-fiscal deficits in the energy sector, and ensuring that the NBT does not resume directed lending of any sort. Effectively managing the existing energy infrastructure, improving tariff collection rates, and progressively raising the electricity tariff to cost-recovery levels are necessary preconditions for eliminating the quasi-fiscal deficit related to Barki Tajik. Requiring SOEs to operate on commercial principles, with no explicit or implicit subsidies such as non-enforcement of 33 payments of utility and tax bills, would also help. Enterprises following these principles will have to meet their own operating and capital costs, including financial obligations to other SOEs and tax liabilities. In return for eliminating subsidies, the government should not expect enterprises to fund government projects. 4.8 The government’s fiscal spending priorities are maintaining outlays on social services and investing in infrastructure. Both are necessary for high and sustained growth. Continuing to spend on social protection, education, and health is critical to address vulnerability and poverty and to develop the human capital required to increase labor productivity and sustain growth (Section 7). Infrastructure spending is important to produce the complementary public goods that are critical in making private sector–led growth possible. A better tax system with improved revenue collection—consistent with the country’s growth strategy—would also help. 4.9 Price stability through monetary policy will be critical to growth. Putting in place a credible and effective monetary policy framework will require the NBT to avoid all quasi-fiscal activities. Instead, the central bank should provide credit to banks only to help them manage their liquidity and act as lender of last resort. Identifying a strong nominal anchor for monetary policy, making this public, and then using it to guide monetary policy operations are essential elements of an effective monetary policy framework. Developing instruments to control the growth of reserve money will also assist in monetary policy. The issuance of treasury bills to banks to offset the negative solvency impact of the cotton debt write-off, as provided for in the government resolution on cotton debt, will help to establish a functioning securities market while improving the efficiency of monetary policy. 4.10 A banking crisis cannot be ruled out. The government is seeking assistance on crisis management and contingency planning, as well as a legal framework for bank resolution. Weaknesses remain, although, in the regulatory framework, bank supervision, and enforcement of prudential norms. To help limit the risk of a banking crisis in Tajikistan, the authorities need to strengthen regulatory requirements, intensify supervision, and enforce prudential requirements. They also need to have plans in place to move swiftly to stem potential contagion if a bank fails. The priorities are to improve banks’ liquidity position and to halt their asset impairment. 34 5. MAINTAINING MIGRATION AND REMITTANCE INFLOWS 5.1 Tajikistan is among the most remittance-dependent economies in the world. Although international migration is a relatively new phenomenon for Tajikistan relative to other emigration-intensive economies, the pattern and importance of migration and remittances have evolved fast and substantially. Tajikistan is the leading recipient of migrants’ remittances as a share of GDP in the world (Figure 5.1). More than 20 percent of the working age population works abroad in a given year (usually temporarily), while a quarter of households have at least one worker abroad. Figure 5.1: Tajikistan’s Dependence on Remittances was the World’s Heaviest in 2009 (percentage of GDP) 35 30 25 20 15 10 5 0 Tajikistan Tonga Lesotho Samoa Nepal Kyrgyz Republic Lebanon Moldova Haiti Honduras Source: World Development Indicators. 5.2 While early emigration trends were driven by ethnic conflict and civil war, for the last decade emigration has been driven primarily by microeconomic motivations. On the demand side, the Russian—and to a lesser extent, Kazakh—services sectors have shown strong demand for foreign labor, particularly in the high-growth years before the economic crisis. On the supply side, Tajik workers have faced strong incentives to work abroad due to large international wage differentials and high unemployment at home,26 in turn largely due to skills mismatches and slow job growth relative to that of the labor force. 27 Moreover, a visa-free regime between Tajikistan and Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) countries, apart from 26 The 2009 poverty assessment (World Bank 2009a) estimated unemployment at 30 percent. 27 Tajikistan’s working population in 2009 represented 55 percent of the total population. 35 Uzbekistan, combined with a shared cultural background and language, facilitated easy entry and exit for Tajik migrants. In sum, these elements have led to a very active international migration corridor with Tajik workers moving back and forth with some fluidity—as confirmed by a recent survey of returned Tajik migrants, in which 90 percent of respondents reported that they had no intention of settling abroad, although many hoped to again work abroad. 5.3 Workers’ remittances have become an integral part of growth and development in Tajikistan. Recorded remittance inflows to Tajikistan rose fivefold in 2004–08, surpassing exports and foreign direct investment multiple times and easily constituting the largest component of capital inflows from 2005 (Figure 5.2). In 2009, for example, the value of remittances was 17 times that of total foreign direct investment. Remittances exceeded the value of exports by 300 percent in 2008, and by over 200 percent 2009. They grew at an average annual rate of 60 percent a year from 2003 to 2008, peaking in 2008 at US$2.67 billion, or over 46 percent of GDP. Moreover, these levels may represent less than half the total as a majority of seasonal workers bring their money with them rather than turning to formal banking channels. Hence these unrecorded remittances may not appear in the official statistics. Figure 5.2: Remittances Outstrip other Forms of Capital Inflows in Recent Years (percentage of GDP) 70% 60% 50% 40% Official 30% Foreign Direct Investment, net Remittances 20% Private (excl FDI) Current Account 10% Change in foreign exchange reserves 0% -10% -20% 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 Source: International Monetary Fund World Economic Outlook, and World Development Indicators. 5.4 These large inflows resulted in real exchange rate appreciation and Dutch disease effects. This squeezed the traded goods sector and prompted an expansion of the nontraded sector. At the same time unit labor costs have risen, even after adjustments that cannot be explained through improved productivity. This real exchange rate appreciation threatens the expansion of nontraditional exports and productive employment creation at home. 36 5.5 The enormous volume of migration has had a large labor market impact. The number of labor migrants expanded from slightly fewer than 100,000 in early 2000 to well over 700,000 in 2009. This represents about 10 percent of the total population and over 20 percent of the working age population. Overall, these workers fully substitute or nearly substitute work abroad for work at home. This reduces the labor supply in Tajikistan which, on the positive side, may reduce unemployment to the degree the domestic economy cannot provide employment to cover these volumes. On the negative side, it could result in skills shortages. The latest round of BEEPS found a near 20 percentage point increase in the number of firms reporting that the skills and education levels of available workers was a problem for business (Figure 5.3). Figure 5.3: Workers’ Skills are Becoming More of A Problem for Businesses in the Region, Especially in Tajikistan (percentage firms indicating that skills and education of workers are not problems) 60 2005 2008 50 40 30 20 10 0 Tajikistan Central Asia & South Caucasus Europe & Central Asia Source: European Bank for Reconstruction and Development and World Bank. 5.6 Workers’ remittances helped reduce poverty. In 2003–07, the poverty headcount fell substantially, that is, by more than 20 percentage points to 41 percent using a $2.15 a day poverty line (based on purchasing power parity). Migration and remittances were key contributors to poverty reduction, as remittances may fund 80 percent of consumption of the poorest rural households and 50 percent of the poorest urban households.28 Across all welfare quintiles, remittances fund 35 percent of consumption of households that send workers abroad. As the remittances in Tajikistan primarily finance consumption, the effect on poverty is substantial. As seen, however, this exposes the country to external shocks and creates a high level of remittance dependency. A World Bank study found that a 10 percent decrease in remittances causes an average 1 percent increase in poverty. 29 28 World Bank 2009a. 29 World Bank 2009a. 37 5.7 The changing profile of migrants suggests some concerns for the future contribution of migration to Tajikistan. In 2000, an average migrant could be portrayed as male, over 30 years old, married, from a rural area, with a good education, and a good knowledge of the Russian language. At end-2010, the typical migrant worker is unskilled, unmarried, with no previous professional experience, skills, or knowledge of Russian. A growing number of young migrants without secondary education are forced to become migrant workers to support their families, undermining their skills development. 5.8 These concerns are exacerbated by the absence of support infrastructure, clear coordination mechanisms, or an institutional framework to provide basic services to migrants. The evolving challenges facing Tajik labor migrants are not facilitated by a legal, institutional framework. Nor is infrastructure in place to provide migrants with basic services (information, services, welfare, and protection) or to facilitate their legal residency abroad. The result is that as many as 60 percent of migrants may work abroad without legal residency papers. Undocumented migrants’ income can be only a tenth that of legal migrants, and they have no recourse to authorities if subjected to employment, physical, or other abuse while abroad.30 5.9 Tajikistan is developing a comprehensive migration management policy framework. Driven by the need to cope with the aftermath of the global slowdown, the government—with development community support, in particular from the United Kingdom Department for International Development, the World Bank, and the International Organization for Migration— has started establishing the necessary policy and institutions to support migrants. It is also developing a new law, a comprehensive management strategy, and an action plan on labor migration. In addition, it is looking into creating a standalone agency with a mandate covering migration regulations in Tajikistan (Box 5.1). Development partners need to reinforce these efforts quickly so that Tajikistan can continue benefiting from migration and can ensure that labor migrants are protected. POLICY OPTIONS 5.10 In the medium term, labor exports will remain a key driver of the Tajik economy. Real wage differentials and the absence of economic opportunities at home have driven emigration since the late 1990s and these pressures may heighten in the near term as demand rises in those countries in the Europe and Central Asia region with below replacement fertility levels. As a result, there is an urgent need for government commitment to ensure that Tajikistan benefits from migration since, given the nature of migration and high vulnerability to policies in labor-receiving countries, these benefits may not last long. Other elements of the CEM have looked at constraints to diversifying the economy. Yet, even if these are successful, they may complement further emigration in the short term rather than substitute for it. 30 World Bank 2009a. 38 Box 5.1: Insights from the Philippines on Improving Migrant Workers’ Incomes and Quality of Life In 2007, more than 8.2 million Filipinos worked or lived abroad, equivalent to almost 25 percent of the total labor force, and their remittances were US$17 billion, or 13 percent of GDP. Migrant programs in the Philippines may therefore offer insights for the government of Tajikistan. The Philippines Overseas Employment Administration is the main body overseeing the many private recruitment agencies. Government organizations inform potential workers of recruitment agencies that do not follow the correct deployment processes, and publish updated lists of job openings overseas. Prior to departure, overseas contract workers attend predeparture seminars. Once abroad, they can turn to the labor attaché in their embassy, who can assist them in labor- related disputes. Nongovernmental organizations also give migrants information on working abroad, and educate them about sending their money home. Tajikistan’s institutional framework would benefit from the following practices: License and regulate private recruitment agencies to ensure that their migrants do not pay unreasonable recruitment fees and are not issued with false contracts. The larger Tajik consulates and embassies in destination countries may be able to monitor the treatment of their workers, help in labor disputes, and establish a network of local labor lawyers. Require that all overseas contract workers attend pre-departure seminars on how to send remittances, and how to plan for their eventual repatriation and reintegration. Set up a government-managed migrant welfare fund. This could provide services including emergency repatriation, life insurance, and welfare assistance. Promote competition in the remittances industry to lower transmission costs. The Tajik central bank can help to lower remittance costs by requiring banks and other remittance service providers to transparently post all costs related to a particular transaction. Source: Based on Ruiz 2008. 5.11 Unlocking the benefits of high emigration involves addressing other constraints to growth. The opportunities that emigration provides magnify the potential payoff of introducing reforms that improve the quality of life in Tajikistan. For example, optimizing remittances’ contribution to human development may be linked to public service delivery issues, and enhancing household investment rates from remittances is linked to improvements in the business investment climate. Still, migration can be directly supported in several areas. 5.12 First, improvements should be made to institutions offering support services to migrants. These may be government institutions, as well as civil society and the private sector, in Tajikistan or the labor-receiving country. The public sector has large scope to deliver essential services with civil society, the private sector, and the diaspora generally. The most important services may include information and training on skills to be acquired before departure; job- placement and residence issues in the destination country; skills enhancement (including certification) and opportunities for education in the destination country; language, culture, and labor market requirements; funding a labor attaché institution, starting with Russia, to focus on the needs and demands of labor migrants; and other services that facilitate migrants’ integration into the society of the destination country, including legal support. 5.13 Second, the government should adopt policies that encourage financial institutions to provide better services to migrants and their families. This will allow them capture a larger share of remittance inflows, and some of those inflows are likely to remain in banks as deposits. 39 In particular, looking specifically at the efficiency and costs of remittances transfers, it should seek to improve the legal and regulatory environment to develop the remittances market. It should also help financial institutions expand intermediation of remittance transfers and develop new remittance-related products, including those aiming to keep a larger proportion of remittances in the formal financial system. 5.14 New technologies and products for cross-border remittance inflows, such as bank payment cards or mobile-phone transfers, could further reduce the cost of transfers. Although local banks have indicated interest, they are impeded by the high costs of such innovations and a need for technical assistance to ensure that such products are appropriate to Tajikistan. Introducing them to the local population would also require financial literacy campaigns as well as efforts to raise the public’s trust in the banks and nonbank institutions that handle cross-border transactions. 5.15 Third, the government should continue its efforts to enhance international cooperation to support the basic rights of migrants. Recent efforts include an international migration round-table in Russia, initiated by the World Bank, which brought together migration practitioners from the CIS countries to discuss ways to resolve some of the most critical issues for migration policy in the region. This conference concluded that while labor migrants in countries of the CIS enjoy visa-free access, further actions are needed to eliminate remaining internal border controls and other limitations on free movement. It also recommended that CIS country governments ensure that migrant workers are free to maintain their ethnic, linguistic, cultural, and religious identities, and to retain ethnic and cultural links with their home countries. 5.16 Fourth, although promoting international cooperation can be difficult, small pilots could be initiated. Migration is politically sensitive in most countries, and destination countries often move slowly on migrants’ concerns, particularly given that the supply of migrant labor exceeds the demand. However, small pilots that seek to facilitate the movement of small numbers of migrants and to test limited policy innovations may be more politically expedient— and may be implemented more quickly. The World Bank has worked with the governments of Portugal and Ukraine, alongside the International Organization for Migration, to put together such a pilot; this could serve as a model for Tajikistan. 5.17 Finally, a focus on the above policy options should not distract Tajik authorities from the urgent reforms needed to attract more private investment. Migration is not, by itself, a source of sustainable growth, and although it will likely remain a key growth driver for a while, the government may wish to consider the policy measures in this CEM. Despite the economic benefits of remittances, these benefits come at a high cost to society and to individual families. So, while the government strives to create a framework that harnesses and strengthens these benefits—a necessity—it also has to consider making determined efforts to nurture its long-term growth and development prospects, beyond migration. 40 6. STRENGTHENING THE ELECTRICITY SECTOR 6.1 Tajikistan’s electricity sector is critical not only for the power it provides to all sectors, but also as a potential source of economic growth through hydropower exports. Businesses that need power to grow complain about unreliable power supply and how that constrains their current production and profitability, as well as new investment. Such unreliability is due to a combination of poor functioning of the transmission and distribution system, shortages in winter generation of power, and the weak management and financial performance of the state-owned power utility, Barki Tajik. The disruption of the Central Asian power system (see next paragraph) made resolution of these problems urgent, if strong growth is to be revived and sustained. The country also has potential to develop additional hydropower projects and export power surpluses to South Asia, Russia, and Central Asia, but most of this potential remains unexploited. Tajikistan will therefore have to create the appropriate investment conditions to do this. Development partners are working with the government on this, keeping in mind appropriate social and environmental safeguards. 6.2 The disruption of power supply from Uzbekistan to Tajikistan’s northern areas and rising prices for Uzbek gas in 2009 made it hard to manage power supply. Historically, Tajikistan supplied hydropower to the Central Asian power system and received power from Uzbekistan (Uzbekenergo) through the grid for its northern areas, as well as gas for Tajikistan’s gas thermal power plants that operate in winter. Increased uncertainty of these two sources of winter power has made shortages more likely for businesses and households. In search of more reliable year-round supply, Tajikistan over the long-term aims to invest in transmission and distribution networks for the uncovered northern areas, to rehabilitate and add hydropower units, to increase thermal generation in winter, to reduce losses in current supply, and to strengthen the financial management of Barki Tajik. To do this, however, will require support from development partners. 6.3 Tajikistan’s total consumption of electricity is around 18,000 gigawatt-hours, of which nearly half is consumed by the aluminum smelter operations of Tajik Aluminum Company (TALCO). Households use a little more than a fifth, and industry, agriculture, and irrigation together account for a little more than a quarter of electricity consumption (Table 6.1). Table 6.1: Shares of Electricity Sales, 2005–08 (percent) Category 2005 2006 2007 2008 TALCO 43.8 45.6 48.6 47.2 Other industries 6.5 7.4 5.7 5.0 Agriculture 4.1 4.1 0.2 0.2 Water pumping stations 11.1 12.3 11.8 12.1 Government agencies 3.1 3.0 3.4 3.8 Households 28.3 24.6 21.7 22.5 Other consumers 3.1 3.1 8.5 9.1 Total sales 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 Source: Barki Tajik . 41 6.4 Although total annual power generation is adequate, winter sees shortages when demand rises and supply of hydropower declines with falling reservoir levels. The integrated power and irrigation system for Central Asia, designed in the Soviet era, is dominated by hydropower. Only 5 percent of Tajikistan’s power generation is thermal, which is mainly gas- based, but initiatives to use domestic coal are under consideration. However, since hydropower operation has to be designed in a way that is aligned with downstream countries’ need for irrigation in winter, reduced hydropower generation in that season is unavoidable. Additional hydropower units could raise generation in winter, but that would be accompanied by larger export surpluses in summer. 6.5 Expanding hydropower capacity faces complex issues related to the rights of downstream water users, particularly in Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan. Both downstream countries rely on water from the Amu Darya basin for irrigation, which is governed by a water- sharing protocol from 1987. This protocol limits the use of water for power generation in winter by upstream users (Tajikistan and the Kyrgyz Republic), which may limit the economic viability of some hydropower investments. ENSURING RELIABLE SUPPLY OF POWER 6.6 Reliable domestic supply of power to businesses and households faces several challenges. These include winter shortages of power, high per capita energy use, steep losses due to poor billing and/or poor collection, problems of transmission and distribution, and isolation from the Central Asian grid. Years of poor financial management by the power and gas utilities have constrained spending on investment and on operation and maintenance. Even ensuring cash payment for Uzbek natural gas imports have often proven difficult. 6.7 Improving energy efficiency on the demand side is a priority. Electricity consumption per capita, at 2,267 kilowatt-hours a year, is high relative to other low-income countries, and is a legacy of the Soviet era. Actual bills for consumers and firms are only weakly related to actual consumption as metering covers only a small part of the consumer population; large consumers in industry, offices, commercial centers, irrigation, and households in well-off neighborhoods should be targeted first for metering. Low power tariffs have also encouraged excessive consumption of power by the TALCO aluminum smelter and thus improving the smelter’s energy efficiency is an important priority. 6.8 Efficiency can also be improved on the supply side. Technical losses and losses from poor collection amount to nearly a fifth of total supply. The problems at the distribution level encompass mismanagement, corruption, lack of optimization of the grid (that is, ability to manage the load curve throughout the year), especially taking into account the hydrological factors at the generation level. More specifically, Barki Tajik needs to establish a System Control And Data Acquisition–enabled national dispatch center soon. 31 This would help it have full control of its grid and optimize the utilization of the national grid. In addition, effective billing 31 System Control and Data Acquisition is a standard network communication system for any network industry (such as gas and oil pipelines, electricity, and water) that allows operators to know what is happening in the system and enables control. 42 and metering programs need to cover the entire country. Ongoing efforts under the World Bank– financed Energy Loss Reduction Project, which covers Dushanbe city distribution network, have already increased billed sales by 30 percent. These efforts should be expanded to the entire country to create incentives for consumers to conserve electricity. Large-scale metering should help in setting up an accountability framework of energy and cash flow in the subnetworks to identify pockets of high losses. Finally, a technical assessment of Barki Tajik’s distribution grids in major consumer centers should be carried out. The aims are to analyze their capability (to optimize demand management throughout the year) and to produce high-priority projects for reducing technical losses, especially at the low-voltage level, including building redundancies in the network segments for emergencies. Box 6.1: Strategic Issues in Tajikistan’s Aluminum Industry TALCO, an aluminum smelter, is a state-owned enterprise located in Tursundaze in Tajikistan that processes imported alumina into primary aluminum under a ‘tolling arrangement’ using domestically produced energy and labor. It currently consumes nearly half the electricity consumed in the country; in winter months when domestic power generation falls, TALCO’s power consumption contributes significantly to the power shortage that is faced by other firms and households in Tajikistan. An outside-in analysis of the aluminum value chain in Tajikistan was undertaken using a simulation model that had been commissioned by IFC and used for Tajikistan in 2001. This simulation was based on mainly publicly available market prices for alumina and aluminum and data on transport cost, as well as limited information from TALCO (but no information from Talco Management); thus the final results have to be seen as only indicative of broad orders of magnitude. The preliminary estimates from this analysis provide tentative answers to the following question. Is the aluminum industry profitable in Tajikistan? It depends on world prices of aluminum. Profits are very sensitive to fluctuations in the world prices of aluminum, imported inputs especially alumina, and energy input. Because Tajikistan is remote, transport costs are a significant factor in the cost structure of imported inputs. But when the world price for aluminum is high, Tajik aluminum industry turns profits despite the use of imported alumina and its high transport costs.. 6.9 Reducing the large quasi-fiscal deficit of Barki Tajik will be critical for sustainable development of the power sector. The deficit (7.3 percent of GDP in 2008) has several sources. First, TALCO accounts for nearly half total power consumption and at relatively low tariffs, partly because its profitability depends on low-price power. Thus weighted average power tariffs are below the long-run average incremental cost of supply. Even with increased tariffs from 2006, the posted weighted average tariff was US 1.83 cents per kilowatt-hour in 2009, compared with a long-run average incremental cost of supply of US 4 cents, because of higher costs of imported power from Uzbekistan and because of the recently commissioned private hydropower generator in Tajikistan. Second, transmission and distribution losses amount to nearly a fifth of electricity supply. Third, Barki Tajik’s billing and collection system has serious weaknesses. The financial statements of Barki Tajik confirm its inability to fund the required maintenance and rehabilitation of its infrastructure, and the investment needed to replace or repair depreciated capital stock. When urgent repairs are needed, the Ministry of Finance either provides the financing from its own sources or channels donor money. Unless this quasi-fiscal deficit is eliminated, a part of the revenue earned from successful hydropower export projects will still finance these deficits instead of the country’s infrastructure and social services for growth and poverty reduction. Governance in the aluminum industry also needs to be improved. Corporate governance arrangements between TALCO and Talco Management—the tolling company in charge of provisioning of inputs and commercialization of output—are nontransparent, with the ownership structure of Talco Management unclear. Regular audits of TALCO by independent 43 auditors should be maintained to increase transparency. In addition, information about Talco Management ownership and earnings should become publicly available. EXPLOITING HYDROPOWER EXPORT POTENTIAL 6.10 Tajikistan has huge potential for exporting hydropower to the region, although most of it remains unexploited. This potential is estimated to be around 140,000 megawatts with an annual electricity generation capability of 527 terawatt-hours. Of this, only 4,564 megawatts, generating about 17.3 terawatt-hours a year, are operational. Still, government efforts are under way to develop this potential, as seen in the important Roghun hydropower project. 6.11 The government is updating the techno-economic, environmental, and social safeguards assessment of the Roghun project, as it must assure itself that it is a viable project. It is using the support of the World Bank in selecting the right consultants and developing the right terms of reference so that the final assessment has strong international support. This will help not only in attracting the interest of international lenders, but also open dialogue with downstream countries. An assessment carried out this way would help to mitigate the project’s perceived risks to downstream countries and identify areas that need more attention. This process will help Tajikistan to draw on lessons from other countries, such as Lao PDR (Box 6.2), Bhutan, Ethiopia, and Nepal, which have faced and overcome the challenges of these large, complex projects. Box 6.2: Lessons from Nam Theun 2 Hydropower Project in the Lao People’s Democratic Republic For Tajikistan to harness its abundant hydropower resources and achieve its development agenda, it needs to address challenges related to hydropower development. These involve the cost of financing, technical and environmental issues, and downstream concerns. Learning from the first-hand experience of other countries with a similar background and characteristics will be valuable. Lao PDR is one such country. First, its government adopted a holistic approach to developing its Nam Theun 2 hydropower project to ensure that the development impact of the project went beyond project output and were realized at both local and national levels. For this purpose, the project was linked closely to the national development strategy and was supported by a range of structural and institutional reforms related to the private investment climate, the banking system, and public financial management. These reforms were designed to attract investment and to ensure transparency and efficient use of export revenue. Second, the majority of funds for constructing Nam Theun 2 were mobilized through a public-private partnership (the government holds only 6 percent of the total financing of the project). This partnership was created through painstaking reforms of the business environment and investment climate (to attract foreign investors). It enabled Lao PDR to design an innovative financing mechanism that allowed the mobilization of additional funds as the need arose. Third, actions were taken to ensure that revenue from hydropower exports would be additional and used to finance priority programs that would support growth and reduce poverty. These programs would be identified through a public participatory process. As a result, Nam Theun 2 would provide local benefits, as well as generalized national benefits. Strong actions would ensure that tax revenue effort was maintained, SOE losses were eliminated, and public expenditure management strengthened. Fourth, the environmental and social concerns brought forth by local civil society organizations, downstream countries, and international nongovernmental organizations were satisfactorily addressed, largely by the government of Laos. This was accomplished through close and regular consultation with an international committee (Mae Khong) that included members of government from downstream countries and with international organizations. 44 6.12 These hydropower projects are very costly relative to small countries’ GDP, making them difficult to finance without foreign investment. Potential private investors and foreign creditors often worry that countries with low institutional capacity may have difficulty in implementing agreements. In some countries, such as Lao PDR for Nam Theun 2, a World Bank guarantee of government performance helped to catalyze private finance. The government’s willingness to liberalize foreign private investment more generally gave potential investors added confidence. Tajikistan could consider some of these options. 6.13 To obtain international support for hydropower projects it is important to ensure that their revenue is used for supporting growth and reducing poverty. Revenue from these projects has to be additional to ensure that the project has impact. This means that the country has to continue its tax efforts because any relaxation would mean that revenue from hydropower would substitute for forgone tax revenue, and thus not benefit the poor. Public expenditure management therefore needs to be strengthened. Similarly, power utilities and other SOEs must improve their financial discipline, to prevent the revenue from the hydropower project from being used for financing firms’ losses rather than going to infrastructure or social services. 6.14 There are also externalities from successfully completing a complex hydropower export project with foreign private investment, as Lao PDR has experienced. External perceptions about the capacity of a low-income country can change: foreign investors begin to think of the country as one that has demonstrated its potential to manage complex projects as well as a willingness to commit to higher standards for social and environmental safeguards and honor contracts and agreement. Lao PDR has been flooded with foreign investors not only for other hydropower projects but also projects in other sectors. POLICY OPTIONS 6.15 In the long run, hydropower generation and energy exports have the potential to significantly boost Tajikistan’s economy and improve reliability of domestic power supply. But this will require substantial institutional and policy reforms, foreign investment, and reliable markets for summer-dominated exports. 6.16 Developing the energy sector in Tajikistan faces considerable challenges. Hydropower development needs careful planning and coordination of the legal, institutional, and fiscal infrastructure in the country. However, the cost of capital investments far exceeds the government’s borrowing capacity. Moreover, the revenue of the energy utilities cannot finance any of these investments, as they are insufficient even to cover their own operating expenses. Hence attracting private investment through public–private partnerships is essential. 6.17 The priority in the short term is reorganizing Barki Tajik into a commercially and technically efficient company with management autonomy. Improvements in the financial management capacity of Barki Tajik are also needed to bring its operations to international standards. Preparing it to face the new challenge of operating an isolated power system is also essential. In addition, fair and transparent increases in electricity tariffs are required to enable the utility to cover its current operating costs and its future investment needs. Funds currently used to subsidize the operations of Barki Tajik can be used much more effectively to reduce poverty 45 by financing essential social protection, education, and health services (Section 7). Eliminating the cross subsidies that are implicit in the tariffs charged to different consumers will promote the growth of industries in which Tajikistan has a true comparative advantage. Moreover, until Barki Tajik is transformed into an efficient and commercially sustainable utility, attracting private investment to the sector will be difficult. 6.18 The government’s strategic energy policy should take account of the very serious financing constraints faced by the government and the managerial and institutional constraints of the public sector. Clear prioritization of the various investment options is needed. In the medium to long term, after Barki Tajik has been reorganized, the government can meet domestic demand with modest, discrete, and affordable investments. The key is to prioritize among the different investment options and then select the best projects based on thorough market analysis. Attracting private investment through public–private partnerships, as demonstrated by the success of the Bank-financed Pamir Energy project, is a good approach to be replicated for large projects. 6.19 Exporting seasonal surplus power would make hydropower investments more economically viable, but this also faces challenges. The major issue is constructing long and expensive overhead transmission lines over a difficult terrain through areas that are politically unstable and lack security (such as Afghanistan and Pakistan). Limited administrative and technical capacity of the government and public utilities to manage a large investment program is another issue. 6.20 Finding a sustainable solution to meet the winter energy deficits is critical to removing constraints on private investment and economic development. This will require a combination of measures, including improving energy efficiency, increasing economical thermal or winter-based hydro generation, managing winter power availability better, signing long-term agreements for procuring fuel and electricity, and commercially managing energy infrastructure. 46 7. IMPROVING SOCIAL PROTECTION, EDUCATION, AND HEALTH SERVICES SOCIAL PROTECTION 7.1 As demonstrated by the global crisis, Tajikistan’s social protection system is ineffective at reducing extreme poverty and vulnerability. This is partly because the system is dominated by old-age and disability pensions.32 Social assistance spending is only 0.5 percent of GDP, the lowest in the Europe and Central Asia region and less than half that in neighboring Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan (Figure 7.1). Another reason is that the targeting of such assistance is less effective than in those countries. While internationally, good programs provide at least 40 percent of their social benefits to households in the bottom 20 percent of the income quintile, Tajikistan delivers only 23 percent (Figure 7.2). Figure 7.1: Public Spending on Social Assistance is the Region’s Lowest (percentage of GDP) Croatia Bosnia-Herzegovina Hungary Ukraine OECD Uzbekistan Macedonia Russia Moldova Armenia Latvia Estonia Belarus Lithuania Bulgaria Kyrgyzstan Kosovo Serbia Romania Kazakhstan Albania Poland Georgia Turkey Azerbaijan Tajikistan - 0.50 1.00 1.50 2.00 2.50 3.00 3.50 4.00 4.50 5.00 Source: Nguyen, Sundaram, and Lindert 2009; Nguyen and Sundaram 2009. 32 Fewer than 1 percent of households receive any of the smaller social assistance benefits, such as gas and electricity compensation. 47 7.2 The crisis also illustrated other weaknesses of the social protection system. Many other countries were able to respond to the food-price and financial crises by scaling up existing social programs to assist the poor, sometimes using foreign aid. Tajikistan, however, was in a more difficult position it had no effective programs. Instead, it relied on increased food aid distributed by the World Food Program to help the most vulnerable. Figure 7.2: Social Assistance, Too, is a Regional Laggard Source: World Bank estimates. 7.3 International experience suggests that good programs take 12–18 months to set up and that they have a large payoff if in place before a crisis hits. Once set up, programs can be helpful in responding to a range of economic shocks and natural disasters, as long as programs have a flexible delivery mechanism that can scale up assistance. The government is therefore reviewing its various programs of social assistance, to improve the targeting of the poor and vulnerable. With the support of the Programmatic Development Policy Grant Operations, it plans to introduce a pilot scheme in at least two raions to test targeting approaches. 7.4 One option to improve the effectiveness of the social protection system would be to introduce targeted social assistance to achieve higher coverage of the poor and vulnerable. If the pilots are successful, the government may wish to consider introducing a single, unified social assistance program in a few raions of some scale with competent staff trained in targeting people for assistance, delivering assistance, and handling complaints. Expanding social assistance entails short-term fiscal costs, but this would help to reduce poverty and offer citizens a protection mechanism. The main targeting method is proxy means testing, based on a formula linking observable factors to expected well-being and community-based targeting. With a 48 credible targeting mechanism established, the inflow of donor funds for social protection during economic crisis as well as in the context of serious natural disasters may be expected to increase. In the absence of a well-functioning formal system of social protection, especially in rural areas, agricultural and other growth will likely continue to play a major role in informal social protection.33 7.5 Several complementary areas of reform would help to improve the effectiveness of the social protection system. These include reforming the administration of social services, rationalizing benefit schemes, and revising the pension system to ensure that it provides a secure income in old age. The government is in fact undertaking several studies with development partner support to identify reform options. EDUCATION 7.6 Shortages of skilled labor do not currently appear to be a major constraint to growth, with only 5 percent of firms in the 2009 BEEPS survey citing skill shortages as the biggest obstacle to doing business. Still, it is an important issue in need of more attention, as some 40 percent of firms did cite it as a moderate to severe constraint. Of concern is whether the availability of remittances alters households’ incentives to work. Some research 34 has found that remittances may serve as a substitute for labor income for some households. Since labor and capital are complementary goods in production, this substitution effect may undermine the rate of economywide capital accumulation. 7.7 The Tajik population is relatively well educated for a country of its income level, as measured by standard indicators such as enrollment and literacy (Table 7.1). Nevertheless, the quality of education in Tajikistan is at risk of deteriorating, as suggested by a recent increase in unfilled teacher positions. The country also lags behind on tertiary education, with less than half the enrollment rate in 2008 of other Europe and Central Asia countries. Moreover, access to tertiary education is highly skewed toward the upper income quintiles, even although specialist and technical professions appear to attract a large premium in the labor market.35 This in turn may suggest that there is significant unmet demand for such professions. Skill mismatches may therefore become a binding constraint to sustained and inclusive growth over the medium and long terms, making it hard for firms to benefit from new technologies and to improve productivity. 33 Government is currently piloting a proxy means targeting on a pilot basis in Soghd and Khatlon Oblasts which could pave the way for improving efficiency. 34 World Bank 2009a. 35 The inequality in access to education is worrisome because it makes it difficult for someone born into a low- income household to increase their income through tertiary education and join the middle class. 49 Table 7.1: Education Indicators, 2008 Tajikistan Russiaa Chinaa Kazakh- Ukrainea Low Low Europe and stan income middle- Central Asia incomea Region Gross national income 600 9,620 2,940 6,140 3,210 524 2,078 7,418 per capita (US$) Gross enroll. ratio (%) Primary 99.5 96 112.3 108.7 89.4 98.3 109.1 97.4 Secondary 83.6 a 84.3 77.3 92.2 94.2 42.9 61.8 88.1 Tertiary 20.3 74.7 22.9 51.2 76.4 6.9 18.3 52.7 Net enroll. ratio (%) Primary 97.8 90.9 .. 90.3 89.4 77.6 .. 91.1 Secondary 81.3 a .. .. 85.6 84.5 37.7 .. 80.7 Primary completion 84.8 .. .. 104.5 101.3 64.8 89.8 97.6 rate (%) Expected years of 11.0 a 13.7 11.4 15.1 14.6 8.7 10.5 12.8 schooling Student–teacher ratio Primary 21.9 17.1 17.7 16.6 16.3 .. 21.7 .. Secondary 16.5 a 18,.6 16.4 10 10.6 .. 18.7 .. Gender parity index, gross enroll. 0.9 a 1.0 1.0 1.0 1.0 0.9 0.9 1.0 primary, secondary Source: World Development Indicators database. a 2007 education data. 7.8 School infrastructure remains poor, with large inequalities across regions. Rural schools and those in poor neighborhoods of cities are particularly affected and have experienced the least improvement in facilities over the last five years. In fact, more than 40 percent of rural areas report their school facilities to be unsatisfactory in all aspects. At the same time, there is evidence that improvements might not have taken place in locations that have the greatest need. 7.9 The reported lack of qualified teachers and low student-teacher ratios point to institutional challenges. The lack of teachers is related to low pay and to location-specific factors. The student–teacher ratios are low relative to other countries in the region, indicating that the major challenge is to adjust the institutional setup to use and allocate teachers optimally. Adjustment of curricula, promotion of multisubject and multigrade teachers, potentially combined with increased remuneration for those serving rural schools, should be looked into. 7.10 The use of tuition fees or hidden charges in general education represents a significant problem for poor households. The World Bank analysis indicates that many children in public general education pay tuition fees or charges, despite the government policy of free education.36 This practice is most common in Dushanbe. There is a clear link between the prevalence of school fees and the proportion of children not attending school for financial reasons. 7.11 Most schools are locally financed and therefore depend on the funding and decisions of local governments, which are only slightly accountable to central government. This 36 World Bank 2009a. 50 system results in the unequal funding of schools, hinders oversight, and provides no incentives for efficiency at the school level. Current reforms are addressing some of these issues: per capita funding, budget reforms, and more autonomy in schools are likely to contribute to better oversight and efficiency. 7.12 Improving educational policy is especially important in view of large migration flows. Education not only enhances the income potential of individuals but also their ability to obtain employment. In 2007 the unemployment rate of people with higher education was half the rate among those with secondary education, and one quarter the rate among those with no education (Table 7.2). Just like education, experience is associated not only with higher returns to employment, but is also a factor that helps people to obtain employment. The unemployment rate among the young was double the national average. Migration has offered a way for people to increase returns to employment and to find employment and gain work experience. 7.13 Establishing a formal apprenticeship scheme, with fiscal incentives such as exemptions of apprentices from social contributions, would help to strengthen on-the-job skill development in enterprises. Involving the private sector and returning migrant workers would help in providing vocational and technical training. Many countries have reduced the mismatches between enterprises’ needs for skilled labor and those available in the labor market through such apprenticeship schemes. Table 7.2: Unemployment Rate by Education Attainment in Tajikistan, 2007 Educational attainment Unemployment rate (%) None 22.6 Primary + basic (grades 1–4, 1–8) 11.9 Secondary 10.4 Higher education 5.8 Graduate education 0.0 All with education attainment data, 15–64 10.0 Source: World Bank staff calculations based on Tajikistan State Committee on Statistics and UNICEF 2009. HEALTH 7.14 As with education, investments in health care are key to long-term growth and development. But Tajikistan fares poorly relative to other countries in the Europe and Central Asia region. Low public financing, excessive and outdated hospital infrastructure, underfunded primary health care, and inefficiency in resource allocation all contribute to poor health outcomes. Like much of the country’s other social spending, Tajikistan’s public health spending is not pro poor. To obtain health services, people must make out-of-pocket payments, which excludes many poor people from access to even the most basic services. Almost 46 percent of the poorest households surveyed for the 2009 poverty assessment37 found it impossible or very difficult to pay for health care compared with 28 percent of the richest households. 37 World Bank 2009a. 51 7.15 In the last few years, the government has started to pursue some important health sector reforms. It has introduced changes that aim to decrease the proportion of the population that cannot afford health care, to decrease the share of health costs in household expenditure, and to improve equity in the distribution of the health budget by introducing per capita financing for primary health care and case-based payments for hospitals. If maintained and deepened, these moves should help to improve health outcomes over time. 7.16 Public resources remain scarce. The 2007 living standards measurement survey shows that the bulk of health care expenditure is still borne by households.38 The cost of health care continues to be a deterrent to accessing care although—due to improvements in household welfare since 2003—more people now seek health services. To achieve further progress, the population needs to be better informed of the costs of care and of the choices they have for where to access care. 38 Tajikistan State Committee on Statistics and UNICEF 2009. 52 BIBLIOGRAPHY Agribusiness Competitiveness Center. 2008. Report on the Project “Monitoring of Existing Barriers Restraining Promotion of Products and Trade Development in the Region.” Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan. Azfar, O., and P. 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