88770 Transformative Resilience Guide Gender, Violence, and Education Joel E. Reyes, Jo Kelcey and Andrea Diaz Varela 1 Transformative Resilience Guide: Gender, Violence and Education When I look at my teacher I ask, what made her reach this level? I’m sure she studied and it was hard…When I look at my teacher, I wish to become like her. Female UNRWA refugee student, Jordan Educating a girl is like watering your neighbor’s garden. Nepali proverb 2013 The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development / The World Bank 1818 H Street NW Washington DC 20433 Telephone: 202-473-1000 Internet: www.worldbank.org This work is a product of the staff of The World Bank with external contributions. The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed in this work do not necessarily reflect the views of The World Bank, its Board of Executive Directors, or the governments they represent. The World Bank does not guarantee the accuracy of the data included in this work. The bound- aries, colors, denominations, and other information shown on any map in this work do not imply any judgment on the part of The World Bank concerning the legal status of any territory or the endorsement or acceptance of such boundaries. Rights and Permission The material in this work is subject to copyright. Because The World Bank encourages dissemi- nation of its knowledge, this work may be reproduced, in whole or in part, for noncommercial purposes as long as full attribution to this work is given. Any queries on rights and licenses, including subsidiary rights, should be addressed to the Office or the Publisher, The World Bank, 1818 H Street NW, Washington, DC 20433, USA; fax: 202-522- 2422; e-mail: pubrights@worldbank.org. Photo Credits Front cover photo © Scott Wallace / World Bank. A girl stands to respond to a teacher’s question in crowded Mauchak Scout High School, in Gazipur, Bangladesh. Back cover photo top row left © Arne Hoel / World Bank. Boys from the village of Ait Sidi Hsain, near Meknes, one of the poorest rural areas of Morocco. Back cover photo top row center © Dana Smillie / World Bank. Girls attend morning assembly at the Shaheed Mo- hamed Motaher Zaid School in Sana’a, Yemen. Back cover photo top row right © Dana Smillie / World Bank. A teacher works with a hearing impaired student at the Association for the Welfare and Rehabilitation of Deaf and Dumb. Back cover photo bottom row left © Jo Kelcey / World Bank. Internally displaced students from northern Mali have been welcomed by host communities in the south. Back cover photo bottom row center © Salahaldeen Nadir / World Bank. Boys inside the remains of their class room, Al Awamrah, North Kordofan, Sudan. Back cover photo bottom row left © Chao Doan / World Bank. A boy piggybacks his younger brother after class at a primary school; they are members of a poor ethnic minority in Vietnam. 4 Education Resilience Approaches (ERA) Program About the Technical Design Team Joel E. Reyes Senior Institutional Development Specialist, HDNED, The World Bank Group Jo Kelcey Education Specialist, HDNED, The World Bank Group Andrea Diaz Varela Education Specialist, HDNED, The World Bank Group This report is the product of collaboration between The World Bank Education Network and the Partnership for Education Development (PFED) with the UK Department for International Development (DFID). It is part of the broader programmatic tools of the Education Resilience Approaches (ERA) program of the World Bank. We would particularly like to thank the peer reviewers for their insightful contributions: Fabrice Houdart, Donna M. Mertens, and Nina Papadopoulos. We also received valuable support from Renata Piñedo during the literature review stage, and Marie Madeleine Ndaw and Lorelei Lacdao provided administrative support from Washington, DC. 5 Transformative Resilience Guide: Gender, Violence and Education 6 Education Resilience Approaches (ERA) Program Contents Introduction Transformative Resilience and This Guide 13 Who this Guide is for 14 How to use this Guide 15 Guide components 15 Chapter 1. Gender and Resilience in the Context of Violence and Conflict 17 1.1 The resilience approach to gender analysis 21 1.2 Focus on institutions 21 PART I 23 Chapter 2. Understanding Gender-Related Violence 25 2.1 Core principles for approaching gender-related violence 25 2.2 The complexity of gender-related violence 26 Move beyond categorical definitions of gender-related violence 27 Avoid oversimplifying gender-related violence with binaries and stereotypes 27 Critically interpret secondary data on gender-related violence 29 Collect data on the lived experiences of gender-related violence 29 Approach all research on gender-related violence with clear ethical principles 29 2.3 The multiple levels and dynamics of gender-related violence 30 Examine gender-related risks across individuals, families, communities, and institutions 30 Explore the linkages between gender-related violence and education outcomes 31 Examine gender-related risks during and after conflict through cyclical research design 31 2.4 Hidden and latent forms of gender-related violence 32 Uncover silenced perspectives of gender-related violence 33 Recognize the role played by institutional structures in gender-related violence 34 2.5 Sample resources 35 Resources for assessing direct gender risks 35 Surveys and assessments 35 Resources that take the gender-violence continuum into account 36 Resources for assessing hidden or latent risks 37 Alternative qualitative data collection tools 39 Chapter 3. Identifying Gender-Related Assets 41 3.1 Core principles for gender-related assets assessment 41 3.2 Individual assets 42 Understand how gender identities influence finding meaning and setting life goals 43 Recognize the gender dimensions of self-identity and the empowerment of positive self-belief 43 Consider the social expectations placed on how different genders manage emotions in crisis 44 7 Transformative Resilience Guide: Gender, Violence and Education Use gender-sensitive approaches to agency and sense of control amid chaos 44 Discern how gender-related risks may influence maladaptive or hidden resilience in troubled youth 45 3.3 Relational assets 46 Recognize the influence of peers in gender-related adversity 47 Embrace teachers as role models for children and youth exposed to gender-related risks 47 Understand the particularly protective role of family members in contexts of crisis 48 Take account of other positive relations (community and social actors) in times of adversity 48 3.4 Sociocultural assets 49 Honor indigenous and culturally relevant practices that contribute to gender-based resilience 50 Acknowledge the potential of locally-led social organizations to effect cultural transformation 51 3.5 Sample resources for gender-related resilience assets assessments 51 Individual assets 51 Relational assets 52 Sociocultural assets 52 General research and evaluation resources 52 3.6 Presenting and reporting resilience research 53 Part II 55 Chapter 4. Protecting and Fostering School and Community Relations to Support Resilience 57 4.1 Core principles for community and school support for gender-related protection 57 4.2 School-based gender interventions 58 Protect students from gender-related violence at school and in classrooms 58 Promote gender-positive socialization opportunities in safe spaces at school 59 Promote positive gender identities and provide classroom opportunities for gender empowerment 60 Encourage peer-to-peer academic and recreational activities that foster individual strengths and positive social relations 61 4.3 Community assets and structured school-community partnerships 62 Identify and mobilize local sociocultural assets and community support 63 Empower community members to promote gender equality 63 Provide structured approaches for communities and schools to work together 64 Model gender equity in community and school leadership and management 66 4.4 Sample resources for school- and community-based interventions 66 8 Education Resilience Approaches (ERA) Program Chapter 5. Institutionalizing Resilience through Gender-Related Policies and Programs 69 5.1 Core principles for institutionalizing resilience through gender-related policies and programs 69 5.2 Making gender equality and protection from gender-related risks explicit in education policy 70 Commit to gender-related transformation in domestic policies, plans, and strategies 71 Utilize international and regional instruments that underscore gender-related protection and gender equity in education 74 Design gender transformative programs and projects at all levels of the education system 75 Promote cross-sector integrated approaches to tackle gender-related violence and inequity 78 Build bridges between emergency gender-related responses and longer-term change 78 5.3 Policy implementation that promotes change toward gender-related protection and resilience 80 Ensure access to programs is based on gender-related needs and not just deficits 80 Permit flexibility and adaptability in the implementation of gender-related policies and associated programs 81 Make use of gender-related budget processes 83 Mobilize media and civil society in efforts to change gender-related social norms 84 5.4 Sample resources for aligning policies and programs with a gender and transformative resilience approach 85 Resources to inform policies and national programs 85 Resources related to gender-sensitive budgeting 85 Resources regarding international instruments that support equity 86 Guidance for gender-sensitive and transformative curriculum and pedagogy 87 Guidance for working with men and boys, and for transforming notions of masculinity 88 Resources on gender-related planning 88 References 91 Annexes 103 Annex A. The evolution of “gender” as a concept within international development 103 Annex B. Indicative typologies of direct gender-related violence 104 Annex C. Overview of gender analysis frameworks 105 Annex D. International and regional human rights instruments that address gender related adversities and education 107 9 Transformative Resilience Guide: Gender, Violence and Education Boxes Box 1. Key Concepts Related to Gender and Gender-Related Violence 19 Box 2. Core Principles for Approaching Gender-Related Violence 26 Box 3. The Importance of Cultural Competence 32 Box 4. An Example of Community Involvement in Data Collection 34 Box 5. Sampling Strategies 38 Box 6. Core Principles for Gender-Related Assets Assessment 42 Box 7. Girls from an Afghan Minority Achieve a Sense of Control with Literacy Skills 45 Box 8. Hidden Resilience of Boys and Girls in Sierra Leone 46 Box 9. Mental, Emotional, and Spiritual Health through Indigenous Community Rituals 50 Box 10. General Methodological Guidance to Design Gender in Education Assessments through a Resilience Lens 54 Box 11. Core Principles to Promote Gender-Related Protection and Education Equity through School and Community Relations 58 Box 12. Using Community and Culture to Protect Students from Gender-Related Violence in Afghanistan 59 Box 13. Creating Opportunities for Gender Empowerment in Schools 62 Box 14. Education-Empowerment Models 64 Box 15. Core Principles for Institutionalizing Resilience through Gender-Related Education Box 16. Strategic Goals for Resilience-Oriented Education Policies 71 Box 17. Promoting Gender-Related Resilience through Comprehensive Institutional Commitment: The Example of Rwanda 73 Box 18. Reflecting International Standards in Domestic Policy 75 Box 19. Scaling Up Gender-Related Assets 80 Box 20. The Importance of Ensuring Relevant Education Policies and Programs for Sexual Minorities 81 Box 21. Community-Based Education Supporting Access for Girls in Afghanistan 83 Box 22. Using Media and Advocacy to Promote Equitable Gender Norms 85 Box 23. Strategies for Implementing Human Rights Domestically 87 10 Education Resilience Approaches (ERA) Program 11 Transformative Resilience Guide: Gender, Violence and Education 12 Education Resilience Approaches (ERA) Program Introduction Transformative Resilience and This Guide In 2011, the World Bank Group launched its Education Sector Strategy 2020: Learning for All. The strategy defines the Bank’s collaborative agenda with developing countries to support learning and strengthen education systems.1 Aligned with these goals, the Education Resilience Approaches (ERA) program2 is developing frameworks and tools to understand the role and impact of education in conflict- and violence-affected contexts.3 For this Guide, the education resilience framework in figure 1 is used to focus reflection and action on education policies and practices that 1. manage and minimize gender-related risks in education settings; 2. use and protect gender-informed assets (strengths, opportunities, and resources) that add value to individuals, schools, communities, and education systems; 3. foster school and community support for learners at risk of gendered-related violence or unequal education outcomes because of their gender identities; and 4. deliver education services for gender equity aligned to a resilience framework. A transformative resilience approach Resilience is an increasingly cited objective within the field of international development education and humanitarian response. But what does it mean to take a resilience approach and how does it relate to transformation of gender-based violence? For the ERA program, a resilience approach does not refer to the common understanding of “coping with” or just “recovering from” crisis. It has a broader transformational application to address the inter-relations between gender, violence, and education. A resilience lens provides a way to engage with the complexity of change in these three areas; it also gives the field a way to look not only at the risks but the assets (strengths, opportunities, and resources) present in groups that are vulnerable due to their gender and sexual identities. It points at individual and group agency for change, as well as institutional and social responsibilities to support at-risk groups and prevent the sources of violence. It addresses capacity building, empowerment, social injustices, and inequities. Most importantly—in the education sector—resilience provides a framework to deal with the protection needs of children and youth at risk, in conjunction with the processes and assets that can support their education outcomes: access, learning, graduation, and productive skills. 1 http://siteresources.worldbank.org/EDUCATION/Resources/ESSU/Education_Strategy_4_12_2011.pdf. 2 ERA is a domain within the Systems Approach for Better Education Results (SABER). See http://saber.worldbank.org/ index.cfm?indx=8&tb=14. 3 The assessment of both fragility and resilience was developed in the “New Deal for Engagement in Fragile States,” at the 4th High Level Forum on Aid Effectiveness, Busan, Korea, November 30, 2011, http://www.europarl.europa.eu/eplibrary/ New-Deal-for-engagement-in-fragile-states.pdf. 13 Transformative Resilience Guide: Gender, Violence and Education A transformative resilience approach, thus, entails the following core components (reflected in the conceptual framework in figure 1): • Understanding the context of adversity. This is a crucial point of departure for any resilience approach because resilience is a process that originates in adversity. • Identifying and protecting existing assets and processes in marginalized populations. These assets and processes should be used by education and social services both to protect from gender-related risks and to support education outcomes in all students, independent of their gender and sexual identity. Assets include individual traits, strengths and capacities, supportive relationships, and relevant resources and opportunities in communities and schools. • Promoting collaborative relations between schools and communities in favor of gender equity, protection and educational achievement. These relationships provide pathways for change and stress the role and responsibility of education services in addressing the sources of violence. This pillar recognizes that violence is often justified by dominant cultures, executed by core institutions, and sustained by social, political, and economic structures. • Supporting at-risk communities to define desirable outcomes that are relevant and meaningful to them. This includes developing relevant policies, programs, and services to pursue specific education outcomes such as access and learning. It also may include the contributions of the education sector to prosocial change (reduced violence, peaceful co-existence, and the pursuit of social justice for marginalized groups). Ultimately, therefore, a transformative resilience approach entails a framework rather than one “resilience assessment tool.” A resilience framework points to emerging patterns of gender norms, violence, and education in complex settings. This can help practitioners, researchers, and evaluators choose the most relevant combination of assessment tools, based on their context, situation, and research questions. Many combinations are possible, but they are together guided by one collective goal of transforming the sources of gender-based violence that hurt, traumatize, kill, and prevent many children and youth from achieving their highest potential. Recognizing that education communities and systems can positively or negatively impact the prevention of gender-related violence, this Guide stresses the need for aligning education policies, programs, resources, and capacities with a transformative resilience approach. Who this Guide is for This Guide is for researchers, evaluators, and planners supporting education policy and program development in contexts of gender-related violence. It outlines a conceptual framework to support the collection, interpretation, and use of gender- and resilience-related information. In addition, it also includes “how to” advice to think through crucial issues, which may arise when assessing areas of protection for people in all levels of an education system who experience 14 Education Resilience Approaches (ERA) Program gender-related violence, as well as to promote improved educational outcome. How to use this Guide Rather than simply providing a checklist or tool kit, this Guide instead offers a framework for conceptualizing resilience and gender, inviting reflection on 1) resilience and gender principles; 2) critical areas for action, based on examples of relevant research, policies, and programs; and 3) a set of suggested tools and resources. The chapters build on each other, but can also stand alone. Users can read each chapter chronologically or flip to one that best fits their purposes. That said, this Guide overall provides an integrated approach to assessing both gender-related risks and assets, and ways to respond at school, community, and educational-system levels. Guide components This guide is divided into 2 parts, plus an initial chapter on general aspects of gender and resilience in situations of conflict and violence. Together, the parts present, respectively, core guidance on gender-related risks and assets, and the ways that schools, communities, and education systems can respond to protect education actors from gender-related violence—as well as contribute to mitigating the sources of such violence. Each chapter has a list of core principles related to its focus, along with recommended resources. In Part 1, chapters 2 and 3 provide a broad framework and specific multi-level examples of gender-related risks and assets. Most importantly, it presents a list of essential principles, tools, and resources for researchers, evaluators, and program designers as they conduct their own specific gender, violence, and education assessments. Part 2 is focused on institutional issues. Chapter 4 discusses the ways that positive interactions between schools and communities can prevent gender-based violence and foster gender equity. Chapter 5 considers the education policies, programs, institutions, and services that address the sources of gender-related risks and craft solutions for positive education outcomes. Examples of institutional practices illustrate how a transformative resilience framework and gender principles can be operationalized within the policies, programs, and budgets of education systems. 15 Transformative Resilience Guide: Gender, Violence and Education Figure 1. Conceptual Framework for Education Resilience Approaches RESILIENCE& RESILIENCE&LEVERS& POLICY&GOALS& COMPONENTS& Educa-on&in& • What&adversi-es&students&face& Manage&and& adversity& • How&the&educa-on&system&is&addressing&risks&in&schools& minimize&risks& Posi-ve&learning&outcomes&& in&spite&of&adversity& • How&students&seek&resilience&through&control,& Assets&and& Use&and&& Educa-on&resilience& competence&and&being&accountable& engagement& • How&students&seek&resilience&through&their&socio> emo-onal&well>being&via&engagement&with&others& protect&assets& (peers,&teachers,&families,&etc.)&and&iden-ty&forma-on& process& & Relevant& • How&schools&provide&support&and&opportuni-es&to& Foster&school> students&through&ac-ons&or&approaches®arding& school&&& access,&permanence,&teaching&and&learning& community& community& • How&school&and&community&partnerships&support& support& support& student&outcomes&in&contexts&of&adversity& & & & & & & & & & && Aligned& • How&the&educa-on&system&provides&a&strategic& direc-on&for&relevant&educa-on&in&adversity&contexts&& Deliver&resilience& educa-on& • How&educa-on&programs&integrate&learning,& system& socioemo-onal&well>being&and&protec-on&& aligned&services& • What&human,&material&and&financial&resources&are& support& accessible&to&support&at>risk&educa-on&communi-es& & & & & && RES-360⁰: Rapid Assessment Manual 16 Chapter 1. Gender and Resilience in the Context of Violence and Conflict Before delving into the different components of a transformative resilience approach, it is important to first present the contextual background and the major ways in which gender and violence intersect within the field of international education development. This chapter is a brief introduction to the topic and establishes the value added of a transformative resilience lens in contexts of gender-related violence. Gender equality in education has been recognized as an important global objective. Goal 3 of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) aims at eliminating gender disparity in primary and secondary schooling,4 and the UNESCO Education for All global movement emphasizes gender equality and women’s empowerment. However, it is recognized that the MDGs can achieve only limited success in conflict and violence affected contexts. Countries dealing with internal or external conflict have some of the world’s worst education indicators, including lack of gender parity (UNESCO Global Monitoring Report 2011).5 Violence negatively impacts access to education and a safe environment for learning for both boys and girls. For example, during armed conflict, boys are affected because they must enlist in the military, such as in Bosnia and Herzegovina (Swee 2011). In Afghanistan, parents are afraid to send their daughters to school because of the violence directed against girls (Glad 2009). Schools may also be used as recruiting grounds for child soldiers, as occurred in northern Mali.6 In Colombia and many other countries, boys and girls drop out of school to earn income for their families and are further exposed to violence and related risks (Sanchez 2001). Students worldwide who identify as a sexual minority are discriminated against, rejected, isolated, and harassed by school peers, teachers, and administrators, which makes it difficult for them to learn or progress in school (Butler and Astbury 2005). A review of the literature reveals that, in general, emphasis on gender mainstreaming has shifted away from a focus solely on women, to recognizing the role of socially constructed gender roles and including men and sexual minorities. Gender is increasingly understood through socialization, which has been defined as the continuous process through which individuals acquire knowledge about the values and expectations of behavior from society, that shape their personal identities, roles and positions within a social group.7 Sadly, this socialization process can both condone and promote gender inequities and injustices. Addressing these, therefore, requires social, institutional, and cultural transformations, which are systemic and complex. They require not isolated solutions but deeper changes in people and institutional beliefs, interactions, and expectations of behavior. 4 For more information on the MDGs, see http://www.un/org/milleniumgoals. 5 http://doc.iiep.unesco.org/wwwisis/repdoc/SEM313/SEM313_12_eng.pdf 6 See, for example, http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2013/02/23/mali-islamist-militants-r_n_2750060.html (accessed May 2014). 7 See Bruce and Yearley (2006) for definition. 17 Transformative Resilience Guide: Gender, Violence and Education Education settings and systems are crucial to transformative change. Education can interact in positive and negative ways with cultures that justify gender-related violence. In fact, transformation has been described as the third wave of education practice in conflict- affected countries (Smith 2011). As presented above, a resilience approach is also grounded in transformation. In particular, resilience seeks not only to identify the risks, threats, and vulnerabilities of actors in contexts of adversity but also places special attention on the individual, community, and institutional assets that can add value to a change process away from violence. Existing and new strengths, opportunities, and resources (summarized in this Guide as assets) act to support individuals and communities at risk, helping them recover, continue to perform, and even transform in the face of adversity (Reyes 2013). Finally, this Guide proposes that policies, laws, programs, and institutional resources can and must buoy this transformative process by mitigating gender-related risks and strengthening gender-related assets (see figure 2). 18 Education Resilience Approaches (ERA) Program Box 1. Key Concepts Related to Gender and Gender-Related Violence This Guide refers to prominent social constructs of gender that include boys, girls, men, women, sexual minorities, and gender minorities. However, these constructs do not represent clear categories; rather, they represent a more fluid continuum of sexual and gender identity. Gender is one of many other social constructs that affect the vulnerability of individuals and communities. For example, able-bodied, heterosexual boys and men face different vulnerabilities than boys with disabilities or men of a sexual minority, just as the experiences of women from indigenous communities are unlikely to be comparable to their female peers from dominant ethnic groups. Gender-based bullying and violence at school may also be directed toward students who are perceived as being sexual or gender minorities—not only those children who have actual different sexual orientation or gender identity. We highlight and illustrate these complexities through relevant examples throughout the Guide. Gender: This Guide differentiates between “gender” and “sex.” Gender is determined by the cultural and social expectations of what it means to be masculine, feminine, or a sexual minority, in a particular cultural or social setting. Sex is a biological construct, referring to the differences in physiological characteristic between males and females. Gender determines what is expected, accepted, and valued in a woman, man, or sexual minority in a given context (Ecklund, Lincoln and Tansey 2012) and how society distributes power among these “gendered” groups (Pankhurst 2004). Sexual minorities: This term is used throughout the Guide to refer to individuals whose sexual orientation is outside the heterosexual mainstream. It also refers to individuals whose gender identity does not fit into the distinct categories of male or female (therefore at times we may use the term gender minorities interchangably with sexual minorities). Further, it is a term that includes lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex identities, among others. Yet it also encompasses those participating in an array of nonheterosexual acts and other expressions of gender. In using the term sexual minorities, the Guide recognizes that western ideas about sex and sexuality are not directly exportable to other cultures and countries. Gender-related violence: In violence- and conflict-affected contexts, the structural and cultural understandings of gender collude with equally structural and culturally embedded aspects of violence. In other words, categorizing direct forms of gender-related violence alone (such as domestic abuse, bullying, rape, suicide, homicide, etc.) cannot adequately point to the roots and origins of such violent acts. We also need to understand sociocultural and institutional issues that use gender and gender identities as markers to decide access to resources and economic opportunities, political voice, legal rights, and overall status in society.* * While this Guide focuses mainly on violence and conflict, the effects of gender-related violence are also felt in other contexts of adversity, such as natural disasters. Household surveys suggest women have higher morbidity and mortality rates than men, especially in places where women have low social standing, possibly because of their limited mobility to escape (Ecklund and Tellier 2012). For example, over 70 percent of deaths caused by the 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami in Banda Aceh, Indonesia, were women (World Bank 2011). 19 Transformative Resilience Guide: Gender, Violence and Education Figure 2. The gender and resilience social ecology of risks and assets INSTITUTIONAL ASSETS: Policies, programs, and resources that address gender inequities and promote a more socially just reality, which may include affirmative action policies for girls from minority communities, appraisals of gender- sensitive budgets, and gender-transformative curricula for teachers. COMMUNITY ASSETS: Local approaches to mitigate gendered violence, such as PTAs engaging in community planning for safe school access routes and outreach for girls’ education through community and religious leaders. RELATIONAL AND ENGAGEMENT ASSETS: Interpersonal support from caring, respectful, and reciprocal relations, such as teachers who are positive role models, supportive peers, and family recognition of educational efforts and achievement. INDIVIDUAL AND PERSONAL ASSETS: Skills and self-knowledge, such as finding meaning, aspiring to life goals, learning to regulate emotions, realizing one’s own identity, and achieving a personal sense of control, that can be taught and promoted through education systems. INDIVIDUAL AND PERSONAL RISKS: Socially constructed concepts related to gender and sexual identity that can make individuals more susceptible to direct violence. RELATIONAL AND ENGAGEMENT RISKS: Violence that occurs at school such as corporal punishment by teachers and sexual assault by peers; or at home, such as domestic and interpersonal violence. COMMUNITY RISKS: Lack of policies or failures of policy implementation, for example, lack of policing for domestic violence or no latrines for girls in schools. INSTITUTIONAL RISKS: Structural causes of gender discrimination and inequity, such as discriminatory laws against sexual minorities, and prevailing social attitudes and behaviors (norms) that permit such actions as early marriage and female genital mutilation. RES-360⁰: Rapid Assessment Manual 20 1.1 The resilience approach to gender analysis In education, sex and age-disaggregated data (SADD) have been used to monitor specific gender-related needs. However, in addition to SADD, transformation change requires a more in- depth understanding of the complexities of both gender-related risks and assets. Hence, gender analysis must be conducted across individual, family, neighborhood, cultural, and institutional levels. While existing frameworks focus on one or two gender aspects, such as sexual violence or girls’ lack of access to education, a resilience perspective provides a more intricate, multilevel, and multifaceted approach through its consideration of individual strengths, support at community and school levels, and the role and responsibility of education services.8 Its transformative approach calls for equal attention to individual and community gender-violence risks, as well as to the social and institutional contexts that condone, promote, or mitigate violence. 1.2 Focus on institutions Because national institutions contribute to the expectations of behavior based on gender held by a social group, the Guide places special attention on institutional policies, programs, and resources are designed and enacted. For example, Leach and Humphreys (2007) underline the dominance of aggressive masculinities, compliant femininities, and heterosexual perspectives in shaping gender social norms. Education institutions are one of the most critical places for addressing this type of gendered socialization (attitudes and behaviors). In such institutional contexts, a transformative stance explicitly recognizes that education systems must deal with gender-related power dynamics across multiple levels (peers, classrooms, schools, communities, education services, etc.). To engage with the complexity of transformative resilience, education systems must bring forward a critical lens to uncover social and institutional inequities (Mertens 2009a; 2015, forthcoming). This lens is needed for at least three levels: 1. Education outcomes (related to gender protection, equality, and educational success) 2. Education assessments (to understand gender-related risks and assets) 3. Education delivery (through school, community, and education system strategies) Over the next four chapters, a critical lens will be used to tackle each of the four components of the transformative education resilience framework (see figure 1). We begin with a chapter focused on understanding gender related violence (the context of adversity that this Guide deals with). As previously mentioned, this is a crucial point of departure for any resilience approach. 8 See annex 3 for an overview of gender analysis frameworks. 21 Transformative Resilience Guide: Gender, Violence and Education 22 Education Resilience Approaches (ERA) Program PART I This section of the Guide considers gender-related risks (chapter 2) and assets (chapter 3). It presents principles to help collect relevant data on them. Gender-related violence is not only a direct and measurable act, but also occurs in hidden and latent forms. Out of sight and underlying processes of discrimination, social injustices, and power differentials make it hard to identify a single cause or source of violence and, therefore, a single solution. Gender-related assets are also complex. They exist across individuals, social relations, and cultural and institutional structures. They are also interrelated. Individual and community assets—such as hope and creativity, solidarity and mutual protection—are not intended to cope alone with gender-related risks. Rather, they point to the areas that education policies, programs, and resources can support in order to promote gender-related protection, equity, and educational outcomes. Syrian refugee children attend a religion class in the Ketermaya refugee camp, in Beirut, Lebanon. Photo © Dominic Chavez/World Bank 23 Transformative Resilience Guide: Gender, Violence and Education 24 Education Resilience Approaches (ERA) Program Chapter 2. Understanding Gender-Related Violence Resilience only occurs in contexts of risk. This chapter “The Medical Research Council research in South Africa uses the metaphor of an thus sets out a framework from which to understand ‘iceberg of sexual violence and coercion’: gender-related violence in education settings. rapes reported to and recorded by the Understanding violence—including its gender related police represent only the tip protruding dimensions—defies simple explanations. Embracing above the social surface. In some countries, there is evidence that even its complexity is crucial if we are to advance relevant where rapes are reported to police interventions, programs, and policies that ultimately authorities they are not recorded unless transform the learning experiences, and lives, of people bribes are paid. When people claim made vulnerable due to their gender identity. This there has been an increase, or decrease in the incidence of something like rape, section highlights important principles to consider when it is hard to know whether or how far collecting, analyzing, and interpreting data on gender- the recorded change reflects a real related violence. underlying change…” (Cramer 2006, 82). 2.1 Core principles for approaching gender-related violence Although a resilience-based gender assessment is grounded on very complex interaction between risks and assets at multiple levels, systematic research approaches are still possible and beneficial. This Guide offers a broad systematic approach through its framework that calls for a simultaneous understanding of risks and assets across multiple levels of a social ecology (individuals, groups, and institutions). In this section, we summarize the core principles for approaching gender-related violence and present some additional guidance and resources to support collecting data on multiple levels and forms of gender-related violence. 25 Transformative Resilience Guide: Gender, Violence and Education Box 2. Core Principles for Approaching Gender-Related Violence Direct gender-related violence 1. Move beyond categorical definitions of gender-related violence. 2. Avoid oversimplifying gender-related violence with simple binaries and stereotypes. 3. Critically interpret secondary data on gender-related violence. 4. Interpret secondary data on gender-related violence with a critical lens. 5. Collect data on the lived experiences of gender-related violence. 6. Approach all research on gender-related violence with clear ethical principles Engagement with the complex “continuum of violence” 7. Examine gender-related risks across individuals, families, communities, and institutions (the social ecology). 8. Explore the linkages between gender-related violence and education outcomes. 9. Consider gender-related risks during and after conflict through cyclical research design. Hidden or latent forms of gender-based violence 10. Uncover silenced perspectives of gender-related violence. 11. Recognize the role played by institutional structures in gender-related violence. 2.2 The complexity of gender-related violence Direct violence comprises overt and targeted physical attacks on individuals, communities, or groups that cause hurt, pain, and harm. When it occurs in relation to the gender identity of individuals and groups, it is referred to as gender-based violence (GBV). The Inter- Agency Standing Committee’s (IASC) Guidelines for Gender-Based Violence Interventions in Humanitarian Settings define GBV as “any harmful act that is perpetrated against a person’s will, and that is based on socially ascribed (gender) differences between males and females” (IASC 2005, 7). Defining direct acts of gender-related violence helps institutions label the multitude of ways in which it manifests. These definitions are also useful to hold aggressors accountable. For example, rape, forced prostitution, and indecent assault are categorized as war crimes under the Statutes of the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda and the Special Court for Sierra Leone (Rule 93 of Customary International Humanitarian Law, International Committee of the Red Cross). Yet to understand gender-related violence, it is important to recognize that it is often more 26 Education Resilience Approaches (ERA) Program complex than objective definitions and standards In their case study of Disarmament, suggest. For example, a husband who commits intimate Demobilization and Reintegration partner violence by physically forcing his wife to have (DDR) in Sierra Leone, Mazurana sexual relations may be guilty of rape in one country, and Carlson (2004) find that owing but not in another. Hate-derived violence against sexual to an overclassification of women as “dependent” upon men, DDR programs minorities can be perceived as a crime or a moral duty.9 failed to capture and thus address their Consequently social perceptions and experiences of varied experiences as both perpetrators gender-related violence differ greatly, even within and victims of violence during the civil countries. An ongoing case in Egypt related to female war, and as change agents who were highly active in peace processes. This genital mutilation (FGM) highlights this. In a country resulted in fewer girls and women where FGM is illegal, it still remains widely accepted, benefiting from DDR programs, which especially in rural areas, and consequently efforts to may have led to the reappearance of eradicate it face an uphill battle.10 organized violence and exposure to additional risks. Move beyond categorical definitions of gender-related violence Rather than fitting into neatly crafted categories, gender-related violence needs to be understood as complex, dynamic, and context-situated. As figure 2 shows, the risks that contribute to gender-related violence exist at all levels of the social ecology. Further, these risks often interact with each other to create complex, multilayered contexts of violence. For effective responses, it is important to avoid homogenizing gender-related violence and instead to appreciate its multiple aspects—which in turn will require multiple interrelated and complementary solutions. The core principles listed in Box 2 can help practitioners better reflect on complex gender realities in their data collection and analysis for a more nuanced understanding of gender-related violence. Avoid oversimplifying gender-related violence with binaries and stereotypes Complexity limits the utility of creating clear and distinct categories of gender-related violence. To gain a more accurate understanding, we must set aside assumptions that there are necessarily clear “gender” categories of male and female roles within violence and conflict situations. Recently the understanding and awareness of the roles women and girls play during war time have shifted significantly. Women are not—and have not been—just passive victims: they are combatants, community leaders and organizers, farmers, and family providers, to name a few. Female fighters have played instrumental roles in conflicts that occurred in Central America (notably El Salvador, Guatemala, and Nicaragua) during the 1980s and 1990s, for example. Pre-existing biases about gender roles and norms can hide the complex and active role that women and girls play. Girls who are recruited or abducted into armed groups are assigned a wide variety of subservient tasks, including porters, domestic servants, spies, human shields, and sexual slaves, but they are also forced to be perpetrators, much like young boys (Denov and Gervais 2007). 9 One example of the violence faced by sexual minorities comes from Brazil. As of May 2014, 138 individuals of sexual minorities were reported by the watchdog Homofobiamata to have been murdered since January 2014 (http://homofobiamata. wordpress.com/). 10 See, for example, http://www.theguardian.com/society/2014/may/21/egyptian-doctor-fadl-trial-female-genital-muti- lation-landmark-case (accessed May 2014). 27 Transformative Resilience Guide: Gender, Violence and Education Although young men in armed combat are more often It is important to consider the impact of compounded risks and shocks, which recruited as aggressors, it should be equally recognized can lead to differences in outcomes that they are also victims of other forms of gender- by gender, gender identity, and sexual related violence. In Iraq, for example, the torture of orientation. For example, in Haiti, the male detainees included varied forms of sexual assault earthquake “decimated the already limited physical spaces, social networks, carried out by American troops, including female and support services available to soldiers (Human Rights Watch 2004). In the Bosnian transgender people.” As a result, War in the mid-1990s, men were targeted and forced members of this community reported to commit sexual atrocities against women in their that “violence related to sexual orientation and gender expression communities and families. These acts blurred the lines [has] significantly increased since the between victims and perpetrators, and served as a form earthquake, particularly within the IDP of “secondary victimization” of men (Carpenter 2006, [internally displaced people] camps” 96). It is difficult to ascertain the number of sexual (IGLHRC 2011, 3 and 4). assaults perpetrated against men and boys because few Another important population with countries have comprehensive reporting systems for multiple vulnerabilities is women and girls with disabilities. As Ortoleva (2010, females, much less males; distrust of authorities and 84) notes, women with disabilities fear of social stigma also inhibits victims from coming face “double discrimination” and are forward (UN Human Rights Council 2011). However, the disproportionately affected by violence issue is attracting growing concern (UN News Centre and conflict, compared to men or women without disabilities. In contexts 2013). of conflict, they face a range of risks and difficulties (Ortoleva 2010; and The blurred lines that exist between different forms of Women’s Refugee Commission): gender-related violence have a demonstrable influence • Suffer additional or worsened on the way we collect, analyze, and interpret primary disabilities as a result of direct data on acts of gender-related violence. Consolidating injury or psychological trauma the value of mixed methods, an initial qualitative • Often must abandon the aids they data phase can better ensure that we avoid pre- depend on, such as wheelchairs, medication, caregivers, etc. determined assumptions and stereotypes (Mertens and Wilson 2012). Qualitative data help to illuminate • Experience higher rates of gender- based violence because they the fundamental importance of relationships that hard cannot always defend themselves data do not readily speak to. By first engaging with local or do not know how to report it, participants, researchers may uncover the many cultural which leads to increased risk of nuances that interact with gender-related violence in HIV and psychological trauma each context and situation. Such locally and cultural • Have double the risk of being victims of domestic abuse, which relevant findings can then be tested on a wider scale can be perpetrated by their own through quantitative methods. This may be through caregivers questionnaires developed from qualitative data that has • Have difficult access to services been collected, as well as scales that are designed to and supplies in refugee camps as measure specific behaviors, attitudes, and phenomena, facilities are usually not accessible or make provisions for women which have been identified in an initial qualitative stage with disabilities as being important themes for vulnerable populations. • Have lower school attendance rates than boys with disabilities 28 Education Resilience Approaches (ERA) Program Critically interpret secondary data on gender-related violence In addition to collecting and interpreting primary data, many practitioners draw upon existing sources of information on gender-related violence. This raises an important issue of caution as secondary data on violence rarely provides a robust and credible evidence base from which we can understand its incidence, intensity, and trends (Cramer 2006). Limitations of this secondary data include definitional ambiguity (such as different definitions of rape), vested interests that impede accurate recording and reporting of violent incidents, victims’ unwillingness or trepidation about reporting gender-related violence (due to shame, fear of stigmatization, and reprisal), and disruption of victim services during conflict that may reinforce alarm about lack of protection and impede data collection (Wood 2008). It is therefore crucial to critically interpret secondary evidence on gender-related violence. Data sources that simply disaggregate data on violence by male and female demographics are not enough. Gender reported as merely a demographic variable severely limits our understanding of its incidence, impact, and causes. Central America has a clear example of this. In a context where gang-related violence is a significant problem and involves the recruitment of children and youth for gang-related violent activities (such as drug trafficking, smuggling, and kidnapping), it is reported that 88 percent of homicide victims from these activities are men. This staggering gender bias is, however, so widely accepted that there is little discussion of its significance (Naraghi Anderlini 2010, 15). Collect data on the lived experiences of gender-related violence To capture the unique, specific, and situational ways in which violence is experienced by men, women, boys, girls, and sexual and gender minorities, we must move away from relying on data that only deals with gender as a distinct categorical variable and look at how gender relates to other important variables (Leach and Humphreys 2007, 53). In addition, as consumers of data on gender-related violence, we need to question the source of evidence, consider who collected it, look at the purpose for which it was collected, and ask what sample of vulnerable people are included and who is not represented or visible. As mentioned earlier, using both qualitative and quantitative methods in the same study on gender-based violence can help reveal its complexity. Quantitative data that helps us understand scale and scope can provide us with important information on trends and incidence of gender-related violence. Qualitative approaches offer better insights into the complexities and uncover new variables that affect gender-related violence in each situation and context. Using approaches that employ a mix of methods allows a more comprehensive picture of what is happening, how it is happening, and why it is happening (Mertens 2015, forthcoming). Approach all research on gender-related violence with clear ethical principles Assessments of gender-risks must be guided by a strong ethical framework that focuses on achieving positive change and addressing social injustices. Many research bodies have ethical boards that regulate the ways in which data are collected. These are encompassed by the principles of respect, beneficence, and justice (Mertens 2009a). These principles can be 29 Transformative Resilience Guide: Gender, Violence and Education operationalized by using a valid and culturally responsive research design, hiring competent researchers, and identifying—and being transparent about—the consequences of research to both participants and researchers. Ethical researcher-participant relations are also needed when selecting study samples; informing participants about the purpose, benefits, and risks of being involved in the study (and how those risks will be minimized); and obtaining their consent to participate in the study, which should they should clearly understand. Validating data findings with vulnerable communities is also an important ethical process. Moreover, community validation enhances the rigor of findings by ensuring that data used to inform policy, programming, and practice is culturally valid and representative of the actual experiences of vulnerable communities. Yet as Mertens notes, the vulnerabilities of individuals and communities—in this case, those experiencing gender-related violence—often require greater precision and more in-depth consideration of these ethical principles and processes. For the purposes of this Guide, ethics means that the principles of respect, beneficence, and justice must be upheld throughout the various stages of collecting, interpreting, analyzing, and using data on gender-related violence. Respect relates to the cultural norms of interaction in and across diverse cultural groups, as well as the importance of cultural competence when working with communities and individuals who experience gender-related violence. Beneficence means that efforts should be focused on how the data collected promotes the right to education for all gender identities and supports the achievement of gender equality in education outcomes. Justice is about ensuring that the vulnerable populations from whom we are collecting data will benefit from it through fair, nonexploitative, and carefully considered procedures (Mertens 2009a). 2.3 The multiple levels and dynamics of gender-related violence A transformative resilience approach requires uncovering underlying—very often hidden— sources of violence by collecting data at multiple levels, ranging from the individual level to institutional and cultural levels. Yet collecting and analyzing data on gender-related violence is complex. It requires identifying and measuring not only specific acts of violence but also the gender manifestations and interconnections between different forms of violence, such as discrimination, power differentials, and dehumanization. These underlying sources across seemingly different acts of gender-based violence are called by some experts the “continuum of violence” (Cramer 2006, 84; and Scheper-Hughes and Bourgois 2004). This section builds upon this idea and also discusses the implications of how gender-based violence manifests across different levels of society: individuals, families, communities, and institutions. Examine gender-related risks across individuals, families, communities, and institutions “Social ecologies” allow us to see how, at any one point in time, gender-related violence manifests at different levels: the household, the school, the community, and other institutional contexts within which people operate. Moreover, by examining different acts of gender-related violence at different levels of a social ecology, similar underlying sources may appear. Two examples highlight this particularly well. In the occupied Palestinian territory, following the 2009 conflict in Gaza, 37 percent of women cited domestic violence as a primary safety concern after 30 Education Resilience Approaches (ERA) Program bombing attacks, claiming men dealt with their emotional frustrations and humiliations through increased violence at home (Naraghi Anderlini 2010, 14). In El Salvador, Bourgois (2001) reports that for female guerilla fighters the patriarchal, rural, and sexual attitudes toward women—and not the women’s status as ex-combatants—limited their access to the same services their male counterparts received. In both Gaza and El Salvador, the underlying source of violence against women seems to be the power of men over women over them strictly because of their gender. Explore the linkages between gender-related violence and education outcomes Dominant masculinities (often reinforced by strong patriarchal Education reflects, promotes, and moderates gender-related structures) underpin much risks. This is often apparent in gender disparities related to violence against women and education outcomes. On a macro level, much has been made gender inequity. As is the case in India, this also correlates with of the difficulties in accessing education that girls face. During homophobic discrimination and armed conflict and acute violence, school attendance usually violence. A report on attitudes drops dramatically, especially for girls. Parents often are fearful toward same-sex sexual behavior about sending their daughters to school due to prevailing found that 92 percent of men in a given sample in India would be risks. Also, without appropriate sanitation facilities, older girls ashamed to have a gay son, and are less likely to attend school on a regular basis (INEE 2009). 73 percent of these men would Girls’ education may also become a specific target for attack. hit their son if they found out he Assaults of this kind in Afghanistan, Pakistan, northern Mali, was gay (Greene et al. 2011, 8). and northern Nigeria11 garnered significant attention from the international community and have intimidated many girls in the region into staying home from school. Exact numbers are unknown, but in some states attendance has dropped below 1 percent (Burde 2007). Similarly, we must consider how gender-related violence and inequity affects education quality and learning outcomes. For example, in the Caribbean, the preponderance of female teachers and the association of masculinity with anti-academic or anti-school attitudes have been associated with higher dropout rates for boys (Barker et al. 2012). In several contexts, where overall education enrollment rates are high for both boys and girls, boys are now faring much worse in terms of repeated classes and standardized test scores (Ibid., 141). Schools may also serve to normalize violence by punishing, humiliating, and belittling students, and through inequitable treatment based on gender identity or sexual orientation. Examine gender-related risks during and after conflict through cyclical research design Gender-related violence does not rapidly appear or disappear. Multiple linkages exist between types of violence and risks during war and peace (Scheper-Hughes and Bourgois 2004). Wartime violence finds its roots in the pre-conflict structures and conditions. While these may be affected and altered during conflict, they are unlikely to disappear in its aftermath. Instead, the recurrence of violence after a conflict is a serious concern (World Bank 2011), and needs to be reflected in the design of our studies, the data we collect, and the ways in which we analyze and 11 A recent attack on a school in northern Nigeria is a clear example of a sex-selective massacre occurring within the prism of an attack on education. See, for example, BBC News-Africa (2014), http://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-26338041 (accessed May 2014). 31 Transformative Resilience Guide: Gender, Violence and Education use data. Exploring gender dynamics at the interpersonal and institutional levels can contribute to a better understanding of the remaining tensions and sources of violence during post-conflict recovery and reconstruction. For example, in spite of evidence that domestic violence increases after conflict, the personal safety of women rarely features as a security concern in post-conflict programming (Kelly 2000). Without explicit efforts to include women’s perspectives and address their specific vulnerabilities, there is little incentive for them to come forward and denounce their perpetrators to security officials or to truth commissions. Mixed-method approaches that are cyclical in design support the continuous collection of relevant data over time (Mertens 2009a; 2015, forthcoming). They may start during acute humanitarian phases of a crisis or start with a simple qualitative or quantitative tool. Additional cycles may then be added as the research model builds upon previous findings, thereby allowing it to better capture the dynamics nature of gender-related risks and violence, and adding crucial extra layers of validation to research findings and data interpretation. Box 3. The Importance of Cultural Competence A transformative resilience approach is grounded in strong ethical standards that promote responsibility and accountability to vulnerable communities. To meet these ethical standards, we require a range of different strategies. At the practitioner level, we should each strive to improve our cultural competence and that of our staff through critical self- reflection of how we relate to those experiencing gender-related risks. Mertens (2009a, 231) defines cultural competence as “a disposition that is required to understand how to approach communities in a respectful way, to invite participation and support that participation.” It plays a crucial role in data collection because it relates to the ways in which a researcher or evaluator is able to accurately represent reality in complex contexts and collect data in a culturally responsive way that promote pro-social change (Mertens 2009a). Cultural competence requires us to question our role in relation to the community from which data is being collected. However, there is no checklist of factors to determine whether you have cultural competence. Instead it needs to be understood as an attribute that is developed over time. Having a genuine respect for different cultures, being creative and flexible enough to capture different cultural contexts, having a heightened awareness of power differentials that exist in a given evaluation context, building rapports, and gaining trust and self-reflection are foundational to cultural competence (Mertens 2009a, 91). 2.4 Hidden and latent forms of gender-related violence To uncover inherent complexity, resilience approaches must also recognize and identify forms of hidden and latent gender-related violence. As is now apparent, not all forms of gender-related violence are direct, tangible, and measurable. Much is hidden and the experiences of victims are silenced. Recognizing power and privilege is crucial to our understanding of gender-related violence and the way it manifests through social, cultural, political, and economic differentials. 32 Education Resilience Approaches (ERA) Program In this section, we discuss the importance of systematically “Violence can never be considering these more covert, or hidden, gender-related risks understood solely in terms of its physicality—force, assault, Uncover silenced perspectives of gender-related violence or the infliction of pain—alone. Much gender-related violence is silenced. Intimate partner Violence also includes assaults on the personhood, dignity, violence and domestic violence is often considered a “private” sense of worth, or value of the matter. UNICEF reports that some women believe that victim. The social and cultural husbands are justified in hitting or beating their wives for dimensions of violence are what such reasons as going out without permission, neglecting give violence its power and meaning. Focusing exclusively on the children, arguing, refusing sex, and not preparing meals the physical aspects of torture/ well (CSO and UNICEF 2012). Research on sexual minorities terror/violence misses the point is also silenced either by direct omission or by failing to and transforms the project into ask about sexual orientation, gender, and gender identity a clinical, literary, or artistic exercise …[which] subverts the (Mertens 2009a, 23). This has very real repercussions. For larger project of witnessing, example, UNHCR attests that in acute crisis situations sexual critiquing, and writing against minorities often face significantly more difficulty in accessing violence, injustice and suffering” services than other refugees. In displacement situations, (Scheper-Hughes and Bourgois 2004, 1). sexual minorities usually encounter further discrimination and abuse, and daily survival is a greater struggle. They face reduced access to health care, education, self-reliance assistance, as well as registration and refugee status determination (UNHCR 2012). Giving voice to such hidden or silenced gendered perspectives requires an explicit commitment to data collection, policy, and practice. Hidden and latent gender-related violence is, by its very nature, difficult to identify and data collection requires specific strategies oriented to the particular context in order to include marginalized groups. Data collection must begin with an initial acceptance that gender- based violence cannot be readily objectified, quantified, or placed into a checklist (Scheper- Hughes and Bourgois 2004). Approaches also should be designed to pay close attention to sampling strategies and community involvement in data collection. Researchers should advise communities about the purpose of the data being collected, consult communities on who to collect data from, and involve the communities in the validation of the findings to ensure that they are representative of actual experiences and priorities. 33 Transformative Resilience Guide: Gender, Violence and Education Box 4. An Example of Community Involvement in Data Collection A study on girl child soldiers in Sierra Leone embedded meaningful community participation in the design of its research methods and data collection (Denov and Gervais 2008). Six local female adolescents, who had been child soldiers under the Revolutionary United Front, were made part of the research team and asked to contribute to the methodology, instrument design, and recruitment of participant. They also underwent comprehensive interview training, including the gender and cultural aspects of interviewing, and led the interviews with participating girl child soldiers. The impact of this strategy went beyond strengthening just the research. “Involving the girls in a purposeful activity proved to be educational and empowering for them. Moreover, such an inclusive approach reinforced and grounded research on, by, and for girls” (Denov and Gervais 2008, 889). Recognize the role played by institutional structures in gender-related violence Academic literature has long highlighted the importance of institutional and structural violence, and its cultural and symbolic manifestations (e.g., Galtung 1969; 1990; and Scheper-Hughes and Bourgois 2004). Institutional gender inequities lead to social injustice and to covert and even direct acts of violence (Mertens 2009b, 22). Thus, if we want to better understand gender-related violence, we must also consider the overarching cultural beliefs. Institutions can maintain and reproduce historically entrenched forms of oppression, inequality, and violence, for example, by denying services or tolerating hostile environments for members of marginalized groups. In order for interventions to foster resilience and promote positive transformation, structural violence must be recognized and ultimately addressed. This is especially relevant in post- conflict contexts. New constitutions or peace processes commonly neglect women, people with disabilities, and sexual minorities. The backlash they suffer, when expectations of newfound freedoms do not materialize or they are restricted, lead to what Pankhurst and Pearce (1997) term “gendered peace.” Thus, women and girls may continue to receive unequal consideration in post-conflict rehabilitation, reconstruction, and peace processes. Left unaddressed this can permit gender-related violence to continue or recur in the public sphere. Purely technical solutions that fail to consider how the institutions and structures within a society may be generating or sustaining gender inequities are unlikely to be effective over the longer run (Standing 2007). Patriarchal systems are often present in economic, political, and sociocultural structures. Associated masculine social norms and stereotypes are also used to fuel the violent behavior of young men and boys, and can contribute to militarized violence (Bannon and Correia 2005). Thus, in terms of assessment, the data we collect on gender-related violence should be infused with an awareness of the political and institutional context, and take steps to influence public policy for positive change. Indeed, a transformative resilience approach is premised on the need to positively influence gender norms, attitudes, and behaviors through policy and practice. Consequently, we must be deliberate in how we present and use the data we collect. As Mertens (2009a) notes, part of this deliberation is to carefully consider who 34 Education Resilience Approaches (ERA) Program should be included in the preparation and dissemination of findings, how they will be included, and what challenges may need to be overcome (such as managing power differentials, providing culturally appropriate protections, and clarifying data ownership). This is discussed in more detail in the resources section of chapter 3. 2.5 Sample resources It is difficult to find a single resource to address the multiple levels of a complex phenomenon. To help researchers and evaluators capture the direct, hidden, and latent gender-related risks, across a social ecology ranging from individuals to education systems, existing tools may be applied and—as necessary—adapted to a resilience approach. These resources are relevant for measuring, assessing, and recording direct, hidden, and latent gendered violence, and includes those that are premised on transformative methodologies for data collection (thereby directly connecting to the social justice concerns that arise when working in contexts of gender-related violence). Resources for assessing direct gender risks Existing secondary data sets that look at comparable macro data on conflict and violence are of little use because they usually fail to disaggregate for gender-related violence. Instead, country- level reporting provides far more gender-sensitive insights—even though the data are often measured and counted differently in each case, and therefore are not suitable for cross-country comparisons of generalizations. Wood (2008) notes that important sources include reports from UN agencies, women’s organizations, human rights nongovernmental organizations (such as Human Rights Watch and Amnesty), and medical services, as well as police reports in a given country and post facto reports from truth commissions and media sources (including social media, such as Twitter). The United Nations Interregional Crime and Justice Research Institute is another important source of cross-national data on sexual assaults in unarmed conflict contexts (Wood 2008). It is important to explore what is available country by country as they may have databases on violence or humanitarian protection, which can include basic gender-disaggregated information. For example, in the occupied Palestinian territory, the UN Office of Humanitarian Affairs maintains the Protection of Civilians data base, from which it produces weekly reports. Practitioners should determine whether other countries may have similar resources provided by local or international civil society or governmental bodies that can support contextual understandings. Surveys and assessments Scales exist to provide quantitative measures and assessments of attitudes, beliefs, and behaviors toward violence. Dahlberg et al.’s (2005) “Measuring Violence-Related Attitudes, Beliefs, and Behaviors among Youths” is a compendium of assessment tools that can support practitioners in violence-related assessments. Most of the measures are intended for use with youths between the ages of 11and 24 years, to assess such factors as serious violent and delinquent behavior, conflict-resolution strategies, social and emotional competencies, 35 Transformative Resilience Guide: Gender, Violence and Education peer influences, parental monitoring and supervision, family relationships, exposure to violence, collective efficacy, and neighborhood characteristics. There are also several scales and assessments that have been developed for use with children between the ages of 5 and 10 years, as well as parent and teacher versions of assessments. Several of the tools include components related to gender roles and gender stereotypes across different levels of the social ecological framework: attitude and belief assessments, psychosocial and cognitive assessments, behavior assessments, and environmental assessments. The description of the scales and assessments includes information about their validity and reliability (including their measure of internal consistency). Practitioners who are interested in using the instruments compiled by Dahlberg et al. (2005) should, however, strongly consider their cultural and linguistic applicability. Most of the scales were developed in the United States and only a few have been adapted for use among minority and non-U.S. populations. As such, they would require significant piloting and adaptation. Moreover, when we collect this data, we should pay particular attention to ethical considerations. Within a transformative resilience approach, additional strategies and skills are identified to ensure that ethical standards are maintained: • Researched communities are involved in the validation of findings in the data analysis and interpretation stages. • Researchers and evaluators demonstrate cultural competence (see box 3). • Data collected presents a balanced view of all perspectives, values, and beliefs within the population. • Researchers know the community well enough to link research results to positive actions within the community. • The context, necessary limitations, and incompleteness of one researcher’s standpoint or position are acknowledged. • Hidden and silent voices are sought out and included. • Individual researchers exhibit a high level of self-awareness for personal transformation and critical subjectivity. • Trust and mutuality is developed between participants and researchers. • Privileges of research are shared with the populations who participate in the research (Mertens 2009a, 39–40). Resources that take the gender-violence continuum into account RES 360°, the Resilience in Education Rapid Assessment Manual, created by the World Bank’s ERA program (2013a), provides a methodological approach for designing contextually relevant questions to identify both risks and assets within education communities and systems (with internal validation embedded throughout the process). It bases its design of the questionnaire on an initial level of qualitative research, so that the main body of research and subsequent 36 Education Resilience Approaches (ERA) Program conceptual framework that rely on the questionnaire can be geared toward gender-related concerns and considerations, including direct, latent, and hidden risks. RES-360° was not designed specifically for gender-related analysis; however, the methodology it presents works well for this focus. In line with the principles of researching resilience, the RES-360° process can be entirely aligned to a gender-related outcome of interest. Notably, as the assessment is premised on an initial literature review and qualitative data collection (via interviews and focus groups), practitioners may orient the inquiry to gender-related risks and assets. This then permits the development of a gender-relevant conceptual framework from which a context-specific questionnaire is designed (World Bank 2013a; and 2013b). The INEE Guidance Note on Conflict-Sensitive Education (2013), which is structured around the Inter-agency Network for Education in Emergencies’ (INEE) Minimum Standards for Education: Preparedness, Response, Recovery (2010), presents key concepts and strategies related to conflict-sensitive education planning. Its systematic consideration of the intersections of violence, conflict, and education is a useful resource for those of us in the education sector seeking to better understand the continuum of violence. Gender is the key thematic issue that is mainstreamed throughout the guide. It can also be used alongside the INEE Pocket Guide to Gender (2010) for more gender-explicit guidance. Resources for assessing hidden or latent risks Sampling strategies should be oriented toward the inclusion of people who suffer from hidden and latent forms of gender-related violence. Purposeful sampling (also known as theoretical sampling) is based on a “researcher’s or evaluator’s conscious decision to obtain data from individuals based on a rationale that they are the best sources of such information” (Mertens 2009a, 214). Because sample participants are selected based on how their life experiences reflect a particular perspective and positioning related to the question of interest, they can better help us to understand hidden gender-related violence. Purposeful sampling is also more commonly associated with qualitative methods. The establishment of a local advisory committee that is closely connected to the community of interest, and which may nominate potential participants, can be especially valuable. Additionally, snowball sampling for larger sample sizes can help in cases where lists of potential participants are difficult to come by and the community of interest needs to be approached through trusted sources. Once important factors have been identified, they may then be scaled up through quantitative methods that require larger probability samples to assess scale and scope. Before choosing any sample (purposeful or probability), it is important to consider the population of interest, relevant dimensions of diversity, and ways of including sample members. (See Mertens 2009a, chapter 7, for more specific guidance on sample selection and sampling strategies.) When considering how to recruit participants to participate for data collection, we must recognize that building trust with communities of interest is paramount. One elemental way of supporting this process is to build reciprocity into the data-collection process. Reciprocity 37 Transformative Resilience Guide: Gender, Violence and Education recognizes that data collection needs to go beyond the benefits to the researcher or evaluator, and should also ensure that findings do justice to the participants and their culture (Mertens 2009a, 230). It is worthwhile to make the effort to design strategies that build trust and establish an honest, open working relationship between researchers and participants. Cheek (2010) stresses the importance of spending a lot of time with participants in order to get to know and learn about their world. Humanitarian and development practitioners should recognize that local researchers are often well placed to achieve this (and indeed are key assets). Reciprocity can involve sharing information and offering a useful service, while getting to know a particular community. Other important trust-building strategies include: • being honest about the funding source and the purpose of the funding; • making it clear to participants when you cannot ensure anonymity; • explaining what you will do with the information gathered, as well as who will have access to it; • explaining to participants how their confidentiality will be ensured; and • informing participants if additional issues arise regarding the ownership of data and how findings will be disseminated (Mertens 2009a, 230). Box 5. Sampling Strategies Our sampling approaches need to recognize that in any given group there will be differences and variations (social, economic, and of course gender-related) to be represented. Sampling approaches also need to take into account contextually relevant dimensions of diversity, namely, how differences are understood and perceived locally and not just from the perspective of the researcher. In selecting participants to include in a sample, we must also be aware of the impact of labels: for example, whether they are appropriate and what are the consequences of identifying participants as at-risk, resilient, or nonresilient. The following guiding questions should be used to define and reach out to samples: • Who needs to be included? • How should they be included? • How can they be invited in a way that they feel truly welcome and able to represent their own concerns accurately? • What kinds of support are necessary to provide an appropriate venue for people with less privilege to share their experiences with the goal to improve teaching and learning? Or access to education services? • What is the meaning of interacting in a culturally competent way with people from diverse backgrounds? Source: Mertens and Wilson (2012) 38 Education Resilience Approaches (ERA) Program Alternative qualitative data collection tools Collecting data from vulnerable groups, in what are often difficult operating environments, requires methodological adaptations. Mertens (2009a) presents several examples of how this has been done with different communities. In one case involving research on mental health services for children in Native American communities, this included focus groups and interviews adapted to Native American culture by using the four quadrants of the medicine wheel (context, mind, body, and spirit) as a basis for developing interview questions (Cross et al. 2000, cited in Mertens 2009a, 253–4). Such culturally sensitive and appropriate adaptations support the relevance of the data collection tools and the quality of the data collected. While interviewers had guiding questions, they also departed from their scripts by encouraging the Native American community members to tell their stories in a more comfortable way. In the case of quantitative data collection, computer-based surveying may be an appropriate way to access some populations. This can be especially useful to reach participants with disabilities who may otherwise find their voices marginalized in data collection, owing to difficulties of physically accessing data-collection sites. Depending on the community context, we may also consider the use of visual data (photographs, videos, and web-based presentations, for example). Adaptations of participatory rural appraisals have included visual data-collection strategies in contexts where printed language was not a prevalent mode of expression (Mertens 2009a, 262). The strategies involve researchers and or community members creating visual materials and analyzing and interpreting them. These could include such activities as ranking exercises, trend analysis, or mapping techniques. 39 Transformative Resilience Guide: Gender, Violence and Education 40 Education Resilience Approaches (ERA) Program Chapter 3. Identifying Gender-Related Assets It is the focus on assets—that protect from risks and promote Just as with risks, gender-related desirabe outcomes—that makes a transformative resilience assets should be identified approach fundamentally different from other interventional among individuals, their and more deficits-oriented models. Consequently assets, as relations, and their interactions well as risks, must be identified if they are to be fostered and with social and cultural settings. These assets may also be used in education responses. Drawing on a wealth of resilience hidden or atypical, and thus literature, this chapter recognizes that individuals and require specific data-collection communities are not vulnerable only in times of risk. They also methodologies and strategies. exhibit important coping strategies and have assets—strengths, Finally, resilience assets can be “protective” and “promotive.” opportunities, and resources—that they use to recover, Protective assets interact with continue to function, and positively change in the face of risks to mitigate threats or gender inequities, exclusion, and violence. In a transformative exposure to risks. Promotive approach, these assets (for example, hope, creativity, solidarity, assets contribute to achieving positive outcomes in vulnerable and mutual protection) must be considered in light of the populations. From an education responsibility of social, institutional, and state structures and gender perspective, we (including the education sector) to provide relevant services need to identify strengths, to vulnerable communities. Notably, social services, including opportunities, and resources that can protect people from education, can be made more relevant by using and protecting gender-related violence and existing assets and fostering new ones. promote gender equity in access to schools and learning This chapter highlights important strengths-based principles processes. (See, for example, and guides practitioners in their data collection, analysis, and Ungar 2013.) interpretation of evidence. Finally, it presents related resources that can contribute to a better practical understanding of gender related assets at multiple levels of a social ecology: Individual, relational, and socio-cultural. 3.1 Core principles for gender-related assets assessment Here we summarize the core principles, which apply to conducting a multi-level (individual, relational, and sociocultural) gender-related assets assessment. It also provides a suggested, but not -exhaustive, list of useful resources for strengths-based research and evaluation. Box 7 singles out three key methodological suggestions to support research with vulnerable populations (Mertens 2009a). 41 Transformative Resilience Guide: Gender, Violence and Education Box 6. Core Principles for Gender-Related Assets Assessment Individual assets 1. Understand how gender identities influence finding meaning and setting life goals. 2. Recognize the socialized gender dimensions of self-identity and the empowerment of positive self-beliefs. 3. Consider the social expectations placed on how different genders manage emotions in crisis. 4. Use gender-sensitive approaches to agency and sense of control amid chaos. 5. Discern how gender-related risks may influence maladaptive or hidden resilience in troubled youth. Relational assets   6. Recognize the influence of peers in gender-related adversity. 7. Embrace teachers as role models for children and youth exposed to gender- related risks. 8. Understand the protective role of family members in contexts of crisis 9. Take account of the positive relations with community and social actors in times of adversity. Socio-cultural assets 10. Honor indigenous and culturally relevant practices that contribute to gender- based resilience. 11. Acknowledge the potential of locally-led social organizations to effect cultural transformation 3.2 Individual assets Over the past 40 years, studies on human resilience have shown that children, youth, and adults possess strengths and coping abilities that allow them to transform crisis situations into oppor- tunities.12 These include hope, purpose, social competence, problem solving, and autonomy, to name a few. Research from the psychology field has mainly focused on the individual-level characteristics that have protective effects, such as high intelligence, internal locus of control, good coping skills, and an easygoing temperament (Fergusson and Horwood 2003; Masten and Powell 2003). More recent research has explored resilience across cultures, noting that the strengths and op- portunities in vulnerable populations are strongly influenced by context, situation, and culture 12 Over the past 40 years, there have been two strands of resilience research: 1) in the human development and social sciences and 2) in environmental, ecology, and socioecology fields. (The latter is led by the work of C.S. Holling.) Norman Garmezi and Michael Rutter were pioneers in the study of resilience in human development, from whose work this discussion emanates. 42 Education Resilience Approaches (ERA) Program (Ungar and Liebenberg 2011; A. Theron and Donald 2013; and L. Theron, A. Theron, and Malindi 2013). For example, characteristics of stoicism and extended family support have been identi- fied in resilience studies in Africa, but not in Western studies (A. Theron and Donald 2013). Across cultures, however, a useful framework to identify and assess individual-level assets includes 1) finding meaning and setting life goals, 2) expressing and regulating emotions, 3) for- mulating self-identity and self-esteem, and 4) developing a sense of control and empowerment (Reyes 2013). These categories do not predefine a set of beliefs, attitudes, or behaviors, but rather guide the identification of individual strengths in a given culture and context. Guidance on how each of these categories interacts with collecting relevant data on gender is presented next. Understand how gender identities influence finding meaning and setting life goals In the face of adversity, we try to make sense of the situation experienced. We also question or set a purpose for our lives. In examining this process with victims of child sexual abuse in South Africa, Phasha (2010) emphasizes how survivors sought support through the reinterpretation of traumatic experiences, pursuing education, aspiring to careers, and exhibiting a general deter- mination to succeed. Education is both a life purpose, allowing vulnerable individuals to set positive life goals, and an opportunity for reflection and finding meaning, even amid gender-re- lated adversities. It is especially important to pay attention to the relationship between gender identity, meaning, and purpose. For example, ERA’s mixed-methods study (World Bank 2014) explored the resilience process of Palestine refugees in West Bank, Gaza, and Jordan who attend schools run by the United Na- tions Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA). A gender analysis of coded data from 72 interviews found that Palestine refugee boys and girls drew upon different sources of motivation to study hard and succeed in school. Boys were more likely to demonstrate greater accountability to- ward financial and economic goals, social obligations toward their families (including financials ones), the desire to have a family in the future, and the goal of being educated in order to contribute to Palestinian society. Girls, on the other hand, expressed higher levels of intangible, value-based motivations for getting an education, such as gaining pride and respect, making their families proud of them, and being able to help others. Both boys and girls found meaning in adversity through their education, which they described as a way to help liberate and defend Palestine. Crucially, the UNRWA system provides opportunities (through its curriculum, extracur- ricular activities, and peer-to-peer interactions) for this reflection and the pursuit of life-sustain- ing goals by students. Recognize the gender dimensions of self-identity and the empowerment of positive self-belief Socialization processes make a significant impact on the gendered self-identity and self-beliefs of children, youth, and adults, and there is a demonstrable relationship between self-belief and academic achievement, especially in the context of gender-related expectations (Valentine, Du- Bois, and Cooper 2004). Yet the destabilizing nature of crisis can empower or disempower indi- viduals’ concepts of self-worth and self-esteem, and positively or negatively affect the self-iden- tity of boys, girls, and sexual minorities. Education systems, however, can play a transformative role by supporting at-risk students to develop positive concepts of self and their abilities. Thus, 43 Transformative Resilience Guide: Gender, Violence and Education even when traumatizing events occur, schools and teachers can contribute psychosocial support to help vulnerable children and youth rebuild their sense of worth and general well-being. The more intense the gender-based social exclusion is, in a particular context, the more the education system can contribute to and strengthen positive self-belief and identity, and sense of empowerment. For example, a study conducted with in-depth interviews and snowball sampling explored the resilience of black students who self-identified as queer in a South African town- ship school (Mbisi 2012). It found that students coped with the homophobia at school by pro- jecting a positive self-image of themselves to their peers. This expression of pride in themselves and their capacity to accept their self-identification was the result of a long process of personal identity-seeking and understanding. This resilience mechanism ultimately allowed them to resist and challenge the stigmatization directed at their status as a sexual minority. Consider the social expectations placed on how different genders manage emotions in crisis Adversity stimulates strong emotions and feelings—as anger, pain, sadness, hope, empathy, etc. Resilience research shows that individuals, who are able to recover and continue to perform in times of crisis, effectively use and diverse emotions, such as humor, optimism, and relaxation to great effect (Tugade and Frederickson 2004). However, context and culture place different expectations on how men and women should express and manage their emotions (Kulik and Olekalns 2012; Brescoll and Uhlmann 2008; and Matsumoto and Sung Hwang 2012). Men are overwhelmingly expected to be stoic, not express positive or “soft” emotions, and show anger. Women, on the other hand, generally must be accommodating, empathetic, and caring toward others. Even with empirical evidence of this differentiated emotional response, it is clearly related to social stereotypes and norms, rather than inherent gender characteristics (Kulik and Olekalns 2012; Brebner 2002). In order to validate, regulate, and ultimately direct people toward improved well-being, it is thus important to understand both the social expectations placed upon them in a given situation as well as their actual emotional response in times of crisis. Education settings can help students understand and regulate both their expected and true emotions during adversity. Masten and Obradović (2006) call this “internal integration.” Educa- tion services foster this emotion regulation by engaging students, not only through academic courses, but through socially and emotionally attractive activities that include the arts and sports. In fact, to foster resilience to physical and psychological gender-related risks, it is im- portant to understand both social expectations and atypical behaviors. Evidence from a study of an all-girls school in post-conflict Sierra Leone found that, by showing anger and courage, girls were able to resist corporal punishment and humiliation perpetrated by the teachers and school administration (Sharkey 2008). In the case of the UNRWA students in Palestine, boys also expressed affection and caring in times of crisis (World Bank 2014). In fact, studies have shown that affective relations are protective factors for both women (Powers, Ressler, and Bradley 2009) and men (Tanigawa et al. 2011). Use gender-sensitive approaches to agency and sense of control amid chaos Due to the unpredictable nature of crisis situations, children and young people naturally seek a sense of agency, control, or external adaptation in the face of adversity (Masten and Obra- 44 Education Resilience Approaches (ERA) Program dović 2006). This attempt to manage difficult situations can be adaptive or maladaptive. Positive adaptation includes developing skills and competencies that are life-affirming, seeking commu- nity well-being, pursuing academic and social skills, playing a supportive role within the family, practicing a strong work ethic, and showing persistence (Noltemeyer and Bush 2013). These skills can also help them manage inequitable gender-based relations. A study by Changezi and Biseth (2011) examines the experiences of girls belonging to an Afghan minority group, the Hazaras. They show that the literacy skills that girls acquired in school were suddenly useful in their new urban life as refugees in Pakistan and allowed them a sense of control over their des- tiny. Because being able to read gave the girls an advantage over the adults around them, they felt empowered and better able to negotiate relationships with fathers, husbands, and in-laws than the traditional Afghan social structures would have permitted. Education services that offer the opportunity to study or develop vocational skills can foster these resilience-engagement mechanisms and cultivate a sense of security and pride amid adversity. Box 7. Girls from an Afghan Minority Achieve a Sense of Control with Literacy Skills Girls belonging to an Afghan minority group, the Hazaras, who fled with their families to Pakistan, were the subject of a study by Changezi and Biseth (2011). To understand their experience, the researchers conducted interviews with students, teachers, parents, politicians, and education authorities. In Afghanistan, the Hazaras were forced to change their identity to Tajik in order to enroll in the few primary schools available, and girls’ education was discouraged. But, the Hazara-run community schools set up for these refugees in Quetta, Pakistan, accepted all students and set up special schools for girls (Changezi and Biseth 2011). The girls were proud to support their families with the new skills they acquired in school, such as being able to read the street signs so they could make deliveries to customers for a family-run business. (This skill was not required for businesses in rural Afghanistan where there were no street signs). Community sentiments toward girls’ education have changed due to the new types of skills needed for urban life, as have traditional social structures, since these proficiencies give girls an advantage over adults. “The newly acquired skills have...improved a girl’s relational empowerment by enabling her to negotiate, on different terms (compared with traditional situations), her relationship with her husband and in-laws in this patrilocal community” (Changezi and Biseth 2011, 87). Discern how gender-related risks may influence maladaptive or hidden resilience in troubled youth In time of crisis or adversity, the need for meaning, purpose, self-identity, and control may be addressed through maladaptive rather than (socially) desirable and life-affirming strategies (Ungar 2004). Children and youth exposed to violence may join violent and criminal gangs to find protection and a sense of control (World Bank and UPNFM 2013; and World Bank, Fundación para la Reconciliación, and Universidad de Antioquia 2013). Supportive groups, systems, and adults must pay attention to hidden and maladaptive resilience mechanisms that boys, girls, and sexual minorities may engage in. Boys seeking protection may find that the only 45 Transformative Resilience Guide: Gender, Violence and Education available options they have to channel these needs and the aggressive expectations placed on them is through gang membership or combatant recruitment, etc. Girls may be sexually exploited with the goal of financial rewards or affective relations (although this may also happen to boys). Facing a lack of acceptance by their families or communities, children and youth who identify as sexual minorities may choose to leave these close-knit structures or may be forced away if they are repudiated, and turn to survival on the street.13 Box 8. Hidden Resilience of Boys and Girls in Sierra Leone Resilience research has shown that most children and youth seek agency and some level of control in the face of adversity. However, this can follow socially desirable, as well as maladaptive, strategies. For example, in Sierra Leone, child soldiers—both boys and girls—used violence as a means to negotiate their own security and survival with rebel groups (Denov and Gervais 2008). They understood that perpetrating severe acts of violence led to better treatment, superior food, access to the spoils of a raid, and promotion within the ranks of the group. Girls also ensured their safety by strategically taking advantage of traditional gender roles, including gender obedience and division of labor. They were deliberately submissive and intentionally excelled at cleaning and cooking so as not to be sent on raids. They also allied themselves with powerful commanders and even married to increase their security within the group. Maladaptive resilience presents a conundrum for practitioners. On one hand, there is a need to recognize it as a valid survival strategy and resilient coping mechanism. Yet, at the same time, the state and society must act upon their responsibility to provide alternative, socially desirable, and life-sustaining strategies to protect and promote agency, safety, Resilience may also be hidden. For example, children and youth who keep silent after being raped may be perceived to exhibit negative coping; yet, this may be the only socially viable alternative if they face further trauma, retaliation, or social scorn. In other words, silence may be their only bargaining chip (Phoenix 2011). Research, evaluation, and assessment strategies need to recognize and affirm this maladaptive or hidden resilience in order to be able to advise education systems on how to promote alternative life affirming resilience aligned strategies. 3.3 Relational assets As mentioned at the outset, resilience-related assets are not discrete traits, but form part of a continuum defined by supportive processes and interactions. Hence, we identify gender-related assets in individuals, in their relations, and in their interactions with their institutional and cultural settings. Reciprocal relationships that are caring, respectful, and participatory are crucial relational assets that can offset the harmful effects of gender-related risk. Relational assets are also critical because they can determine whether or not a student at risk attends school and learns (Benard 1995). Individuals exposed to adversities because of their gender identity especially need 13 For more on the importance of cultural positioning as it relates to maladaptive resilience, see Ungar (2013). 46 Education Resilience Approaches (ERA) Program relations with caregivers, teachers, peers, and community The positive psychological members to find protection, a positive identity, and comfort effects of available, close, and in a group. Relationships are also a means to develop reliable attachment figures have commitment and accountability to themselves and others, been found to outweigh the another crucial factor for resilience (Reyes 2013a). This section negative impacts of violence (Garbarino, Dubrow, and explores relational assets and provides guidance to consider Kostelny 1991; Werner and assessing the peers, teachers, families, and social relations of Smith 1992; and, for an extended those at risk of violence because of their gender. discussion of attachment, Rutter 1985). Attachment Recognize the influence of peers in gender-related adversity figures provide comfort and help children and youth make Children and young people seek resilience by engaging with meaning of distressing events others, especially their peers who are important sources of (Betancourt and Khan 2008). resilience in adversity. Positive engagement with peers has Seminal longitudinal research demonstrates how the presence also been identified as an important determinant for success of supportive relationships with at school (Christenson and Havsy 2004). Recognizing how a least one caring adult outside these assets manifest among boy, girl, and sexual-minority a difficult home environment is peer groups should form a critical part of any gender analysis. associated with improved social and emotional outcomes (Werner By better understanding the important influences that peers 1989). Benard (2004, 109) play, we can improve the relevance of education services. conveys the power of the “single relationship” to facilitate positive As we have seen in the examples above, girls in Sierra Leone change by calling these figures who experienced violence at school found solace, comfort, “turnaround relationships.” and a sense of solidarity among their peers (Sharkey 2009). We can compare this to Mbisi’s (2012) study, which shows that sexual minorities in South African township schools do not see their peers as sources of support because they are in fact the main perpetrators of bullying and violence. Also, just as we noted the importance of avoiding stereotypes around gender-related violence, we Qualitative research on the relationships between parents cannot assume that all female peer groups are passive and and high-risk adolescents shows all male groups are aggressive. In Honduras, both young boys that parents and caregivers and girls recruit their peers for youth gangs, physically fight “provide structure and activities at school, and threaten other students for money, food, and that offer opportunities to experience one’s self as other privileges (World Bank and UPNFM, 2013).Thus, being powerful, and the mirroring back in a context of peers does not in itself become a protective of each teen’s self-definition as factor. Instead peer groups that show understanding, support, someone worth of notice and protection, and empathy for life-sustaining goals are what respect” (Ungar 2004, 32). foster resilience.14 Embrace teachers as role models for children and youth exposed to gender-related risks Teachers are key role models from whom young people affected by gender-related violence seek affirmation and support (Kirk 2004). When teachers have high expectations for their students, despite the challenges they face, they play a positive motivational role. In most settings, girls’ enrollment and length of stay in schools increases with more female teachers, who can also 14 See, for example, evidence from ERA’s analysis of data from Palestine refugees, http://documents.worldbank.org/ curated/en/2013/01/17708376/palestine-refugees-education-resilience-case-report (accessed May 2014). 47 Transformative Resilience Guide: Gender, Violence and Education protect girls from sexual harassment and abuse (UNESCO 2003). A resilience approach must gather information on how girls and boys in crisis contexts relate to their teachers, and how this differs between male or female teachers. Research conducted in Brazil identified protective relationships that have prevented boys in Brazil from joining gangs or acting violently against women. These included having a valued, stable connection or bond with a teacher, family member, or female partner who would be disappointed if the boy joined a gang or became violent, or who offered more equitable views of gender roles (Barker 2006). Teachers can have a profound effect on the educational motivation of girls in contexts of crisis and disruption, as shown in the ERA study on Palestine refugee girls referred to earlier (World Bank 2014). One female student from Gaza was quoted as saying, “When you love your teacher, you always try your best to get high marks in her class.” Other girls who participated in this study described their admiration for their teachers’ unconditional encouragement and personal support in times of need. They felt cared for and wanted to “be like [their teacher] someday.” Understand the particularly protective role of family members in contexts of crisis Relationships with family members are the most influential in a child’s development, values formation, learning, and skills acquisition. Research shows that family members who are supportive and involved in young people’s education are correlated with high academic performance (Rumberger et al. 1999). Family support and involvement is even more important in situations of conflict and violence, for both males and females. A study of high-risk young people found that their relationship with parents is valued, in part because of the opportunities their parents offer that contribute to forming their identities (Ungar 2004). Research using a resilience approach must pay attention to the nature of “Resilience is a relational relationships that girls, boys, and sexual minorities have with process where the capacity of an individual to overcome the family members, including those outside the nuclear family challenges of their stigmatized structure (extended families) who influence their positive and identity meets with the capacity negative experiences. and bravery of those around them to nurture them while they In Afghanistan, Glad (2009) found that the participation of do it” (Harvey 2012, 334). mothers and fathers—and other community members—not only created a positive school climate but also protected schools from attacks. They formed school security shuras, or unarmed parent groups, that built protective networks with school staff, neighbors, and religious leaders to protect schools from attack and to promote girls’ education. Research on children identifying as a sexual minority also shows how their families play a major role in helping them overcome their “internalized self- stigma” (even within the family itself) and develop resources that they could draw on during time of future difficulty (Andriote 2013). Take account of other positive relations (community and social actors) in times of adversity In addition to peers, families, and teachers, young people can also be positively affected by relations in their wider community, such as neighbors, family friends, religious figures, traditional healers, and elders—virtually any caring adult who acts as an informal mentor. Such 48 Education Resilience Approaches (ERA) Program community connectedness as a form of social capital can foster resilience in difficult times, as well as contribute to positive learning outcomes (Benard 2004). Especially when the source of gender-related adversity comes from within dysfunctional or violent families, external groups or people can act as surrogate families to provide support, protection, and understanding. Harvey (2012) finds that sexual minorities, for example, are members of several communities through which they find supportive relationships. In addition to families, peer groups, neighbors, and their religious community, who may or may not be aware of their self-identity, sexual minorities connect to individuals in what they consider safe spaces, such as a gay/straight alliance at school or online communities (websites or chat rooms). 3.4 Sociocultural assets A resilience approach to gender analysis would be incomplete without also identifying social and cultural assets. In addition to the emotional processes and social connections that support resilience, we must take into account the individual’s macro environment, which includes culture, broader social groups, and institutions. Embedded within this sociocultural environment are opportunities for participation and contribution in the community, which are critical for healthy child development (Benard 2004). Work by Werner and Smith (1992) demonstrates how, despite troubled home and school environments, individuals overcome the odds because of powerful protective factors in the community. Various studies across cultures have shown that pride in local practices, values, and beliefs help empower children and youth to cope with difficult situations (Clauss-Ehlers 2008; and Ungar and Liebenberg 2011). For example, the education resilience study (mentioned earlier) that explored the high learning Cultural relativism is the view that outcomes of Palestine refugees in Gaza, the West Bank, and all beliefs, customs, and ethics are relative to an individual’s Jordan identified the importance of religious beliefs as a social context, and that no one sociocultural asset. Muslim girls and boys noted that their standpoint can be privileged over motivation to do well in school was related to the fact that the others. In its extreme form, it can Prophet was well-educated and encouraged learning (World promote the rationalization of specific gender roles, behaviors, Bank 2012a). and attitudes, such as early marriage, honor crimes, or a However, sociocultural tensions also cause misunderstanding, lack of acceptance of sexual stigma, and violence related to gender identity and are often minorities. It has also been fueled by entrenched sociocultural beliefs and traditions. The used by feminists to critique transformative resilience approach promoted by this guide masculinist ideals and challenge the idea that gender has a fixed requires us to deal with this head on: engaging critically with character (as opposed to social both the positive and negative contributions of resilience as construct). A transformative it relates to gender-related adversity is crucial. By seeking a resilience perspective does not better understanding of the gender dimensions of sociocultural accept cultural relativism as an excuse to stand by and ignore environments, we may improve the social and cultural social injustice (Mertens, 2009a). relevance of education services for youth placed at-risk and Instead it engages with cultural address the sociocultural beliefs that are detrimental to gender norms and seeks to promote equity and social justice. These two aspects—the positive and change by making meaningful connections in the given context. negative—are elaborated upon in the following sections. 49 Transformative Resilience Guide: Gender, Violence and Education Honor indigenous and culturally relevant practices that contribute to gender-based resilience Existing indigenous and cultural mechanisms for coping with gender-related risk can often be the most appropriate strategies to build on and foster individual assets (self-identity, self-belief, agency, and skills, etc.). Local and culturally relevant practices also ensure a sense of community and shared meaning, which contribute to the relations and interactions that foster resilience in the face of gender-related violence. For example, healing and purification rituals can bring community understanding and support during times of adversity, such as the Bundu initiation ceremony that cleanses female victims of war-related rape (Starkey 2006). Culture also provides a venue for expressive and creative healing. This is the case for young people at the Colegio del Cuerpo (School of the Body), who are working to escape the effects of violence through contemporary dance in Cartagena, Colombia. Such culturally relevant models of well-being take into account spiritual, mental, and physical health, in ways that traditional psychosocial models cannot (Kostelny 2006). Box 9. Mental, Emotional, and Spiritual Health through Indigenous Community Rituals Starkey (2006) shows how community-based purification rituals played an instrumental role in increasing the self-esteem and community acceptance of girls who survived war- related rape. The indigenous Bundu initiation ceremony in Sierra Leone is a community- led practice that cleanses young women of “noro,” the spiritual pollution or bad luck that is believed to affect females who have been raped because of war. Girls find that the ceremonies are both a “gesture of community reconciliation” and a mechanism for “spiritual transformation” in a context where being rejected by the community and dealing with issues of spiritual contamination are major sources of stress. The Christian Children’s Fund builds on this traditional healing ceremony already embedded in the community for psychosocial healing, instead of using traditional western models, such as talk therapy and group discussion, which are not always appropriate in a cultural setting where rape is associated with shame and stigma. Using Arts and Culture to Promote Resilience The Afghanistan National Institute of Music builds on local culture and traditions by teaching traditional music, using local instruments, alongside the national curriculum. Social healing and transformation through the arts are also important aspects of the Living Arts Program in Cambodia, which explicitly seeks to restore the vibrant arts culture that existed prior to the genocide in the mid- to late 1970s. The Qattan Centre for the Child in Gaza adopted an integrated pedagogical approach rooted in cultural relevance that utilizes literature, music, drama, and cinema to support self-directed learning, encourage students to express themselves and discover different cultures, and strengthen their understanding of their own cultural identity. 50 Education Resilience Approaches (ERA) Program Acknowledge the potential of locally-led social organizations to effect cultural transformation We must recognize that cultural beliefs can condone or foster gender inequities. In this case, resilience also implies internal resistance to social injustices and culturally induced violence— that is, when the oppression of a group within a society is justified through cultural beliefs and social norms. However, successful cultural resistance and transformation must be initiated from within. It cannot be imposed or mandated by outside agencies or actors. Locally led social groups offer opportunities for questioning, resisting, and proposing life-affirming alternatives for all gender identities and expressions. They also offer a venue for culturally meaningful participation and questioning of social injustices Mertens 2009a). For example, an analysis of the Revolutionary Association of the Women of Afghanistan (RAWA) by Maton and Brodsky (2010) reveals how this locally led organization of women empowered its members and influenced both individual well-being and social transformation.15 Founded in the late 1970s, RAWA began as an underground women’s organization that advocated for women’s basic rights in Afghanistan, including education. It supports literacy courses for women and schools for girls and boys, alongside their political campaigning. The study shows that its longevity and success were due to a number of mediating factors, specifically how it developed skills and provided meaningful roles for members, and intentionally created a network of caring and mutual support for both a sense of belonging and activism for social change. 3.5 Sample resources for gender-related resilience assets assessments We include here useful, but not exhaustive, lists of useful resources for strengths-based research and evaluation, and single out three key methodological suggestions—using mixed methods, looking for power differentials, and instituting community partnership—to support research with vulnerable populations (Mertens 2009a). A careful selection of strengths-based tools can help researchers and evaluators capture the individual, relational and sociocultural assets that foster gender-related resilience. Individual assets We can measure students’ social and emotional skills, attitudes, and knowledge, using scales designed for this purpose. In gender-focused research, we must, of course, take care to disaggregate data based on gender and self-identity for it to be meaningful. Additionally, scales must always be considered in light of their relevance for conflict settings, gender sensitivity, and cultural relevance: because most have been developed in the West, they may need significant testing and adaptation to be valid in other cultures. Scales for measuring social and emotional skills, attitudes, and knowledge range from teacher reporting or self-reporting scales include the Achenbach System of Empirically Based Assessment, Child Behavior Checklist (CBCL); Youth Self-Report (YSR); Teacher Report Form (TRF); Behavior and Emotional Rating Scale (BERS-2); Developmental Assets Profile (DAP); 15 See Maton and Brodsky (2010) for an extended discussion of the model of influence for empowering community settings. 51 Transformative Resilience Guide: Gender, Violence and Education Devereux Student Strengths Assessment (DESSA); School Social Behaviors Scale, 2nd edition (SSBS-2); Social Skills Improvement System Rating Scales (SSIS-Rating Scale); Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire (SDQ); Washington Healthy Youth Survey (HYS); Middle Years Development Instrument (MDI); California Health Kids Survey (CHKS); Resilience and Youth Development Module (CHKS supplement); and Grit Scales (Duckworth). See Diaz-Varela et al. (2013, 3) for more guidance on how to use existing scales and measurements. Relational assets Several gender scales exist that can support an understanding of protective and promotive assets through attitudes toward gender roles and relations: • The Gender-Equitable Men (GEM) Scale measures attitudes toward “gender- equitable” norms for both men and women. It is designed to provide information about the prevailing norms in a community, as well as the effectiveness of any program that hopes to influence them. It includes 24 items: 17 items in an “inequitable” subscale and 7 items in an “equitable” subscale (alpha > 0.80 for the full scale). • The Child and Youth Resilience Measure is a scale designed by the Resilience Research Center in Canada that explores the resources (individual, relational, communal, and cultural) that foster the resilience of young people aged 12 to 23. The 28-item scale has been validated with close to 1,500 young people in 11 countries. Sociocultural assets The RES 360° Rapid Resilience Assessment (World Bank 2013a), designed by the World Bank’s ERA program, is useful for identifying sociocultural assets with a view to aligning these assets with national policies and programs. This mixed-methods tool offers guidance on how to design a locally relevant resilience questionnaire with internal validation embedded throughout the process, using qualitative data that informs a quantitative data collection tool, to collect national- and community-level data on risks and assets. General research and evaluation resources Conducting research with vulnerable populations, which takes account of the risks they are exposed to, their assets (strengths, opportunities, and resources), and the structural and cultural aspects to be transformed, calls for specific methodological approaches. One such approach is proposed by Mertens (2009a) in the book, Transformative Research and Evaluation. Box 11 looks at the advantages of three aspects of a transformative research-methods approach to assessing gender-related risks. 52 Education Resilience Approaches (ERA) Program Box 10. General Methodological Guidance to Design Gender in Education Assessments through a Resilience Lens Consider mixed methods. Using a mixed methods approach puts us in the best position to capture both assets and risks. Quantitative work permits data collection on a wide scale and the possibility of comparing data over time, recording shifts in indicators on education outcomes. Qualitative work complements this by allowing for in-depth understanding of individuals’ lived experience and giving prominence to authentic voice. It also captures the dynamic aspects of risks. Acknowledge power differentials. Paying attention to gender power differentials is always important, even more so in gender-focused research. We must be especially conscious of unequal power relations between men and women in the context under study, and not assume that women have the same power as men. For example, in the West the idea and expression of “just say no” is common, but this may not be possible for women in non-Western contexts without severe consequences (Chilisa 2005). These power differentials also permeate the relation between the researchers and the participants. Researchers must consider their inherent power, position of authority, and privilege, both actual and perceived by the participants. Building trust and managing power differentials is a key foundation that impacts the validity of a resilience-based gender assessment, especially when discussing risks, threats, and vulnerabilities. Partner with the community. Resilience-based gender assessments are strengthened and made more relevant when working through local actors. Local communities not only have the knowledge that can help researchers understand the gender-related risks in a specific culture, context, or situation but they can contribute to ensuring that risks assessment causes no further harm. For example, discussing youth exposure to violence can make participants even more vulnerable to violent retaliation, isolation, and even bodily harm. Community members can also guide the selection of research questions, access to participants, and interpretation of the data collected. For these reasons, the Resilience Research Center incorporates a local advisory committee into its studies (Ungar and Liebenberg 2011). 3.6 Presenting and reporting resilience research In addition to data collection, it is crucial to consider how we present and package data, and report resilience evidence to effectively inform policy and practice. Here Mertens’ (2009a) transformative research and evaluation paradigm also provides important guidance. As Mertens notes (2009a, 316), “Transformative researchers and evaluators need to be aware of the audience for whom the study findings have implications. Reporting can take a variety of forms, and the choice of presentation has implications for the furtherance of social justice.” The development of a reporting plan and dissemination strategy are important steps. These should include explicit reference to the intended audience (for example, teachers, parents, 53 Transformative Resilience Guide: Gender, Violence and Education and politicians), the central message, other key points that the report will focus on, and the structure that the report will take. They should also consider the full range of reporting and dissemination formats available, such as more standard written formats, as well as focus groups, interviews, visual presentations, pictures, photos, videos, In addition to Mertens’ slide shows, and arts and drama. When selecting the most transformative research and appropriate reporting format, we should be conscious of evaluation paradigm, the following resources provide how these formats are able to accurately and authentically additional guidance around convey the context and experiences of the community and reporting: the potential that these reporting formats have for bringing • The Community Tool Box is a about change (Mertens 2009a). useful resource for advice on how to involve stakeholders, Another important consideration is how to manage the report effectively, and impacts that data reporting and dissemination will have on influence policy and practice (http://ctb.ku.edu/en). existing power dynamics. Social justice outcomes require power redistribution, which, as Mertens (2009a, 319) shows, • The UN Evaluations Group Handbook for Conducting may not always be appreciated by those in power and can Evaluations of Normative be confusing for those with increased power. Consequently Work in the UN System practitioners working within the transformative resilience has checklists for reporting paradigm should support these communities and and dissemination of findings (http://www. populations with suggestions, guidance, and tools to uneval.org/papersandpubs/ proactively use the information they have gained, while also documentdetail.jsp?doc_ helping those in power redistribute their authority without id=1484). compromising themselves (Ibid.). 54 Education Resilience Approaches (ERA) Program Part II This section of the guide considers how schools and education systems can protect education actors from gender-related risks and add value to gender-based assets (strengths, opportunities, and resources). Education systems must recognize and promote the protective and formative contributions of positive school and community relations to gendered identities. Education policies, programs, and resources are needed to guide and sustain the well-being and academic achievement of all learners, independent of their gender identity. A community meeting takes place in an Indonesian village hit by a volcanic eruption. 55 Photo © Nugroho Nurdikiawan Sunjoyo / Transformative Resilience Guide: Gender, Violence and Education World Bank 56 Education Resilience Approaches (ERA) Program Chapter 4. Protecting and Fostering School and Community Relations to Support Resilience For a resilience approach to be transformative, it must draw upon those relationships, opportunities, and structures that support positive coping and adaptation. This is the focus of chapter 4 which builds on existing resilience research that shows how individual, relational, and cultural assets can help students succeed academically, despite conflict and crisis (Boyden 2003), social exclusion (Werner and Smith 1982; 1991; 2001; and Borman and Overman 2004), and gender-related violence, such as rape (Theron and Carrigna 2011). Individual assets—self-esteem, agency, affective expression, etc.—and relational assets—caring, support, encouragement, etc.—are strongly correlated with positive school and life outcomes in contexts of adversity. Preventing risks and fostering assets, however, requires sustainable mechanisms. Most resilience research in psychology, sociology, and ecology points to community organization as foundational to resilience processes (Berkes and Ross 2013). Community organizations led by local members, including schools, can be a means to empowerment, action, and sociocultural transformation (Maton and Brodsky 2010). Indeed, assets are not only community actors but also the skills they bring, plus their self-organization (community groups), their physical spaces in the community, and their cultural practices, to name a few. This section provides core principles and examples of school-level activities and school-community partnerships that protect vulnerable learners from gender-related risks and that promote equitable education outcomes. 4.1 Core principles for community and school support for gender-related protection This section summarizes the core principles for school and community relations that can enhance protection from gender-related risks and promote equitable education outcomes. These principles offer a starting point for researchers, evaluators, and program designers to reflect on ways to operationalize education services so that they respond to locally assessed gender-related needs. 57 Transformative Resilience Guide: Gender, Violence and Education Box 11. Core Principles to Promote Gender-Related Protection and Education Equity through School and Community Relations School-based protective and promotive interventions 1. Protect students from gender-based violence at school and in classrooms 2. Promote gender-positive socialization opportunities in safe spaces at school 3. Promote positive gender identities and provide classroom opportunities for gender empowerment 4. Encourage peer-to-peer academic and recreational activities that foster individual strengths and positive social relations. Community assets and structured participation in schools 5. Identify and mobilize local sociocultural assets and community support. 6. Empower community members to promote gender equality. 7. Provide structured approaches for communities and schools to work together. 8. Model gender equity in community and school leadership and management. 4.2 School-based gender interventions Fostering education resilience requires protecting and using resilience assets in the classroom, in the school, and in extra-curricular activities. The guidance provided in this section outlines a process for doing this. It begins with proposing how to protect students from exposure to gender-related violence. From there it moves on to reflecting on gender socialization that condones or promotes inequities. Finally it provides opportunities and models for equitable gender-related behavior. Protect students from gender-related violence at school and in classrooms A transformative resilience approach to gender in education is premised on bringing about change in gender-related behaviors and attitudes. While longer-term shifts in the underlying causes of gender inequality are required, this certainly does not preclude the necessary first step: to protect students from gender-related violence. Schools have a key role to play in protecting students from overt forms of gender-related violence, particularly physical and psychological harm, sexual abuse, and the like. Protective strategies range from adequate and safely located latrines and sanitation facilities for girls, well-lit visible access routes to and from school, pairing female and male teachers and teaching assistants in the classroom, and practicing restorative discipline that avoids physical, psychological, and verbal violence. (Restorative discipline typically requires some type of “restoration” from the aggressor to the victims, rather than a physical or shaming punitive solution.) Many girls’ schools in Afghanistan and Pakistan, for example, have made it a priority to protect students from physical harm, even from extreme threats of being attacked with acid. 58 Education Resilience Approaches (ERA) Program By erecting school boundary walls, providing community supervision, and rallying the support of religious community leaders, schools and communities working together have been able to make protecting students from gender-related violence a priority (Glad 2009). Box 12. Using Community and Culture to Protect Students from Gender-Related Violence in Afghanistan In late 2008, Farooq Wardak, Afghanistan’s newly appointed minister of education, faced increasing incidences of violent attacks on schools, especially those teaching girls. His appointment coincided with the research by CARE, with support of the World Bank, documenting more than 1150 attacks on schools between 2006 and 2008 (Glad 2009). Minister Wardak recognized that protecting schools from attack, especially female students and teachers, would require a community effort, as well as reconciling cultural and religious traditions with the educational objectives for his country. The CARE report brought to the forefront the clear role of communities in protecting their children and youth. Minister Wardak, however, also saw a clear need for a platform that would allow for dialogue and emphasizing Islamic values, that support education for all, men and women alike. The Ministry of Education brought together supportive Islamic leaders who challenged the view that Islam undermined education, especially education for girls. These religious leaders upheld Islamic values and the importance of education for all. With this alliance, more than 160 schools reopened in less than one year and an on-going process to bring together culture and education rights for boys and girls in Afghanistan continues. This has included, in certain cases, flexibility at the community level (for example, using the word “madrasa” rather than “school,” which in certain contexts implies a Western education), permitting communities to nominate local teachers, and reviewing the curriculum and textbooks to avoid any anti-Islamic local misunderstandings, while assuring a quality education for both boys and girls (UNESCO 2010b, 29–30 and 173–78). Promote gender-positive socialization opportunities in safe spaces at school Schools play a crucial role in the socialization process of girls and boys (Sathiparsad and Taylor 2008) by providing safe spaces to practice new behaviors leading to positive gender identities and self-beliefs. School-level interventions can address the attitudes of female and male students that uphold inequity and violence. For example, in their study of three rural schools in KwaZulu Natal in South Africa, Sathiparsad and Taylor (2008) show that notions of aggressive masculinity and violence were strongly reinforced among male peers. Equally, this may be buttressed by girls’ attitudes toward masculinity and their acceptance of more subjugated gender roles in order to meet social expectations of “appropriate” feminine behavior (Leach and Humphreys 2007). It is clear that school-based interventions should support boys as well as girls to encourage both in challenging these gender norms and assumptions, and affirming positive gender identities (Greene et al. 2011). For example, the work of Program H, which began in Latin America, creates an alternative vision 59 Transformative Resilience Guide: Gender, Violence and Education for masculinity. It recognized that not all Brazilian young In Afghanistan, efforts have been made to raise awareness and men endorse or are comfortable with an aggressive view promote girls’ education through of masculinity and that there are examples of men who religious leaders. For example, embody a masculinity that is caring and nonviolent, and that the organization Women for promotes equitable attitudes. Program H identifies, uses, and Women International trained 400 mullahs to incorporate the fosters these “voices of resistance” in their alternative vision, idea of protecting women’s rights strategy, and activities for dialogue and interaction with male and its value to the society and role models in their communities (Barker et al. 2004, 149). economy into their Friday prayers (Naraghi Anderlini 2010, 21). In Another example comes from a community-centered school Ghana, the local chief and elders in Lebanon. The school explicitly integrates academics and mobilized around a community social and emotional instruction to give students skills that event that used a dramatic play to create awareness of the can protect them from structural forms of violence, such abusive experiences that girls as female subordination. Students are guided to develop faced in and around schools. critical thinking skills through activities that are infused Their support strongly persuaded with the principles of social justice. They draw on their lived the community to attend and participate in the ensuing experiences (relations among friends, marriage practices, discussion (Leach and Humphreys etc.) to discuss gender relations and interdependence with 2007, 61). an “empowered partner” (Zakharia 2013, 43). This example is presented in more detail in the next section. Promote positive gender identities and provide classroom opportunities for gender empowerment School-based activities should provide opportunities for positive self-identity and gender-related empowerment by Research in international encouraging peer-to-peer academic and recreational activities development has shown that the socialization of boys tends to that foster individual strengths and positive social relations. take place more through outdoor Education itself is an important means of empowerment pursuits, while socialization for women and girls; however, it can also help to break of girls is typically through the discourses that contribute to gender-related low self- home-based activities (Arafat and Musleh 2007). Yet, by esteem and self-belief. Student-led activities are especially offering boys and girls different important for transformational change as they allow students socialization opportunities, to become the protagonists in creating a future that is based gender assets may be more on, and is supportive of, gender equality (Barker et al., 142). effectively fostered. In Nicaragua, for example, PROMUNDO’s peer- The Economic Empowerment of Adolescent Girls project, based education programming run by the Ministry of Gender and Development in Liberia includes a girls’ soccer team to and administered by the World Bank, aims to do just this build self-confidence, trust, and (World Bank 2012b). It works with local partners and the a support network among at- risk adolescent girls. In parallel, International Recue Commission to provide entrepreneurship peer outreach among boys and life-skills training to girls aged 12 to 15 years with six seeks to support gender equity months of classroom training followed by six months in an goals by promoting dialogue actual work environment or experience. A mid-line evaluation that challenges machismo and aggressive norms (Naraghi found that in addition to increasing girls’ earnings, the project Anderlini 2010, 21). also has positive effects on their self-confidence. 60 Education Resilience Approaches (ERA) Program Gender equity and empowerment can be promoted in schools through activities and interventions that strike a balance between promoting individual and social skills, and academic and recreational pursuits. Unfortunately, spaces for positive socialization often shrink in contexts of violence and conflict due to security concerns. Also, teachers struggle to make up for lost instructional time and to manage additional classroom stress, while parents may find themselves too stretched to meet the recreational needs of children (Arafat and Musleh 2006). Schools can help address these issues by providing opportunities for flexible, less-structured classroom time and after-school activities that are led by students with adult supervision. Encourage peer-to-peer academic and recreational activities that foster individual strengths and positive social relations Student-led peer learning approaches, mentoring programs, and team-based activities can simultaneously question negative gender attitudes, foster relational assets between students, and support access and learning. Numerous examples of this exist. In Yemen, for example, where girls and women are significantly more disadvantaged in terms of access to education, a UNICEF project encourages young women to volunteer as facilitators for its “Getting Ready for School Program.” The approach both helps prepare young children for schools and fosters friendly relations among the young female facilitators, who themselves have often experienced exclusion. Students derive positive self-identity, self-confidence, meaning, and purpose from these activities.16 Peer-to-peer approaches can also be particularly effective for dealing with such sensitive topics as sexuality and sexual health that young people may feel uncomfortable discussing with adults. (See, for example, Chege 2008.) In Lebanon, university medical students have been working to address the national gap in sexual health education through awareness raising and peer training in schools. The program offers a more accessible way for young people to confront dominant attitudes and behaviors around sexual health and sexual behavior, while empowering students to model leadership abilities and skills for their own professional and personal development (UNESCO 2005). 16 See http://www.unicef.org/education/index_58144.html for more information on UNICEF’s “Getting Ready for School: A Child-to-Child Approach” (accessed May 2014). 61 Transformative Resilience Guide: Gender, Violence and Education Box 13. Creating Opportunities for Gender Empowerment in Schools The Forum for African Women Educationalists (FAWA) has been lauded for its advocacy for allowing teenage mothers to go back to school. In addition to successfully lobbying governments to adopt laws that prohibit expelling pregnant girls from school, it has also been instrumental in setting up girls’ clubs in schools and encouraging teenage mothers to join them once they give birth. In the Students’ Alliance for Female Education (SAFE) clubs in Zambia, the girls lead discussions on the impact of pregnancy on their lives, engage in activities to build self-awareness and self-esteem, and learn about their rights to education, security, and protection. SAFE clubs meet at an annual convention organized by FAWE in which song, dance, and performance are used to discuss girls’ education, HIV/AIDS, teen pregnancy, and reproductive health (FAWE 2003). Zakharia’s (2013) previously mentioned study of a community-centered Shi’i school in Lebanon after the 2006 war describes how the school sought to address the direct impacts of a recent conflict on students, as well the as structural violence experienced by the historically marginalized community. An important aspect of this conflict- sensitivity and conflict-transformative approach was an explicit consideration of gender relations. Zakharia notes how girls in grade 10 were encouraged to explore male-female gender relations through an activity where they discussed the different views that existed in their community regarding female relationships with males. By eliciting students’ experiences with friendship and marriage, and using this as the core instructional content, the students were encouraged to critically reflect on different ways of establishing relationships with men. The discussion led the class to develop a “norm” for an empowered partner “who develops her autonomous power, while developing interdependence with another person” (Zakharia 2013, 43). The students were also provided with opportunities to interview women who had prominent roles in public service and political office, and to undertake artistic projects to express the specific impact that the conflict had on the work and home life of women. This process of critical reflection and inquiry was discussed within the context of their community’s values, thereby allowing for the renegotiation of gender constraints within the post-conflict recovery process. 4.3 Community assets and structured school-community partnerships Schools play a crucial role in helping children navigate gender-related risks, but they cannot do this in isolation. They must draw upon the inherent assets of other community actors: families, elders, religious leaders, local organizations, self-help groups, and other community resources (Gilgun and Abrams 2005). Note that, in many contexts, collective identities and collective accountability are prioritized to a much greater degree than in the West (Kostelny 2007). Institutionally, schools and communities can form strong structured partnerships to protect children and youth from gender-related risks and to promote equitable educational achievement (Chege 2008). This section offers guidance on how to recognize the diverse assets 62 Education Resilience Approaches (ERA) Program that communities can contribute to gender-related protection and education equity, and how to empower communities to better promote gender equity. It then points to the ways that schools can provide the structures to utilize these community assets, such as setting an example of gender equity through leadership and management. Identify and mobilize local sociocultural assets and community support Chapter 3 discussed the relevance of sociocultural assets in fostering resilience. Examples of this in the school-community context are diverse. Students’ own experiences with gender-related risk and their notions of gender norms can be harnessed to engage them in tackling gender- based violence in school. In Malawi, Concern Worldwide partners with Theatre for Change, an organization that uses participatory methods, to do just this with student council members. Theater can be a powerful tool for thinking about and questioning gender norms, as boys can put themselves in the shoes of girls, and vice versa. Theatre for Change draws on students’ own lives to construct narratives and invite reflection on norms. The students then reach out to their peers through plays at school assemblies and interactive theatre. An education resilience study in Honduras identified community support that played a critical role in ensuring the safety of school children in a context of urban violence (World Bank and UPNFM 2013). It found that the mothers and grandmothers of students who lived in violence- affected neighborhoods organized themselves as a group to walk students to and from school. The study noted that this strategy was instrumental in mitigating the risk of attacks related to school access routes, and students appreciated this community support. Finally, in cases where the family itself is a source of adversity and violence, community support groups can provide spaces of protection, comfort, and support. Young people who face gender- related risks as a result of their sexual orientation may face ostracism and discrimination by their families or school milieus. For them, relations with peers and through informal support groups may be one of the most important sources of support (Harvey 2012). Empower community members to promote gender equality Communities are important change agents through which to condemn violence and promote gender related assets. Empowerment is about more than providing administrative tools at the community level; it requires opportunities for reflection, awareness, and goal setting. In an example of women’s civil society organizations in Guatemala and Colombia, Pearce (2007) shows that, for community groups to de-legitimize violence against women, they first need to reflect on the different forms of violence present in their communities. This is essential to establishing a communal understanding of the continuum and linkages of different forms of violence and their gender related trends. One example of how this has been implemented comes from Sierra Leone, where a community project was premised on the identification of families that exhibited equitable gender attitudes and behavior (ACT 2012). These “gender model families” were provided with training and support to further improve gender equality in the household level through sharing domestic chores, decision making, and supporting both boys’ and girls’ schooling, for example. These 63 Transformative Resilience Guide: Gender, Violence and Education families then worked with other families in the community to challenge less gender-equitable cultural norms and traditions. The model families in the project lead by example and offer practical support for behavior change. Among other positive effects, the project led to an increase in girls’ attendance at school and a reduction in gender-based violence. Empowerment also requires healing and belief in one’s self. This can be achieved in supportive group settings that focus on shared gender-equitable common goals, appropriate to the specific sociocultural milieu. For example, one community support organization in Guatemala, Maya Kak’la, “enhance[s] the capacity for action of the women” by positively interpreting the Mayan “cosmovision” (an indigenous values system and way of explaining the world) to support their communal agency (Pearce 2007, 46). Box 14. Education-Empowerment Models Grounded in critical theory and with social justice as its ultimate goal, Paulo Freire’s model of education for empowerment is especially relevant for transformative resilience   approaches. He argued that education can play a more transformative role when vulnerable populations were supported to critically reflect upon their situation and their world, which is crucial if they are to act upon their new understanding. His ideas around the empowerment of vulnerable populations are particularly germane to empowering community members to promote gender equity through formal and informal learning environments. The notion of empowerment and its close neighbor, agency, is a contested one in international development. Critics have argued that the Western conception of empowerment is not always synonymous with that of beneficiaries. The Western ideal involves being resourceful, capable, independent; able to voice opinions; and free to express one’s authentic and individual experience. However, a critical look at REFLECT (Regenerated Freirean Literacy through Empowering Community Techniques), an adult education empowerment model rooted in Freire’s philosophy and the participatory rural approach, suggests that women in Bangladesh feel they gain confidence, respect, and status in the community when they are part of a public performance—something that has nothing to do with expressing an authentic individual voice (Fiedrich and Jellema 2003). As noted by the Freire Institute, “A typical feature of Freire-type education is that people bring their own knowledge and experience into the process. Training is typically undertaken in small groups with lively interaction and can embrace not only the written word but art, music and other forms of expression.” Source: http://www.freire.org/paulo-freire/ (accessed May 2014). Provide structured approaches for communities and schools to work together Community organizations can and often do emerge organically and informally to protect children and young people from gender-related risks at school, and to promote education outcomes. This kind of community participation in schools benefits from formal structures for several reasons (Pearce 2007). School-based management structures, for example, bring 64 Education Resilience Approaches (ERA) Program community and school actors together with school staff and School-based management provide a forum for them to collaboratively reflect, plan, structures can also draw upon and contribute to needed gender-related transformations. indigenous concepts of collective Supportive structures are required not only to maximize responsibility to improve their community contributions but, importantly, also to protect local and cultural relevance. Grant (2008, 188) provides an example community assets. This includes preventing community actors of how, in South Africa, local from being overwhelmed or burning, formally recognizing concepts, such as the Sesotho their contribution, and providing them with adequate “Batho Pele” [“people first” is the resources so that their own household resources and coping best translation] and the isiZulu concept of “Umuntu, gumuntu, skills are not depleted. gabantu” [I am who I am because of other people], were used to In Afghanistan, many girls (especially in rural areas) continue provide an indigenous rationale to face significant problems in accessing school. This is just for strong school and community one aspect of larger structural inequities in gender relations, relations that involved both which manifest through direct attacks on educational men and more traditionally marginalized women. institutions and against students, and which further undermine access to and quality of learning. Not only have communities organized to supervise girls, as mentioned above, they are also assuming a key role by creating safe education opportunities for girls. Through community-based education programs that are staffed by teachers from the community and housed in existing community structures—often provided by villagers or a teacher’s own home—education access for both boys and girls has been greatly expanded and gender imbalance almost eliminated at the primary level. Crucially, these schools are also less of a target and the risk of attack appears to be greatly reduced (Burde 2010). Today formalized school-based management structures are a mainstay of many education systems. They have been promoted as means of bolstering decentralized administrative efficiency and financial and staffing accountability in education systems. Yet these models do not always reflect the indigenous or traditional structures of community participation and decision making in many contexts (World Bank 2014). Moreover, in the 1970s, school- based management was seen as an approach for supporting the emancipation of vulnerable communities (Sullivan-Owomoyela and Brannelly 2009). By reclaiming these earlier characteristics of community protection and social justice, school-based management structures can play a transformative role in addressing gender related violence. In Yemen, for example, the Broadening Regional Initiative for Developing Girls’ Education (BRIDGE) represents a school-management model that explicitly sought to strengthen school and community support for girls’ access to basic education. Implementation focused on strengthening the capacity of local education administrations, integrating mothers in school management through empowered mothers’ councils, and providing opportunities for women to learn and become motivated to send their children to school—particularly their daughters (Yuki et al. n.d.). 65 Transformative Resilience Guide: Gender, Violence and Education Model gender equity in community and school leadership and management School-community management structures must model gender equity. Schools can affirm gender-equitable values and norms in the way classrooms are managed, in class and evaluation schedules, and in school administrative processes. For example, in Siem Reap Province, Cambodia, girls and women often must work long hours or work during school time. To address the inequitable impact of gender roles, the GetSet-Go Women’s Library and Learning Center is open 24 hours a day and offers self-paced literacy programs and technology classes (GetSet- Go 2014). Free life-skills courses are available, including internet communications, web design and management, business, and English language; as well as safety courses, such as cooking hygiene, self-defense workshops, maternal health, and classes on how to identify human traffickers and detect employment scams. While these mitigation activities seek to prevent exposure, rather than change the root causes of gender related risks, they are a necessary first step in the longer process of creating an enabling environment to bring about change. It is important to recognize that leadership and management—including in schools—are often conceptualized as a male domain. Alternative views of leadership and management can promote social change and equity in gender-power relations. To achieve this, school-based management and community participation structures should move away from rigid hierarchies, such as seeing school leadership as the task and role of one person. Instead, Grant (2008, 185) argues for democratic leadership distributed widely among—women and men—members. Formal opportunities to participate on school committees should also be provided, especially for marginalized women who are often silenced in traditional school-leadership structures. 4.4 Sample resources for school- and community-based interventions The following resources provide guidance on school-community level interventions that both offer protection from gender-related adversities and promote positive, transformative gender- related socialization processes in schools. A wealth of school-based resources exists to support gender-sensitive and gender- transformative programming at school and community levels. In the realm of humanitarian action, the INEE Pocket Guide to Gender, as well as the IASC Gender Guidelines and gender handbook, contain important guidance for practitioners. Plan International has also built upon these guidelines and the IASC Gender Marker (to develop gender-equitable program criteria) in an effort to intentionally prioritize gender transformation and address the root causes of gender inequality. There are also resources on tackling gender-based violence that are specifically designed for students, educators, and community members. For example, the Doorways training program is a set of three manuals created by the U.S. Agency for International Development -funded Safe Schools program to enable teachers, community members, and students to prevent and respond to school-related gender-based violence (SRGBV). Women Enabled is another excellent resource that provides a wealth of resources that cover development, academic, and legal perspectives. These include publications on women’s rights, disability rights, 66 Education Resilience Approaches (ERA) Program sexual and reproductive rights, access to justice, violence against women, conflict and post- conflict situations, electoral and political reform, and rule of law. The Gay, Lesbian, and Straight Education Network (GLSEN) also has resources for educators, including its “Inclusion and Respect” resources that provide guidance on lesson activities, lesson plans, and curriculum content that is inclusive of sexual minorities. For community participation to be transformative, it should also be empowering. Tools and resources that are premised on Freire’s work in education and community development, and that link community needs to positive action are therefore especially relevant. The Freire Institute provides resources geared toward school and community empowerment and transformation through critical pedagogy and community organizing. The principles and good practice they provide are highly applicable to situations of gender risk. The BRIDGE Gender and Participation Overview Report (2001) looks at convergences between approaches to gender and to participation and provides examples and strategies for combining participatory methodologies related into projects, programs, policies, and institutions. Existing models of community-based schooling in crises offer useful lessons and guidance for other contexts. Documented models include one in Nepal supported by the World Bank- financed Community School Support Project, which was launched in 2003. The first step in this process encourages communities to take back the management of schools by providing a one-time government incentive grant. The second transforms the role of the government from providing education to facilitating education. The results of these reforms have been heartening. From 2003 to 2009, net primary enrollment in Nepal rose from 84 percent to 92 percent. Gender parity improved from 83 percent to 98 percent during the same period. In Afghanistan, community-based education has long been a response to conflict and poor rates of access to education, especially for girls. It is structured around a holistic notion of community participation (as opposed to an administrative approach). Parents and community members support the safety of students, especially girls. They maintain school premises and support teachers in the classroom. This cooperative effort is supported by the Ministry of Education through the formation of school management committees (SMCs), the transfer of grants for school construction and maintenance, and training and supervision of SMCs and schools. SMC members are men and women who reflect the composition of the community. They take the lead in engaging the community and encouraging involvement in education activities. (Dubovyk 2008). The Afghan model shows that communities can be instrumental, not only in providing access to education, but also in using the strength of traditional and local community structures to help re-open schools and provide safer learning environments, even in the context of ongoing attacks. It is characterized by incremental transition and the development of community initiatives. These are then further developed further and scaled up through coordination and external support until, finally, community models can be integrated into national policy and education systems (World Bank 2012c; and Sullivan-Owomoyela and Brannelly 2009, 59–60). 67 Transformative Resilience Guide: Gender, Violence and Education 68 Education Resilience Approaches (ERA) Program Chapter 5. Institutionalizing Resilience through Gender-Related Policies and Programs Education policies and national programs provide the intent and objectives of an education system. They are an essential part of a transformative resilience approach because they evoke the important role and responsibility of education services (and service providers) in dealing with gender-related risks. If education systems are to foster resilience and transform situations of gender-related violence and inequity for prosocial change, then explicit public policy commitment and demonstrated policy intent is required. 5.1 Core principles for institutionalizing resilience through gender-related policies and programs The chapter is constructed around principles that recognize that policy and legislative content are necessary to address gender-related violence and promote gender equity. However, careful consideration of the processes and mechanisms that are created and mandated through plans and strategies is also required to harness and bring to scale promising school- and community- level interventions. Reflective of a transformative resilience approach, both policy intent and policy implementation need to move beyond merely correcting deficits and treating problems; they actively support positive coping by building competencies and capacities in a way that values cultural differences and reflects positive educational expectations for all (Maton et al. 2005; Mertens 2009a). 69 Transformative Resilience Guide: Gender, Violence and Education Box 15. Core Principles for Institutionalizing Resilience through Gender-Related Education Policies and National Programs Education policy intent that explicitly supports gender equity and protection from gender-related risk 1. Commit to gender-related transformation in domestic policies, plans, and strategies. 2. Utilize international and regional instruments that underscore gender-related protection and gender equity in education. 3. Design gender transformative programs and projects at all levels of the education system. 4. Promote cross-sector integrated approaches to tackle gender-related violence and inequity. 5. Build bridges between emergency gender-related responses and longer-term change. Education policy implementation that promotes actual change for gender-related protection and resilience 6. Ensure access to programs is based on gender-related needs and not just deficits. 7. Permit flexibility and local adaptability in the implementation of gender-related policies and associated programs. 8. Make use of gender-related budget processes. 9. Mobilize media and advocacy campaigning to change gender-related social norms. 5.2 Making gender equality and protection from gender-related risks explicit in education policy The data collected on gender-related risks and assets, and the promising practices of school and community interventions need political support and commitment, if they are to be scaled up for prosocial transformative change (Mertens and Wilson 2012). Implicit is the need to recognize that change is not just about quick-fix strategies but also includes long-term, future-oriented investments in addressing gender-related needs and support of gender-related strengths. Education policies should be aligned to both mitigate immediate risks and promote a longer- term vision of gender equality. Finally, in order to reflect the social ecology of gender-related risks and assets, policies also need to guide relevant education interventions at multiple levels (individual, relational, and sociocultural). 70 Education Resilience Approaches (ERA) Program Box 16. Strategic Goals for Resilience-Oriented Education Policies Maton et al. (2005) identify four strategic goals for strengths-based research and policy. These goals are equally relevant to guide policy intent and implementation to promote resilience in the face of gender related violence and inequity: • Recognize and build on existing strengths in individuals, families, and communities. • Build new strengths in individuals, families, and communities. • Strengthen the larger social environments in which individuals, families, and communities are embedded. • Engage individuals, families, and communities in a strengths-based process of designing, implementing, and evaluating interventions. Commit to gender-related transformation in domestic policies, plans, and strategies Education policies, laws, and plans spell out the formal intentions of an education system. Gender-based protection and equitable education outcomes should therefore be reflected in policies to provide the normative structures for action. Education strategic plans should then connect these policy intentions to operational programs and services that can protect children and youth from gender-related risks, identify and promote assets, and foster relevant school and community services. Yet, according to Naraghi Anderlini (2010, 4), “neither the normative frameworks that explicitly demand attention to women’s rights and protection needs, [nor] research findings, nor tools for gender sensitivity in conflict and recovery settings are used regularly to analyze, plan, or implement development, violence reduction, or peace-building interventions.” To rectify this gap, we must explicitly address gender-related violence and gender inequity in policies, plans, and strategies. Many examples exist of domestic actions and laws that counter gender-related violence and repudiate discriminatory laws. For example, South Africa renounced a law that expelled “In Sri Lanka, the Ministry of pregnant girls from school to reduce the high rate of attrition Education has trained the national and subnational education due to pregnancy that characterized the system (Barker et al. planners in developing gender- 2010). In Chad, the country’s Education for All National Plan responsive education for all levels. promotes the girl-friendly schools concept and integrates A gender-sensitive five-year plan compulsory sanitation requirements in all school construction for primary education (2000– 2004) and a gender-responsive, projects, which can include separate latrines for males medium-term secondary and female (Snel, Shordt, and Mooijman 2004). In 2010, education plan (2000–2008) were the Ministry of Education of Zambia issued an order that formulated” (UNESCO 2010a, 90). prohibited private tutoring by teachers in their homes after many cases of sexual abuse of students were revealed. The government also passed a “civil organizations partnership” policy to advocate for and support the prevention of gender-related risks and violence (Cornell University and Women and Law in Southern Zambia 2012). 71 Transformative Resilience Guide: Gender, Violence and Education Yet, as previously mentioned, policies, plans, and strategies should also expand their focus from solely addressing gender-related risks to also promoting gender-related assets. National legal and policy reforms can provide the overarching structure for positive education outcomes for all children and youth, but they also need to mandate education quality for all, nonbiased access to services, and affirmative action policies for marginalized groups. The UNRWA Education Reform Strategy (for Palestine refugees), developed in 2010, provides an example of a normative framework that seeks to do this. It explicitly recognizes the important steps that have already been made toward achieving gender parity in enrollment and learning outcomes, but looks to build upon this with further progress and targeted interventions, including implementing measures to address gender stereotypes in the curriculum and addressing gender inequality through special projects and curriculum enhancement (UNRWA 2010, 22–24). 72 Education Resilience Approaches (ERA) Program Box 17. Promoting Gender-Related Resilience through Comprehensive Institutional Commitment: The Example of Rwanda As part of building its evidence base, the World Bank’s Education Resilience Approaches (ERA) team undertook a case study on those strategies and policy level interventions that have helped promote institutional resilience in post-genocide Rwanda (Arden and Claver 2011). One of the important themes to come out of the case study was the attention paid to supporting girls and women during the post-conflict reconstruction process. While the main fault lines present in the genocide were ethno-political, the new vision for Rwanda and the specific strategies laid out for the education sector recognized the differentiated impact that the violence had on girls and women. Furthermore, a key objective within the new vision for Rwanda was the promotion of gender equality and women’s empowerment as crucial for Rwanda’s development and sustaining peace. Institutional reforms and policies reflect this vision and provide an enabling environment for girls and women to contribute to and through the education sector. Notably, national strategies, such as Vision 2002, acknowledge, specifically reference, and prioritize the need to address access concerns related to higher drop-out rates among girls than boys, and the quality gaps in girls’ performance in sciences and technology. Along with the support of other national frameworks, such as Government of Rwanda’s Poverty Reduction strategy paper (2002), this provided an overarching framework and commitment to address gender concerns through policy and strategy. The Ministry of Gender, in turn, collaborated in the development of education sector policies (e.g., the early childhood development policy) to ensure that gender-related objectives were captured and appropriate strategies reflected at the policy level. Gender-related adversities in Rwanda were targeted through a specific education subsector policy, the Girls’ Education Policy. This was informed by different studies and sought both to build on the strengths related to the education of girls and women within Rwandan society, and to address some of the important gaps (notably the representation of girls and women in science and management fields). This was premised on the need to balance the election of women to positions of power with a more fundamental need to ensure the competitiveness of their capacities and abilities with men in traditionally underrepresented areas. Institutional change takes time and the impact of such reforms can take many decades to full materialize. However, the acknowledgement, prioritization, and visibility given to gender-related concerns in the post-conflict recovery and reconstruction periods constitute an important platform for positive transformation and ensuring that women contribute to, and are encompassed in, the new vision for Rwanda. Source: Arden and Claver (2011). 73 Transformative Resilience Guide: Gender, Violence and Education Utilize international and regional instruments that underscore gender-related protection and gender equity in education Beyond domestic policy and legislation, international human rights law provides further opportunities to commit to gender equity and to eliminate gender-related violence in education systems. This is because many states have already committed to human rights treaties, meaning that domestic actors can make use of the content and processes mandated by these rulings to strengthen domestic policy. (For a comprehensive list of relevant human-rights instruments, please see the annexes). Following a state’s decision to sign and ratify or directly accede to a human rights treaty, they must take steps within a certain time frame toward implementing the protections and responsibilities mandated. Implementation can take the form of directly incorporating human rights provisions within domestic legislation or aligning existing provisions to external human rights stipulations. Although such processes can be slow moving, other aspects of the human rights system can provide more immediate support to domestic public-policy efforts. Of note, in many cases, states are under a duty to report—and make widely available to the public—the ways in which they are domestically implementing human rights treaties. This information and the recommendations made by treaty bodies help identify policy priorities for positive institutional change. In addition, human rights reviews Article 10 of the Convention on the Elimination of domestic national policies and laws are of All Forms of Discrimination against Women often required to see how and where they is the most comprehensive provision regarding comply with treaty standards. In cases of the right to education for women and girls. It noncompliance, a process should be put in place notes that “States have the obligation to take all appropriate measures to eliminate discrimination to align domestic laws with treaty requirements. against women in order to ensure to them equal Policy makers and civil society can draw rights with men in the field of education and to upon these mandated processes to influence ensure: the same conditions for access to studies transformative change agendas and advocate at all educational levels, both in urban and rural areas; the same quality of education; the that the protections called for by treaties are elimination of any stereotyped concept of the reflected in domestic laws and policies. More roles of men and women; the same opportunities guidance is provided in the resources section of to benefit from scholarships and other study this chapter. grants, and to access programmes of continuing education, including literacy programmes, and In addition to international law, other nonlegally to participate in sport and physical education; binding political commitments can also be the reduction of female students drop-out rates mobilized to address gender-related risks in and access to educational information on health, including advice on family planning” (Right toeducation. Notably, gender equality in education Education Project 2014). has gained more traction in humanitarian and development agendas since Millennium Development Goal 3 on gender equality galvanized support for girls’ basic education equality to be achieved by 2015. It was also established as a priority in 2004 with the publication of the Minimum Standards for Education in Emergencies (INEE 2004). 74 Education Resilience Approaches (ERA) Program Box 18. Reflecting International Standards in Domestic Policy One of the most comprehensive examples of how domestic legislation seeks to transform gender-related violence, in line with human rights standards, comes from Spain. The “Law on Measures of Integral Protection against Gender Violence” was introduced in 2004 and focused on prevention mechanisms and the role of educational policy in emphasizing equality and respect of women’s rights: • Article 4 stipulates that equality between men and women is one of the goals of the Spanish education system. • Article 6 states that, in order to guarantee the effectiveness of gender equality, educational administrations must ensure that educational materials eliminate sexist or discriminatory stereotypes and promote the equal value of men and women. • Article 7 calls on educational administrations to adopt measures to reflect equality including through pre-service and ongoing teacher training. • Article 8 stipulates that school councils must encourage the adoption of educational measures to promote real and effective equality between men and women. • Article 9 says that educational inspection services should ensure that these principles and values are respected and implemented in the education system (UNESCO 2010a, 86-87). Gender equity is also reflected in other states’ national policies. In 2003, Zimbabwe launched its National Gender Policy for University-Level Education to “facilitate the creation and implementation of policies that rectify gender imbalances in all areas of life.” The policy is an example of affirmative action to promote gender balance in university programs in mathematics and science, which are traditionally dominated by males. To increase access to university education for girls, the Ministry of Women Affairs, Gender, and Community Development also approved a charter in 2003 establishing the private Women’s University in Africa (UNESCO 2010a, 90). Design gender transformative programs and projects at all levels of the education system Chapters 3 and 4 discuss the complex social ecology of gender-related risks and assets that exist at the individual, relational, and sociocultural levels. Chapter 5 shows the key role that communities and schools can play in fostering resilience. Education policies, plans, and strategies therefore need to relate to all of these levels. Importantly, they should also provide bridges and create connections between different types of assets to create more tangible opportunities for social, economic, and political empowerment. Below we review some of the core areas where policy, planning, and strategic education content can be strengthened to promote gender-related assets. 75 Transformative Resilience Guide: Gender, Violence and Education Recognize and promote the importance of social and emotional learning for gender-related resilience. Many of the individual gender assets discussed in chapter 4 can be cultivated through education systems that value not only academic skills and learning outcomes but also social and emotional skills, and learning outcomes. This is because social and emotional skills help children develop the skills, attitudes, and behaviors needed to foster other gender-related assets, while also supporting academic outcomes (Diaz-Varela et al. 2013). However, although many examples exist of how social and emotional learning can be promoted at the classroom and school levels, there are fewer examples of its systematization within education systems. We can draw inspiration from large programs that draw upon culturally grounded mediums (e.g., arts, sports, dance, and drama) and train teachers on their implementation. Support teachers to model gender equitable practices. As we have already noted, teachers play a key role in supporting individual and relational resilience to gender-related adversity. Studies show that teachers’ preconceptions of gender can color their expectations of their students. This can significantly affect grading and assessment of performance, which can hurt girls’ chances and confidence in doing well. Authoritarian teaching practices, competitive assignment procedures, and narrowly focused curricula often exclude particular groups of learners by marginalizing their experiences and failing to address their gendered needs (Leach and Humphreys 2007). Pedagogical practices, of course, have implications for how teachers are prepared and supported. Aikman et al. (2005) propose an outline of what pedagogical support to teachers could look like: • Set up curricula and classrooms to encourage equal participation in class of both genders. • Break down hierarchies and power networks that systematically exclude female pupils and teachers. • Pinpoint the drivers of homophobic behavior, bullying, or sexism to inform interventions. • Value the knowledge and experience that both genders bring with them into the classroom and incorporate this into curriculum planning and student assessment. Teacher training plays a major role in this, but it is equally essential that teachers’ personal behavior reflect gender-equality values as well, if they are to be models for their students. In South Africa, for example, Sathiparsad and Taylor (2008) show that male students reported that they felt criticized and not listened to by teachers, and ridiculed by girls. They perceived that teachers aligned with girls, leaving them feeling stereotyped and treated unjustly. Teachers can be taught to cultivate self-awareness of how their own gender identities have been socialized and how this plays out in the classroom, through biases and stereotypes transmitted to students (Chege 2008). In addition, educators should be assisted in learning to consider how school-level tasks are allocated to boys and girls and to use models of restorative discipline that provide more gender- equitable structure and discipline. Restorative discipline is an alternative approach to negative 76 Education Resilience Approaches (ERA) Program discipline, corporal punishment, or zero-tolerance policies, which empowers students to resolve conflicts on their own through peer-mediated groups or “circles” (Sumner, Silverman, and Frampton 2008). Its foundational values are rooted in respect, taking responsibility, and strengthening relationships, and it has been shown to reduce violence in school and community. Promote curriculum and classroom activities to make schools microcosms for gender equity. Curriculum can contain entrenched gender inequalities and thus reaffirm gender roles, such as the idea that girls are not suited to learn math or play sports, and the exclusion of boys from lessons on domestic skills. A transformative resilience approach posits that positive gender- related attitudes and behaviors can be taught along with skills to navigate and address gendered risks. Gender reviews of curriculum can help identify gender stereotypes and imbalances. Participatory methodologies and experiential learning activities that require students to reflect on, and challenge, gendered violence are crucial. From evaluations conducted on its programs in Brazil, India, and the Balkans, the nongovernmental organization PROMUNDO zeroed in on an approach that worked in their context. They found that structured, participatory, and consistently applied group-education projects that promoted critical reflection and consciousness-raising about gender norms, along with youth-led, school based campaigns, led to measurable changes in gender norms with positive outcomes among girls and boys. These outcomes included less bullying, less dating violence, improved sexual health outcomes, and less classroom violence (Barker et al., 138). Culturally- and age-relevant, student-centered, and student-led activities can help induce more positive social practice in schools. Examples include the use of visual media, comics, radio shows, soap operas, role plays, brainstorming sessions, music, drama, and art. Skills building. As discussed in chapter 3, the structural underpinnings of gender-related violence include the economic dependence of women and the feminization of poverty. This becomes both an individual and relations risk when it contributes to the inability of victims to leave violent relationships and contexts. To address this, transformative resilience strategies should look to promote such sociocultural assets as professional and vocational skills, in ways that can support economic empowerment opportunities for girls and women. An example of how this has been institutionalized is Pakistan’s National Vocational and Technical Education Commission, which has mainstreamed gender into its technical education strategy with a view to improving access, equity, and employability of women through skills development. Currently, 42 Women’s Skill Development Centers are in operation across the Federally Administered Tribal Areas, a semi-autonomous tribal region bordering Afghanistan (Pakistan TVET Reform 2012). The importance of economic empowerment through education is gaining ground globally. In 2012, recognizing the importance of vocational skills for displaced young people, UNHCR also increased its livelihoods budget by 75 percent from 2010 levels (Evans, Forte, and Fraser 2012). The budget allocation is aimed specifically at women and youth. The UNCHR Youth Education Pack Program in the Dadaab refugee camp in Kenya is an example of putting this type of funding to work. The program offers year-long vocational and life-skills training, and reaches 250 young people in the camp every year (Evans, Forte, and Fraser 2012). 77 Transformative Resilience Guide: Gender, Violence and Education Promote cross-sector integrated approaches to tackle gender-related violence and inequity The continuum of violence tells us that the causes and impacts of gendered violence require wider consideration than education systems alone can offer. Areas of needed legal and policy reforms include family law, protection against violence, land rights, employment, and political rights. Laws that increase control over income and assets can improve the standing of women and girls in their households, and increase their agency. Laws that facilitate maternity leave and maternal and reproductive health services can increase women’s ability to choose, allowing girls who become pregnant due to rape to continue attending school (Unterhalter 2013). Although such reforms are likely to fall outside the responsibility and influence of educational actors, education-sector policies, plans, and strategies should still promote cross-sector collaboration and provide for clear and reliable referral mechanisms for at-risk individuals and communities to other social services. These policy and planning “bridges” may take the form of short-term supports designed to provide more immediate forms of protection. Examples include conditional cash-transfer and stipend programs (such as Mexico’s Oportunidades and Brazil’s Bolsa Familia) to reduce the financial barriers to education and encourage families to invest in girls’ schooling, school meal programs that support nutrition (and act as an incentive to send all children to school), or initiation of microfinance initiatives for women in areas where access to education is low. Longer-term sustainable cross-sector efforts are also needed. To meet the needs of the victims of gender-related violence, schools should be in a position refer victims of gender-related violence to health and protection services. This requires training and raising the awareness of education staff, as well as clear protocols for referrals and treatment. If we are to see men as assets and partners for change, then we should also draw upon the recommendations of the 48th session of the UN Commission on the Status of Women. This called for governments to promote a greater care-giving role for men, by addressing occupational segregation, longer parental leave, and flexible work schedules and arrangements. Despite these instances, policy efforts especially in the developing world have been few and limited (Barker et al. 2012). A notable exception is Chile (Aguayo and Sadler 2012), where mothers are able to transfer up to 6 weeks of maternity leave to fathers, increasing the amount of paternity leave to up to 12 weeks. Since 2008, working fathers in Chile have access to public daycare if they have custody of children under 2 years old. Government investment in basic infrastructure, such as water, electricity, and transport, can also reduce domestic workloads, freeing up time constraints for women and girls so they to attend school or engage in other income-generating activities (King and Mason 2001). Improving school quality, upgrading underperforming schools, and constructing schools in rural areas (primary and secondary) can make the idea of sending girls to school more attractive. Build bridges between emergency gender-related responses and longer-term change Policies, plans, and strategies must provide for both the protective immediate needs of vulnerable populations and build upon strengths, opportunities, and capacities. This requires being able to mobilize support at schools and in the community during and immediately after 78 Education Resilience Approaches (ERA) Program crisis. Commonly cited gender-relevant interventions include ensuring that there are adequate and safely located latrines and sanitation facilities for girls, providing school transportation, adjusting schedules—and even the location of schools—to accommodate roles and norms demanded of girls that may clash with school attendance (such as collecting water or firewood, looking after children, and being able to return to school after pregnancy). Other strategies include the feminization of the teaching force, which may reduce incidents of sexual assault by male teachers. In cases where there are not enough trained women to enter into the teaching profession, female teaching assistants from the community may be hired and trained through professional development courses. Finally, psychosocial support is often provided to help students manage their emotions. Resilience approaches should build upon these initial crisis interventions to foster more transformative and sustainable change. Discrete psychosocial interventions can be mainstreamed and expanded through social and emotional learning approaches, which also provide ways for students to reflect on the adversity they face or have faced, and the purpose education can have in their lives. These can be facilitated through classroom lessons and school administrations that acknowledge the students’ experiences and take their needs into account. For example, girls may face particular difficulties reintegrating into their communities if they have been excluded from disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration (DDR) programs, and may have trouble seeing how education can be meaningful to them. Gender minorities should feel safe and be encouraged to express their unique perspective and speak out about their experiences. Finally, while female teachers and teaching assistants may provide important initial support to get girls back into school, a transformative resilience approach would recognize that simply hiring women is not enough. The recruitment of women needs to take into account other diverse social factors that can make them sensitive to and able to address gendered violence, such as class, ethnicity, disability, and religious beliefs. Furthermore, the dominance of female teachers in some areas has been attributed to classroom styles that may exclude male students (Barker et al. 139). Transformative solutions to gender-related violence recognize that dominant social norms are often accepted and promoted by men and women, and thus male and female education staff should be engaged for change. Maintaining this longer-term perspective is crucial because assets can become vulnerabilities when not nurtured: teachers who provide extracurricular support may stop volunteering, neighbors who look after each other’s well-being may no longer have resources to do so, individual mentors who promote peace and nonviolence may move on, etc. Education systems, organizational structures, and supportive budgets can, however, sustain these assets by recognizing and formally supporting policies, plans, and strategies. By identifying and then protecting assets during crises, we may then better bridge between humanitarian and interventions and provide the seeds for longer-term sustainable change. 79 Transformative Resilience Guide: Gender, Violence and Education Box 19. Scaling Up Gender-Related Assets Program H, developed in Latin America, builds on the individual assets of young men who exhibit gender-equitable behaviors and attitudes, and then showcases them to provide an alternative view of masculinity. By recognizing and protecting these assets, it positions itself as a gender transformative approach that looks to change dominant male attitudes of needing to be violent and aggressive (Barker et al. 2004, 149). Another example is Sierra Leone’s Gender Model Families project (ACT 2012). Model families that promote gender equity at home are identified and then supported to work with other families in the community to challenge cultural norms and traditions around gender. In Mozambique, the Vice-Minister of Education is tapping into the relational assets of local civil-society organizations that have supported girls’ empowerment clubs to develop a national program (Parkes and Heslop 2013). Despite their proven impacts, most of these examples exist at more local levels and have yet to be nationally institutionalized through policies and curriculums, or dedicated system-level resources to realize their full transformative-resilience potential. 5.3 Policy implementation that promotes change toward gender-related protection and resilience In order for policy, plans, and strategies to bring about actual change for vulnerable populations, implementation mechanisms need to be considered. These mechanisms should fit the human, knowledge, and financial resources required and promote clear lines of accountability for change. Ensure access to programs is based on gender-related needs and not just deficits For education policies to promote gender transformation and resilience, they need to move beyond traditional deficits models. In the first instance, this means ensuring that policies are geared toward actual needs (across the wide spectrum of gender-related violence), rather than just treating problems. Especially vulnerable groups, such as women and girls with disabilities and those subject to hidden violence (notably sexual minorities), should receive particular attention by education policies, plans, and strategies. Affirmative action policies that target gender inequities and ensure dedicated resources are an option here. Second, policies must be oriented in such a way that they recognize and provide support for strengths that already exist in the education system. For example, “polices have yet to adequately engage men and boys in overcoming gender inequality or addressing their own gender-related vulnerabilities” (MGEPP 2010, 3). Policies also rarely take into account the diversity of men’s identities and still privilege some groups of men over others. Education policies should redress these as gender-related problems and consider such strategies as recruiting more men to work in child care and education, as well as providing information on child development to both fathers and mothers through life-long learning programs. Other 80 Education Resilience Approaches (ERA) Program policy options may include formal protection and support for the care and commitment contributed by communities and families to deal with gender-related risks in education; strategies to promote social and emotional skills through national curricula, and establishing school counselors and clear referral mechanisms for appropriate services for victims of gender- related violence. Box 20. The Importance of Ensuring Relevant Education Policies and Programs for Sexual Minorities Institutionalized discrimination and lack of legal protection for sexual minorities is a persistent concern. Efforts to address them are hampered by the fact that the issue continues to be taboo in both developing and developed countries, tied to religious and cultural beliefs toward gender identities. How then can we address the violent attacks and ensure gender equality for all vulnerable populations? Strengthening institutional resilience must play a key role. In 76 countries, there are national laws that criminalize sexual minorities, including sanctioning the death penalty in 5 countries (UN Human Rights Council 2012). Laws related to sexual minorities’ rights or their criminalization may also vacillate in line with changes in the political climate and public opinion. The education sector must respond with legal protections, equal opportunities, and equity-of-rights interventions for sexual minorities and different gender identities.* While this is a long-term transformative issue, a clear first step is needed to break the silence and promote discussion. One such example is the initiative by UNESCO in partnership with the US-based Gay, Lesbian, and Straight Education Network (GLSEN) to create a global network of advocates supporting youth sexual minorities in education settings. In June 2013, during the 15th Comparative Education World Congress in Argentina, UNESCO and GLSEN hosted a gathering of 24 institutions from 20 countries around the world, which are working on or researching issues faced by sexual minorities in schools, to discuss innovative research and activism (GLSEN 2013). The meeting was held to share knowledge and expertise, but also to strengthen a global movement that helps to break the silence around issues of sexual minorities and gender identities in education. *See World Bank President Jim Yong Kim’s op ed, 2014, “Discrimination by law carries a high price,” WP Opinions, February 27, 2014. Permit flexibility and adaptability in the implementation of gender-related policies and associated programs Explicit commitments in the shape of policies, plans, and strategies should not undermine the need for flexible responses that can capture the fluid and dynamic nature of gender- related risks and assets. In particular, the existence of sociocultural assets points to the need to harness not only new innovations but also indigenous, traditional, and even historical practices and precedents. Moreover, the flux of collective violence often presents opportunities for social transformation and legal and policy changes over the longer term. Policy and planning approaches should be able to maintain their focus on gender-related protection and transformative change while being able to reflect and adapt to these local realities. 81 Transformative Resilience Guide: Gender, Violence and Education For example, Sudanese girls in eastern Chad attending school in refugee camps far outnumber boys because for many of them it is their first opportunity to go to school. The Ministries of Education in Chad and Sudan have agreed that their schooling in the refugee camps will be credited when the students return home. The Sudanese government has also allowed students to sit the Sudanese education system’s examinations in the refugee camp, effectively permitting students to gain qualifications valid in both countries (Plan International 2013). A partnership between the Refugee Education Trust and the International University of Africa in Khartoum, Sudan, also offers an accredited secondary-school certificate to students in the camps through distance learning. The qualification is also recognized by several African and Arab universities (UNESCO n.d.). In South Sudan, an Accelerated Learning Program (ALP) is improving girls’ enrollment and retention indicators (Davies and Naylor 2012). Originally supported by Save the Children, the program has been scaled up by the government and a new government department has been created. The community-based ALP classes condense the primary school curriculum and target students who have never been to school, are too old for standard schools, are former child soldiers, and are members of minority group. Because they are held close to students’ homes, parents are reassured that students face fewer dangers on the journey to and from school, and a flexible timetable allows students to balance school with domestic work. To support flexibility and adaptation at subnational levels, strong mechanisms for decentralization that maintain policy level accountability should be considered. Mali’s example is illustrative. In 1992, a National Girls’ Schooling Unit was established to coordinate regional and local centers. This was supported by an expert position on gender within various ministries, including the Ministry of Education. A section for the schooling and training of girls was created within the National Directorate of Basic Education to coordinate girls’ schooling activities at the subregional level. These efforts were translated into concrete actions across all schools through committees for the promotion of girls’ education; programs and projects focused on advocacy, research, and awareness in girls’ schooling through the construction of women’s training centers; and targeted financial support in order to reduce girls’ housework. This comprehensive approach helped increase the education rate of girls at the primary level from 19 percent in 1990 to 59.9 percent in 2004 and, at the secondary level, from 8.1 percent to 27 percent over the same period (UNESCO 2010a, 92). 82 Education Resilience Approaches (ERA) Program Box 21. Community-Based Education Supporting Access for Girls in Afghanistan In 2006, the Afghanistan Ministry of Education and its Department of Protection and Safety of Schools established a program that set up shuras to augment the security at thousands of schools vulnerable to attack across the country (Glad 2009). Parent-teacher associations were made mandatory in every public school through the National Education Strategic Plan, which merged with school management committees to become shuras. These are groups of parents and community members who are unarmed and negotiate ending threats to the school, especially girls’ access to education. They also decide how to spend government grants through the EQUIP (Education Quality Improvement Plan) program and oversee school management. The Ministry also sponsors one or two guards to patrol each school (Glad 2009). Such community structures are intended to involve the community in school protection in a more formal way and take advantage of their important potential to provide additional support for education services over the longer term. Make use of gender-related budget processes Gender budgets are a key tool for any institutionally-led gender transformative process. UN WOMEN refers to gender-responsive budgeting (GRB), which it defines as “government planning, programming, and budgeting that contributes to the advancement of gender equality and the fulfillment of women’s rights.” It entails identifying and reflecting needed interventions to address gender gaps in sector and local government policies, plans, and budgets. GRB also aims to analyze the gender-differentiated impact of revenue-raising policies and the allocation of domestic resources and official development assistance.17 Bundlender and Hewitt (2003, 1) identify the following five objectives for gender budgeting: 1. Increase the responsiveness of fiscal policy to poverty and social need. 2. Enhance governance. 3. Support gender mainstreaming. 4. Encourage civil society participation. 5. Strengthen the monitoring and evaluation of outcomes of government action. The methodology of gender budgeting can and has been adapted to the education sector in a number of different contexts, often as part of gender-mainstreaming approaches. The principles and good practices of gender budgeting can be applied to different levels of the education system. Lo and Alami (2011) identify the following entry points for the application of gender budgeting: national/local plans and budgets (including decentralization policies), sector-wide approaches (SWAps), and sector budget support (from donors who provide direct budget support to the budget of the ministry of education for sector priorities and targets). They also identify specific tools that are used by governments, multilateral institutions, and 17 See the UN WOMEN Gender Responsive Budgeting website, http://www.gender-budgets.org/ (accessed May 2014). 83 Transformative Resilience Guide: Gender, Violence and Education nongovernmental organizations, and which may collect important evidence on how well public spending and development assistance responds to gender inequalities in the education sector: • Public expenditure reviews • Benefit incidence analysis • Public expenditure tracking surveys • Citizen report cards (participatory surveys that gather user feedback on the performance of public services) • Community scorecards (qualitative monitoring tools that combine techniques of the social audit, community monitoring, and citizen report cards) • Service oversight and management committees Mobilize media and civil society in efforts to change gender-related social norms Key to a transformative resilience approach is addressing the sociocultural attitudes and behaviors that underpin inequitable and violent gender-related behaviors and attitudes. To promote this type of change, public opinion needs to be informed and sensitized. Education sectors can work with media and civil society to harness this potential. For example, OXFAM supported the efforts of the Mozambican Association for Women and Education (AMME) in the province of Zambezia to lobby the Ministry of Education about the case of a girl and a teacher who had impregnated her (Aikman et al. 2005). After a slow response from the District Education Department, AMME lobbied the Provincial Department of Education to adopt legislation that would protect girls who claimed sexual abuse at school. The gains also trickled down to the community level. Following this landmark gain in girls’ protection, a new community structure was formed by the villagers called the Committee against the Abuse of Girls. Through capacity-building support from AMME and Oxfam, the Committee established a counseling center that offers therapeutic services and receives drop-in reports of sexual abuse. Civil society organizations are a key ally in post-conflict contexts as well. In a review of the experiences in Rwanda, Uganda, and South Sudan, Arostegue (2013) identifies how post-conflict contexts can create an enabling environment to promote long-term change in gender-related risks. In particular, Arostegue points to the importance of the meaningful participation of women in advocacy and policy making, which can sustain gender-related resilience and harness the breadth of international and national women’s movements, in particular, the UN Security Council Resolution 1325 framework18). Formal and informal women’s movements have played key roles in activism for peace at national and local levels, and make crucial contributions to the education sector. Prominent examples include the role of women’s activism in securing the peace process in Liberia and the election of President Ellen Sirleaf Johnson. In Colombia, women’s activism was a notable feature of locally-led peace movements. In post-conflict transition periods, where there is often significant social flux, there are both 18 In the 2000 United Nations Security Council’s “Landmark Resolution on Women, Peace, and Security.” 84 Education Resilience Approaches (ERA) Program new risks and opportunities related to the incidence of gendered violence. However, women’s groups often face challenges of chronic underfunding; lack of training in management, leadership, and lobbying; and situation of being marginalized or stigmatized by government and NGOs; or physical harassment by local men and security forces (Pankhurst 2004; and Moosa, Rahmani, and Webster 2013). The policies, plans and strategies of a transformative resilience approach should be oriented to support these civil society assets. As already noted, timing and responsiveness is paramount for these movements, which take advantage of shifting gender relations and the new political spaces presented by conflict and post-conflict stages. Box 22. Using Media and Advocacy to Promote Equitable Gender Norms MenCare is a global campaign that uses media, evidence-based program development, and advocacy to promote equitable gender norms and promote a nonviolent and care- giving version of masculinity. The campaign works at multiple levels to engage men, institutions, and policy makers. It works with media to screen MenCare films, adapt MenCare posters, and create other visuals to start community-wide conversations. This is combined with group education for fathers and couples, and partnerships with groups that advocate for policies that create more opportunities for men’s involvement in care giving, women’s economic empowerment, maternal health, and children’s well-being. Another example is the “HeForShe” campaign spearheaded by UN Women. This campaign makes use of multi-media (video) and social media to urge men to stand up for the rights of the women and girls in their lives. Harnessing the global accessibility of these forms of media, men are encouraged to contribute their voice for change by tweeting about women’s equality and submitting videos in which they share their stories and visions of gender equality. More information about the campaign can be accessed at www.heforshe.org. 5.4 Sample resources for aligning policies and programs with a gender and transformative resilience approach The following are a list of resources useful to help policies, plans, and strategies align with a transformative resilience approach and support gender-related education-systems reforms. Resources to inform policies and national programs The Forum for African Women Educationalists has produced and compiled resources related to researching and operationalizing good practice for girls’ education. Some of these resources are especially relevant for scaling up good practices that support wider reform processes and change agendas that deal with inequities facing girls and women. Resources related to gender-sensitive budgeting There are many openly available resources to support policy makers working with gender- sensitive budgets. These include resources focused on human rights implementation, as well as those specific to the education sector. UNIFEM, which has since become UN Women, published 85 Transformative Resilience Guide: Gender, Violence and Education “Budgeting for Women’s Rights: Monitoring Government Budgets for Compliance with CEDAW” to provide guidance for policy makers and practitioners interested in supporting gender equality and human rights. It is based on a longer publication of the same title that provides more detailed information and includes tools for conducting gender sensitive budget analysis. UNESCO has also produced an Advocacy Brief on Gender Responsive Budgeting in Education that discusses illustrative examples from across the Asia-Pacific region. UN Women has a wealth of information and resources online, as does the World Bank, including the Guidance Note on Improving Gender Targeting of Public Expenditures. Finally, Bundlender and Hewitt’s (2011) “Engendering Budgets: A Practitioners Guide to Understanding and Implementing Gender- Responsive Budgets” is a source of very practical information on background, context, and steps for implementation. Resources regarding international instruments that support equity A useful resource for human rights instruments that relate to the Right to Education—including those with a specific focus on gender-related issues—is the ActionAid Right to Education project. Its website includes policy briefs, suggested human rights indicators, and a special section dedicated to issues that affect girls and women. Finally, the University of Minnesota’s online Human Rights Library includes a study guide on Sexual Orientation and Human Rights that discusses important human rights issues for sexual minorities and presents relevant regional and international instruments for protection, many of which contribute to the right to education. 86 Education Resilience Approaches (ERA) Program Box 23. Strategies for Implementing Human Rights Domestically In its guidance to policy makers and legislators, the Committee on the Convention on the Rights of the Child (the most widely ratified human rights treaty, which includes significant provisions regarding gender) underlines the following steps and actions. These are reproduced here as representative of good practice on how to align national-level policies with human rights standards and support their implementation: • Develop a comprehensive national agenda. • Develop permanent bodies or mechanisms to promote coordination, monitoring, and evaluation of activities throughout all sectors of government. • Ensure that all legislation is fully compatible with the Convention and, if applicable, the Optional Protocols by incorporating the provisions into domestic law or ensuring that they take precedence in cases of conflict with national legislation. • Make children visible in policy-development processes throughout government by introducing child-impact assessments. • Analyze government spending to determine the portion of public funds spent on children and to ensure that these resources are being used effectively. • Ensure that sufficient data are collected and used to improve the situation of all children in each jurisdiction. • Raise awareness and disseminate information on the Convention and the Optional Protocols by providing training to all those involved in government policy making and working with or for children. • Involve civil society by including children themselves in the process of implementing and raising awareness of child rights. • Set up independent national offices—ombudspersons, commissions, focal points within national human rights institutions or other institutions—to promote and protect children’s rights. Source: UNICEF, “Convention on the Rights of the Child: Implementation,” http://www. unicef.org/crc/index_30208.html (accessed May 2014). Guidance for gender-sensitive and transformative curriculum and pedagogy A wide range of resources already exists on how curriculum and pedagogies can support gender equity and reduce gender-related risks. Specific resources for practitioners, including those focused on particular target groups, are also available: • C. Brugeilles and S. Cromer, 2007, “Promoting Gender Equality through Textbooks: A Methodological Guide” (UNESCO-IBE). • Opening Our Eyes (Addressing Gender-Based Violence in South African Schools): A 87 Transformative Resilience Guide: Gender, Violence and Education Module Designed to Sensitize Educators to Addressing Gender-Based Violence in Schools. This module for educators is meant to serve as a resource tool for teachers, principals, school governing bodies, and district officials to become sensitized to ways of addressing gender-based violence in schools. The module is made up of a series of eight workshops, each with a background paper for facilitators followed by 2-hour workshop. • P. Mlama, M. Dioum, H. Makoye, L. Murage, M. Wagah, and R. Washika, 2005, Gender Responsive Pedagogy: A Teacher’s Handbook (Nairobi, Kenya: FAWE). In the area of positive discipline, the following resources, although not situated in humanitarian or conflict contexts, provide useful guidance: • Illinois Criminal Justice Information Authority, n.d., “Implementing Restorative Justice: A Guide for Schools” (Chicago, IL USA: ICJIA). • Restorative Justice Online Class Room. This website provides guidance aimed at school administrators, teachers, implementation, and evaluation, and includes case studies and teacher resources. Guidance for working with men and boys, and for transforming notions of masculinity Promundo’s work with men and boys to address notions of masculinity provides a wealth of lessons learned. It strives to transform gender norms and power relations within key institutions, where these norms are constructed; and is based on building local and international partnerships. Manuals, communications materials, and lessons learned are documented on Promundo’s website. In addition, Promundo’s Men and Gender Equality Policy Project provides resources related to data collection and public policies for change. Resources on gender-related planning UNESCO-IIEP’s work includes resources related to including gender equity in planning processes. 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The Women In Development (WID) paradigm was born to support women’s inclusion in development processes. In 1979, the UN General Assembly adopted the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), a general framework for national legislation in civil, legal and reproductive rights. Towards the end of the ‘70s a second movement, Women And Development (WAD), emerged calling for development that targeted women only. It emphasized the distinctiveness of women’s roles and needs, as opposed to just including them in existing systems and institutions like WID. A third paradigm, Gender And Development (GAD), came on the scene in the 1980s. GAD 1980s stemmed from the experience of grassroots organizations and developing-world feminist writers, and examined the social and historical gender relations between men and women to mitigate women’s subordination. Gender relations were seen as the key determinant of women’s position in society, and because gender is a social construct, those relations can be changed. The 1990s saw a renewed focus on men. This arose partly due to the rise in male unemployment, 1990s a gender gap reversal in higher education, the underperformance of boys in primary and secondary school, and increasingly high rates of male violence. This focus, termed the “boy turn”, sought to refine the concept of masculinity, fatherhood, and issues of men’s reproductive health, but the debate about boys remains hypothetical since few systematic changes to schooling have occurred because of it (Weaver-Hightower 2003). The MGDs highlighted the need for gender parity in several areas. There was increased focus on 2000s gender in humanitarian practice with the 2010 creation of the Inter-Agency Standing Committee’s (IASC) Gender Marker. The United Nations Office for Disaster Risk Reduction devoted the year 2012 to Women and Girls. October 2013 marked the passing of Resolution 2122 by the United Nations Security Council, the fourth resolution on gender equality and women’s empowerment in conflict prevention, resolution and peace building. Today it is recognised that much more remains to be done. In this regard, looking forward, the UN High Level Panel on the Post-2015 Development Agenda (HPL) recommends retaining a strong, stand- alone goal on gender equality and women’s empowerment after 2015. A recent statement paper by the OECD agrees with this, and proposes the inclusion of cross-cutting gender specific targets and indicators in all other goals. The OECD emphasizes the importance of taking a “holistic view” of gender equality, including ending violence against women and girls, ensuring women’s participation in peace building and security, and confronting the “discriminatory social norms and practices that underlie gender inequality” (OECD 2013). 103 Transformative Resilience Guide: Gender, Violence and Education Annex B. Indicative typologies of direct gender-related violence Typologies of direct Description gendered violence Cases of sexual violence as a weapon of war or crime of opportunism have been well documented: from the widespread rape of civilian women in Eastern Prussia Sexual violence against during World War II; to the rape and abduction of women during the partition females and males (a of India and Pakistan; to mass rapes during the Rwandan genocide and Balkans weapon of war, a tactic conflict; and the sexual assault and humiliation of Iraqi detainees by American of armed groups or soldiers (Wood; 2008). During the widespread civil unrest that took place in Egypt opportunistically during in June-July 2013, over the space of four days, Human Rights Watch reported 91 the social flux of collective sexual violence attacks on women in Tahrir Square alone. Although long a problem violence) on the streets of Cairo, the risk of sexual attacks reached a new high as police withdrew from the area (Human Rights Watch, July 2013). The ‘violent and deliberate killing of women’. It often involves abduction and sexual torture, of women. The term became synonymous with the murders and abductions of women in Ciudad Juarez, Mexico where over 400 women were killed in this way. It is a particularly significant problem in Central America: according to the UN Deputy High Commissioner for Human Rights in 2011, 647 women were Femicide killed in El Salvador, 375 in Guatemala, and was the second leading cause of death of women of reproductive age in Honduras. Femicide is also often associated with impunity such as in El Salvador and Honduras where an estimated 77 per cent of cases go unpunished.* * http://www.unwomen.org/en/news/stories/2013/4/femicide-in-latin-america This remains a pervasive problem across all societies regardless of their level of development. In recent years prominent attacks, including killings and ‘corrective’ rapes, have been reported in Uganda, South Africa and Russia to name but a few. Other harmful practices include ‘reparative therapy’, a psychiatric treatment Violence directed against that is designed to change someone’s sexual attraction from homosexuality gender and sexual to heterosexuality and ‘conversion therapy’ which refers to all treatment that minorities attempts to change sexual orientation. While violence against sexual minorities has gained increased prominence in Western countries, it is little is known (or discussed) about its prevalence in development and humanitarian spheres (Leach and Humphreys 2007). This often takes place at the household level and can cause death, severe injury and maiming. A particularly egregious example is the practice of acid assaults Domestic or intimate on girls and women who ‘transgress behavior norms, for example by refusing a partner violence marriage proposal or sexual advances or for disputes within their marriage or household’ (NGO Council; 2012; 19). Women, girls, men, and boys may be trafficked and forced into prostitution by those who financially gain from their sexual exploitation however women and girls Sexual trafficking and forced are thought to represent the overwhelming majority (see http://www.un.org/ga/ prostitution search/view_doc.asp?symbol=A/67/170). Such exploitation may occur as a result of poverty, mental health problems or conflict, to name a few factors. A range of harmful practices These take many forms and may include early and forced marriage, female genital directed toward gender mutilation (FGM), breast flattening, honor crimes and cosmetic mutilation such groups that are based on as neck stretching and lip plates. Efforts to address these forms of violence touch tradition, culture, religion or upon questions of cultural relativism and social norms (see chapter 4 on school superstition and community interventions). 104 Education Resilience Approaches (ERA) Program Annex C. Overview of gender analysis frameworks In the gender-assessment frameworks listed in this table, the Harvard and Moser frameworks place a specific interest on economic equity (Leach 2003, 54). Borrowing from Longwe’s frameworks (participation, conscientization, access, and welfare), Moser does attempt to combine concepts of women empowerment to analyze economic control and productivity. These three frameworks are selective on gender roles –rather than gender relations and processes—and may tend to overemphasize the separation between women and men. To understand “socialized” gender roles—where gendered identities are influenced by the norms, values and behaviors assigned and reproduced by social and institutional structures— more complex gender assessment frameworks are useful. For example, the gender analysis matrix (GAM) and social relations frameworks (table x) are broader to analyze the relations between individuals (women and men), households and communities. The GAM framework interacts with multiple categories such as labor, time, available resources and culture. The Social Relations Approach brings an important social justice lens to understand inequality, distribution of resources and power within gender assessments. 105 Transformative Resilience Guide: Gender, Violence and Education Type Basis Authors Aims Common uses in education An efficiency approach, based on Harvard Institute To uncover gender implications by Applied in schools to Harvard Analytical an economic argument for equal for International collecting data at the micro level reveal formal and informal Framework allocation and control of resources Development (1985) on the gender division of labor, and discrimination and stereotyping. access to and control of resources. Based on four descending levels of Sara Longwe (late To measure what women’s To critically assess the women’s equality and empowerment: 1990s) empowerment means in practice, transformational potential of Women’s 1) participation, 2) conscientization, 3) including the commitment to development interventions to Empowerment access and 4) welfare empowerment in a given context, support women’s empowerment. (Longwe) the existence of empowerment “Empowerment” relates to women’s Framework there, and the impact of equal participation and control of empowerment on community development processes and benefits members. Introduced the idea of the “triple Caroline Moser, To examine the implications of the Uses categories to recognize role of women” in productive, University of “triple role of women” on their girls’ access and schooling needs: reproductive, and community work. London (1999) participation in the development 1) practical needs identified by process. Often used alongside the women and girls themselves Moser Framework Based on argument that gender Harvard Analytical Framework to based on their position in society, planning is both political and technical, understand how women’s roles can and; 2) strategic needs required to and conflict should be assumed in the impact the gender division of labor. change their subordinate position planning process. in society. Analysis of development (women, Rani Parker (1993) To determine the impact that Used as a participatory planning, men, household, community) across development interventions have on design, and evaluation tool, and categories (labor, time, resources, and gender. to raise awareness of gender Gender Analysis culture). Influenced by participatory inequality in the community. Matrix (GAM) To transform gender relations by planning and community-based mobilizing community members processes. to analyze their needs themselves, with the help of a facilitator. Uses a social justice lens for Naila Kabeer To examine gender inequalities To analyze education as a stand- institutional analysis, with a socialist (1990s) in the distribution of resources, alone or state-run service, or feminist background, for improving responsibilities and power, and in relation to other state-run Social Relations human well-being. social relations with institutions. services. Approach To design interventions that place Used for many purposes including women as agents of their own policy development and project development. planning, and at many levels. RES-360⁰: Rapid Assessment Manual 106 Annex D. International and regional human rights instruments that address gender related adversities and education The following treaties, conventions, and covenants include important provisions that can be mobilized to address gender-related violence and gender inequities within education systems: • Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, 1979 (Article 10; General Recommendations 25 and 28) • International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights, 1966 (Articles 2 and 13; General Comments 13 and 16) • Convention on the Rights of the Child, 1989 (Articles 2, 28, and 29; General Comment 1) • International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, 1966 (Articles 2, 3, 24, 25, and 26; General Comment 28) • UNESCO Convention against Discrimination in Education, 1960 (Articles 1, 2, 3, and 4) • African Charter on Human and People’s Rights, 1981 (Articles 2 and 17) • African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child, 1990 (Article 11) • Protocol to the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa, 2003 (Article 12) • African Youth Charter, 2006 (Article 13) • European Convention for the Protection of Human Right and Fundamental Freedoms, 1948; Optional Protocol 1, 1952 and Optional Protocol 12, 2000 (Article 14 of the Convention, Article 2 of the First Protocol, and Article 1 of the Twelfth Protocol) • European Social Charter (revised), 1996 (Articles E, 7, 10, and 17) • Recommendation on Gender Mainstreaming in Education, 2007 • Charter of Fundamental Freedoms of the European Union, 2000 (Articles 14 and 23) • Additional Protocol to the American Convention on Human Rights, Protocol of San Salvador, 1998 (Articles 13 and 16) • Inter-American Democratic Charter, 2001 (Article 16) • Arab Charter on Human Rights, 2004 (Article 41)19 Other Treaties provide importance guidance for different population groups, which can be reviewed for its relevance to the intersection of gender and education outcomes. These include the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities and The Convention on the Rights of Indigenous Persons. 19 Source: http://www.right-to-education.org/issue-page/girls-women#sthash.fqBepfB4.dpuf (accessed May 2014). 107 Transformative Resilience Guide: Gender, Violence and Education The World Bank 1818 H Street, NW 110 Washington DC 20433 USA www.worldbank.org/education/resilience Education Resilience Approaches (ERA) Program educationresilience@worldbank.org