GENDER GAPS IN BOLIVIA AN OVERVIEW GENDER GAPS IN BOLIVIA AN OVERVIEW © 2018 International Bank for Reconstruction and Development / The World Bank 1818 H Street NW Washington DC 20433 Telephone: 202-473-1000 Internet: www.worldbank.org This work is a product of the staff of The World Bank with external contribu- tions. The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed in this work do not necessarily reflect the views of The World Bank, its Board of Executive Directors, or the governments they represent. The World Bank does not guarantee the accuracy of the data included in this work. The boundaries, colors, denominations, and other information shown on any map in this work do not imply any judgment on the part of The World Bank concerning the legal status of any territory or the endorsement or acceptance of such boundaries. Rights and Permissions The material in this work is subject to copyright. Because The World Bank encourages dissemination of its knowledge, this work may be reproduced, in whole or in part, for noncommercial purposes as long as full attribution to this work is given. Any queries on rights and licenses, including subsidiary rights, should be addressed to World Bank Publications, The World Bank Group, 1818 H Street NW, Washington, DC 20433, USA; fax: 202-522-2625; e-mail: pubrights@worldbank.org. TABLE OF CONTENTS List of figures 5 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 7 INTRODUCTION AND OVERVIEW 9 1.1. Purpose and scope 9 1.2. Methodology 10 1.3. Overview findings 11 CHAPTER 1: LEGAL FRAMEWORK AND 17 THE AGENCY OF WOMEN 1.1 Legal and institutional 17 framework for gender equality 1.2 Manifestations of the lack of agency 19 1.2.1 Political representation 19 1.2.2 Violence against women 22 1.2.3 Attitudes towards women 25 CHAPTER 2: ENDOWMENTS 29 2.1 Health 29 2.1.1 Life expectancy, 29 mortality and morbidity 2.1.2 Fertility trends 30 2.1.3 Maternal mortality and 30 access to health services 2.1.4 Contraceptive use and teenage pregnancy 32 2.2 Education 34 2.2.1 Gender gaps in enrolment 34 2.2.2 Attainment/dropout and repetition 35 2.2.4 Factors that explain differences in completion 35 CHAPTER 3: ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES 39 3.1 Labor force participation 39 3.2 Unemployment 41 3.3 Quality of employment 42 3.4 Entrepreneurship and access to finance 43 3.5 Time use and child marriage 44 3.6 Earnings 44 CONCLUSIONS 47 References 49 Annex 1: The legal and institutional framework 51 for gender equality in Bolivia LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1: Key take-aways and priorities identified 11 Figure 2: Gender Inequality Index value 2015 13 Figure 3: Main developments and persistent gender gaps in Bolivia 15 Figure 4: Social Institutions and 18 Gender Index value, LAC 2014 Figure 5: National representation of women (%) 20 Figure 6: National representation 21 of women in Andean countries (%) Figure 7: Local representation of women (%) 21 Figure 8: Femicide rate 2016 23 Figure 9: Experienced violence by partner, 23 % of women +15, 2016 Figure 10: Share of women (married or in couple) 24 who experienced any form of violence by spouse or partner Figure 11: Share of women who agree 26 that a man can punish his wife Figure 12: Fertility rate, total (births per woman) 30 Figure 13: Maternal mortality rate 31 (per 100,000 women), modeled estimate Figure 14: Percentage of births 31 attended by skilled staff Figure 15: Contraceptive use prevalence estimations 33 Figure 16: Adolescent fertility rate 34 Figure 17: Secondary and tertiary 35 education enrolment rates, net Figure 18: Reasons not to be enrolled in education 36 (basic and higher) 2015 Figure 19: Labor force participation 39 Figure 20: Labor force participation in LAC 2015 40 Figure 21: Labor force participation 41 Figure 22: Ni-nis: share of youth (15-24) not enrolled 42 in basic/superior education and out of work Figure 23: Informality 42 (share of workers in informal jobs) Figure 24: Female/male with an account 43 at a financial institution Figure 25: Labor income 45 (hourly wages in nominal LCU) Figure 26: Main pillars and goals - Plan for Equality 54 of Opportunity ¨Women building the New Bolivia, to live well¨ 2008 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This note was prepared under the Gender Analysis work pro- gram (P164267) by Carmen de Paz (Consultant) and Miriam Muller (TTL, Social Scientist). Gonzalo Rivera Gallegos (Consul- tant) provided valuable research assistance. The note benefitted from the inputs from Ana Maria Oviedo (Senior Economist), Ve- ronica Cronembold (Consultant) and peer reviewers Maria Beat- riz Orlando (Lead Social Development Specialist) and Elizaveta Perova (Senior Economist). INTRODUCTION AND OVERVIEW 1.1 PURPOSE AND SCOPE Closing the existing gender gaps will be required to boost shared prosperity and maximize poverty reduction efforts in Bolivia over the coming years. Gender inequities are not only unfair from an ethical and social perspective, but also economi- cally inefficient. Greater gender equality can raise overall produc- tivity, improve development outcomes, especially of the next gen- eration, and lead to more representative decision making.1 According to a study by Teignier and Cuberes (2016), only the long-term average per capita income loss stem- ming from excluding women from labor markets amount- ed to 12.53 percent in Bolivia in 2009. Access to economic opportunities by women is particularly important in the context of a rapidly unfolding demographic transition characterized d by the end of the demographic dividend and population ageing in the country. This review of gender issues aims to uncover the main gender gaps in the country, and to identify potential pol- icy recommendations that could help closing them in the coming years. The note is an input to the development of a Gender Action Plan for the Andean Countries under the Gender Analysis Work Program (P164267). As such the note lays out a descriptive overview of gender gaps in endowments, economic 1 World Bank 2012 9 opportunities and agency – the explanation of sentation and violence against women, time the observed situation is outside the scope of use, and attitudes towards women; Chapter 2 this note. provides an overview the situation with regards to the main endowments of health and educa- 1.2 METHODOLOGY tion; and Chapter 3 deals with the existing gen- der gaps in economic opportunity – labor force The note applies the analytical framework participation and unemployment, the quality devised by the WDR 2012 on Gender Equal- of employment, earnings, entrepreneurship ity and Development. Chapter 1 covers the and access to finance. The main sources of data legal and institutional framework and the issue used for the analysis are outlined below. of the agency of women – e.g. political repre- Sources of data for the analysis • The World Development Indicators World Bank database has been used for the sections on health and education, entrepreneurship and access to finance. • The SEDLAC database has been used for the education and labor markets section. • The ECLAC database has been used for femicide rates and political representation. • Household survey data has been used in the sections on education and labor markets. • A dedicated survey - EPCVcM 2016- has been used for the section on gender-based violence. • World Values Survey data (last wave) have been used in the section on gender attitudes. • Estimations from the UN have been used in the section on contraception use. • The 2014 Perception Survey2 data is used across different sections. This review is the result of the first stage be revised after the completion of stakeholder in the assessment process. The note mainly 2 consultations in the countries; the results of reflects an initial descriptive exercise, and will such consultations will not only help identify additional literature and research on specific 2 World Bank-supported Perception Survey of Gender Dis- issues, but also help to prioritize the key gender crimination and Exclusion that was recently conducted in Bolivia to shed light on women’s capacity to take advan- gaps to be addressed based on the way discus- tage of existing services and economic opportunities. Gender Gaps 10 in Bolivia an overview sions on the issue are currently taking place in instruments in this area, and passed legislation the country. to turn those commitments into domestic laws. The gender gaps with regards to education 1.3 OVERVIEW have substantially diminished over time, while the political representation of women – includ- FINDINGS ing indigenous women – has increased and is Bolivia has made some important advances above the LAC average in most cases, especial- towards the promotion of gender equality ly since the introduction of parity (50 percent in recent years (see Figure 3). The country, quota) in all candidate lists. for instance, has signed relevant international Figure 1: Key take-aways and priorities identified KEY TAKE-AWAYS AND PRIORITIES IDENTIFIED • Women from indigenous peoples groups tend to have much poorer educational out- comes. • Maternal mortality rates are the second highest in the region, in connection with inad- equate access to maternal services especially among rural indigenous populations. 68 percent of maternal deaths affect indigenous women. • Teenage pregnancy rates are high. Over 1 in 5 girls is married by the age of 18. • Women are overrepresented among the ni-ni population and in informal jobs. • Femicide rates are high for regional standards. • Violence against women is persistent: 1 in 2 women report they have suffered physical violence from a partner. The existing support systems appear to be insufficient and in- digenous women are even less likely to reach out to institutional help. Political violence targeting women is widespread. • Women spend four times more time in domestic tasks. • Patriarchal social norms are prevailing. I. Introduction 11 However, some relevant gender equal- It is for instance mostly indigenous women that ity challenges persist (see Figures 1 and do not have effective access to maternal health 3). Violence against women continues to be a services in Bolivia, and also the most affected major social problem, while the country lags by the high maternal mortality ratios registered particularly behind in some important aspects in the country.5 of women´s health – such as sexual and repro- Given these important challenges Bo- ductive rights, maternal mortality, or access to livia ranks low in some international mea- maternal services, which remains especially sures of gender equality. More specifically, limited in rural areas and among indigenous Bolivia´s UNDP gender inequality index value is populations. The inclusion of women in labor above the average in LAC (see Figure 2), which markets has been slow, with women being indicates a comparatively higher level of gen- over-represented in unemployment, informal der inequality in most dimensions considered, work and among ni-nis. Gender disparities in including maternal health, educational attain- labor markets are reflected in the types of jobs ment, teenage fertility, labor force participation that women have and in earning disparities and political representation. The country ranks rather than in participation.3 Political violence 98 out of 188 countries included worldwide in targeting women is also widespread. this index, close to other regional peers such In a country where over half of the popu- as Brazil, Panama or Venezuela but far from lation is of indigenous origin, gender-based the best performers including Uruguay, Cuba, disparities are largely intersected by eth- Costa Rica and Chile.6 Bolivia´s ranking is the nicity. 4 The two main ethnic groups are Aymara poorest only after Venezuela´s among Andean and Quechua, which have their own distinctive (LC6) countries. cultures and values, including those related to the role of women vis-à-vis men. Although gen- 5 World Bank 2015 der disaggregated data that allows differenti- 6 The UNDP methodology considers maternal mortality ating by ethnic origin is not always available, ratios – one of the outcomes where Bolivia performs worst – as the main indicator of gender gaps with regards to there is evidence that indigenous women face health, while the GGGI focuses on healthy life expectancy a compounded disadvantage in Bolivia; as an gaps and sex ratio at birth. While the UN Gender inequality index focuses on maternal mortality ratios, adolescent example, the 2014 Perception Survey finds that birth rate, share of women in parliaments, population with indigenous women feel more exposed to dis- at least some secondary education, and labor force partic- ipation rates, the GGGI uses different indicators, including crimination and indicates the importance of in- the ratio of healthy expectancy, sex ratio at birth, ratios of enrolment at all educational levels, and more detailed ter-sectionality between gender and ethnicity. indicators within each category, for instance relative to income gaps or presence in different occupations in the 3 World Bank 2016b area of labor markets, or share of women ministers in that 4 World Bank 2015 of political representation. Gender Gaps 12 in Bolivia an overview Figure 2: Gender Inequality Index value 2015 0,7 0,6 0,5 0,4 0,3 0,2 0,1 0 Uruguay Cuba Costa Rica Chile Trinidad and Tobago Mexico Saint Lucia Argentina El Salvador Peru LAC Ecuador Colombia Brazil Bolivia (Plurinational … Panama Venezuela (Bolivarian … Honduras Nicaragua Paraguay Dominican Republic Guatemala Haiti Source: UNDP ** 1 imparity, 0 parity Some key takeaways from Consultations held in March 2018 After completion of a first draft of the gender notes for the Andean countries, consultations were held in Bolivia, Ecuador and Peru with local stakeholders (CSO, academia, develop- ment partners) to gather insights, data and information on the key gender gaps and validate the information provided in the notes. The folloring priorities emerged during those consultations: • Gender-based violence, teenage pregnancy, and the low quality economic opportunities were highlighted as priority areas. • The importance of persistent and traditional social norms that identify the role of women in the home as caregivers and not as actively pursuing work and income was referred to strongly and multiple times as one of the drivers behind some of the most pervasive gen- der inequalities observed. 13 • More attention is needed to diminish inequalities between rural and urban women: In fact, national or regional average data may not speak to the many different realities of different women (intersectionality). Knowledge gaps and areas to focus more: • The impact of climate change and resulting migration on gender relations was raised in all three countries as one area where more evidence and knowledge is needed. • Better use of data: Even if gender disaggregated data may be available in countries, sta- tistical offices may not have the capacity to process and analyze it sufficiently. Valuable information hence remains underexplored. • The importance of better data on gender-based violence, including the support in setting up a comprehensive information system between different service providers was also mentioned. • Promoting women’s economic opportunities may have positive preventive effect on gen- der-based violence – which as mentioned is among the key gender priorities in all the three countries visited. • The importance of gender-sensitive infrastructure was also raised. Gender Gaps 14 in Bolivia an overview Figure 3: Main developments and persistent gender gaps in Bolivia BOL STATUS OF GENDER ISSUES IN LC6 COUNTRIES ENDOWMENTS ECONOMIC OPPRTUNITIES AGENCY SUCCESSES AND PROGRESS • Gender gaps in enrolment and • Female labor force participation is • Significant progress has been made on the legal front. completion of primary and lower among the highest in the region. • Political representation of women is high in regional secondary have disappeared. Only • Wage gaps are small by regional terms (50% quota in candidates lists and zipper system). attainment at the post-secondary standards. level appears to be higher for men • Representation of women at the local level has improved. than women. NEW AND PERSISTING CHALLENGES • Women from indigenous peoples • Although the FLFP rate is among the • Some legal differences exist between women and men in groups tend to have much poorer highest in the region, and the gender the country (kinds of jobs that women can do are restric- educational outcomes compared to gap among the smallest, large divi- ted; some exceptions to the legal age of marriage) indgenous men and non-indigenous des exist between indigenous-rural • Feminicide rates seem high by regional standards women. and urban-non-indigenous popu- lations. • Violence against women is persistent and affects a • A major remaining challenge is large share of the female population (1 in 2 women the high prevalence of maternal • Gender gaps in unemployment have report to have ever experienced physical violence from mortality rates - the second highest been growing. their parnter) and is even higher among rural popula- in the region -, in connection with • Women are overrepresented tions. Indigenous women are significantky more prone to inadequate access to maternal servi- among the ni-ni population and in violence from a partner. ces especially among rural indigenous informal jobs (69 percent versus 60 populations. • Concerns about violence against politically active percent). women. • 68 percent of maternal deaths • Women’s presence in firms is high for affect indeigenous women. • GBV: Existing institutional and judiciary support sys- regional standards but they tend to tems appear to be insufficient and indigenous wo- • The prevalence of contraceptive use is concentrate in micro-emterprises men are even less likely to reach out to institutional low for regional standards. or small businesses. help. • Teenage pregnancy rates are high • Women’s access to financial pro- • Women spend four times more in domestic tasks - but in the country if comared to regional ducts including credit is limited. recent data data lacking. levels. • Ethnicity is more important in de- • More than 1 in 5 girls is married by the age of 18. termining the existing wage gaps for indigenous women. • Patriarchal social norms are prevailing. 15 Gender Gaps 16 in Bolivia an overview CHAPTER 1: LEGAL FRAMEWORK AND THE AGENCY OF WOMEN 1.1 LEGAL AND INSTITUTIONAL FRAMEWORK FOR GENDER EQUALITY Substantial progress has been made in building an ade- quate legal and institutional framework for gender equal- ity in the country. Bolivia is signatory to the main internation- al instruments in this area and has put into place very relevant norms for the protection and promotion of gender equality (see Annex 1). Indeed, the country ranks 26 out of 108 countries worldwide in the OECD Social Institutions and Gender Index 2014 (SIGI)7. This indicates a comparatively low level of institu- tional gender inequality, especially with regards to son (vis-à-vis daughter) bias, access to resources and restricted civil liberties. 7 The OECD Development Centre’s Social Institutions and Gender Index (SIGI) is a cross-country measure of discrimination against women in social institutions (formal and informal laws, social norms, and practices). The index covers five dimensions of discriminatory social institutions, spanning major socio-economic areas that affect women’s lives: discriminatory family code, restricted physical integrity, son bias, restricted resources and assets, and restricted civil liberties. The SIGI’s variables quantify discriminatory social institutions such as unequal inheritance rights, early marriage, violence against women, and unequal land and property rights. 17 Figure 4: Social Institutions and Gender Index value, LAC 2014 0,18 0,16 0,14 0,12 0,1 0,08 0,06 0,04 0,02 0 Argentina Cuba Trinidad And Tobago Dominican Republic Panama Venezuela Ecuador Brazil El Salvador Costa Rica Bolivia Paraguay Peru Colombia Honduras Guatemala Jamaica Haiti Nicaragua Source: OECD ** 1 imparity, 0 parity The country ranks medium – indicating a high- in the country´s legislation. The key gap high- er degree of inequality – in the areas of dis- lighted refers to the right of married women to criminatory family law and restricted physical work; the kinds of jobs that women can do are integrity. However, LAC on average shows good also restricted. In addition, there is no legisla- results in the SIGI, and Bolivia still lags behind tion on sexual harassment in public spaces and Venezuela and Ecuador among Andean coun- there are some exceptions to the legal age of tries, although it also fares better than Peru (see marriage (18).9 Figure 4 below). There are specific institutions and pol- However, some legal differences appear icies for the promotion of gender equality to exist between women and men in the in Bolivia, although their capacity appears country. Based on the Women, Business and to be limited. The Deputy Ministry of Equali- the Law 2016 report six gender differences8 exist family status, women cannot do night, hazardous or 8 No quotas in corporate boards are mandated, married arduous jobs, there is not legislation on sexual harassment women cannot get a job the same way as men, the law in public spaces and there are exceptions to the legal age does not mandate nondiscrimination based on gender of marriage (18). in hiring or prohibit prospective employers to ask about 9 World Bank 2016 Gender Gaps 18 in Bolivia an overview ty of Opportunity is the main national agency in this area. The Deputy Ministry is part of the 1.2 MANIFESTATIONS Ministry for Justice and Institutional Transpar- OF THE LACK OF ency. Different sources indicate that the agen- AGENCY cy has access to very limited resources, which constraints its capacity to fulfill the gender 1.2.1 Political representation agenda,10 which revolves around the Plan for The Bolivian legislation mandates a quota Equality of Opportunity ¨Women building the of at least 50 percent of women in all can- New Bolivia, to live well¨ 2008 (see Annex 1). didate lists. In addition, there is a zipper sys- The Unit for Depatriarchalization is also rele- tem that requires political parties to alternate vant for the promotion of gender equality in the genders on candidate lists.14 Quotas generally country. Part of the Deputy Ministry for Decol- strengthen the position of women in political onization in the Culture Ministry, the unit aims parties, increase the number of capable, edu- to develop and formulate depatriarchalization cated women with the necessary professional plans in state institutions and in society at experience in the field of politics and manage- large. Unique in LAC, it however seems to lack ment of states and have a symbolic function the funds or structures needed to more effec- in terms of women’s political participation.15 tively pursue such objective.11 Indigenous Bolivian women’s lobbying to influ- Furthermore, there are certain legisla- ence the content of the new constitution (2009) tion in place for gender budgeting. For exam- contributed to the adoption of quotas, while ple, municipal and autonomous departments helping to strengthen their political participa- have also made gender budgeting efforts. For tion. 16 example, at the end of 2016, 339 municipalities The existence of these measures is like- invested 3.29 percent12 of their total budget in ly to explain to a large degree the much gender, and nine autonomous departments in- higher share of women in parliament in the vested 1.86 percent.13 country compared to the regional average since 2012. Bolivia fares particularly well in this area, even compared to other countries where quotas also exist but are not respected by plac- ing most women candidates at the end of the lists. In 2014, over 53 percent of legislators in 10 Amnesty International 2015, CEDAW 2015 11 Amnesty International 2015 14 World Bank 2016 12 Centro de Promoción de la mujer Gregoria Apaza 2018 15 Poskočilová 2015 13 Centro de Promoción de la mujer Gregoria Apaza 2018b 16 World Bank 2015 19 Figure 5: National representation of women (%) % of women in parliament % of women ministers 80 100 60 80 60 40 40 20 20 0 0 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 I II III Bolivia LAC Men Women Source: ECLAC **I:2005-2009, II: 2009-2014, III:2014-2019 Bolivia were female, much above the shares culture, development, or health. As shown in observed in countries such as Peru, Chile or Figure 6 Bolivia is the second Andean country Ecuador, for instance (see Figure 5, left-hand in share of women ministers only after Chile. graph). As shown in Figure 6 Bolivia is the An- The representation of women at the local dean (LC6) country where the share of women level has also improved in Bolivia over the last parliamentarians is highest. decades. Although the share of women mayors is Women are also represented, although much lower in Bolivia than the regional average - al- to a lower extent, as heads of Ministries. most half of it - the opposite trend can be observed The percentage of women appointed as min- with regards to female municipal councilor posi- isters has increased from 2005-2009 to 2009- tions and women´s representation in top judiciary 2014 and then decreased slightly in 2014, to be- bodies. Only 8.2 percent of elected mayors in 2016 low 30 percent (29.2) (see Figure 5, right-hand were women in Bolivia compared to 13.2 percent on graph). Yet this is probably among the highest average in LAC; at the same time, as many as 51.1 shares of women ministers found in the LAC re- percent of elected councilors were women relative gion.17 Women are heads of the Ministries that to only 28.8 percent in the region. The marked in- are more traditionally associated with female crease in the share of women local councilors in activities or concerns – e.g., communication, 2010 and the increase up to 2016 are likely to be re- 17 https://oig.cepal.org/es/indicadores/poder-ejecutivo-por- centaje-mujeres-gabinetes-ministeriales Gender Gaps 20 in Bolivia an overview Figure 6: National representation of women in Andean countries (%) Female MPs, 2016 Women ministers 2016 53,08 37,96 60,9 72,6 72,2 70,8 27,69 83,7 22,16 15,83 39,1 27,4 27,8 29,2 16,3 Chile Venezuela Perú Ecuador Bolivia Venezuela Perú Ecuador Bolivia Chile Female Male Source: ECLAC Figure 7: Local representation of women (%) % of women mayors % of women local councilors 25 100 20 80 15 60 10 40 5 20 0 0 1998 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014 2016 1998 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014 Bolivia LAC Bolivia LAC 2016 Source: ECLAC lated to the introduction of the 50 percent quota – ily duties as the main reason preventing them from a previous 30 percent (See Figure 7). from engaging in political activities. This obsta- Despite the positive progress observed, cle, together with fear of rejection in the polit- obstacles to women´s participation per- ical environment, was more prevalent among sist. Over one in three women participating in indigenous women; also a larger share of this the 2014 Perception Survey reported their fam- group fears their partner´s disapproval and political violence. Indeed, in Bolivia elected or 21 appointed female representatives still face dis- clusion of “femicide” as a specific aggravated crimination and political violence, oftentimes crime in countries’ legislation. Despite the dif- in the form of intimidation to leave their posi- ficulties in measuring and comparing the inci- tion in local councils so the alternate male can- dence of these types of crimes across countries, didate can take it. 18 related to the lack of capacity, under-reporting, Bolivia has made important efforts to etc., the region appears to have one of the high- curtail political violence in recent years. Bo- est rates of femicide in the world. livia remains the only country that has passed Femicide is also an important social a law specifically prohibiting and criminalizing challenge in Bolivia. Notwithstanding the violence against women in politics (Law 243 of general lack of comparable and accurate infor- May 2012). The Bolivian legislation was the re- mation on the incidence of femicide, the phe- sult of tireless advocacy by the Association of nomenon is being observed in most countries Councilors of Bolivia (ACOBOL) and its allies, in the region including Bolivia. According to the who documented thousands of incidents of existing official data, at 1.9 in 2016, the femicide political harassment around the country, par- rate in the country is very high for regional stan- ticularly in rural areas. The law targets both dards despite the introduction of the new law harassment and physical and psychological in 2013 typifying femicide as a specific crime violence, provides detailed descriptions of the (see Figure 8).20 acts that fall under its purview, and establish- Other forms of violence against wom- es specific administrative, penal, and constitu- en are also widespread in Bolivia. As many tional sanctions. as 50.3 percent of women report to have ever experienced physical violence from their part- 1.2.2 Violence against women ners, 20.7 percent in the last 12 months; the Femicide19 is a concerning phenomenon in share goes up to 69.3 and 39 percent respec- all LAC countries. An escalating number of tively when considering psychological violence violent female homicides committed by men (see Figure 9). Around 61 percent of women in the last two decades have compelled Latin have suffered some form of violence at work, American countries to adopt specific measures and 64.7 percent at school or while in educa- to curtail this phenomenon, especially after the tion. The consequences of violence are very Convention of Belém do Pará, such as the in- negative and far-reaching. The 2014 Perception Survey found that 41 percent of women victims 18 World Bank 2015 19 Femicide is generally understood to involve the in- 20 ECLAC - however, comparability of this data remains ques- tentional murder of women because of their sex, and tionable given the potential differences in capacity and most usually by their current or former partners. efforts to register and monitor these murders as femicides. Gender Gaps 22 in Bolivia an overview Figure 8: Femicide rate 2016 12,0 10,0 8,0 6,0 4,0 2,0 0 España Suriname Chile Costa Rica Perú Venezuela Ecuador Panamá Argentina Paraguay Uruguay Bolivia Guatemala Honduras El Salvador Source: ECLAC Figure 9: Experienced violence by partner, % of women +15, 2016 Ever Over the last 12 months Economic 31,3 Economic 15,1 Sexual 34 Sexual 15,3 Physical 50,3 Physical 20,7 Psychological 69,3 Psychological 39 Source: EPCVcM 201622 of violence report higher levels of fear and de- the incidence of violence. The percentage of pendency as a direct result of the violence they women who experienced violence by a spouse suffered.2122 or partner both ever and in the last 12 months Certain factors including the income lev- is higher among rural than urban populations el, the geographical location or the level (Figure 10, left-hand graph), and lower among of education appear to be associated with women with higher education (see Figure 10, right-hand graph). Physical violence appears 21 World Bank 2014 to be more common among women between 22 Survey dedicated to the issue of violence against women. 23 Figure 10: Share of women (married or in couple) who experienced any form of violence by spouse or partner By location By level of education 82,5 81,1 78,2 71,3 71,2 64,5 47,6 46,3 42,9 42,8 44,1 37 Ever In last 12 months Ever In last 12 months Urban Rural None Primary Secondary Higher Source: EPCVcM 2016 40 and 59 when looking at exposure ever in Survey finds that most women (58 percent) do life. However, in the last 12 months, the share not turn to institutions in situations of violence; is higher for younger age groups, and tends to this share is even higher among indigenous decrease with age. In addition, childhood ex- women: Only 19 percent would search for in- posure to violence is associated with suffering stitutional assistance compared to 22 percent from intimate-partner violence later in life: 75.7 among non-indigenous women. As many as 61 percent of women who were in this situation percent of these women did not seek any type had suffered some form of violence, especial- of help compared to 55 percent of non-indige- ly psychological and physical, when they were nous women.24 children. Indigenous women also appear to be According to civil society and advocacy more likely to become victims of violence; the organizations in the country, the law on 2014 Perception Survey found that over 60 per- violence has not been adequately imple- cent of indigenous women reported this type mented and impunity is rampant. Since of incidents compared to 44 percent among the law came into force only around 250 cas- non-indigenous women.23 es of femicide have been taken to court, with A majority of women victims do not 47 criminals sentenced to the maximum 30 search for institutional help, especially years of imprisonment.25Out of the total num- among indigenous peoples. The Perception 24 World Bank 2015 25 http://news.xinhuanet.com/en- 23 World Bank 2015 glish/2016-09/20/c_135698188.htm Gender Gaps 24 in Bolivia an overview ber of women living any situation of violence 1.2.3 Attitudes towards with their partners in the last 12 months who searched for institutional help, only 67.6 ini- women tiated judiciary procedures, and out of these, Patriarchal social norms regarding the role only 35 percent ended in sanction, whereas of women vis-à-vis men prevail in much 56.4 did not. Furthermore, while 87,718 cases of Bolivia. The prevalence of patriarchal so- were registered by the Public Ministry between cial and gender norms is evidenced by the 2013 and 2016, for violating Law 348, only 36 persistence of traditional views on the roles of percent resulted in a sentence.26 The latest CE- women and men in the family and society at DAW recommendations highlighted the lack of large; the Perceptions Survey 2014, for instance, adequate access to justice for women as one of indicates that one fifth of women strongly the key remaining gaps to be addressed in the agree that men should be the main provider in country, and especially in rural and indigenous the family, and over half that the man should areas. The report also called attention upon the earn more money. In addition, over 30 percent lack of adequate knowledge that many of these of women feel that it is easier for men to find a women have about their own rights. 27 proper job, and 40 percent that it is more diffi- cult for them to receive adequate pay. 31 There are economic costs of gender based violence. According to a study from As a clear and concerning reflection of GIZ in 2015, on average, a company in Bolivia the persistence of gender stereotypes in the loses productivity equivalent to 1.18 working country, a large share of women still justi- days per each assault suffered by a woman or fies violence from their partners. As much committed by a man.28 The cost of violence in as 33.8 percent of women in the whole coun- Bolivian companies considering the produc- try believe that a man can punish his spouse tivity factor is the equivalent to 6.46 percent of or partner when she does not obey him, does Bolivia’s GDP.29 Interestedly, the aggressors are not take good care of the children, is unfaith- more expensive for the companies, represent- ful, goes out too much, talks with other men or ing more than half of these costs: 3.82 percent is not respectful. This percentage increases to of the GDP.30 a significantly high 53.7 percent in rural areas (see Figure 11). 26 Observatorio de Género de la Coordinadora de la Mujer 2018 27 CEDAW 2015 28 GIZ 2015 29 GIZ 2015 30 GIZ 2015 31 World Bank 2015 25 Figure 11: Share of women who agree that a man can punish his wife If she talks with another man If she is disrespectful If she goes out too much If wife is unfaithful If wife does not take good care of children If wife does not obey Total 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 Rural Urban Bolivia Source: EPCVcM 2016 Gender Gaps 26 in Bolivia an overview 27 Gender Gaps 28 in Bolivia an overview CHAPTER 2: ENDOWMENTS 2.1 HEALTH 2.1.1 Life expectancy, mortality and morbidity As observed globally, life expectancy is higher for wom- en than men and has been increasing steadily since 1996 for both groups in Bolivia. Women live on average around 5 years more than men in Bolivia – 71 years compared to only 66. This gap has slightly increased over time: In 1996, the difference amounted to less than 4 years. Both female and male life expec- tancy in Bolivia are however much lower than the average in LAC – 78 and 72 years in 2015, respectively. Mortality rates are correspondingly higher among men than women. Mortality rates are higher in Bolivia for both men and women than the LAC average, although the gender gap is smaller. The main cause of death in Bolivia is cardiovascular and respiratory diseases; determinant risk factors such as smoking and alcohol consumption are more common among men than women (e.g., 48 percent of men smoked compared to 18 percent of women in 2011); on the other hand, obesity rates are much higher among women than men (25.9 compared to 9.6 percent in 2008).32 32 WHO, http://www.who.int/nmh/countries/bol_en.pdf 29 2.1.3 Maternal mortality and Figure 12: Fertility rate, total (births per woman) access to health services 33 Maternal mortality rates are very high for 5 regional standards. There has been a sub- 4,5 4 stantial decrease in maternal mortality since 3,5 1996 (see Figure 13, left-hand graph); yet, the 3 maternal mortality rate in Bolivia, at 206 per 2,5 2 100,000 women in 2015, is the highest in the re- 1,5 gion only after Haiti (see Figure 13, right-hand 1 graph) – and thus much higher than in other An- 0,5 0 dean countries including Peru, Chile, Ecuador and Venezuela. Maternal mortality presents a 1996 1998 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014 strong ethnic component: Most of the maternal Bolivia LAC LMI deaths affect indigenous women – 68 percent according to the last DHS (ENDSA 2008). The Source: WDI incidence of maternal mortality also appears to be higher among women with fewer years of education – less than six – and when the birth 2.1.2 Fertility trends takes place at home.34 The fertility rate in Bolivia is high com- pared to the LAC average (see Figure 12). The The markedly high levels of maternal fertility rate has declined from almost 4.5 births mortality in Bolivia are likely to be associat- per women in 1996 to around 3 in 2015, almost ed with poor access to maternal health ser- at pair with the average for same-income level vices, especially in rural areas and among countries (lower-middle income). The fertility indigenous women. Despite the increase in rate in Bolivia is higher than those registered in the share of births attended by skilled staff in other Andean countries such as Chile (1.8), Peru the last decades, the percentage remains be- (2.5), Ecuador (2.5) and Venezuela (2.3). The low the average for LAC (see Figure 14). Differ- LAC average in 2015 was however much lower – 33 Poorly performing health services disproportionately af- almost 2. The higher fertility rates indicate that fect women. Mothers and daughters often are responsible Bolivia is comparatively at an earlier stage of for caring for the elderly and children when they are sick. In the public system, the lack of an appointment system the demographic transition marked by ageing and frequent stock-outs lead to much loss of time, result- ing in a disproportionate loss of productivity for women, that all countries in the region are undergoing. as cited by the World Bank report . 34 Government of Bolivia 2011 Gender Gaps 30 in Bolivia an overview Figure 13: Maternal mortality rate (per 100,000 women), modeled estimate 400 400 350 350 300 300 250 250 200 200 150 150 100 100 50 50 0 0 1996 1998 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014 Uruguay Chile Costa Rica Mexico Cuba Brazil St. Vincent and the … St. Lucia Argentina El Salvador Trinidad and Tobago Colombia Ecuador Peru Jamaica Dominican Republic Venezuela, RB Honduras Paraguay Bolivia Haiti Bolivia LAC Source: WDI ent sources indicate that important gaps in ac- Figure 14: Percentage of births cess to these and other prenatal services exist attended by skilled staff in rural areas and especially among indigenous women. 35 Indeed, historically, maternal health 94,2 87,3 84,8 indicators have been poorer among rural and 67,3 indigenous populations in Bolivia. The 2013 HHS showed that non-indigenous women gave birth in health institutions to a larger extent than indigenous women. 36 2000 2012-2013 While most women have access to pub- lic facilities, many Bolivian women do not Bolivia LAC utilize the health services. According to the Source: WDI National Survey of Discrimination and Social Exclusion elaborated by “la Coordinadora de 35 Amnesty International 2015, CEDAW 2015 36 World Bank 2015 31 la Mujer”, that surveyed 2620 women between cent women in the relevant age groups used a 15 and 75 years of age, most women had ac- modern contraceptive method - 40 percent in cess to public facilities, such as hospitals.37 Yet urban and 25 percent in rural areas.40 The UN 18 percent of the women did not utilize those estimations provided in the figure indicate that health services. When the women experienced this share had increased to 40 percent in 2015 health conditions such as bleeding, only 18.4 compared to almost 67 percent on average in percent of the women went to a health facili- LAC. Bolivia lags behind other regional peers ty.38The ethnic divide in access to maternal such as Venezuela, Ecuador, Chile and Peru. services is related to different factors. The The adolescent fertility rate has de- use of private hospitals and private insurance is creased significantly since 1996, but still much lower among rural and indigenous wom- remains higher than the regional average en, for instance. Giving birth is expensive, and (see Figure 16). In 2015 70.4 births were regis- access to insurance uneven. Discrimination tered in Bolivia per each 1,000 girls between the also appears to exist: According to the Percep- ages of 15 and 19, compared to 63.7 percent on tion Survey, 20 percent of indigenous women average in LAC. Teenage pregnancy is much report having experienced discrimination when higher in Bolivia than in other Andean countries seeking care compared to 14 percent among such as Peru and Chile, although lower than in non-indigenous.39 Ecuador and Venezuela. The proportion of ad- olescent mothers is consistently higher in rural 2.1.4 Contraceptive use and than in urban areas across countries in LAC– up teenage pregnancy to twice the rate in the case of Bolivia. In Bolivia, The prevalence of contraceptive use in Bo- the law sets the minimum age of sexual consent livia is low for regional standards, espe- at 14 years old. Yet, it also provides that consen- cially compared with other Andean (LC6) sual relationships between adolescents over 12 countries (Figure 15). Although much positive years old will not be punished, if they have no progress has been made over time, the use of more than three years of age difference and no contraceptives is still low in the country, espe- violence nor intimidation was involved.41 Inter- cially in the case of modern methods. Accord- estingly, teenage pregnancy is not more com- ing to the latest DHS (ENDSA 2008) only 35 per- mon among indigenous than non-indigenous populations.42 37 Observatorio de Género de la Coordinadora de la Mujer 2018 38 Observatorio de Género de la Coordinadora de la Mujer 40 Government of Bolivia, 2011 2018 41 UNICEF 2016 39 World Bank 2015 42 World Bank 2015 Gender Gaps 32 in Bolivia an overview Figure 15: Contraceptive use prevalence estimations 100 80 60 40 20 0 Guatemala Panama Argentina Bolivia Chile Venezuela El Salvador Ecuador Mexico LAC Honduras Peru Uruguay Paraguay Colombia Costa Rica Brazil Nicaragua Any methodt Modern methodt Unmet demand for family planning Source: UN 201543 High43rates of adolescent fertility44 in Bolivia is first sexual encounter.45 According to the latest DHS associated with low use of contraceptives. For ex- (ENDSA 2008), 75 percent of adolescent mothers ample, on average, most adolescent mothers gave gave birth maximum two years after their first sex- birth for the first time only 16 months after their ual encounter. In addition, a study conducted on pregnant adolescents in the city of El Alto showed 43 This report presents a concise, descriptive analysis of levels and trends in key family planning indicators from that adolescents do not talk about the use of con- Model-based Estimates and Projections of Family Planning traceptives with their partners because they are em- Indicators 2015 and the data set World Contraceptive Use 2015, representing 195 countries or areas. The Population barrassed or afraid that their partners will perceive Division of the Department of Economic and Social Affairs them as promiscuous.46 of the United Nations Secretariat provides regular updates of the estimates and projections of family planning Teenage pregnancy can have negative indicators as part of its contribution to global monitoring of progress on internationally-agreed targets to achieve consequences. Teenage pregnancy can oper- universal access to sexual and reproductive health. ate as a mechanism for the inter-generational 44 The Bolivian government has taken some action to respond to these high incidences of adolescent fertility. In 2015, the transmission of poverty and vulnerability, as it the Ministry of Justice, along with the Inter-Ministerial Com- can have direct impacts on the education and mittee of Public Policies, launched the Plurinational Plan for the Prevention of Pregnancies in Adolescents and Young People 2015-2020, with the aim of preventing pregnancies 45 INESAD 2016 among women under 20 years of age (INESAD 2016). 46 Lipovsek, et al., 2002 33 Figure 16: Adolescent fertility rate 100 2015 DOM 90 NIC GTM 80 VEN ECU 70 PAN BOL 60 BRA SLV 50 HND ARG 40 MEX PRY 30 CRI URY 20 PER CHL 10 CUB HTI 0 TTO 1996 1998 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014 0 50 100 150 Bolivia LAC Source: WDI employment opportunities available to wom- en. 47 A study from neighboring Ecuador also 2.2 EDUCATION found that teenage pregnancy is often the re- 2.2.1 Gender gaps in sult of the lack of alternative opportunities for young mothers and related aspirations and enrolment agency, together with prevailing social norms No gender gaps exist in access to primary around the role of girls as future mothers and and secondary education in Bolivia, while the normalization of this phenomenon in their at the tertiary level the existing gap is to close environment.48 the advantage of women. The progress made in granting equal access to education for both girls and boys in Bolivia has been significant over time. No relevant gender gaps can be high- lighted with regards to enrolment at the prima- ry and upper secondary levels, while at the ter- 47 UN 2016 48 World Bank 2012 tiary level a small reverse gap exists (see Figure Gender Gaps 34 in Bolivia an overview Figure 17: Secondary and tertiary education enrolment rates, net Secondary enrolment Tertiary enrolment 100 40 80 30 60 20 40 10 20 0 0 1997 1999 2000 2001 2002 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 1997 1999 2000 2001 2002 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2011 2012 2013 2014 Female Male Female Male Source: SEDLAC 17). It must be however noted that Bolivia has rates are higher among both boys and girls in not yet reached 100 percent net enrolment lev- Bolivia than on average in LAC. The gender gap els at any level; enrolment rates are particularly in educational attainment at the post-second- low in the case of tertiary education: Only 36.7 ary level, although diminished, still remains: and 34.6 percent of women and men respec- 25.3 of men compared to 22.7 percent of wom- tively were enrolled in higher education in 2014. en had post-secondary education in 2012. 2.2.2 Attainment/dropout and 2.2.3 Factors that explain repetition differences in completion Gender gaps in attainment are only relevant Based on HHS data, the reasons for both at post-secondary levels of education in Bo- boys and girls not to be in school are differ- livia. The gender gap in completion of prima- ent. The main reasons not to be enrolled in ed- ry education has been almost fully closed over ucation for boys in Bolivia in 2015 – other than time. Primary completion rates are however still having finished studies, being in vacation or in much lower among both boys and girls com- pre-university academies – were work and eco- pared to the regional averages. Gender gaps in nomic problems; for girls, dedication to house- completion of lower secondary education have hold chores was much more important (See also disappeared. In this case, however, the Figure 18). In addition, attainment in general 35 Figure 18: Reasons not to be enrolled in education (basic and higher) 2015 100% Other reasons 90% 80% Dedicated to household chores 70% 60% Not interested in studying 50% 40% Work 30% 20% Economic Problems 10% Finished his/her studies 0% or in Vacation National Male Female Source: HHS seems to be much lower in rural areas, while women compared to 19 among non-indige- the observed gender gap tends to be larger. nous female students. 49 The 2014 Perception Survey also high- Women from indigenous peoples groups lights discrimination as a relevant factor. tend to have much poorer educational out- Domestic work, pregnancy, and work are all comes as compared to both non-indige- operating as obstacles for girls to attain higher nous women and indigenous men.50 Econo- levels of schooling; in addition, around 44 per- metric analysis using 2012 HHS data found that cent of female students who dropped out from indigenous women face an additional disad- school reported that limited financial resources vantage of 8.5 percentage points, which adds forced them to do it. Another important factor up to a difference of 27 percentage points with appears to be discrimination, especially affect- respect to non-indigenous men. Aymara wom- ing indigenous women. According to the 2014 en appear to be particularly disadvantaged: Perception Survey, an average of one in five The gender gap with Aymara men in secondary female students aged 15 to 24 reported hav- completion rates is much larger than among ing felt being discriminated in academic envi- Quechuas. These gaps however appear to have ronments in Bolivia, 25 percent of indigenous diminished over time and across generations. 49 World Bank 2015 50 World Bank 2015, World Bank 2015b Gender Gaps 36 in Bolivia an overview The inter-section of gender and ethnicity for educational outcomes in LAC A recent study explored the impact of gender and ethnicity on educational outcomes in Bolivia, Mexico, Peru, Senegal, and Sierra Leone, using the Integrated Public Use Microda- ta Series-International (IPUMS-I) database. Using an estimation method analogous to dif- ference-in-differences, the paper finds that gender-based differences in literacy, primary school completion, and secondary school completion are larger for minority ethnic groups compared to others, or ethnicity-based differences are larger for women compared to men. The findings suggest that the intersection of gender and ethnicity confers cumulative disad- vantage for minority groups, especially in Latin American – as compared to African - coun- tries. In particular for the Bolivian case, the study finds that a large portion of gender and ethnicity based gaps in literacy are borne by ethnic minority women. Ethnic minority wom- en face an additional 7.3 percentage disadvantage because of the intersection of gender and ethnicity. In addition, ethnicity has the largest impact in sorting individuals into the ¨completed primary education¨ category. The main factors explaining their persistency the centre and perceived related risks. 51 There is include early pregnancy and marriage, lack of further evidence that ethnicity-based differenc- separate toilets for girls in schools, distance to es are larger for women than for men (see over). 52 51 World Bank 2015 52 Tas et al. 2014 37 Gender Gaps 38 in Bolivia an overview CHAPTER 3: ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES 3.1 LABOR FORCE PARTICIPATION The gap in labor force participation between men and women in Bolivia has increased in recent years, although it remains small in regional comparison (See Figure 19). Women participate in the labor market at a much lower rate than men: In 2015, only 54.3 percent of women were working or actively looking for a job compared to 78.7 percent of men. Figure 19: Labor force participation 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 Male Female Male Female Male Female 2006 2011 2015 All ages Ages 15-24 Source: HHS 39 Figure 20: Labor force participation in LAC 2015 120 100 80 60 40 20 0 Guatemala (2014) Honduras Mexico (2014) Dominican Rep. El Salvador Costa Rica Nicaragua (2014) Chile Argentina Ecuador Brazil (with Rural … Panama Bolivia Paraguay Colombia Uruguay Peru Female Male Source: SEDLAC More importantly, the female labor force par- Different factors appear to be associated ticipation rate in Bolivia appears to have de- with the gender gap in labor force participa- creased in the last decade, while the gender tion. The difference in participation in the labor gap has widened: 24.4 percentage points in market between men and women is larger among 2015 compared to only 18 percentage points in those living with cohabitants and married due to 2006. However, the female labor force partici- the much higher labor force participation of men pation in Bolivia is among the highest in LAC, in these cases; the gap is lowest among those that while the gap between men and women is also never married, largely in connection with much low- among the smallest, only after Peru and much er male labor force participation. These differences ahead of other Andean countries such as Chile seem to have kept constant for the last decade (see or Ecuador (see Figure 20). Indeed, the inclu- Figure 21, left-hand graph). The gender gap in labor sion of women into paid activities has been the force participation also tends to be higher when main driver of overall increases in labor force there are children, since male labor force participa- participation rates in recent years.53 tion increases, and especially when they are 0-3 and 3-6 years old. Women without children show higher rates than the other groups – by between 5.4 and 53 World Bank 2015b 10.2 percentage points (see Figure 21, right-hand Gender Gaps 40 in Bolivia an overview Figure 21: Labor force participation By civil status By children 120 100 100 80 80 60 60 40 40 20 20 0 0 Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female 2006 2011 2015 2006 2011 2015 Cohabitants Without children<=15 in the HH Married With children<3 in the HH Divorced, separated, widowed With children btw 3-6 in the HH Never Married (i.e single) With children btw 7-15 in the HH Source: HHS graph). Women also show higher labor force partic- than a woman, and 40 percent consider it more ipation rates when living in female-headed house- difficult for women to receive adequate pay.55 holds as compared to those headed by men. Gender-based discrimination appears 3.2 UNEMPLOYMENT to be widespread in labor markets in Bo- The gender gap in unemployment rates has livia.54 Based on the 2014 Perception Survey been growing since the 1990s. Unemploy- almost one quarter of all women report having ment rates have fluctuated for both men and experienced an episode of discrimination when women over the last two decades. However, looking for employment or at work; this per- they have always kept higher among the latter. centage is higher among indigenous women The gender gap in 2015 amounted to 2.9 per- (27 compared to 23 percent among non-indig- centage points, up from 1.2 in 1997. enous respondents). The aspirations of women may be affected by the perception of such dis- Women are also disproportionately rep- crimination. In addition, 31 percent of women resented among the ni-nis. Most of the pop- believe that it is easier for a man to get a job ulation of young people who are neither work- ing nor studying (ni-nis) is female. The share of 54 World Bank 2015, World Bank 2015b 55 World Bank 2015 41 Figure 22: Ni-nis: share of youth Figure 23: Informality57 (share (15-24) not enrolled in basic/ of workers in informal jobs) superior education and out of work 90 80 25 70 20 60 50 15 40 10 30 20 5 10 0 0 2006 2011 2015 1997 2000 2002 2006 2008 2011 2013 2015 Male Female Male Female Source: HHS Source: SEDLAC young women (15-24 years old) that was in this and services,57which tend to be more informal.58 situation in 2015 was close to three times that Indeed, informality is more common among wom- of male ni-nis. The percentage of both women en than men: In 2015 69.8 percent of women were and men - but especially the former - affected engaged in informal jobs compared to 60.7 percent by this phenomenon has been increasing since of men (see Figure 23). In addition, women work on 2006 (see Figure 22). average 6.9 hours less than men per week, which may be an indication of their over-representation in 3.3 QUALITY OF part-time work or their more frequent engagement in precarious contracts (e.g., temporary). It must be EMPLOYMENT noted that the willingness to change jobs among It is in the quality of employment that gender those employed is however higher among men than disparities become more evident in the Bolivian women: In 2015, 10.7 percent of men compared to context. As an example, one in three women was 9.2 percent of women expressed a desire to change in conditions of vulnerable employment56 in 2015, jobs or increase the amount of hours worked. which is more than twice the average rate for the LAC 57 SEDLAC productive definition: An individual is considered an informal worker if (s)he belongs to any of the following region. Women are also over-represented in trade categories: (i) unskilled self-employed, (ii) salaried worker in a small private firm, (iii) zeroincome worker. 56 Unpaid family workers and own-account workers. 58 World Bank 2015b Gender Gaps 42 in Bolivia an overview Employment of rural women 72 percent of employed rural women are involved in agricultural activities. However, in general, women have less access to land and when they have it, it is land of lower quality. According to the 2013 Agricultural Census, only 6 of 31 million hectares of Agricultural Pro- duction Units (UPA) were owned or used by women. Furthermore, approximately 800,000 women were employed in the agricultural sector in 2015. Yet women employed in the sector receive a 50 percent lower labor income than men.59 3.4 women. As an example, and although the per- centage of women with an account in a finan- ENTREPRENEURSHIP cial institution has increased between 2011 and AND ACCESS TO 2014, it still remains low – and below the LAC FINANCE 59 average (See Figure 24). In 2014, only 38 percent of women had an account at a financial institu- Female entrepreneurship faces particular tion compared to 44 percent among men. constraints. Around 60 percent of female firm owners perceive child and family care respon- sibilities60 to be an obstacle to firm operation and growth.61 Female entrepreneurship concen- Figure 24: Female/male with an trates among small-sized businesses: 84 percent account at a financial institution of female-owned firms are microenterprises, 60 with fewer than five employees, and 15 percent 50 are small enterprises (5 to 19 employees).62 40 Access to financial products and thus 30 credit seems to be limited for Bolivian 20 59 CIAG 2017 10 60 According to the study “The situation of women in Bolivia: 0 National survey of discrimination and social exclusion” Female Male Female Male by the Coordinadora de la Mujer (2014), the care work Bolivia Bolivia LAC LAC demands the following hours from women: child care (1760 hours), the sick (184 hours), the elderly (400 hours), 2011 2014 and people with disabilities (114 hours) (Observatorio de Género de la Coordinadora de la Mujer 2018) 61 World Bank 2015b, 2007 Micro-enterprise Survey Source: WDI 62 World Bank 2015 43 The impacts of child marriage Child marriage has large impacts on a wide range of development outcomes for the girls who are married early, their children and families, and societies at large. Child brides are at greater risk of experiencing a range of poor health outcomes, having children at younger ages when they are not yet ready to do so, dropping out of school, earning less over their lifetimes and living in poverty com- pared to their peers who marry at later ages. Child brides may also be more likely to experience in- timate partner violence, have restricted physical mobility, and limited decision-making ability. Most fundamentally, child brides may be disempowered in ways that deprive them of their basic rights to health, education and safety.65 3.5 TIME USE AND tively in2016. Despite the potentially negative effects of child marriage (see below), the legis- CHILD MARRIAGE lation of the country has not totally prohibited A majority of unpaid work is carried out them. The minimum age of marriage is 14 for by women in Bolivia even when at times girls and 16 for boys in Bolivia. A parent or a they appear to have different preferences. guardian must approve marriages between ad- Canelas and Salazar (2014) show that Bolivian olescents under 18. It must be noted that in LAC women spend on average four times more time marriages at this age are often driven by the performing domestic tasks than men. Based on lack of other options and by social norms that the results of a Perceptions Survey in 2014, 43 place a strong value in early family formation.65 percent of Bolivian women on average would work and 26 percent would study if they had more time at their disposal.63 3.6 EARNINGS Although women have lower hourly wages Child marriage is still common in Bolivia, than men in Bolivia, the difference is rel- especially in rural and indigenous areas of atively small. In 2015, men´s hourly wages the country. According to the last survey data were 4 percent higher than those of women. available (DHS 2008), 3 percent of girls are mar- This gap is small when compared to other LAC ried before they turn 15 years old, and as many countries; for instance in Peru it amounted to as 22 percent before they are 18 years old.64 The 19 percent, around 11 percent in Venezuela averages for LAC were 5 and 23 percent respec- and 17 percent in Chile (See Figure 25). Hour- 63 World Bank 2015 64 UNICEF 65 Wodon et al. 2017 Gender Gaps 44 in Bolivia an overview ethnicity is more important in determining the Figure 25: Labor income (hourly existing wage gaps for indigenous women. So- wages in nominal LCU) cial norms may partly explain the prevalence 20 of wage gaps.6869 Wage gaps between men and 18 women are highest in state-owned enterprises 16 and in cities.70 14 12 10 8 6 4 2 0 1997 1999 2000 2001 2002 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 Male Female Source: SEDLAC ly wages have grown at a much lower rate over the last decade among women than men.66 However, the gap in monthly income is much higher – around 22 percent in 2015. The returns to secondary and college education appear to be higher for women than men; on the other hand, the salaries of men with primary educa- tion tend to be higher than those of women.67 68 World Bank 2015 Although much of the earning gap is related to 69 In a study on gender and ethnic disparities in labor earn- occupational segregation, these results high- ings in Latin America and the Caribbean, Hugo Nopo finds that women’s lower access to well-paid jobs or combi- light an important market failure. Indigenous nations of observable characteristics contribute to the women tend to be found in lower paid jobs earnings gap in Bolivia. Being indigenous and women are unfavorable conditions when entering the labor market than non-indigenous women. Several studies and securing earnings. For example, while the original confirm that ethnicity-related gaps are larger gender earnings gap in 2007 was -5.5 percent (in the favor of women), the ethnic earnings gap was originally 30.8 than those associated with gender, and that percent and 35.6 percent after controlling for gender and age in 2005. 66 World Bank 2015 70 Observatorio de Género de la Coordinadora de la Mujer 67 SEDLAC, Mincer equations; World Bank 2015b 2018 45 Gender Gaps 46 in Bolivia an overview CONCLUSIONS Main messages: • Bolivia has registered good progress in recent years in setting up an adequate legal and institutional framework for gender equality; however, enforcement and capacity challenges re- main. The country has also fared particularly well with regards to female representation in political institutions, although women still face particular barriers such as political violence. • The femicide rate and the incidence of violence against wo- men are concerning in Bolivia; moreover, access to institutio- nal support for women victims is deficient, especially among rural and indigenous women. This may be related to preva- lent social norms: A large share of women appear to justify violence in the country. • Educational gaps have disappeared over time, although they still affect indigenous populations. • Maternal mortality rates especially affecting indigenous wo- men are strikingly high, in connection with inadequate access to maternal health services among these populations. Teena- ge pregnancy rates are also high for regional standards. • Female labor force participation rates are comparatively high; however, female disadvantages in labor markets manifest in the form of a disproportionate representation in unemploy- ment, informality, and generally vulnerable jobs. In addition, a much larger share of women than men are ni-nis. • Finally, gender gaps in hourly wages deserve attention; indi- genous women, once again, face a double disadvantage in this regard. 47 Knowledge gaps: • It is also relevant to study the specific dyna- • There is a need to properly understand the mics leading to high rates of teenage preg- existing capacity and enforcement challen- nancy in the country. ges that prevent the application of the exis- • It would be useful to obtain detailed infor- ting laws and the implantation of gender mation on women´s entrepreneurship and policies. their presence in firms in Bolivia, as well as • It would also important to further explore the on women´s obstacles in this area. real incidence of femicide and other forms of • The gap in earnings remains unclear – diffe- violence in the country, and the barriers that rent sources point to diverse results. It would women victims face to reach support, espe- also be important to clarify what is driving cially in rural areas and among indigenous these differences. populations. • Finally, operational teams point to the need • There is a need to investigate the factors ex- for more sectoral-specific gender analysis, plaining gaps in access to educational and concretely related to water and sanitation. health services by indigenous populations. Gender Gaps 48 in Bolivia an overview References Amnesty International (2015). Bolivia Briefing to the UN Commit- tee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women. CEDAW (2015). Observaciones finales sobre los informes periódi- cos quinto y sexto combinados del Estado Plurinacional de Bolivia. Centro de Promoción de la mujer Gregoria Apaza (2018). ¿Cuánto se invirtió en Género el 2016? Ranking municipal de inversión en igualdad y equidad de género en Bolivia 2016. Centro de Promoción de la mujer Gregoria Apaza (2018b). Rank- ing de Gobernaciones Inversión en Igualdad y Equidad de Género ¿Cuánto se invirtió en género el 2016? CIAG (2017). Energy, climate change and productive develop- ment with gender perspective. GIZ (2015). Los costos empresariales de la violencia contra las mujeres en Bolivia. Government of Bolivia. (2008). Plan Nacional de Igualdad de Oportunidades (PIO). La Paz: Government of Bolivia. INESAD (2016). El ABC del desarrollo in Bolivia. Lipovsek V, et al (2002) Correlates of adolescent pregnancy in La Paz, Bolivia: findings from a quantitative-qualitative study. Nopo (2012). New Century, Old Disparities: Gender and Ethnic Earnings Gaps in Latin America and the Caribbean. Observatorio de Género de la Coordinadora de la Mujer (2018). Boletín Estado de Situación de las Mujeres en Bolivia. 49 Tas, E.O. et al. (2014). Gender, Ethnicity, and Cu- Children´s Investment Fund Foundation, mulative Disadvantage in Education Out- Global Partnership for Education. comes. World Development Volume 64, World Bank (2015). Bolivia: Challenges and December 2014, Pages 538-553. Constraints to Gender Equality and Wom- Teigner and Cuberes (2016). Aggregate Effects en’s Empowerment. The World Bank. of Gender Gaps in the Labor Market: A World Bank (2015b). Bolivia Systematic Country Quantitative Estimate. Journal of Human Diagnostic: Rebalancing Inclusive Growth Capital, 2016, vol. 10, no. 1. to Deepen Gains on Poverty and Inequal- UN (2015). Trends in Contraceptive Use World- ity Reduction. The World Bank. wide 2015. World Bank (2012). Teenage Pregnancy and Op- Wodon et al. (2017). Ending child marriage: portunities in LAC. The World Bank. Child Marriage Laws and their Limita- World Bank (2016). Women, Business and the tions. The World Bank, Save the Children, Law. The World Bank. Gender Gaps 50 in Bolivia an overview Annex 1: The legal and institutional framework for gender equality in Bolivia LEGAL FRAMEWORK: INTERNATIONAL DIMENSION Different international treaties - ratified and incorporated to the national legislation - operate as the framework for the integration of gender equality in government policies in Bolivia. The most relevant include: 1. The International Covenant for Civil and Political Rights, ratified in 1992, which established the commitment of the State to ensure that women and men enjoy equal political and civil rights. 2. The Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Dis- crimination against Women (CEDAW) and its Protocol were passed in 1990, and mandate that member states adopt the necessary measures to prevent, investigate and punish discri- mination against women. 3. The Inter-American Convention to Prevent, Sanction and Eradicate Violence against Women - Convención Belém Do Pará71 - was approved in 1994, and recognizes that gender 71 The Belém do Pará Convention entered into force on March 5, 1995 and was the world’s first binding international treaty to recognize that violence against wom- en constitutes a violation of human rights. As a legally binding treaty, the Belém 51 based violence constitutes a serious viola- 10. Inter-American program on the promo- tion of human rights that the States need to tion of the human rights of women and prevent, punish and eradicate. gender equality and equity adopted in 4. The statute of Rome for the Internatio- 2000 (OEA). nal Court approved in 2002 recognizes any 11. The Mexico Consensus73 adopted in 2004. sexual aggression and trafficking as crimes 12. The Quito Consensus74, adopted in 2007. against humanity. 13. The Brasilia Consensus75, adopted in 2010. 5. The UN Convention against Organized Crime approved in 2001 establishes the obligation of States to assist and protect the LEGAL FRAMEWORK: victims of trafficking. NATIONAL 6. ILO Conventions – Convention 100 on DIMENSION equality of remuneration, 111 on discrimina- The main norms that guarantee the right to tion, 122 on employment policy and 156 on equality between men and women include: workers with family responsibilities. Other international commitments are: 73 Regional Consensus adopted after the Ninth Regional Conference on Women in Latin America and the Caribbean 7. The Beijing Platform for Action adopted 72 held in Mexico City in June 2004. The governments of the in 1995 and the new related measures adop- region renewed their commitment to continue adopting measures aimed at the advancement of women´s rights, ted in 2000. incorporating a gender perspective into public policies, adopting proactive policies for job creation, recognizing 8. The Millennium Development Goals the economic value of domestic work, guaranteeing sexual and reproductive rights, curtailing violence against wom- approved in 2000 and the Sustainable De- en, or addressing HIV/AIDS, among others. velopment Goals approved in 2015. 74 The Consensus followed the Tenth Regional Confer- ence on Women in Latin America and the Caribbean 9. The Action Framework of Dakar on educa- held in Quito, Ecuador, in August 2007. The Consen- tion adopted in 2000. sus focused on two strategic issues: i) political par- ticipation and gender parity in decision-making at all levels, and ii) the contribution of women to the economy and social protection, especially in relation do Pará Convention not only condemns violence against to unpaid work. Representative governments estab- women as an assault on human dignity but also outlines lished specific measures to overcome gender dis- states’ obligations to eliminate it. crimination in political participation, employment, 72 The Beijing Platform for Action, adopted at the UN’s education, health and the economy. Fourth World Conference on Women (Beijing, China, 1995), 75 Government leaders agreed to facilitate women’s access flagged 12 key areas where urgent action was needed to new technologies, promote a democratic and non-dis- to ensure greater equality and opportunities for women criminatory media, improve health and sexual and repro- and men, girls and boys. It also laid out concrete ways for ductive rights of women, and promote international and countries to bring about change. regional cooperation for gender equity. Gender Gaps 52 in Bolivia an overview • The Constitution (2009) recognizes the right affect women directly or indirectly in the de- to equality and non-discrimination based velopment of their public or political func- on sex. tions. • Ley 26, Ley del régimen electoral 2010 man- • Ley 1.678, 1997 modifies the Criminal Code dates a 50 percent quota in all candidates to include sexual violence. lists and in the directive bodies of parties. • Ley 2494 de 4 de agosto de 2003 modifies the • Decreto supremo N° 2480 establishes the Criminal Code to allow abortion in cases of universal prenatal subsidy for pregnant mo- health risk to the mother, and also when the thers that are not registered with any social pregnancy is the result of rape. insurance. • Ley 263, ley integral contra la trata y tráfico • Decreto Supremo de 24 de mayo de 1939, de personas 2012 aims to fight the traffic- which approves the General Law for Work, king of women. turned into law in 1942, and updated in 1992, establishes maternal benefits and lea- ve for mothers. POLICIES: The National Plan for Equality of Opportu- • Ley Nacional Nº 065, Pension Law, establi- nity ¨Women building the New Bolivia, to shes special provisions to protect women live well¨2008 is the main strategic guid- with children. ance in this area. The Plan is the outcome of • Ley 348 Integral para garantizar a las mu- a long process of consultations with women´s jeres una vida libre de violencia 2013 – Law associations across the country, and identifies that guarantees women a life free of violen- the main challenges with regards to gender ce, aims to establish mechanisms, measures equality, also outlining a long-term strategy to and policies to prevent violence and assist overcome them. The Plan includes different pil- and protect women in this situation, and the lars: (1) Economic, productive and labor mar- prosecution and sanction of aggressors. It kets, (2) Education, (3) Health, (4) Violence and incorporates femicide to the Crimnial Code (5) Citizenship and political participation. The (art 7). specific goals under each of these are detailed • Ley Nº 243 de 28 de mayo de 2012, Ley contra in Figure 26. The latest CEDAW recommenda- el acoso y violencia política hacia las mujeres tions highlight the lack of resources allocated – law against the harassment and political to the implementation of the Plan as a key chal- violence towards women prevents acts and lenge moving forward.76 behaviors of harassment and violence that 76 CEDAW 2015 53 Figure 26: Main pillars and goals - Plan for Equality of Opportunity ¨Women building the New Bolivia, to live well¨ 2008 First: Economic, productive and labor markets Promote the employment rights of women and their access to a decent job Promote women´s access to natural resources, productive resources and public services Promote women´s access to assets, training and technology Re-distribute family care tasks between men and women and between the State and the fami- lies Second: Education Eradicate illiteracy among women. Increase access for girls, female teenagers and youth to the formal and alternative education system. Incorporate a gender perspective into the educational revolution. Create opportunities for the professionalization and training of women in all areas. Third: Health Widen the coverage of health services for women. Promote the sexual and reproductive rights of women. Fourth: Violence Contribute to the eradication of violence against women. Fifth: Citizenship and political participation Promote effective mechanisms to protect the citizenship rights of women. Promote and protect the political participation of women in different decision spheres. Build and strengthen the institutions to promote gender equality. Gender Gaps 54 in Bolivia an overview 55