Morocco Mind the Gap Empowering Women for a More Open, Inclusive and Prosperous Society June 30, 2015 Middle East and North Africa Morocco Mind the Gap Empowering Women for a More Open, Inclusive, and Prosperous Society June 30, 2015 Middle East and North Africa Cover and text pages designed by The Word Express, Inc. Cover photo by cdrin/Shutterstock.com. TABLE OF CONTENTS Abbreviations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ix Acknowledgements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xi Executive Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xiii Chapter 1.  Social and Human Development Country Context . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 Steady Progress in Terms of Poverty Reduction and Human Development Indicators . . . . . . . . . . . 1 Women are Particularly Affected by the Lack of Socio-Economic Progress in Many Areas . . . . . . . . 4 Education and Health . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 Extremely Biased Allocation of Time Within the Household Significantly Reduces Women’s Ability to Control Their Time . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8 Subjective Wellbeing and Women’s Perceptions of Values in Life . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 The Role of Women in the Society: Gender Stereotypes and Beliefs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10 Chapter 2.  Women’s Economic Participation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13 Women’s Economic Empowerment is at an Early Stage, and Female Economic Participation is among the Lowest in the World . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13 Female LFP and its Evolution . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13 A Profile of Active/Inactive Women . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14 Which Factors are Behind Declining Trends in FLFP? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19 The Slow Pace of Economic Growth is One of the Main Reasons Behind Low FLFP, Together with Demographic Factors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19 Intra-household Dynamics and Agency in Decision Making as Correlates of Female Labor Force Participation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22 Policy Implications . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32 Conclusions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36 Chapter 3.  Economic Growth, Structural Transformation, and Gender Inequality in the Labor Market . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37 Structural Transformation and Women in Morocco . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37 Women in Employment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39 Gender Differences in Labor Market Transitions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45 iii iv MOROCCO: MIND THE GAP – EMPOWERING WOMEN FOR A MORE OPEN, INCLUSIVE, AND PROSPEROUS SOCIETY Which Constraints Impede Job Market Opportunities For Women? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47 Policy Recommendations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52 Chapter 4.  Women and the Law in Morocco: Access to Economic Assets, Voice and Political Participation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57 Women’s Legal Equality . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57 Legislative Reforms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58 Continuing Legislative Inequality . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 59 Social Norms and Legal Equality . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 59 Women’s Agency, Legal Equality and Social Norms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 60 Control of Economic Assets . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61 Access to Bank Accounts, Credit Cards, and Loans . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61 Earning and Controlling Income . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 62 Access to Land . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 62 Social Security Benefits . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 63 Marital Property . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 64 Family and Personal Life . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65 Marriage . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 66 Divorce . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 67 Child Custody and Child Support . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68 Family Books . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68 Maternity Leave . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69 Violence against Women . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69 Nationality . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 72 Freedom of Movement . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 72 Single Mothers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 72 Voice and Political Participation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 73 Promoting Access to Justice . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 74 Policy Implications and Conclusions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76 Chapter 5.  Conclusions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 79 Expand Economic Opportunities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 79 Closing Gender Gaps in Voice and Agency . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 80 Mainstreaming Gender into Policies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 81 Annexes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83 Annex 1 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83 Education and Health . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83 Subjective Well-being . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87 Annex 2.1 Regression Results for Intra-household Dynamics and Women Agency and Participation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89 Annex 2.2 The Morocco Household and Youth Survey (MHYS) Description . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 93 Annex 3 Women in Employment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 94 Annex 4.1 Qualitative Survey . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 100 Annex 4.2 Questionnaires for Focus Groups and Structured Interviews . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 102 References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 113 Table of Contents v List of Figures Figure 1.1:  orocco: GDP Per Capita, 1960–2012 (in constant 2005 US$) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 M Figure 1.2: Evolution of Poverty and Vulnerability Trends . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 Figure 1.3a: Primary Completion Rate (2012) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 Figure 1.3b: Literacy Rates (2012) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 Figure 1.3c: Adolescent Fertility Rate (births per 1,000 women ages 15–19) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 Figure 1.3d: Maternal Mortality Ratio (modeled estimate, per 100,000 live births) . . . . . . . . . . . 3 Figure 1.4: Spatial Disparities Remain a Serious Concern . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 Figure 1.5: Enrollment among Population by Gender, Age-Group and Consumption Per Capita Quintiles in 2007, % . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5 Figure 1.6: Education Level by Gender and Urban/rural . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5 Figure 1.7a: Legacy of Low Enrollment Rates for Primary Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6 Figure 1.7b: Combined with High Drop-out Rates (Female Drop-out Rates, Primary Education) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6 Figure 1.7c: Have Led to High Illiteracy Rates . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6 Figure 1.7d: A Large Stock of Uneducated Women (and Men) (millions) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6 Figure 1.8: Extent to Which Women Can Access Medical Services . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7 Figure 1.9: HOI and Coverage Rates for Health Services Related Opportunities, 2007 . . . . . . . 8 Figure 1.10: The Contribution of Circumstances to Opportunities (Shapley Decomposition), 2007 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8 Figure 1.11: Life Satisfaction, Happiness, Financial Satisfaction, and Sense of Freedom and Control Over Lives in Morocco Across Genders, 2011 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10 Figure 1.12: Importance of Different THings in Life in Morocco Across Genders, 2011 . . . . . . . 10 Figure 1.13: Views on Gender Related Statements Across Men and Women in Morocco, 2011 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11 Figure 1.14: Percent of Population Agreeing with the Statement that Men Should Have a Priority if Jobs are Scarce in Morocco, 2001 and 2011 . . . . . . 12 Figure 2.1: Morocco is Below the U Curve, Given the Level of Income . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14 Figure 2.2: Female Labor Force Participation by Five-Year Cohorts  (World, MENA, Morocco) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15 Figure 2.3a: Change in FLFP 2000–2010 Rural . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15  Figure 2.4a: Morocco is Not at a Front Runner Even Within the MENA Region . . . . . . . . . . . 16 Figure 2.4b: Female LFP in Morocco Has Not Changed in the Past Two Decades . . . . . . . . . . . 16 Figure 2.4c: Activity Rates in 2011 by Rural/Urban . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16 Figure 2.5a: Labor Force Participation Within Population Aged 15–29 by Education Category . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17 Figure 2.5b: Labor Force Participation Within Population Aged 30–64 by Education Category . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17 Figure 2.6: Education Increases the Likelihood of Women Joining the Labor Force . . . . . . . . . 17 Figure 2.7a: Unemployment Rates by Education (Age 15–29) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18  Figure 2.7b:  Unemployment Rates by Education (Age 30–64) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18 Figure 2.7c:  Length of Unemployment Spells by Location . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18 Figure 2.7d: Long Term Unemployment (More than 12 Months) by Education and Location . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18 Figure 2.8: Probability of Participation by Age Cohort and Marital Status (b) (Rural vs Urban) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21 vi MOROCCO: MIND THE GAP – EMPOWERING WOMEN FOR A MORE OPEN, INCLUSIVE, AND PROSPEROUS SOCIETY Figure 2.9: W ho Makes Decisions about Female Employment? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22 Figure 2.10: W omen Not Seeking Paid Employment Because Husband or Father do Not Allow (%) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22 Figure 2.12: Work Agency and Employment Status of Women . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23 Figure 2.11: Agency to Spend Earned Income Evolves Over Stages of Life . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23 Figure 2.13: Correlation Between Agency to Work and other Aspects of Agency . . . . . . . . . . . . 26 Figure 2.14: Scatter Plot of Public Opinion and Female Labor Force Participation – Selected Countries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27 Figure 2.15: Legal discrimination and female labor force participation – selected Countries . . . 27 Figure 2.16: Percentage of Women with Full Agency in Employment by Region . . . . . . . . . . . . 29 Figure 2.17: Changes in Male and Female Contribution to Housework in Developed Countries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31 Figure 3.1:  Labor Productivity Trends (2000–2011) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38 Figure 3.2:  Labor Productivity Decomposition: Structural Change Did Play a Role . . . . . . . . 38 Figure 3.3: Structural Transformation in Morocco (from 2000 to 2011) Led to Increased Labor Productivity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38 Figure 3.4:  Relative Labor Productivity and Employment Share by Economic Sectors – 2011 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39 Figure 3.5: The Effects of Structural Changes Did Not Equally Benefit Men and Women . . . . 40 Figure 3.6: Labor Mobility Across Sectors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 46 Figure 3.7: The Contribution of Circumstances to Opportunities (Shapley Decomposition), 2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48 Figure 3.8: The Contribution of Circumstances to Opportunities (Shapley Decomposition), 2007 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48 Figure 3.9: Kernel Density of Log of Monthly Wage Earnings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49 Figure 4.1: Gender Equality in Rights is an Essential Characteristic of Democracy, Percentage Agreeing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58 Figure 4.2: Social Norms, Men Versus Women . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 60 Figure 4.3: Men Should have More Rights THan Women to Scarce Jobs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 60 Figure 4.4: Men Make Better Business Executives THan Women . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 60 Figure 4.5: Use of Bank Accounts and Bank Cards . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61 Figure 4.6: Use of Accounts at Formal Financial Institutions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61 Figure 4.7: Attitudes Towards Women’s Control of Income . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 62 Figure 4.8: Percentage of Agricultural Holdings Headed by Women . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 62 Figure 4.9: Attitudes Towards Reform of the Moudawanna . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 66 Figure 4.10: Rejection of Request for Marriage by Family Members . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 67 Figure 4.11: Types of Divorce . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68 Figure 4.12: Reported Incidence of Physical and/or Sexual Violence, Over Lifetime . . . . . . . . . 70 Figure 4.13: Reported Rates of Violence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 70 Figure 4.14: Rates of Violence Against Women, by Type and Location . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 71 Figure 4.15: Filing of Complaints for Violence Against Women, Urban Versus Rural . . . . . . . . 71 Figure 4.16: Attitude Towards Violence Against Wives in Morocco and Selected Comparators, circa 2011 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 71 Figure 4.17: Women’s Movement Outside of the Home, Urban versus Rural . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 72 Figure 4.18: Women Seeking Permission to Travel Outside of the Home, Urban versus Rural . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 72 Table of Contents vii Figure 4.19: Percentages of Women Parliamentarians, LMI Country Comparison . . . . . . . . . . . 73 Figure 4.20: Percentages of Family Law Cases Issued Decisions and Enforced (2011) . . . . . . . . 75 Figure A1.1: Morocco Achievements in Terms of Women Health Indicators . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83 Figure A1.2:  Trends in Literacy Rate for Adult and Females . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85 Figure A1.3: Trends in Gender Gaps in Enrollments Morocco and Comparable Countries/Groups . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 86 Figure A1.4: Marginal Effects and Confidence Intervals for Gender Dummy after Probit Model Measuring Likelihood of Importance in Life, 2011 . . . . . . . . . 87 Figure A1.5: Views on Gender Related Statements across Men and Women by Age Groups in Morocco, 2011 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87 Figure A3.1: Female Employment Share by Sector . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 97 List of Tables Table 1.1: Key Social Indicators – Morocco in Comparison . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4  Table 1.2: Average Score for Students in Mathematics and Arabic by Grade (2008) . . . . . . . . . 4 Table 1.3: Reasons for Not Going to See a Doctor Among Sick People in 2007, % . . . . . . . . . 8 Table 1.4: Share of Time (%) Spent in Household Chores and Child Care as a Fraction of Sleep/Non-Personal Time . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 Table 1.5: % of Population Agreeing with the Different Statements in Morocco and Other Comparators, % . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11 Table 2.1: Who Makes Decisions about Female Employment? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22 Table 2.2: Reasons for Not Seeking Paid Employment (Among Women Not in Labor Force) (percent) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23 Table 2.3: Who Make Decisions about Marriage and Schooling? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26 Table 2.4: Percentage of Women with Full Agency in Various Dimensions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28 Table 2.5: Youth Perception and Aspiration About Housework . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29 Table 2.6: Agency in Employment and Food Purchase – Married Women Only (%) . . . . . . . 32 Table 3.1: Employment Shares – By Economic Sectors, Area, & Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41  Table 3.2:  Employment Status – Rural, No and Primary Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42 Table 3.3:  Employment Status – Urban, No and Primary Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43 Table 3.4:  Employment Status – Urban, Secondary Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43 Table 3.5: Male Dummy Coefficients from the OLS Regressions Explaining Log of Monthly Wage . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49 Table 3.6: Results from Oaxaca-Blinder Decomposition of Gender Wage Gap in 2007 . . . . . 49  Table 4.1: Legislative Reforms Enhancing Agency . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58 Table 4.2: Legislation Weakening Agency . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 59 Table 4.3:  Components of Agency . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 60 Table A1.1: Health Indicators Morocco and Comparable Countries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 84 Table A1.2: Education Indicators Morocco and Comparable Countries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 84 Table A1.3: Gender Gap in Enrollments Morocco and Comparable Countries . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85 Table A1.4: Marginal Effects from Probit Regression, Different Specifications . . . . . . . . . . . . . 88 Table A2.1: Logit Regressions Results for Agency in Employment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89 Table A2.2: Logit Regression Results for Agency in Employment – Restricted Samples . . . . . . . 90 Table A2.3: Individual Panel Short-Term Models for Female Labor Force Participation . . . . . . . 91  Table A3.1: Employment (in THousands) – By Economic Sectors & Gender – Age >= 15 . . . . 94 Table A3.2: Employment Status – Urban, Tertiary Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 95 viii MOROCCO: MIND THE GAP – EMPOWERING WOMEN FOR A MORE OPEN, INCLUSIVE, AND PROSPEROUS SOCIETY Table A3.3: E  mployment Status – Rural, Secondary Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 96 Table A3.4: Occupations and Gender in Various Sectors – Rural, Secondary Ed. . . . . . . . . . . . 96 Table A3.5: Occupations and Gender in Various Sectors – Rural, Tertiary Ed. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 97 Table A3.6: Individual Characteristics of Salaried Workers, 2007 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 98 Table A3.7: Marginal Effects from Probit Model Explaining Participation in Wage Employment Among Women, 2007 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 98 Table A3.8: Results of OLS Regression Explaining Logarithm of Monthly Wages Across Males and Females, 2007 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99 List of Boxes Box 2.1: D  emographic, Fertility, and Education Play an Important Role in Shaping Long-Run FLFP . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20 Box 2.2: The Effect of Marriage on Educated Women’s Labor Force Participation . . . . . . . . 21 Box 2.3: Agency and Economic Empowerment Start in the Household . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24 Box 2.4: Women in the Labor Force: Roles and Perceptions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30 Box 2.5: Curriculum Reform to Promote Gender Equality THrough Education . . . . . . . . . . 32 Box 2.6: Immobility Can Mean More THan Just Restricted Spatial Movement . . . . . . . . . . . 35 Box 3.1: The Demand Side: Do Firms Hire Women in Morocco’s Manufacturing Sector? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44 Box 3.2: Salary Gap: THe Facts and the Perception . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50 Box 3.3: Women and Micro-Finance in Morocco . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52 Box 3.4: Morocco’s Labor Code . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53 Box 3.5: Regulations Can Play an Important Role in Supporting Female Economic Participation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 54 ABBREVIATIONS ALMPs Active Labor Market Policies HOI Human Opportunity Index ANAPEC Agence Nationale de Promotion de l’Emploi et ILO International Labor Organization des Compétences ITC Internet and Telecommunication Services CCT Conditional Cash Transfer LFS Labor Force Survey CEDAW Committee on the Elimination of LMI Lower and Middle Income (countries) Discrimination against Women MDG Millennium Development Goal CNEF National Education and Training Charter MdJL Ministry of Justice and Liberties CNSS Caisse Nationale de Sécurité Sociale MENA Middle East and North Africa CSE Conseil supérieur de l’enseignement MHYS Morocco Household and Youth Survey ENPVEF Enquête nationale sur la prévalence de la MSME Micro, Small, and Medium Enterprises violence à l’égard des femmes NIHD National Initiative for Human Development EU European Union OECD Organization for Economic Cooperation FAO Food and Agriculture Organization of the and Development United Nations PNEA National Learning Assessment Program FDI Foreign Direct Investment PPP Purchasing Power Parity FGD Focus Groups Discussions SME Small and Medium Enterprises FLFP Female Labor Force Participation TFR Total Fertility Rates FLP Female Labor Participation UNDP United Nations Development Programme GDP Gross Domestic Product WB World Bank GNI Gross National Income WDI World Development Indicators GoM Government of Morocco WDR World Development Report HCP Haut Commissariat au Plan WTO World Trade Organization HDI Human Development Index WVS World Values Survey HDR Human Development Report Vice President: Inger Andersen Country Director: Simon Gray Sector Director: Bernard Funck (Acting) Sector Manager: Bernard Funck Task Team Leader: Daniela Marotta ix ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS T his report was prepared by a team led by Dan- The report has benefited immensely from com- iela Marotta. Other contributors who provided ments and inputs by the peer reviewers Oscar Calvo- key inputs to the various chapters include Paolo Gonzalez and Nadereh Chamlou. The team is very Verme, Paul Scott Prettitore, Aphichoke Kotikula, and grateful for the exchanges and views provided by part- Ernest Sergenti. Abdoulaye Sy, Abdoul Gadiry Barry, and ners and stakeholders in Morocco, including construc- Aziz Atamanov provided important analytical inputs. tive comments from government officials. The team Florencia Paz provided the overall research assistance would like to thank Bernard Funck (Acting Director and data analysis and Monica Vidili provided analysis on for MNSPR), for his overall guidance. Thanks also ex- the qualitative survey. The team also benefitted greatly tended to Muna Abeid Salim for her invaluable assis- from the support and guidance provided in the Morocco tance in compiling the report. country office, from Jean-Pierre Chauffour, Khalid El Massnaoui, Michael Hamaide, and Ibtissam Alaoui. xi EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Introduction introduction of a quota in local elections raised the level of women’s representation in 2009. Morocco for- Thanks to sound macroeconomic policies and the mally withdrew its reservations to the Convention on implementation of a wide range of structural re- the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against forms, Morocco saw significant progress in terms Women (CEDAW) in 2011, which covered issues re- economic, social, and human development out- lated to passing of nationality equality of marital rights, comes during the past decade. Women, as men, and adopted its Optional Protocol in 2012. The result benefitted from such progress and increased access to of these changes is that de jure women do enjoy more services. Gender gaps in access to education narrowed freedom to travel, access employment and education, significantly. The girl/boy enrollment ratio for the pri- and negotiate marriage and divorce. In some cases in- mary level jumped from around 70 percent in the mid- stitutions were established to implement the reforms, 1990s to 95 percent today. Similarly the gender gap such as the Family Solidarity Fund and an enhanced for the secondary and tertiary level narrowed signifi- family court system. cantly, with the girl/boy ratios in enrollments moving Despite progress in reducing gender gaps, up respectively to 85 percent and 90 percent. Women women in Morocco continue to face significant ob- also benefitted from wider access to health services, as stacles to social, economic, and political participa- improved health outcomes show: relevant progress was tion. Women’s access to fundamental resources—from made in terms of reproductive health indicators, with education to key economic assets—remains extremely the adolescent fertility falling to 35 births (per 1000 limited. Gender differences in endowments (in time women ages 15–19) in 2012. This is now much lower use, education, and access to assets and formal in- than the world’s and LMI countries’ averages of 49 and stitutions) continue to overlap with limited agency 59 respectively. (differences in societal voice and household decision Considerable reforms have been made to le- making), resulting in different and unequal economic gal frameworks, with the intent to improve wom- opportunities. Legal equality continues to be de facto en’s economic, social, and political development. undermined by weak delivery of public sector services Undoubtedly, Morocco displays today one of the most and non-implementation of the legislation, specifically liberal and progressive legal frameworks in the MENA when provisions conflict with social norms. regions in terms of gender equality. The Constitution, Women’s economic participation in Mo- revised in 2011, provides for equality of Moroccan rocco—at 26 percent—is among the lowest in the citizens and obligates public bodies to promote liberty world, and has not changed since 1990. Gender and equality for male and female citizens and to fos- segregation in employment is pervasive, with women ter participation in political, economic, social and cul- working predominantly in low productivity sectors tural life. The Moudawana (Family Code) was revised and low-skills occupations. Women at work are also in 2004, a process strongly driven by women’s rights more likely, on average, to be exposed to higher un- organizations, expanding the rights of women in ar- certainty, informal employment, and lower return from eas such as guardianship, marriage and child custody, their labor (gender wage gaps can reach up to 77 per- and access to divorce. Gender equality is enshrined in cent). The persistence of these disparities along gender a number of key laws, including the (revised) Labor lines is rooted in entrenched gender roles which, when Code (2003) and the Law on Nationality (2008). The not expressed directly in remaining gender-biased xiii xiv MOROCCO: MIND THE GAP – EMPOWERING WOMEN FOR A MORE OPEN, INCLUSIVE, AND PROSPEROUS SOCIETY rules or regulations are often articulated in the unequal In a country still confronted by significant social chal- enforcement and implementation of the law. lenges, women are particularly affected by the lack of Women empowerment is paramount to socio-economic progress in many areas. The rural-ur- achieving an open and inclusive society and to accel- ban divide in access to education remains wide, with erate growth. Women represent an extremely valuable increasing gender gaps at higher levels of education, asset while at the same time remaining an untapped much wider than in other LMI countries (the gap be- pool of resources—willing to work but unable to find tween urban boys and rural girls in 2012/2013 varies suitable jobs. Finding a way to break the barriers to their from just 3.5 percentage points at primary level, to 53 active participation in the economy will therefore free percentage points at the lower secondary education the country’s potential to accelerate growth and move level). Much remains to be done on maternal health up the income ladder. Women’s economic empower- (Morocco’s maternal mortality rate of 100 deaths per ment could have far-reaching positive consequences. 100,000 live births (2010) remains one of the highest in Reducing gender disparities in labor force participation, the MENA region). Access to health services is particu- employment, earnings, and access to “decent jobs” will larly poor—and highly biased in terms of income—for improve women’s standing in the household, reduce women in rural areas. Gender gaps remain prominent the risk of domestic violence, and improve intra-house- in terms of access to credit and formal savings (with hold resource allocation and decision making with re- only 27 percent of women having access to any formal gard to human capital investments, as the report shows. financial institution versus 60 percent of men). Active economic participation in turn also contributes Women’s economic empowerment is at an to expand women’s agency and choice, increasing their early stage, and female economic participation voice and ability to influence society and challenge es- among the lowest in the world. Morocco ranks in the tablished norms that limit women’s rights and hinder bottom 20 percent of countries in the world in terms economic and social development. of female participation in the labor force, and there has The report recommends few key areas for been very little actual progress on women’s economic ‘strategic interventions.’ The recommendations are for participation over the past twenty years. Despite being the government and other development actors to focus perceived (together with Tunisia) as a reformist coun- on areas which are not only of greater potential impact try and one of the most liberal in the MENA region, the but also a prerequisite for women’s agency and empow- rate of women’s participation in the labor force is just at erment. These include investment in women’s educa- the average for the region. Women represent less than tion (access and quality), the re-examination of certain a quarter of the active population (only about 24 per- discriminatory provisions in the country’s legal system cent). The activity rate for women in Morocco in 2011 (combined with an effort to strengthen implementation was around 26 percent against 75 percent for men, at of the legislation and delivery of public sector services), the same level as in 1990. The urban-rural divide also and the promotion of cultural norms that value women remains wide: in urban areas only about 19 percent as equal partners to men. The ultimate objective is to of women join the labor force against 71 percent of promote women’s empowerment as a means to achieve men, while in rural areas the rates are respectively 37 a more inclusive, open, and prosperous society. percent and 82 percent. Morocco not only lags behind other countries at a similar income level, but it shows a reversed trend in FLFP, with the past decade showing Main Findings a reduction in activity rates. This trend has been driven mostly by women living in urban areas and it is further Access to Resources and Economic accentuated for women around 25 years old (average Participation marriage age) and above. Only 15 percent of women in urban areas Unequal access to education and resources continue are employed, against 62 percent of men, and this to hinder women’s human development progress. gap has remained virtually unchanged in the past Executive Summary xv ten years. The numbers are slightly higher (but the distribution of occupations within higher-productive gap remains wide) for rural areas, where 36 percent sectors is not equal between men and women, sug- of women against 78 percent of men are employed in gesting the presence of the glass-ceiling effect. Wom- some kind of occupation. Women have not therefore en also face high barriers to enter entrepreneurship, participated in the benefits of higher growth in the as demonstrated by the fact that they own only 10 past decades. The rate of unemployment, however, percent of firms. is fairly similar for men and women (at 10.2 percent There is a substantial wage gap between men for women versus 8.4 percent for men in 2011) and and women, even when controlling for education has been reducing, although slightly, in the past years and professions. Women tend to earn 23 percent less (from around 13 percent in 2000). Nevertheless, this than men without controlling for other factors and trend does not reflect the real creation of employment 29 percent less if controlled for education, age and the but rather the increased discouragement of workers place of residence. Observed characteristics, however, that tend to leave the active population after many can only explain a small part of the gender wage gap. years without a job or with the prospect of low pay, Taking into consideration other “unobserved” charac- temporary, and/or informal jobs. This phenomenon teristics, the gender wage gap increases to 31 percent seems to affect mostly educated women, predomi- (mostly driven by higher returns on experience for nantly in urban areas. By contrast, participation for men). If the selection bias is taken into account, (i.e. women in rural areas appears to be dictated by neces- considering that only a specific profile of women works sity, with the income effect playing an important role: in salaried jobs) the difference in earnings between women work to contribute to the family income but men and women can reach 77 percent, with men paid this does not necessarily signify an improvement of almost double the amount that women are paid for the their socio-economic status or agency. same job. This difference, derived from a pure discrim- Gender segregation in terms of employment ination basis, acts as a major deterrent for women, par- is pervasive, with women mostly working in low ticularly educated ones, to join the labor force. It also productivity sectors. The structural transformation has economy-wide effects in terms of productivity and of the economy did not benefit from women’s active growth, as it distorts the market incentives to efficiently contribution and women remain confined to a narrow allocate skills to their most productive use. set of jobs. Women’s type of employment however Traditional explanations for Female Labor changes considerably according to their level of edu- Force Participation (FLFP) long-term trends ac- cation. Uneducated women are heavily concentrated count only partially for Morocco’s observed out- in low productivity sectors, both in rural and urban comes. While the drop in fertility rates and the in- areas, and low-skills occupations. They are exposed to creased education of the female labor force (which are more uncertainty and lower returns from their labor highly correlated with each other) appear significant in (with many of them employed as unpaid workers). determining upward trends in participation (acting as Their situation has actually worsened in the recent de- a “pull” factor), other factors that should have contrib- cade, as they are found in the lower-productive sectors uted to an increase in participation—such as economic of the economy. However, women with secondary or factors—do not appear to be significant. A potential tertiary education—still quite few in number—seem explanation for the relative stagnation of FLFP is to be to have benefitted to a great extent from the positive found in the (slow) pace of structural transformation of changes brought about by structural transformation the economy and the lack of expansion in sectors that (working in the higher productive sectors) and with have proven to be critical for expanding female em- more secure jobs and higher level occupations. For ployment (like manufacturing and services). A second example, they are more likely than their uneducated influential factor is “culture” or social norms, which, counterpart to be employed full time, with social se- along with a lack of child-care support facilities, could curity contributions. Nevertheless, with the possible explain the finding that women seem to exit the labor exception of public jobs (in government services), the force around the age of marriage. xvi MOROCCO: MIND THE GAP – EMPOWERING WOMEN FOR A MORE OPEN, INCLUSIVE, AND PROSPEROUS SOCIETY Demographic factors and social norms also contributes to women’s actual employment. On av- affect women’s decisions to join the labor force. erage, about 18 percent of women with full agency are The ‘marital-status gap’ in labor force participation in fact employed, compared to only four percent em- (i.e., the relative difference in labor force participa- ployment rate among women with partial or no agency. tion between married and never-married women) is A woman empowered to decide on her employment close to 70 percent in Morocco. That same statistic is 18 percent more likely to be in the labor force and is a mere 9 percent for Moroccan women in the U.S. 14 percent more likely to work outside the home. The and 14 percent in France. Thus, although women effect of agency (or empowerment) is so large in magni- wish to fully participate in the economic sphere and tude that it can offset negative factors commonly found manage family duties and a job, marital status seems in the female labor supply literature such as caretaking to alter women’s opportunities. Irrespective of marital duties and earning potentials. Conversely, paid em- status, women in Morocco spend considerably more ployment combined with the ability to generate income time on household chores and child care than men. for themselves, also boost Moroccan women’s agency. Furthermore, married women spend almost twice Further analysis reveals an encouraging trend. Once as much time on these duties as unmarried women. women overcome the hurdle of entering the labor mar- These trends are broadly true in the rest of the world, ket and earn their own income, they retain—in many but not to such an extent. Our analysis confirms that cases (83 percent)—control over their own money. marriage has a major role in urban areas in keeping Women are not free to decide by themselves FLP rates low. The probability of participation for if they would like to work or not: for the vast major- married women in urban areas is below 10 percent ity of them it is their family that makes the decision. as compared to a probability for unmarried women of Intra-household decision making is crucial to analyze close to 40 percent. female labor force participation in Morocco. Few wom- en make decisions on labor issues by themselves. Data The Role of Agency in Employment from the 2010 Morocco Household and Youth Survey shows that only about one-third of Moroccan women Agency has a role, often a strong one, in contrib- aged 15 to 49 make decisions about employment by uting to women’s human development and eco- themselves. Other family members, particularly hus- nomic opportunities, and opening opportunities for bands and fathers, influence women’s decisions to work. greater participation in social and political life. The Family opinions also inhibit women from seeking em- World Bank’s World Development Report 2012: Gen- ployment opportunities outside the home: 19 percent der Equality and Development (WDR 2012) and its of women who are not employed and were not looking regional companion “Opening Doors: Gender Equal- for paid employment reported that the reason for not ity and Economic Development in the Middle East and seeking employment was that their husbands or fathers North Africa” (2013) define agency as ‘an individual’s did not allow them. (or group’s) ability to make effective choices and to Agency constraints in different spheres of life transform those choices into desired outcomes.’ Over- tend to overlap. Agency tends to be exercised differ- lapping with access to fundamental resources (from ed- ently in different spheres of life—a woman may have ucation to key economic assets or formal institutions), agency in the labor market but not in her household the legal framework of the country and the societal for instance, or vice versa. But where these agency- norms, agency contributes to shape economic, social, related constraints connect and overlap, they may and political outcomes. The interaction of all these di- heighten girls’ and women’s experience of deprivation. mensions has therefore a great importance in promot- In Morocco, agency in several dimensions appears to ing development. be highly correlated. Women who are empowered to In Morocco, having full agency in employ- choose their own employment usually also display ment (defined as the ability of women alone to agency in decisions related to education, marriage, and decide by themselves whether to work or not) how to spend their income. Conversely, women who Executive Summary xvii do not have agency in one of these domains usually marriage involved girls under age eighteen, a percent- experience overlapping constraints. age that has not changed since 2007. The vast major- ity of these requests—roughly 87 percent in 2007 and Legal Framework and Social Norms and 92 percent in 2010—were accepted. The total number their Effect on Agency of female minors married increased from 38,331 in 2007 to 44,134 in 2010. Despite important reforms, gaps remain in the le- Social norms also act to restrict women from gal framework, negatively impacting economic, exercising the choices legally available to them in social, and political development for women. Most terms of accessing economic assets, reaching equal- gaps are related to family and personal matters. These ity with men in family and personal matters, and include women’s access to inheritance, marriage to participating more fully in politics and society. So- non-Muslims, and unequal grounds between men and cial norms often restrict agency beyond the boundaries women in obtaining divorce and passing citizenship to set by legislative frameworks. The norms are enforced children. There is no comprehensive legislation cover- by a combination of pressure from society and fam- ing domestic violence. In addition to gaps in the legal ily, and through self-enforcement by women not wish- framework, limited implementation of legislation is ing to court controversy by their actions. These norms problematic for women, caused by a combination of partly explain low labor force and political participa- weak institutional capacity and selective enforcement tion by women, and disparities in control of economic of legislation by public officials influenced by social assets. In Morocco, social attitudes towards the role or norms. In particular, social norms restrict women’s ex- women vary considerably between men and women ercise of newly acquired rights when they conflict with over certain topics. Men tend to agree that men should societal norms, further limiting economic, social, and have priority over women when jobs are scarce, and political participation. that men make better business and political leaders, Non-implementation of legislation and weak whereas women tend to disagree with such statements, delivery of public sector services continue to ad- especially in terms of men making better leaders. There versely affect women’s agency. A number of new tends to be more agreement between women and men public sector bodies and agencies have been estab- in regards to the importance of higher education for lished to support legislative reforms and the delivery women, and in disapproving of women as single par- of new services that should directly benefit women. ents. The World Values Survey (2007) also demon- These include the establishment of more specialized strates the women are twice as likely as men (60 per- family courts and the Family Solidarity Fund, which cent of women versus 30 percent of men) to agree that provides alimony and child support payments directly equality between men and women is an essential part to divorced women. However such bodies, as well as of democracy. While only a small majority of men more established ones, continue to struggle with insuf- (55 percent) believe that violence against women is ficient capacity resulting in weak delivery of services, never justifiable, more than three quarters of women especially in areas outside of urban centers. The data (77 percent) do so. necessary to assess delivery of services appears mostly The combination of gaps in applicable legal lacking. Where women’s rights have been extended, frameworks and restrictive social norms, together powers are not always exercised. For example, re- with low labor force participation, result in reduced forms to the Family Code eliminated the need for a agency for women. Conversely, reduced agency con- male guardian to sign a marriage contract on behalf of tributes to a limited and unequal access to economic a woman, yet in 2007 and 2010 only in 21 percent opportunities. Comprehensive data to effectively mea- of marriages did women contract the marriage them- sure women’s agency remains lacking, especially in re- selves. Other legal provisions are implemented in ways gards to women’s control over economic assets and ac- more detrimental to women. In 2010, 99 percent of cess to justice. But available data suggests that women’s requests made to courts for certification of underage agency is restricted. In terms of political participation, xviii MOROCCO: MIND THE GAP – EMPOWERING WOMEN FOR A MORE OPEN, INCLUSIVE, AND PROSPEROUS SOCIETY women’s representation in elected bodies has increased still prevent women from working in high produc- to 17 percent in the House of Representatives, and re- tivity sectors—or accessing “decent” jobs—are re- mained low at only 2 percent in the House of Coun- moved. Young and exporting firms—in the manufac- cilors. These participation levels are both below global turing sector alone—hire five times more women than averages of 22 percent for lower houses and 19 percent non-exporting firms. The potential of services sectors is for upper houses of parliament. The percentage of fe- even greater. Women can contribute to firms’ growth if male ministers has fallen and risen in the last several given the chance to work in the firms and occupy also years, and women have increased participation in lo- high-skills positions (including as entrepreneurs). In cal government due to the introduction of quotas. Ob- turn, the growth in young and open industries can con- stacles to controlling economic assets remain consider- tribute to women’s progress on many other aspects.1 able: in 2011 only 26 percent of women had an account The government is therefore invited to focus on reforms in a formal financial institute versus 52 percent of men, that support structural transformation of the economy, and only 5 percent of women were using such accounts encourage private sector investment and stimulate for business purposes, compared to 23 percent of men. growth to facilitate the shift of women away from agri- This in turn severely limits women ability to open a culture and other low productivity sectors and occupa- business and to gain economic independence. tions. To be more specific, to improve women’s access to economic opportunities is essential on one hand to expand the scale and type of job opportunities—for in- Main Conclusions and stance in some of the most productive sectors of the Recommendations economy (such as ICT or financial services)—and on the other hand to break down the legal and social barri- Much has been done but much remains to be done ers that simultaneously discourage employers from hir- to improve women’s access to economic opportu- ing female candidates, and women who want to work nities and individual empowerment. Women’s em- from accepting available jobs. The government can powerment, and in particular economic empower- also act to remove all the barriers, such as limited ac- ment, is paramount to achieve an open and inclusive cess to finance and specific legal impediments, that are society and to accelerate growth. These twin goals can currently hindering women from active participation therefore benefit from any progress and achievement in in the economy. Making it easier for women to create reducing gender disparities. In this context, the status and grow their own businesses will boost innovation, of women’s agency is key to understand the emergence growth, and employment in the country. This is espe- of unequal development outcomes based on differing cially important for women given the challenges they capacities of men and women to exercise choices re- face obtaining formal sector employment. lated to economic, social, and political life. The policy Removing regulatory barriers and easing the conclusions stemming from the analysis presented in access to credit for female entrepreneurs is key to this report are along two main priorities: (i) increase creating more jobs. Access to credit is a key obstacle women’s economic opportunities, by removing con- to business startup and expansion. Anecdotal evidence straints to their participation in the formal labor market from women business owners shows their belief of be- and nurturing entrepreneurship; and (ii) close gender ing more likely to be discriminated against merely on gaps in voice and agency, by fostering women’s partici- the basis of gender. Although bankers argue that their pation in politics and protecting their rights—at home, credit policies are gender neutral, Moroccan business- and in the society at large. women claim that their male counterparts receive more Expand Economic Opportunities 1 In East Asia, growth in the manufacturing sector—par- ticularly in textile and food services industries—has in- Women can actively contribute to Morocco’s eco- creased women’s wage work and improved female and nomic growth only if the remaining barriers that child health and education outcomes. Executive Summary xix favorable treatment, for example, lower collateral for opportunities and ultimately socio-economic out- the same loan amount and no requirement for a spou- comes. Gender biases can start very early in life and sal guarantee, whereas a woman needs her husband’s design trajectories of inequality that become increas- guarantee. Morocco scores 3 out of 10 in the index of ingly difficult and costly to resolve. This report shows financial inclusion (where 10 is the highest level of in- how overlapping constraints for women in Morocco clusion) and women do seem to have less access to loan tend to heighten women’s experience of deprivation. and credit in general and from formal institutions in After residence (urban/rural) and welfare status (be- particular. Improving access to credit for female entre- ing in different quintiles based on expenditure per preneurs will increase chances for women to work but capita), gender is the most important factors in ex- also to create jobs for other female workers. plaining inequality in education-related opportunities. Further reforms of the Labor code could be Low education quality—resulting from poor facilities, designed taking into account specific obstacles to overcrowded classrooms and absentee teachers—con- women’s economic participation. A comprehensive tributes to poor educational outcomes, such as high new labor law went into effect in Morocco in 2004, of- repetition and drop-out rates and low achievement fering greater protection for women in the labor market. levels, which, in turn contribute to skills shortages While this reform has much improved women’s work- and mismatches. While this is an issue common to ing conditions, it may, in certain cases, constrain their both men and women, it becomes more prevalent for opportunities by raising disproportionally the costs for women give the high barriers they have to overcome firms that hire women. Restrictions on women’s working in order to move up to higher education levels. Given hours and types of jobs, for instance, make it more dif- such gender-specific impediments to schooling, sup- ficult for firms to add extra shifts. Mandatory leave and ply and/or demand side actions might be needed. On rest days as well as time allowances for breast-feeding the supply side, it is important to increase the acces- and childcare requirements incur additional costs when sibility and suitability of schools for girls. Given girls’ financed by firms. Evidence from other countries shows greater mobility restrictions, it is essential to multiply that firms respond to these mandates by substituting efforts to build local schools, particularly in remote men for women workers—with the effect of reducing rural areas. On the demand side, cash transfers to women’s welfare by limiting their opportunities and poor families can help offset fees and hidden costs and de facto impeding greater gender equality in the labor counter normative pressures on girls’ early marriage market. Moreover, the Labor Code applies only to a mi- and school drop-out. Strengthening the education sys- nor portion of the workforce, the formal one, excluding tem by focusing more on the quality of the curricula many occupations that are almost a prerogative of wom- (in addition to enrollment ratios) is also key to encour- en—and that are mostly informal—such as domestic age women’s economic participation. This would help workers, family members working in a family business, also the shift in social norms for the future generations and workers in traditional artisan or handicraft sectors. and promote gender equality. Gender-sensitive policies are therefore needed to extend social protection to those in the informal sector, to miti- Closing Gender Gaps in Voice and Agency gate their vulnerability. While movement toward formal- ization is the longer-term objective of a comprehensive The GoM has taken considerable steps in closing jobs strategy (which include creating more formal jobs gender equality gaps in law, but action is needed and regulating informal jobs), extending state protection to ensure consistency throughout legislative frame- (social and legal) to the informal workforce might be a works. While commitments to gender equality have short-term intervention to support an increase in pro- been made in high level legislation, such as the Consti- ductivity for informal enterprises and therefore a higher tution, disparities between the rights of men and wom- income for women in the informal workforce. en exist in other pieces of primary legislation covering Government action to level the playing field family and nationality issues, such as division of mari- across the lifecycle would strengthen women’s tal property, access to divorce, inheritance, and passing xx MOROCCO: MIND THE GAP – EMPOWERING WOMEN FOR A MORE OPEN, INCLUSIVE, AND PROSPEROUS SOCIETY nationality to spouses. Beyond the issue of equality, divorce, the latter of which is important given that oth- other areas of legislation could be reformed to enhance erwise division of assets is based on formal ownership, women’s agency. These areas include addressing dif- which is heavily tilted towards men. Initiating these ferent forms of violence against women, and domestic contracts could be supported by development of a violence in particular, and offering protections to par- model contract that equalizes rights between husbands ticularly vulnerable women, such as domestic workers and wives. Family Code provisions obligating men on- and single mothers. ly to provide financial maintenance to families could be The GoM can take a number of steps to in- altered to align responsibility with the ability of each crease women’s control over economic assets. Wom- spouse to contribute. Salary benefits for family main- en entrepreneurs face significant difficulties relative to tenance through the social security framework (CNSS) men. Foremost among these is access to credit, espe- should be made equally available for men and women cially since personal laws limit women’s ownership of with children, in line with legislative changes making family assets. These differences are rooted in failures of both equally responsible for the household. markets and institutions and in their interactions with Further equalizing rights related to marriage household responses. For example, accessing credit and divorce will aid in closing gender gaps. To close often requires collateral, preferably land or immobile remaining gender gaps, it is important to: (i) provide assets. Women are thus at a disadvantage because they women with the right to unilateral divorce on the same have lower or less secure access to land and are dispro- grounds as men, so women do not have to rely in its portionately employed in the service sector where capi- inclusion in the marriage contract when doing such talization is lower and output is often intangible. These requires consent of a fiancé; (ii) provide equal rights forces may be further reinforced by gender-based pref- to men and women in entering marriage with non- erences in the households that can lead to unequal re- Muslim partners. Equalizing rights to pass nationality source allocations (of land, for example) to male and to spouses should be equalized would avoid forcing female members. Policies need to focus on these under- women to pass nationality to spouses though compli- lying determinants of differential access—leveling the cated bureaucratic procedures. Providing family books institutional playing field by strengthening women’s (livret de famille) to women on the same grounds as ownership rights, correcting biases in service delivery men would allow them to undertake administrative institutions, and improving the functioning of credit functions related to their families. markets. Increasing women’s participation in the labor force can in turn increase women’s control of economic Mainstreaming Gender into Policies assets such as wages, pensions, and other employment- related benefits. Control of their salaries can increase Mainstreaming gender into policy action is key to women’s agency both within, and outside of, the fam- achieving gender equality and women empower- ily, especially since attitudes towards women control- ment. Morocco has not, so far, approached gender ling their salaries are mostly positive. equality and women empowerment in a systematic Steps can also be taken to equalize distri- way. While many policies, programs and initiatives bution of economic assets related to marriage and that address various gender issues have been developed employment. Very few married couples are signing in the country, the efforts remain disintegrated and contracts, separate from the marriage contract, which therefore ineffective. This means that there is scope for establishes frameworks for the management of eco- a tremendous improvement in conditions for women nomic assets during marriage. Only 609 of these con- in the country. This time represents a window of op- tracts were concluded in 2011, accounting for less than portunity, given the recent stepping up from the gov- 1 percent of marriages. Such contracts can enhance ernment in terms of reforms for women rights and to women’s access to assets during marriage and upon advance democracy in general. 1 SOCIAL AND HUMAN DEVELOPMENT COUNTRY CONTEXT W omen in Morocco continue to face ob- economic growth and significant poverty reduction stacles in social, economic, and political in the past decade. Building on the historical set of participation. These obstacles are a result economic and social reforms that deeply changed the of discriminatory legislative frameworks, social norms institutional and economic framework of the country,2 that restrict legal rights, and limited economic partici- Morocco saw a steady increase in GDP growth which pation. All these factors, collectively, reduce women’s averaged 4.9 percent over 2001–2011, much higher agency, or ‘the ability to make effective choices and to than the average rate of the 1990s (2.8 percent). Gross transform those choices into desired outcomes.’ Con- domestic product (GDP) per capita almost doubled over versely, women’s ability to influence their own lives the same period to reach the equivalent of US$3,000 plays also a crucial role in building human development in 2012. The higher pace of growth contributed to the and economic opportunities, and opening opportuni- almost complete eradication of extreme poverty (its rate ties for greater participation in social and political life. dropping from 2 to 0.28 percent over the period) and al- Agency closely interrelates with two other di- lowed for a dent in relative poverty (whose rate declined mensions: resources (defined broadly as access—but from 15.3 to 6.2 percent) and population vulnerability also future claims—to both material and human and (rate decreasing from 22.8 to 13.3 percent). social resources) and achievements (or well-being outcomes). This chapter will present the progress thus 2 Macroeconomic policies included regulatory and institu- far and the remaining important challenges for women tional improvements to attract FDI, price liberalizations, in Morocco to benefit from available resources, defined privatization process, better competition laws, a better more broadly as “opportunities.” The latter include pri- framework for SME development, and a progressive open- marily equal access to crucial services (such as education ing of the economy to global trade with the country join- and health) or endowments (such as the use of their own ing the WTO and signing several bilateral and multilateral time) but also the freedom and/or ability to benefit from trade agreements with some important economies like the U.S., EU, and several Mediterranean countries. Stabiliza- them, overcoming stereotypes and gender-biased norms. tion policies aimed at controlling inflation, reducing the The next chapters will focus on economic empowerment debt/GDP ratio, and reaching a competitive real exchange and employment outcomes (Chapters 2 and 3) and on rate were also central to the government agenda; a large the remaining legislative and/or social discrimination that program of infrastructure development accompanied these continue to restrict women agency (Chapter 4). Chapter 5 reforms with the aim of closing the gap between urban will conclude by presenting some key areas of strategic in- and rural areas. On the social and microeconomic side, the country has also been rather active with the launch- tervention for the government and other development ac- ing of several national development programs such as the tors which are not only of greater potential impact but al- fund for the fight against droughts and desertification, the so a prerequisite for women’s agency and empowerment. fight against analphabetism, the work of the foundation Mohamed V for Solidarity, and the National Initiative for Human Development (NIHD). More recently, the govern- Steady Progress in Terms of Poverty ment of Morocco has also been reforming labor market in- Reduction and Human Development stitutions and Active Labor Market Policies (ALMPs) with the adoption of a new labor code, new rules for tripartite Indicators… agreements and the launching of various programs such as the Idmaj (insertion contracts), Taehil (training and Thanks to a wide range of macroeconomic, social and re-training), and Moukawalati (promotion of self-employ- labor market reforms, Morocco experienced steady ment and small enterprises) programs. (Verme 2013). 1 2 MOROCCO: MIND THE GAP – EMPOWERING WOMEN FOR A MORE OPEN, INCLUSIVE, AND PROSPEROUS SOCIETY The steady progress in poverty reduction has FIGURE 1.2 • Evolution of Poverty and been mirrored in the achievements in terms of social Vulnerability Trends and human development indicators. The improvement 25 in the economic conditions led also to visible progress in terms of education and health outcomes. Life expec- 20 tancy increased from 68.5 years in 2000 to 74.9 years in 15 2011 (Table 1.1), well above the average of 64 for LMI, 10 with women’s expectancy on average 2 years higher than 5 men’s. Infant mortality rates have declined from 42 per 0 1,000 live births in 2000 to 26.8 in 2012, and the ma- Vulnerability Poverty Extreme Poverty ternal mortality ratio has dropped from 170 per 100,000 2000 2011 live births in 2000 to 100 in 2011, Figure 1.3d). The country also saw a remarkable expansion in access to Source: HCP and WB. schooling, thanks to the implementation of the 1999 Na- tional Education and Training Charter (CNEF).3 Efforts health indicators, with the adolescent fertility hover- to increase the availability of educational services have ing around 35 births (per 1000 women ages 15–19) in led to expanded participation in education at all levels. 2012 (Figure 1.3c). This is now much lower than the From 1990/91 to 2012/13, national net enrollment rates world’s and LMI countries’ averages of 49 and 59 re- increased from 52.4 percent to 98.2 percent for primary spectively. Correspondingly, the contraceptive preva- education, from 17.5 percent to 56.7 percent in lower lence rate of 63 percent is higher than what is observed secondary education and from 6.1 percent to 32.4 per- in comparable countries. Women’s knowledge of cent in upper secondary education. sexual transmission of HIV and mother-to-child trans- Women benefitted from greater access to mission has increased remarkably between 2004 and education and improved health indicators. Gender 2011, by 64 percent and 22 percent, respectively. Most gaps in access to education narrowed significantly over of this increase in women’s knowledge has occurred the past two decades. The girl/boy enrollment ratio for among women from poorer households as compared to the primary level jumped from around 70 percent in women from richer households, thus leading to a sharp the mid-1990s to 95 percent. Similarly the gender gap reduction in inequality by 93 percent and 77 percent for the secondary and tertiary level narrowed with the for knowledge of sexual transmission and mother-to- girl/boy ratios in enrollments moving respectively from child transmission of HIV, respectively.4 75 percent to 85 percent and from 70 percent to almost 90 percent. Women also benefitted from wider access to health services, as improved health outcomes show: …. but Significant Challenges Remain relevant progress was made in terms of reproductive Despite the recent progress made, Morocco remains FIGURE 1.1 • Morocco: GDP Per Capita, confronted with important social and economic chal- 1960–2012 (in constant 2005 US$) lenges. While considerably reduced with respect to a decade earlier, economic vulnerability (represented by 3000 poor and vulnerable households) continues to be wide- 2500 spread. A quarter of the population—around 8 million 2000 people—remains either in absolute poverty or under 1500 constant threat of falling back into poverty. Morocco’s 1000 500 0 3 Today, the Government of Morocco spends more than 25 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010 percent of its total government outlay on education. Source: World development Indicators, World Bank. 4 Source: UNICEF. Social and Human development country context 3 FIGURE 1.3A • Primary Completion Rate (2012) FIGURE 1.3B • Literacy Rates (2012) 95 120 100 90 80 85 60 40 80 20 0 75 Morocco Algeria Jordan Tunisia Malaysia Turkey Lower Middle Income MENA Arab World Morocco Lower middle Middle East & income North Africa (developing only) Primary completion rate, female (% of relevant age group) Literacy rate, adult female (% of females ages 15 and above) Primary completion rate, male (% of relevant age group) Literacy rate, adult total (% of people ages 15 and above) FIGURE 1.3C • Adolescent Fertility Rate (births per FIGURE 1.3D • Maternal Mortality Ratio (modeled 1,000 women ages 15–19) estimate, per 100,000 live births) 80 600 60 400 40 200 20 0 0 2001 2003 2005 2007 2009 2011 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 Morocco Lower middle income Morocco Lower middle income Middle East & North Africa (developing only) Middle East & North Africa (developing only) Source: WDI. Gini coefficient of 0.41 reflects a stubbornly high level 5 The HDI is a summary measure for assessing long-term of inequality in incomes and access to services. Spatial progress in three basic dimensions of human development: disparities in poverty are also still a serious concern: the a long and healthy life, access to knowledge, and a decent rural-urban divide shows that 70 percent of poverty in standard of living. As in the 2011 HDR, a long and healthy life is measured by life expectancy. Access to knowledge Morocco is still rural and lagging behind in socio-eco- is measured by: i) mean years of schooling for the adult nomic achievements. In 2011, seven out of Morocco’s population, which is the average number of years of edu- sixteen regions suffered poverty rates higher than the na- cation received in a life-time by people aged 25 years and tional rate (Figure 1.4), three of which depicted poverty older; and ii) expected years of schooling for children of rates at least 40 percent higher than the national rate. school-entrance age, which is the total number of years of Human development outcomes remain below schooling a child of school-entrance age can expect to re- ceive if prevailing patterns of age-specific enrollment rates expectations, and behind other LMI countries. Mo- stay the same throughout the child’s life. Standard of living rocco still ranks 130th of 187 countries on the United is measured by Gross National Income (GNI) per capita Nations Development Program’s 2013 Human De- expressed in constant 2005 international dollars converted velopment Index.5 The long-term progress in human using purchasing power parity (PPP) rates. 4 MOROCCO: MIND THE GAP – EMPOWERING WOMEN FOR A MORE OPEN, INCLUSIVE, AND PROSPEROUS SOCIETY Key Social Indicators – Morocco in TABLE 1.1 •  FIGURE 1.4 • Spatial Disparities Remain a Serious Comparison Concern Infant Maternal Gharb-Chrarda- 15.6 Life Mortality Mortality Ratio 10.7 Béni Hssen Expectancy Rate (modeled 14.3 Doukala-Abda 8.2 at Birth (per 1,000 estimate, per (years) live births) 100,000 live Souss-Massa-Darâa 12.5 6.9 Country 2011 2012 births) 2010 12.5 Fès-Boulemane 6.0 Algeria 70.8 17.2 97 Marrakech-Tensift- 11.2 Egypt 70.7 17.9 66 Al Haouz 7.4 Taza-Al Hoceima- 10.7 Jordan 73.6 16.4 63 Taounate 8.3 Kuwait 74.3 9.5 14 Oriental 10.1 6.7 Lebanon 79.6 8.0 25 Meknès-Tafilalet 9.5 8.1 Morocco 74.9 26.8 100 9.3 Tadla-Azilal Oman 76.3 10.0 32 5.9 Chaouia-Ourdigha 7.6 Saudi Arabia 75.3 7.4 24 6.5 Tanger-Tétouan 7.4 Tunisia 74.8 13.8 56 6.3 Source: Morocco CPS (2014). Régions du Sud 6.3 3.5 Rabat-Salé- 5.1 Zemmour-Zaër 3.9 development outcomes has been slower than other 3.2 Grand-Casablanca countries in the region and comparable countries in 2.3 0 6.2 8.9 terms of levels of human development. Its relative po- Percent sition worsens when discounted for inequality, mean- ing that gender and income definitely play a role in 2007 National poverty rate in 2007 determining access to basic services such as education 2011 National poverty rate in 2011 or health. Constraints to wider access to education and Source: Morocco CPS. increasing completion rates continue to hinder further improvements. At the current pace, the Millennium Development Goal (MDG) universal primary school TABLE 1.2 • Average Score for Students in completion target is unlikely to be achieved by 2015. Mathematics and Arabic by Grade Learning achievements are also uneven within the (2008) country. The first National Learning Assessment Pro- Mathematics Grade 4 Grade 6 Grade 8 Grade 9 gram (PNEA), carried out jointly in 2008 by the CSE and the Ministry of Education (MEN), points to consid- Male 34 43 26 29 erable differences between urban and rural areas and Female 35 45 25 28 between public and private schools (Table 1.2). Urban 38 48 26 34 Rural 31 39 22 22 Public School 38 49 26 31 Women are Particularly Affected by (urban only) the Lack of Socio-Economic Progress Private school 57 68 53 65 in Many Areas Arabic Grade 4 Grade 6 Grade 8 Grade 9 Male 25 33 39 40 Education and Health Female 29 39 46 46 Access to education Urban 32 39 44 44 Despite some progress in reducing the gender gap Rural 24 32 37 40 in access to education, significant gender gaps Source: CSE (National Learning Assessment Program 2008). Social and Human development country context 5 remain and appear more pronounced after control- FIGURE 1.6 • Education Level by Gender and ling for households’ welfare. Figure 1.5 shows en- Urban/rural rollment rates among males and females of different age groups across expenditure per capita quintiles. Rural 34 39 25 2 Male Two findings are important: (i) enrollment rates are Urban 14 29 45 12 closely associated with welfare status, with higher rates among children from wealthier households; Rural 65 24 10 1 Female (ii) the gender gap widens at the bottom of the dis- Urban 33 23 34 9 tribution with female children having particularly low enrollment rates. For instance, male and female No education Primary Secondary Tertiary enrollment among children aged 7–13 from the fifth Source: LFS (2011). (richest) quintile is close to 100 percent. In contrast, enrollment among children aged 7–13 from the bot- tom (poorest) quintile is about 86 percent for males education level narrowed to just 3.5 percentage points and 72 percent for females. The gender gap among by 2012/13, the gap at higher levels of the education children from the poorest households is hence much system remains large, with 53 percentage points still higher: 14 percentage points versus 8 percentage separating urban boys and rural girls at the lower sec- points for the whole income distribution and virtually ondary education level in 2012/13. Girls living in rural zero percent for the richest quintile. areas remain particularly vulnerable in terms of access The urban-rural divide in access to educa- to schooling. tion remains wide, with increasing gender gaps for Significant gender gaps in primary comple- higher levels of education. Overall, lack of access to tion rates have led to a high stock of illiterate education has been particularly pervasive in rural ar- women. The gender gap in primary completion rates eas, leading to a wide gap between rural and urban ed- (Figure 1.3a) remains much wider in Morocco than ucation attainment. Within the rural/urban divide, the in other LMI countries. A legacy of low enrollment gender gap remains quite relevant. In fact, while the rates and high dropout rates has led to a large stock of gap between urban boys and rural girls at the primary uneducated women. Female adult (44 percent) and FIGURE 1.5 • Enrollment Among Population by Gender, Age-Group, and Consumption Per Capita Quintiles in 2007, % a) Male b) Female 100 100 90 90 80 80 70 70 60 60 % % 50 50 40 40 30 30 20 20 10 10 0 0 I II III IV V I II III IV V Expenditure per capita quintiles Expenditure per capita quintiles Male 7–13 age Male 14–18 age Male 19–23 age Female 7–13 age Female 14–18 age Female 19–23 age Source: National Survey of Living Standards 2007, author’s calculation. Note: Quintiles are based on consumption per capita. 6 MOROCCO: MIND THE GAP – EMPOWERING WOMEN FOR A MORE OPEN, INCLUSIVE, AND PROSPEROUS SOCIETY FIGURE 1.7B • Combined with High Drop-out FIGURE 1.7A • Legacy of Low Enrollment Rates for Rates (Female Drop-out Rates, Primary Education Primary Education) 100 50 80 40 60 drop_f 30 40 20 20 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010 10 year 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010 a_net_pri_f a_net_pri_m year Source: WDI. Source: WDI. FIGURE 1.7D • A Large Stock of Uneducated FIGURE 1.7C • Have Led to High Illiteracy Rates Women (and Men) (millions) 6 5.525 Illiteracy Rate - Total 32.9 5 4 3 2.526 Illiteracy Rate - Male 23.9 2 1 Illiteracy Rate - Female 42.4 0 No education Primary Secondary Tertiary 0 10 20 30 40 50 Male Female Source: LFS (2011). Source: LFS (2011). youth literacy (72 percent) remain exceptionally low health staff combined with high rates of absenteeism when compared to male adult (69 percent) and youth (in Morocco, 27 percent of health staff are absent most literacy (87 percent). This means that more than 5 of the time) contribute to inadequate provision to pub- and a half million women today in Morocco are com- lic services, with great consequences in terms of health pletely illiterate, most of them living in rural areas outcomes of women. For instance, although much (where 65 percent of women report having no educa- higher than in the past three decades, the percent- tion at all versus 34 percent of men, see Figure 1.6) age of births attended by skilled health staff remains with great consequences for their chances to actively lower than the LMI country averages: 63 percent ver- participate in the economy or to advance towards bet- sus 74 percent.6 The maternal mortality rate of 100 ter jobs. deaths per 100 000 live births (2010) remains also one of the highest in the MENA region (Figure 1.3d). A Access to health services Great disparities remain in access to health ser- 6 Morocco has the lowest number in LMI countries of mid- vices between rural and urban areas and across wives and nurses per every 1000 people, numbers of welfare statuses. Despite significant improvement in births attended by skilled health staff, and percentage of terms of health care access, the lack of qualified/skilled pregnant women receiving prenatal care. Social and Human development country context 7 qualitative survey run in 20107 shows how the ma- Table 1.3, the most important reason for not seeing a jority of women, regardless of their location, find that doctor was lack of money (50 percent of sick people).9 medical services are not easily available (56 percent For residents of rural areas payment for health services of urban residents and 63 percent of rural residents). and distance are more important indicators than for Women who live in urban areas are more than twice as urban residents. For the poorest, not surprisingly, in- likely as rural residents to find medical services easily ability to pay for health services is the key reason for available (38 percent of urban residents and 18 per- not accessing a doctor. cent of rural residents). Conversely, women living in Place of residence and welfare status are rural areas are more than three times as likely as urban two main factors associated with inequality of op- residents to find medical services completely lacking portunity in access to health services associated (19 percent of rural residents and 6 percent of urban with childbearing. Access to health services related residents). See Figure 1.8. These responses reflect how to childbearing is very unequal. Figure 1.9 shows the remote rural areas, which account for 40–45 percent coverage and human opportunity index (HOI) for of the population, continue to lag behind urban areas two opportunities. The first measures if the mother in terms of access to infrastructure and social services. visited a doctor, midwife, or nurse at least once while While 70 percent of Morocco’s primary health facili- pregnant. The second measures if a birth was assisted ties are located in rural areas, they are staffed with only by a doctor, nurse, or trained midwife. Coverage for a third of the available primary care physicians. both opportunities is far from universal on average. Data from the National Survey of Living In particular, 77 percent of mothers of children aged Standards of 20078 confirm this finding, showing 5 or below visited doctors, nurses, or other qualified how, on average, about one in four people who personal during pregnancy and only 70 percent of were sick in 2007—about 23 percent—did not go births were assisted by qualified medical staff. Besides to a doctor. In rural areas, this is the case for one relatively low coverage, there is a substantial differ- in three people. While there is no much difference ence between coverage and HOI which indicates in- across gender for this indicator, the difference is sub- equality of opportunity across different circumstances stantial across residence and welfare status. Among the such as household’s social-economic characteristics, rural population, 32 percent of the sick people did not region, and location of residence. Decomposing the see a doctor compared to 18 percent in urban areas inequality of opportunity index allows disentangling and 38 percent of sick population from the bottom the relative contribution of each circumstance to in- poorest quintile did not see a doctor compared to 15 equality. Location (living in rural or urban areas) and percent from the top wealthiest quintile. As shown in 7 The survey was run by Moroccan survey firm LMS-CSA FIGURE 1.8  •   Extent to Which Women Can and was nationally representative. Interviews were con- Access Medical Services ducted face-to-face with the population over 18 years of age. There is an oversample of women (2000) in order to have a large enough sample across ages, education levels, Rural 18 63 19 urban/rural residents, and other demographic segments so that robust comparison can be made among them. The smaller sample of men (500) was used to allow gender Urban 38 56 6 disaggregation of the data. 8 The National Survey of Living Standards is used to see Total 29 59 12 accessibility of health services among women and men from different locations and from households with differ- 0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100% ent welfare status. Easily available Not easily available Completely lacking 9 29 percent did not go to see a doctor because they were just temporarily sick. Six percent of sick individuals did not Source: IFES (2010). go to a doctor because it was too far for them to get there. 8 MOROCCO: MIND THE GAP – EMPOWERING WOMEN FOR A MORE OPEN, INCLUSIVE, AND PROSPEROUS SOCIETY TABLE 1.3 • Reasons for Not Going to See a Doctor Among Sick People in 2007, % Gender Residence Welfare status Total Male Female Urban Rural Bottom II III IV Top Hard to pay 50 52 49 47 54 62 64 58 42 24 Remoteness of the place 6 5 6 1 11 7 4 5 6 6 High cost of transport 1 0 2 0 3 3 1 0 2 1 Difficulty of access 1 1 1 0 2 1 2 1 0 1 Lack of physician 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 1 1 Lack of services 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 0 1 0 Temporary illness 29 30 29 37 21 17 19 24 38 50 Poor quality 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 0 1 2 Other causes 10 10 10 12 8 7 7 12 9 15 Source: National Survey of Living Standards 2007, author’s calculation. Note: Quintiles are based on consumption per capita. Only those individuals who were sick in 2007 are included. FIGURE 1.9 • HOI and Coverage Rates for Health FIGURE 1.10 • The Contribution of Circumstances Services Related Opportunities, to Opportunities (Shapley 2007 Decomposition), 2007 90% 100 80% 90 29 36 80 70% 70 60% 60 50% 50 40% 40 30 30% 20 20% 10 25 17 10% 0 Any prenatal care Assisted birth 0% Any prenatal care Assisted birth Gender Wealth Family Characteristics HOI Coverage Education head Region Location type Source: National Survey of Living Standards 2007, MNA HOI report (forthcoming). Note: Circumstances include: quintiles based on consumption per capita, gender, age of hh, number of household members between 0–15 years of age, presence of elderly, being a single parent household, hh education, region, and rural or urban locality. Sample is children between 0 and 5 years – 3002 observations. the welfare status of household account for more than Extremely Biased Allocation of Time Within 50 percent of inequality in each opportunity. This is the Household Significantly Reduces consistent with the previous finding that individu- Women’s Ability to Control Their Time als from wealthier households residing in urban ar- eas have higher likelihood of seeing a doctor when Women also face significant constraints in terms sick. In the case of services associated to childbear- of their use of time. Young women in Morocco on ing, poor women in rural areas are the most disad- average do far more housework than men. In fact, em- vantaged group. ployed women spend much more time in household Social and Human development country context 9 TABLE 1.4 • Share of Time (%) Spent in Household Chores and Child Care as a Fraction of Sleep/ Non-Personal Time Characteristics Female Male Characteristics Female Male Education Household Wealth No education 34 1 Bottom quintile 31 1 Primary 27 1 2nd quintile 24 1 Secondary 17 1 3rd quintile 23 1 Post-Secondary 11 1 4th quintile 21 1 Marital Status Top quintile 19 1 Not married 19 1 Location Married 36 1 Rural 28 1 Employment status Urban 20 1 Not employed 25 1 All 24 1 Employed 13 1 Source: Verme (2012). Women age ranges from 15 to 19 years old. chores than non-employed men as shown in Table 1.4. is used to compare subjective wellbeing between men Such patterns, also seen in the wealthier developed and women. Figure 1.11, based on the WVS for Mo- countries, appear to be the result—as shown in Chap- rocco for 2011, shows a negligible and statistically in- ters 2 and 410—of a strict gender identity rather than significant difference in all dimensions of comparisons resulting from women’s comparative advantage in between men and women (satisfaction with their life home production. Women presently do more work in- and financial situation, and happiness) except “sense side the home and less work outside as compared to of freedom and control over life.” While the differ- men. Interestingly, the “how would you like it to be” ence in percentage of men and women believing they scenario is not much different across men and women. have freedom of choice and control to decide for their Further, while men are open to women working more life is not considerable (47 percent for women versus outside of the house, they also want them to continue 54 percent for men), there is quite a gap in the percep- their housework routines. Women also reveal that they tion of how empowered (measured as a scale from 6 to would like to engage in more of home production than 10) women feel to choose and decide for themselves. men do, while simultaneously aspiring to work out- Countries often used as examples of successful inclu- side of the home. These responses reveal strong gender sive growth policies (such as Malaysia), show no gap norms related to the labor market participation on both in perception between genders, and men and women men’s and women’s side (Chapter 2 and Chapter 4 will equally11 believe they have the freedom to choose and analyze this aspect more in detail). control over their lives. Women allocate less importance than men to work and politics, expressions of active participa- Subjective Wellbeing and Women’s tion in the economic and social life. This finding Perceptions of Values in Life holds if controlled for individual characteristics. As While women’s perceptions of their satisfaction in life does not differ substantially from men’s, wom- 10 And as argued in the literature [see Akerlof and Kranton en believe they have less freedom and less control (2000)] over their lives than men. The World Values survey 11 In equal percentages 10 MOROCCO: MIND THE GAP – EMPOWERING WOMEN FOR A MORE OPEN, INCLUSIVE, AND PROSPEROUS SOCIETY FIGURE 1.11 • Life Satisfaction, Happiness, Financial Satisfaction, and Sense of Freedom and Control Over Lives in Morocco Across Genders, 2011 90% 80% 70% % of Population 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% Satisfied with life Feel happy **Have freedom and Satisfied with financial control over life situation of household Male Female Source: WVS wave 6, author’s calculation. Note: “Do not know answer” and “no answer” were removed from calculations. * Difference between proportions is different from zero at 10 percent, ** at 5 percent and *** at 1 percent. Satisfied with life are those on the scale from 6 to 10 on life satisfaction ladder. Happy are those who feel very and rather happy. Those who are on the scale from 6 to 10 on freedom and control over life ladder are considered as having control over live. Those who are on the scale from 6 to 10 on financial satisfaction ladder are considered as having satisfaction with financial situation of the household. shown in Figure 1.12, family, religion, and work are the education, employment status, and number of children three most important things for the population in Mo- (Figure A1.4 in the annex). Women seem therefore to rocco. Politics is the least important. In terms of gender allocate less importance than men to work, and poli- differences, work, politics and leisure are more impor- tics, expressions of active participation in the economic tant for men than women. Significant gender differenc- and social life, and leisure, which is consistent with the es in the likelihood of importance in life of things other common views in the region and with the observed out- than family or religion remain statistically significant come in terms of low active participation of women to if controlled for individual characteristics such as age, the economic and social life of the country. The Role of Women in the Society: FIGURE 1.12 • Importance of Different Things in Gender Stereotypes and Beliefs Life in Morocco Across Gender, 2011 Public views on gender roles in the society are far from equalitarian in the region. In the MENA region, Religion is important social norms generally place high value on women’s **Work is important role within the home and family and her investments ***Politics is important in family life. Morocco is very much illustrative of these ***Leisure is important norms, which reflect elements of a patriarchal society in which women and men are partners in a marriage Friends are important but with separate roles. The expression of such views Family is important are revealed in the fact that over 60 percent of the pop- 0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100% ulation believes that when jobs are scarce, men should have the priority, reflecting the idea that men are the Male Female primary income earner (“breadwinner”) of the family Source: WVS wave 6, author’s calculation. and that the vast majority (71 percent) believes that a Note: “Do not know answer” and “no answer” were removed from calculations. working mother would have a negative effect on her * Difference between proportions is different from zero at 10 percent, ** at 5 percent and *** at 1 percent. children (this view is shared by only 21 percent of the Social and Human development country context 11 TABLE 1.5 • % of Population Agreeing with the Different Statements in Morocco and Other Comparators, % Algeria Jordan Malaysia Morocco Tunisia Turkey If jobs are scarce, men should have a priority 60% 81% 57% 62% 73% 60% Women earning more than men causes a problem 41% 51% 25% 48% 44% 48% Having a job for women best way to be independent 47% 53% 70% 57% 55% 62% Child suffers with a working mother 79% 89% 21% 71% 79% 68% Men are better political leaders than women 75% 82% 70% 70% 76% 70% University education is more important for boys than girls 39% 29% 43% 22% 25% 33% Men are better business executives than women 63% 71% 58% 65% 64% 67% Being a housewife is as fulfilling as working for pay 70% 83% 49% 68% 83% 72% Source: WVS wave 6. Note: “Do not know answer” and “no answer” were removed from calculations. Survey dates are: Algeria 2014, Jordan 2014, Malaysia 2011, Morocco 2011, Tunisia 2013, Turkey 2011. Agreed population includes those who strongly agree and just agree. population in a comparable country such as Malaysia). the same view. As comparison, women in Jordan—an- Interestingly, only 22 percent of the population seems other country in the region and an upper middle in- to believe that university education is more important come country—are subject to much more conservative for boys than girls, pointing to a renewed role for edu- views of their own role. Despite being often quoted as cation regardless of the roles attached to the gender of one of the countries in the region that have achieved the person. the most in terms of educational and human develop- Women have more egalitarian gender-related ment indicators, Jordan shows comparable percentages views in Morocco than men. Figure 1.13 shows the for men and women (respectively 84 and 78 percent) percentage of population across men and women who agreeing to the statement that jobs should go to men agree with different gender related statements. As can where they are scarce. In this sense, Morocco is much be clearly seen, men have a stronger view of gender roles closer to countries like Malaysia, where there is a clear compared to women. While this is not surprising, it is gap in views from men and women regarding women’s indeed an encouraging sign that women do not share role in the society. FIGURE 1.13  •  Views on Gender Related Statements across Men and Women in Morocco, 2011 ***Men are bettter business Population agreed with the statement executives than women ***University education is more important for boys than girls ***Men are better political leaders than women ***Child suffers with a working mother ***Having job for women best way to be independent ***Women earning more than men causes a problem ***If jobs are scarce, men should have a priority 0% 20% 40% 60% 80% Male Female Source: WVS wave 6, author’s calculation. Note: “Do not know answer” and “no answer” were removed from calculations. * Difference between proportions is different from zero at 10 percent, ** at 5 percent and *** at 1 percent. 12 MOROCCO: MIND THE GAP – EMPOWERING WOMEN FOR A MORE OPEN, INCLUSIVE, AND PROSPEROUS SOCIETY FIGURE 1.14 • Percent of Population Agreeing Gender related views of society are changing with the Statement that “Men over time and become more egalitarian especially in Should Have a Priority if Jobs are Scarce” in Morocco, 2001 and terms of the labor market. Figure 1.14 shows how the 2011 agreement with the statement that “men should have a priority if jobs are scarce” changed during the years Agreed with the statement between 2001 and 2011. There was a substantial drop "Jobs are scarce men should have priority" in the shares of population—both among men and 100% women—agreeing with such statement. This is consis- tent with more egalitarian views on gender roles among 80% the youngest cohorts of population regardless of their Population 60% gender (Figure A1.5a&b in the Annex). Hence, for instance, while 63 percent of women aged 55–64 be- 40% lieve men should have a priority if jobs are scarce, only 20% 35 percent among young women aged 18–24 do so (Figure A1.5b). Similar tendencies holds for men, with 0% 2001 2011 2001 2011 71 percent of men aged 55–64 believing that higher Men Women women’s earnings would cause a problem compared to Source: WVS waves 4 and 6, author’s calculation. 56 percent of men aged 18–24 (Figure A1.5a). These Note: “Do not know answer” and “no answer” were removed from calculations. trends are indeed encouraging and show how gender- related views of the society and related social norms are not sticky but, on the contrary, tend to evolve with the socio-economic development of the country of which young men and women are a manifestation. Women’s Economic Empowerment WOMEN’S ECONOMIC PARTICIPATION 2 preferences, opportunities, and abilities of women to is at an Early Stage, and Female participate in the economic life. This chapter will try Economic Participation is Among the to identify the correlates of women’s decision (or their Lowest in the World ability to decide) to participate in the labor market. These factors are linked to individual characteristics, Morocco ranks in the bottom 20 percent of coun- for instance age or education/skills, but also socio- tries in the world in terms of female participation demographic factors, such as the type and composi- in the labor force. Very little actual progress on tion of the households women live in, or life events women’s economic participation took place over such as marriage or maternity. They also include, as the past twenty years. Morocco is perceived (to- mentioned above, gender-related social norms and gether with Tunisia) as one of the most liberal and women’s ability to make and enforce decisions related reformist countries in the MENA region. Undoubt- to their employment: specifically, the role of women’s edly, the government has made considerable strides agency in employment and how this translates into over the last decade in closing equality gaps in law, actual economic participation. particularly with reforms related to personal and fam- ily life: as a result Morocco displays today one of the most liberal and progressive legal frameworks in the Female LFP and its Evolution MENA region in this sense (despite remaining impor- tant shortcomings). However, when it comes to the Morocco lags behind countries at the same level rate of women participation in the labor force, it is of economic development in terms of female LFP. far from being a front runner, even for a region like The prevalent hypothesis in literature about the long- MENA which displays the lowest female activity rate term relationship between economic development and in the world. Despite being half of the population, FLFP is the U-shaped hypothesis.12 This broadly states women in Morocco represent less than a quarter of that during the early stages of economic development the active population (only about 24 percent). Their FLFP declines due to the initial structural changes in activity rate in 2011 was around 26 percent against the economy—and the transition from an agricultural 75 percent for men, at the same level as in 1990. The to an industrialized society—while it increases in later urban–rural divide remains also wide: in urban areas stages when countries mature into modern econo- only about 19 percent of women join the labor force mies, fertility rates decline, and female education rates against 71 percent of men, while in rural areas the increase. The U-hypothesis seems to hold13 empirical- rate is respectively 37 percent and 82 percent. ly in most of the literature (using cross country analy- A key question The analysis presented in sis). More recently, this assumption has been tested this chapter attempts to answer a key question: Why is Morocco’s female participation in the work- 12 Boserup, 1970, Durand, 1975; Goldin, 1995, Psacharo- force so low? There are multiple potential explana- poulos and Tzannatos, 1989. tions involved, encompassing issues such as gender 13 As it did for the previous example in literature, Goldin norms, the legal framework, and the structure of the (1994), with respect to which this analysis considers more economy. Each factor could influence the incentives, countries and more recent data for 1990, 2000, and 2010. 13 14 MOROCCO: MIND THE GAP – EMPOWERING WOMEN FOR A MORE OPEN, INCLUSIVE, AND PROSPEROUS SOCIETY FIGURE 2.1 • Morocco is Below the U Curve, Given the Level of Income World 1990 World 2000 World 2010 100 100 100 50 50 50 0 0 0 4 6 8 10 12 4 6 8 10 12 4 6 8 10 12 Source: Verme (2014). for a pool of countries including the MENA region,14 age cohorts). In the case of women, the observed pat- confirming the observed patterns in FLFP across the tern has been driven mostly by urban areas. Rural areas globe and the relation with countries’ income levels on the other hand show an increase in FLFP in the past (as a proxy for their economic development). In the decade, with higher participation for women above context of long-term trends of FLFP Morocco appears 30 years of age (Figure 2.3). to be consistently at the bottom of the U curve in the past three decades (ranging from the 1990s to 2010), A Profile of Active/Inactive Women without any hint of moving to the upward part of the curve (Figure 2.1). More importantly, compared to Despite being half of the population16 women rep- other world countries at the same level of GDP per resent only about quarter of the active population. capita, Morocco shows a lower female participation The activity rate for women in Morocco in 2011 was rate. This means that the country continue to lag be- around 26 percent against 75 percent for men, at the hind relative to other countries at the same level of same level as in 1990 (Figure 2.4b). The urban-rural economic development. divide remains also wide, even though generally tilted Moreover, in the past decade, Female Labor positively towards rural areas: in urban areas only about Force participation in Morocco has been actually 19 percent of women join the labor force against 71 per- declining. This is true for all age cohorts but par- cent of men, while in rural areas the rate is respectively ticularly for women above 25 years of age. Further 37 percent and 82 percent (Figure 2.4c). This stronger analysis15 shows how Morocco not only fails to fully economic participation of women in rural areas should conform to global trends but it shows a reversed trend not necessarily be taken prima facie as a positive out- in FLFP, with the past decade showing a reduction in come. Participation for women in rural areas might be activity rates (Figure 2.2). This is at odds with world trends in terms of the relationship between income lev- 14 A recent paper from Verme (2014), WPS 6927, recon- el of the country and rates of women’s economic partic- siders the U-shape hypothesis cross-country using more ipation. It is however more in line with observed trends recent data and includes all MENA countries, with a par- in the MENA region. The decline is particularly sharp ticular focus on Morocco. for women over 25 years of age but it covers all age co- 15 Verme (2014), taking into account the longitudinal infor- horts. This pattern is specific to women, with men not mation and endogeneity of the data displaying any sharp decline in activity around that age 16 WDI source: women were 50.7 percent of the Moroccan (following more standard participation patterns across population in 2012 WOMEN’S Economic Participation 15 FIGURE 2.2 • Female Labor Force Participation by Five-Year Cohorts (World, MENA, Morocco) World Mena Morocco 80 80 80 60 60 60 (Mean) FPR 40 40 40 20 20 20 0 0 0 20 30 40 50 60 20 30 40 50 60 20 30 40 50 60 Age Age Age 1990 2000 2010 Source: ILO-EAPEP database (Female LFP) and World Bank, World Development Indicators (GDP per capita). Change in FLFP 2000–2010 Rural FIGURE 2.3A •  Change in FLFP 2000–2010 Urban FIGURE 2.3B •  Female LFPR Rural – Change 2000 to 2011 Female LFPR Urban – Change 2000 to 2011 70 70 60 60 Participation rate Participation rate 50 50 40 40 30 30 20 20 10 10 0 0 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 50 55 60 65 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 50 55 60 65 Age cohort Age cohort 2000 2011 2000 2011 Source: LFS (2011). dictated by necessity, with the income effect playing an the same rates (around 90 percent) regardless of their important role: women work to contribute to the fam- education level. For the younger age group (15–29) we ily income but this does not necessarily signify an im- observe the same patterns between men and women, provement of their socio-economic status.17 with a strong decrease in participation among the sec- The inactive population largely consists of ondary and tertiary education level, perhaps because women with low levels of education. Between 25 and of their school attendance. However, while more than 30 percent of women with little or no education join half of men with secondary education level join the la- the labor force, regardless of their age group (Figures bor force, only 16 percent of women do so. 2.5 a&b). The rate of participation more than doubles, at almost 70 percent, for young female graduates in 17 An additional explanation might be that most rural female the 30–64 age group. In contrast, men in the same age employment is in household enterprises, where it might group (30–64) participate to the labor force fairly at be easier to combine childcare with work. 16 MOROCCO: MIND THE GAP – EMPOWERING WOMEN FOR A MORE OPEN, INCLUSIVE, AND PROSPEROUS SOCIETY FIGURE 2.4A • Morocco is Not at a Front Runner Even Within the MENA Region 100 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 Algeria Bahrain Djibouti Egyt, Arab Rep. Iran, Islamic Rep. Iraq Jordan Kuwait Lebanon Libya Morocco Oman Qatar Saudi Arabia Syrian Arab Republic Tunisia United Arab Emirates West bank and Gaza Yemen, Rep. Labor participation rate, female (% of female population ages 15+) Labor participation rate, male (% of male population ages 15+) Source: Opening Doors, WB (2012). FIGURE 2.4B • Female LFP in Morocco Has Not FIGURE 2.4C • Activity Rates in 2011 by Rural/ Changed in the Past Two Decades Urban 90 80 81 90 79 77 82 80 75 75 80 75 70 71 70 60 50 60 40 50 26 28 29 28 26 26 30 40 37 20 30 26 10 19 0 20 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2011 10 Labor participation rate, female (% of female population ages 15+) 0 National Urban Rural Labor participation rate, male (% of male population ages 15+) Male Female Source: LFS (2011). Educated women are more likely to partici- the fact that participation also seems to become more pate in the labor force. A marginal effect analysis likely with age even though at a declining rate [not shows that women with higher education have much shown here], meaning that probably being enrolled higher probabilities of joining the labor force. Women in post-secondary education is temporarily preventing with university and post-graduate education are re- women to join the workforce up to a certain age (when spectively about 44 and 54 percent likelier in rural and they actually earn their diploma). urban areas to be in the labor force than their less edu- Educated women however face higher unem- cated counterparts (Figure 2.6). This is reinforced by ployment rates than their male counterparts. While WOMEN’S Economic Participation 17 FIGURE 2.5A • Labor Force Participation Within FIGURE 2.5B • Labor Force Participation Within Population Aged 15–29 by Population Aged 30–64 by Education Category Education Category 100% 100% 80% 80% 60% 60% 40% 40% 20% 20% 0% 0% No Primary Secondary Tertiary No Primary Secondary Tertiary Education Education Male Female Male Female Source: LFS (2011). FIGURE 2.6 • Education Increases the Likelihood of Women Joining the Labor Force Probability of Participation Among Probability of Participation Among Population Aged 25–64 – URBAN Population Aged 25–64 – RURAL 60% 53.8% 60% 50% 43.7% 40% 40% 30% 20% 20% 16.4% 2.0% 3.0% 10% 5.5% 7.3% 5.7% 0% 0% –2.8% –0.1% –9.5% –10% –20% –14.7% Primary Secondary Tertiary Primary Secondary Tertiary Male Female Male Female Source: LFS 2011. Control group for males/females is men/women with no education. there isn’t a big difference in terms of unemployment low as 1.4 percent. This is consistent with the fact that rates between men and women in Morocco18 (respec- women with little or no education in rural areas are tively 8.7 percent and 10.5 percent in 2011), there is likely to join the labor force to contribute to the family a wide gap in terms of the educational characteristics income. Higher educated women on the other hand, of the unemployed. The low level of unemployment show much higher rates and longer duration of unem- among less educated women very likely arises because ployment, which is consistent with the idea that their they mostly work in seasonal or temporary occupations reservation wages might be higher and therefore their and they tend to join the labor force when these types ability to wait/queue for a suitable job. of jobs arise (see details on labor mobility in Chapter 3). Also, unemployment rates are indeed much low- er in rural areas. Women with little or no education 18 This is unlike other countries in the region like Egypt or show a sharp difference in their unemployment rates, Jordan where unemployment rates for women are double showing rates close to “frictional” unemployment, as the ones for men. 18 MOROCCO: MIND THE GAP – EMPOWERING WOMEN FOR A MORE OPEN, INCLUSIVE, AND PROSPEROUS SOCIETY FIGURE 2.7A • Unemployment Rates by Education FIGURE 2.7B • Unemployment Rates by Education (Age 15–29) (Age 30–64) 60% 16% 50% 11% 40% 30% 6% 20% 1% 10% 0% –4% No Primary Secondary Tertiary No Primary Secondary Tertiary Education Education Male Female Male Female Source: LFS (2011). FIGURE 2.7D • Long Term Unemployment (More FIGURE 2.7C • Length of Unemployment Spells by than 12 Months) by Education and Location Location 90 90 80 80 70 70 60 60 50 50 40 40 30 30 20 20 10 10 0 0 Less than More than Less than More than Less than More than No Medium Higher No Medium Higher 12 12 12 12 12 12 degree degree degree degree degree degree months months months months months months Total Urban Rural Urban Rural 2012 Male 2012 Female 2012 Male 2012 Female Source: HCP (2012). Source: HCP (2012). An astonishingly high share of school-age figure rises to more than 6 in 10 women. This phenom- women are out of school and out of work. As shown enon alone could explain low FLFP rates among both in Verme (2014), the proportion of young people aged young and older cohorts if women exit the labor force 15–29 who are neither in the labor market nor in edu- early in life and do not come back.19 cation changes considerably between men and women. LFS data for the period 2007–2011 shows less than 5 percent of men to be simultaneously out of work and 19 Why do women drop out from school? Older and illiter- ate women are often trapped between past discrimination out of school in both urban and rural areas. By con- and present constraints. An investigation carried out in trast, the figures for women are alarming. In urban ar- Morocco among 204 female participants in adult literacy eas, more than 4 in 10 women aged 15 to 29 years are programs (Agnaou, 2004) revealed that only 11 percent neither in work nor in school and in rural areas this of learners attended regularly. The sample ranged from WOMEN’S Economic Participation 19 Which Factors are Behind Declining generation, where it occurred, benefitted mostly men Trends in FLFP? (see Chapter 3). Indeed, male participation increased during the period 2007–2011. There is no single explanation for the limited par- Education is the single most important factor ticipation of women in the workforce in MENA. in explaining unusually low levels of participation, As explained in the MENA regional companion to the particularly when combined with the current struc- 2012 WDR on Gender and Development, there are im- ture of the economy. Secondary education seems to portant MENA specific factors, undoubtedly influenced consistently reduce the probability of participation and shaped by the region’s geography (and natural re- in both urban and rural areas. Morocco managed to sources), history, religion and culture, and by social norms. This complex set of factors is manifested in the prevailing gender norms in the countries of the region, and the many common features of its legal and insti- women aged between 12 and 60 years old, the average was 32. The older age set, between 50 and 60 years old tutional framework. In the specific case of Morocco, corresponded only to 10 percent of the sample despite the economic structure coupled with the legacy of low being the most affected by illiteracy, whereas the major- achievements in terms of social indicators (education ity was relatively young. The socio-economic stratum they above all) limited opportunities to pull women into the belonged to was very low, both for them and their hus- workforce. The analysis presented here identifies some bands (or guardian). They all had either Amazigh (Berber) of the main correlates of women low economic par- or Moroccan Arabic as native language. The study inves- tigated the reasons for such an irregular attendance and ticipation in the past decade and argues how the slow found out that the problem of earning a living or running pace of economic growth coupled with gender-biased a house were crucial in preventing women from partici- views and perceptions of the role of the women in the pating in the program. During fieldwork in the south of household and society at large tend to distort women’s Morocco, women revealed that they dropped out because economic participation. of poverty: since their husbands could not find a job, or worked as seasonal laborers, they had to work as maids or integrate cooperatives as seasonal workers themselves. The Slow Pace of Economic Growth is one In addition to the housework chores, and raising five of the Main Reasons behind Low FLFP, children, they also had to fetch water and wood, farm- together with Demographic Factors ing, cropping, animal feeding, and so forth. Some of them had to take over from their husband’s work because they had migrated to towns. The second reason reported the Economic growth, measured in terms of real GDP fact that women had to attend specific social events, like growth, negatively affects female labor force par- funerals, weddings or guest entertaining. Program inter- ticipation. Indeed, it appears to reduce the probability ruption had different reasons and accounted for 21 per- of participation for women in both urban and rural cent. During fieldwork three rural and two urban centers areas. These findings result from the analysis of FLFP had interrupted the program. Among reasons: political trends in both medium (1999–2012) and short term reasons, the change of the headmasters of the school, the instructor’s non-remuneration, and insufficient numbers (2007–2011) periods (and in both static and dynamic of participants. Participants could not attend because of context, the latter being the analysis of a panel of indi- the distance, the bad status of roads, especially in rural viduals over the short term period).20 It is fully consis- areas; or in urban settings because they feared sexual ha- tent with the U-shape hypothesis and the relative posi- rassment after the class, which ends in the late evening. tion of Morocco on the downward part of the curve, Husbands’ opposition also played a role. Twelve percent a fact which is at odds with the overall performance of rural women dropped out because their husbands, who lived in town, ordered them to stop attending, convinced of the country and the trends in the variables that are by other women in the family, mainly the woman’s moth- usually associated with the U-shape hypothesis (struc- er-in-law and sister-in-law. tural transformation, female education, fertility rates). 20 Over 1999–2012, economic growth is at best insignifi- This apparently odd result is explained by the fact that cant. For one of the specifications it is weakly negative growth has been mostly jobless and that employment (Verme 2014). 20 MOROCCO: MIND THE GAP – EMPOWERING WOMEN FOR A MORE OPEN, INCLUSIVE, AND PROSPEROUS SOCIETY Demographic, Fertility, and Education Play an Important Role in Shaping Long-run FLFP BOX 2.1  |   Several assumptions have been put forward and tested empirically in the literature to justify the observed long-term trends in FLFP across countries and their link with the country level of economic development. The structural transformation of the economy seems to be linked to the declining portion of the U curve, which explains how the move of the economy away from agriculture and industry frees some of the labor intensive sectors in agriculture where most of the women are employed, in the case of countries lower income levels. However, the explanation of the rising part of the curve relies on a more complex combination of factors. Fertility has been among the first factors to be identified (Golding, 1995) a factor that found consistent evidence in subsequent studies (Angrist and Evans, 1998; Bloom et al., 2009). Similarly, female education was detected early on as a major factor of rising FLP rates (Goldin, 1995) and found matching evidence over the years across countries.a A more controversial set of factors relates to culture, gender norms, and identity. Traditional explanations for FLFP long-run trends account only partially for observed outcomes in Morocco. While the drop in fertility rates and the increased educationb of the female labor force (highly correlated to each other) appear significant in determining upward trends in participation, other factors that should have accounted for an increase in participation—such as economic factors—do not appear to be significant. A potential explanation for the relative stagnation in FLFP is to be searched in the (slow) pace of structural transformation of the economy and the lack of expansion in sectors that have been proved critical for expanding female employment like manufacturing and services (Chapter 3 will look into this more in detail). A second influential factor is “culture” or social norms, which could also explain the finding that women seem to exit the labor force around marriage age (the cohort around 25 years of age). a These two factors are also related to each other (female education delays marriage and pregnancies) so that identifying the specific contribution of each factor on FLP is not straightforward but the evidence is rather solid in determining a correlation between fertility and education and FLP cross-country and longitudinally. (Verme 2014). b Moroccan women have achieved comparable results in several education and health indicators to that of women in other countries with similar income levels or cultural background. Morocco’s Total Fertility Rates are similar to comparable groups of countries, for both incomes level and cultural or geographical proximity (see Chapter 1 and Annex 1). Remarkable progress has been made in the past 4 decades, where the TFR has been decreasing more dramatically than in any other country or group selected as comparators. The same is true of the ratios of female to male in the different levels of education. Although Morocco’s educational outcomes have consistently ranked lowest among the other comparable countries and regions, there’s a steeper trend in its series that suggest convergence in the future. While the ratio of female to male gets smaller with advancing education levels, it grew relatively more for higher education (jumping from 20 percent to almost 90 percent for the tertiary level; secondary and primary ratios increased respectively from 40 percent to 85 percent and from 53 percent to 95 percent). Overall, these trends seem to support an upward trend in FLFP. improve secondary education for men and women sig- panel short-term regression for 2007–2011 also reveals nificantly over the past two decades and this is consis- how the interaction between age and marriage is always tent with one of the long-term factors of female partici- positive and significant, which means that older mar- pation. But the country was unable to develop sectors ried women do better than younger married women. that are more likely to employ women with secondary Therefore, marriage rather than age is the key factor to education including manufacturing and services. As understand participation for women and in explaining analyzed in detail in Chapter 3, women are more likely the observed pattern described above of low exit rates to be either poorly educated and employed in low skills and declining participation rates for women above jobs, highly educated and in search of work, or em- 25 years of age. However, having an active spouse in- ployed in the public sector.21 In a sense, the system creases the probability of participation in both urban failed to make use of the vast majority of women who and rural areas and in both models.22 This also means completed secondary education by creating jobs in la- that married couples tend to either work or not work. bor intensive sectors that require middle-level skills. This may be related to stigma and social networks (see The alternative for women is vocational education, section below). A working husband has fewer stigmas which provides a distinct advantage for FLP. Demographic factors—such as marriage and the socio-economic status of the spouse—play a 21 The public sector, however, is no longer the largest em- ployer in Morocco. Public employment as a share of to- crucial role in determining women economic par- tal employment is between 10 and 15 percent against a ticipation. Marriage is a determining factor in the inac- regional average of over 40 percent (source: background tivity rates of women, regardless of their location. Being calculations based on countries HBS for WB report “Jobs married invariably reduces the probability of partici- for shared prosperity”). pation for women in both urban and rural areas. The 22 This is of course after controlling for marriage. WOMEN’S Economic Participation 21 BOX 2.2  |  The Effect of Marriage on Educated Women’s Labor Force Participation Married and educated women in urban areas are most likely not to join the labor force. As mentioned earlier, urban women’s extremely low participation rate explain most of the low FLFP at national leave. Furthermore, marriage has a major role in urban areas in keeping FLP rates low. The probability of participation for married women in urban areas is below 10 percent as compared to a probability for unmarried women of close to 40 percent. This marriage effect is not visible in rural areas where marriage can even increase participation. If we consider that most women in rural areas are uneducated, we should conclude that low FLFP rates in Morocco are mainly explained by women in urban areas with secondary education. This group is not likely to participate mainly because of marriage and because they have an education level matching sectors that are not growing. In addition, educated women are likely to marry educated men who we know have done better than women in the labor market and may be able to support their families on their own. Married women with secondary education are often married to highly educated men who might be able to provide for the family without the need for additional income. This last factor, in turn, contributes to the reduction of the likelihood for educated women to seek employment FIGURE 2.8 • Probability of Participation by Age Cohort and Marital Status (b) (Rural vs Urban) Urban Rural 0.6 0.6 Probability of participation 0.4 Probability of participation 0.4 0.2 0.2 0 0 15–19 20–24 25–29 30–34 35–39 40–44 45–49 50–54 55–59 60–64 65–69 >=70 15–19 20–24 25–29 30–34 35–39 40–44 45–49 50–54 55–59 60–64 65–69 >=70 Cohort of age Cohort of age Not married Married associated with having his wife working, and a wife of out of school. Finally, the presence of other women in an active person is more likely to be socially connected the household above the age of 15 that are inactive24 to other active people and jobs. reduces the probability of participation consistently Household composition and characteristics across areas and models. The same result is found for are also important, particularly the number and age the number of inactive persons above the age of 60. of children. Children play an important role for FLP Two factors might be behind this result: (i) the pres- as expected: the probability of participation decreases ence of inactive women reflects simply the scarcity with the number of children below six only in urban of available jobs and therefore discouragement from areas. However, if we look at the number of children entering the labor force all together or (ii) the house- out of school and out of work between the age of 7 hold has many inactive individuals requiring attention. and 17 we find this variable to invariably increase These two factors may reinforce each other of course. FLP, which is somehow different from advanced coun- The following section below will focus on the impor- tries.23 This would suggest that older siblings look after tant role of households, intra-households dynamics, younger siblings—substituting for formal but scarcely available childcare options—and increase in this way 23 Both Fixed Effects and Random Effects models. the likelihood of participation of older women. This 24 If they are more than a third of all the women in the could however be a factor that keeps older children household. 22 MOROCCO: MIND THE GAP – EMPOWERING WOMEN FOR A MORE OPEN, INCLUSIVE, AND PROSPEROUS SOCIETY and decision-making mechanisms in shaping women FIGURE 2.10 • Women Not Seeking Paid agency and LFP. Employment Because Husband or Father Do Not Allow (%) Intra-household Dynamics and Agency in 25% Decision Making as Correlates of Female Labor Force Participation 20% 24% Agency and Intra-household decision making 15% in Morocco Intra-household decision making is crucial to ana- 10% 16% lyzing female labor force participation in Morocco. 11% 5% Few women make decisions on labor issues by them- selves. Data from the 2010 Morocco Household and 0% Youth Survey (MHYS – see Box 2.2) shows that only Rural Urban Total about one-third of Moroccan women aged 15 to 49 Source: MHYS 2009–10 data. make decisions about employment by themselves. Other family members, particularly husbands and fa- TABLE 2.1 • Who Makes Decisions about Female thers, influence women’s decisions to work. Family Employment? opinions also inhibit women from seeking employment opportunities outside the home: 19 percent of women Decision makers Rural Urban Total who are not employed and were not looking for paid Woman herself 22 55 42 employment reported that the reason for not seeking Father of household 21 5 12 employment was that their husbands or fathers did not Husband only 34 21 26 allow them (Figure 2.10). Husband & wife 8 10 9 There is a striking difference between rural and Others 15 9 11 urban areas in terms of men’s ability to influence wom- Total 100 100 100 en’s labor market decisions. In rural areas, only one- Source: MHYS. fifth of interviewed women seem to be able to decide for themselves in terms of their own employment. To- gether with the unbalanced distribution of household chores, men’s opinion and judgment is a major obsta- cle for women to seek paid employment.25 Having full agency in employment (defined FIGURE 2.9 • Who Makes Decisions about as women alone can decide to work) contributes to Female Employment? the actual employment. On average, about 18 per- cent of women with full agency are actually employed, compared to only 4 percent employment rate among Total 42 13 3 42 women with partial or no agency. Figure 2.12 displays women’s employment status by their level of agency in Rural 22 12 4 62 decision to work; it also shows that both in urban and rural areas, women who have agency in employment Urban 56 13 3 28 25 This result is further confirmed by the finding from quali- Woman herself Woman herself with others tative survey, in which focus group participants reported Mother included Only men the need to ask permission either from the husband or the father to work, to travel, and sometimes even to spend Source: MHYS 2009–10 data. their own money (Qual survey, 2014). WOMEN’S Economic Participation 23 TABLE 2.2 • Reasons for Not Seeking Paid FIGURE 2.11 • Agency to Spend Earned Income Employment (Among Women Not in Evolves Over Stages of Life Labor Force) (percent) 100 Reasons Rural Urban Total Husband or father don’t allow 24 11 16 Don’t want to work outside home 8 9 9 50 Not enough job opportunities 16 16 16 Too busy doing domestic work 27 26 26 Too old/retired/sick/ 6 6 6 0 Don’t know jobs are available 1 4 3 15–19 20–24 25–29 30–34 35–39 40–44 45–49 Other 17 28 23 Woman herself Women herself with others Mother included Only men Total 100 100 100 Source: MHYS data, authors’ analysis. Work Agency and Employment Status of Women FIGURE 2.12 •  100 80 60 Percent 40 20 0 Woman Wom w/oth Mother included Only men Woman Wom w/oth Mother included Only men Urban Rural Employed Unemployed Out of labor force Source: MHYS 2009–10 data. (“women herself” can decide to work) have a much agency (or empowerment) is so large in magnitude that higher rate of employment than other groups of wom- it can offset negative factors commonly found in the fe- en whose employment decision is controlled partially male labor supply literature such as caretaking duties or fully by other household members. In urban areas, and earning potential. Moreover, agency is a significant women with full agency are almost four times more factor boosting labor supply among married women.26 likely to be employed than women who have partial Conversely, paid employment combined agency (“women with others” category). On the other with the ability to generate income for themselves hand, women who lack agency in employment deci- also boosts Moroccan women’s agency. A qualitative sions (those reported that “only men” can decide about study conducted in 2009–10 [as part of the MHYS] their employment) are least likely to be employed. An show that women’s appreciation of work seems found- econometric analysis on the MHYS data further reveals ed in the benefits of employment itself, rather than that a woman empowered to decide on her employment is 18 percent more likely to be in the labor force and 14 percent more likely to work outside home. The effect of 26 (Morgandi and Morgandi 2014). 24 MOROCCO: MIND THE GAP – EMPOWERING WOMEN FOR A MORE OPEN, INCLUSIVE, AND PROSPEROUS SOCIETY BOX 2.3  |  Agency and Economic Empowerment Start in the Household Many key development outcomes depend on women’s ability to negotiate favorable intra-householda allocations of resources. There is sufficient evidence from rigorous studies to conclude that women’s bargaining power does affect outcomes. But in many specific instances, the quantitative evidence cannot rigorously identify causality. In these cases, policy recommendations can be drawn from a combination of quantitative and qualitative evidence.b Moreover, the literature supports the current conventional wisdom that women’s education, incomes, assets, age, marital status, and culture influence the dynamics of intra-household decision making (Doss, 2013, Angel-Urdinola and Wodon, 2010). The ability to make decisions—such as participating in the labor markets—comprises three inter-related dimensions: resources (defined broadly to include not only access, but also future claims, to both material and human and social resources); achievements (well-being outcomes); and agency (including processes of decision making, as well as less measurable manifestations of agency such as negotiation, deception, and manipulation). Women’s agency is closely linked to gender equality and growth. Recent research focused on MENA underscores the crucial role that agency plays in the region. Ilkkaracana’s (2012) examination of aggregate employment data in the 1955–2009 period, as well as household survey data for 1988, 2000, and 2008 and qualitative data from a 1997 field study, shows that absence of alternative to males as the sole breadwinner resulted in the institutionalization of the gendered labor division and roles as binding constraints on female labor supply. The prevalence of informal sector employment and absence of family friendly policies such as paid work or family reconciliation measures further suppress women’s labor supply response, but social conservatism is a more limited constraint. Nevertheless, women’ desire for increased autonomy emerges as the primary motivation for entering the labor market. Using the Akerlof and Kranton’s (2000) identity economics approach, Caris and Hayo (2012) investigated the female labor market participation in the Arab region. Employing two rounds of the World Values Survey, they found that women’s labor market participation decisions are influenced by the importance they attach to their identity, which could be lost by taking a job outside the home. The authors also indicated that traditional culture manifestation is a more significant factor in female labor force participation than religious identity. Measuring agency Agency is measured in terms of the ability to make and enforce decisions relating to a specific outcome. Recent literature suggests ways to measure agency directly. In her review of the literature, Jejeebhoy (2000) finds the following common direct measures of autonomy: economic decision-making; child-related decision-making; marriage related decision-making; freedom of movement; power relations with husband; access to resources; and control over resources. Most commonly, researchers construct indices of each (often denoting whether the respondent has sole control or joint control over a range of decisions, or whether she can visit a list of places unescorted). The Oxford Poverty and Human Development Initiative (OPHI)’s module on agency, which draws from the indicators originally proposed by Ibrahim and Alkire (2007), focuses on indicators related to power over, power to, power with, and power from within, and address each in turn. Indicators for “power to” include the indicators of control and decision-making that have characterized most direct measurements of agency. For specific domains, like employment, the decision-making indicators denote the ability of respondents to make decisions (either alone or jointly), and further, whether or not they would be able to make decisions if they wanted to (Samman and Santos 2009). This is the concept of agency used in this chapter. (continued on next page) in meeting family expectations. Moreover, women shows the extent that household members, especially with more education feel a stronger urge to work to fathers and mothers, influence women’s agency in oth- feel fulfilled. Some young women attached the highest er dimensions than employment. Only about 45 per- priority to professional success, and those who were cent of women make decision on their own about hus- already working said that work had improved their band choice, and about half decide on their own about lives. Young women often perceive work as a way of their schooling. The proportion of women who report- achieving autonomy from their families and increasing ed that their fathers were the sole decider is as high their bargaining power in decision-making within their as 17 percent for schooling and about 29 percent for future families. It also enables a higher level of personal marriage. Interestingly, a large proportion of women consumption and greater security, especially if a wom- (29 percent) reported that the entire household (father, an’s husband abandons her.27 The ability to generate mother, and herself) made joint decisions about her income is a strong factor behind agency. Further analy- marriage. Similar to agency in employment, women in sis of women’s agency to make decisions about their rural areas are much less likely to decide about their own income reveals an encouraging trend. Once wom- marriage or schooling on their own. en overcome the hurdle of entering the labor market Constraints in agency in different spheres of and earn their own income, the vast majority of women life tend to overlap. Agency tends to be exercised dif- (83 percent) have control over their own money. ferently in different spheres of life—a woman may have The influence of family members on women’s agency extends also to other dimensions than em- ployment, such as schooling and marriage. Table 2.3 27 La Cava et al. 2012. WOMEN’S Economic Participation 25 BOX 2.3  |  Agency and Economic Empowerment Start in the Household (continued) Data and indicators used in this chapter define “Agency in employment.” The analysis presented in this chapter builds on the 2010 Morocco Household and Youth Survey (MHYS). The MHYSc [see Annex 2.2] is a survey conducted in 2009–2010 (La Cava et al. 2012) and contains standard labor market–related statistics typical of a standard labor force survey, The survey data is uniquely suitable for analyzing agency because it contains a separate section about Women in Decision Making, covering all women aged 15–49. The questionnaire contains questions about “Who in your household decides” about women’s schooling,d whether women can seek or remain in paid employment, how to spend their own income, choice of husband, and age of marriage. Additionally, among women who are not in paid employment or are not seeking work, the survey asks the reasons why they are not actively seeking paid employment. Based on the above framework, the MHYS data are used to create measurement of agency: dummy variables (whether women have full control in their decisions) and ordinal categorical variables, consisting of an arbitrary scale of women’s agency in each dimension. They are coded from the worst (code 1) to best (code 4)e in which only the relative ranking is important. To explain female labor force participation in Morocco, the analysis will emphasize decisions about employment. Other types of decisions about women will be analyzed as well, to the extent that they can help explain female employment. a Not all individual decisions are made solely by the individual; intra-household decision making mechanism must be taken into account when one considers analyzing decisions such as the decision of women to enter the labor market. Decisions such as where to live, how to generate income, how much to invest and consume, and how many children to have constitute common dilemmas faced by households. The outcomes of such decisions are often linked to economic performance at the household level as well as in the aggregate for the country as a whole. In poor households, the intra-household dynamics of decision making and resource allocation may have an even greater impact on the welfare outcomes of family members. If various household members (including male, as opposed to female, members) have different preferences, it is expected that households will behave differently according to who controls household resources. (Angel Urdinola and Wodon 2010) b Cheryl Doss: The World Bank Research Observer, vol. 28, no. 1 (February 2013) c It should be noted that the estimates of female labor force participation in the MHYS appears lower than the official estimates of the Morocco Employment Survey. For example, for all women aged 15 and above, the Employment Survey of 2009 suggests female labor force participation to be 25 percent nationally; the MHYS estimates it to be about 15 percent. Apart from sampling error and differences in the time periods the surveys were implemented, it is likely that differences in survey protocol contribute to this difference. The timing of the two surveys do not coincide perfectly; the 2009 Employment Survey covers four quarters from January through December 2009), while the MHYS 2009–2010 was conducted between October 2009 and March 2010. Furthermore, the questions asked to participants for measuring employment and unemployment are different across the surveys. For example, in the MHYS, individuals are considered employed only if they have worked the equivalent of one day in the last seven days, whereas the Employment survey does not have any such minimum work requirement. Also, the MHYS has a seven day recall period whereas the Employment Survey has a 24 hour recall period to collect employment and unemployment information. This likely leads to MHYS’s employment estimates, and in turn its labor force participation estimates for women being comparatively lower. (La Cava et al. 2012). Due to such data issues, the analysis of MHYS will not focus on the labor outcome, but on women’s ability to make decisions. However, other demographic statistics appear to be similar. For example, on marriage, proportions of unmarried people according to age group, sex, and location do not differ between the two data sources. Literacy rates from both data sources are quite similar, at 74 percent for men and 52 percent for women. d This question was only administered to girls who went to school or to girls who did not go to school under 29. e The coding for agency is as follows: 1. Father/Husband only 2: father and mother 3: father with concerned woman/parents with concerned woman 4: concerned woman by herself). agency in the labor market but not in her household for have say in large household purchases than women who instance, or vice versa. But where these agency-related are not.28 The analysis herein shows that in Morocco constraints connect and overlap, they may heighten girls several dimensions of agency appear to be highly cor- and women’s experience of deprivation. In this context, related. Women who are empowered to choose on their a cross-country study based on the Demographic and own employment are usually also displaying agency in Health Survey (DHS) data shows overlapping agency in decisions related to education, marriage, and how to three dimensions of agency—control over sexuality and spend their income. Conversely, women that do not family formation, freedom from violence, and control have agency in one of these domains usually experience over resources. The cross-country analysis demonstrates overlapping constraints. that nearly 1 in 5 women experience agency-related con- Formal and informal institutions (laws and straints in all three areas. Moreover, agency deprivations social norms) interact to determine agency in em- are related to other disadvantages—particularly access ployment and—ultimately—economic participa- to education: for instance almost 1 in 5 (18 percent) of tion. At the country level, social norms appear to be rural women with a primary education experienced all closely correlated with higher female labor force par- three constraints compared with 1 in 100 urban women ticipation. Combining the global opinion poll from with a higher education. Moreover, some constraints tend to be more correlated than others. Women exposed to Intimate Partner Violence are 3 percent less likely to 28 VAP forthcoming. 26 MOROCCO: MIND THE GAP – EMPOWERING WOMEN FOR A MORE OPEN, INCLUSIVE, AND PROSPEROUS SOCIETY TABLE 2.3 • Who Make Decisions about Marriage and Schooling? Choice of Husband Decision about Schooling Rural Urban Total Rural Urban Total Woman herself 26 58 45 33 71 55 Woman herself with others 34 26 29 7 5 6 Mother included 12 6 8 12 7 9 Only men 29 9 17 47 16 29 Total 100 100 100 100 100 100 Note: only women aged 29 or less were asked the schooling question. the World Value Surveys with the labor force data, most MENA countries but still higher than Indonesia Figure 2.14 illustrates the relationship between public or China. opinion about women’s agency—percentage of pop- ulation who agree that having a job is the best way Agency and female labor force participation for women to be independent (x axis) and female la- bor force participation (y axis). The figure shows that Determinants of agency and other constraints among selected countries, there is a positive correla- Identifying the main determinants of women’s agen- tion. However, public support of this notion in Moroc- cy29 in employment and the constraints that women co is relatively low (at 50 percent), as is female labor in Morocco face when entering the labor markets is force participation. In addition to informal institution key to informing policies aimed at advancing gen- factors like social norms, formal institutions like laws der equality in Morocco. In order to analyze the ex- also matter. Across the world, many countries still have tent to which women’s individual characteristics and laws that apply differently to men and women, such as influence from family and community affect women’s laws that require married women to ask for husbands’ agency to work, a logit regression is used and results permission before opening bank accounts. Figure 2.15 are shown in Annex 2.1 – Table A2.1.30 The regression plots the number of “unequal laws” (x axis) against fe- results reveal a number of key determinants of wom- male labor force participation rates. Overall, the global en’s agency in employment: data show that countries with less legal discrimination tend to have higher female labor force participation. 1. Education. Individual characteristics such as In 2013, Morocco has nine unequal laws, fewer than age, marital status, and education are strong cor- relates of agency, even after controlling for other factors. Higher level of education contributes to FIGURE 2.13 • Correlation Between Agency a significantly higher level of agency, increasing- to Work and Other Aspects of ly from primary to secondary and tertiary level. Agency 0.6 29 Defined here as the capacity to make and enforce their own choices. 0.4 30 One must be wary of the way many different factors can influence each other. For example, the education level of women is highly correlated with women’s agency in em- 0.2 ployment. However, education of women may also reflect the level of openness of the women’s family. These spuri- 0 ous relations might change the way the results are viewed. Schooling Spending Choice of Age of income husband marriage However, the coefficients do not change much after con- trolling for family income and education of household Source: MHYS 2010, authors’ calculation. heads. WOMEN’S Economic Participation 27 FIGURE 2.14 • Scatter Plot of Public Opinion and FIGURE 2.15 • Legal Discrimination and Female Female Labor Force Participation – Labor Force Participation – Selected Countries Selected Countries 80 80 Female Labor Force Participation China Female Labor Force Participation 70 China Chile 70 60 Brazil Colombia 60 Colombia 50 Chile 50 Indonesia 40 Malaysia Malaysia 40 30 Egypt Turkey Morocco Turkey 30 Tunisia 20 Tunisia Morocco Egypt Algeria 20 10 Jordan Algeria Jordan 10 0 30 40 50 60 70 80 0 0 5 10 15 20 % Agrees with “Having a job is the best way Number of unequal laws for a woman to be independent” 2. Households’ characteristics also influence wom- i)  Can education alone improve women’s agency? en’s agency. Women in larger households tend to Women’s education level is a strong indicator express lower level of agency, and the presence for women’s decision power in employment. The of older women (over 65 years old) tends to par- completion of primary or lower secondary education ticularly suppress women’s expression of agency. among young people aged 25–29 years of age is sig- However, having children in a household does nificantly associated with female agency in employ- not appear to affect women’s agency. ment. However, the data also show the importance of 3. Urban-rural residence is a strong correlate of fathers’ attitudes on women’s employment decisions: agency, with residence in the rural areas nega- fathers can influence such decisions both directly and tively affecting agency. The coefficient is stable, indirectly through the choices in terms of women ed- even after controlling for household head’s edu- ucation. A qualitative study conducted in 2009–1032 cation and per capita consumption. found that secondary and tertiary-educated women 4. Marital status. Among all determinants, marital expressed deep frustration and distress at not being status shows the largest magnitude of impact; employed, which suggests that women are expected to being married will decrease the probability hav- work as their level of education rises, and perhaps, as ing full agency by about 50 percent. a return to the educational investments made by their 5. Household’s wealth and wellbeing, proxied families. This is particularly true for women graduates by education of household head and per capi- from low-income backgrounds, where the investment ta consumption, do not appear—on the other in their education represents an important sacrifice for hand—to be correlated with women’s agency.31 their families. As shown earlier in this chapter, women with secondary education (mostly in urban areas) ex- Interestingly, most of the factors that seem to plain—as a group—the declining trends in labor force determine women’s labor force participation also con- participation. This is due to the discouragement follow- tribute to shaping women’s agency in employment, ing the lack of suitable jobs. Educated women indeed i.e. their ability to choose for themselves to participate face higher unemployment rates (over 50 percent for or not in the labor force. These findings stress the im- young educated women) and longer unemployment portance of agency—and the related social norms—in shaping women’s employment outcomes and its close relation and interaction with individual and house- 31 As it is the case for participation in social programs. holds’ characteristics, as presented below. 32 (La Cava et al. 2012). 28 MOROCCO: MIND THE GAP – EMPOWERING WOMEN FOR A MORE OPEN, INCLUSIVE, AND PROSPEROUS SOCIETY spells. These results seem to suggest an important and for urban or rural areas.34 Women gaining agency with positive role of mid to higher education in changing the increase of their age is an urban phenomenon, social norms and perceptions of the role of the wom- while household size and number of older persons in en and in increasing women’s agency in employment. the households show negative influence only in rural However, serious constraints act on the demand side, areas. Regional effects on women’s agency show also where not enough (good) jobs are created to absorb diverging pattern. While women who live in regions this group in the labor market (Chapter 3). like Grand Casablanca have higher agency than aver- age, independently from their urban or rural location, ii)  Differences between urban and rural areas in many other regions being a rural or urban resident Measures of women agency are lower in rural ar- affect women’s agency in opposite directions.35 A series eas in all dimensions. The behaviors of population in of Focus Groups discussions tried to investigate further urban and rural areas appear vastly different. In par- whether cultural factors are the underlying force for ticular, while in urban areas almost all the women who such gaps (see Annex 4.2). earn an income have full agency to spend it, in rural areas women appear to gain more agency only as they iii)  Norms about housework become adults. Among young females with a paid job, Domestic work is another important obstacle to the fathers are the main decision makers about women’s exercise of women’s agency in employment. Quali- income. This fact corroborates the findings reported in tative studies conducted for the WDR2012 from inter- Chapter 3 that women tend to move in and out of tem- views with over 4,000 women, men, boys, and girls porary employment—mostly in agriculture—to sup- from 20 countries across all regions shows that norms port the family and respond to the need of additional about women’s roles are closely designed around income. In this case, higher female labor force par- household and childcare activities. These norms influ- ticipation may not necessarily mean stronger women’s ence decisions about women’s use of time and partici- agency. Women tend to work in low productivity sec- pation in paid work (OnNorms). In addition, the media tors (especially in agriculture) in order to replace men also help to perpetuate these norms (CEDAW 2008). who move out of these sectors to more productive or better paying ones. Agency patterns and dynamics are also 33 There are dramatic variations in women’s agency between widely different from one region to another33 regions in Morocco. Locations affect women’s agency in (Figure 2.16). The correlation of individual or house- Morocco beyond the urban and rural divide. Analyzing holds’ characteristics with agency changes considerably women with full agency in employment by region and urban-rural areas, shows dramatic variation across differ- ent regions of Morocco. Grand Casablanca and Rabat-Sale are the two regions where women’s agency is consistently TABLE 2.4 • Percentage of Women with Full high in both urban and rural areas. Within their borders, Agency in Various Dimensions many regions show large gaps between urban and rural areas; the urban-rural gaps in Fès – Boulemane, Souss – Full Agency in: Rural Urban Total Massa – Dra, and Taza – Al Hoceima – Taounate are all Decision to Study 33% 71% 55% above 50 percentage points. Decision to Work 22% 56% 42% 34 In addition to the cross tabulation, the effects of regions Spending Own Income* 75% 86% 83% on women’s agency is examined more closely using logit regression analysis. Annex 1 – Table A2.2 shows regres- Choice of Husband 26% 58% 45% sion results when restricting the sample to urban (model Choice of Age of Marriage 28% 59% 46% 2) and rural (model 3) population Requesting Food 20% 25% 23% 35 Regions that exhibit this pattern are three region cited above—Fès – Boulemane, Souss – Massa – Dra, and Taza Deciding Food Quantity 21% 26% 24% – Al Hoceima – Taounate. This finding confirms the large Buying Food in the Market 20% 25% 23% urban-rural gap within region, even after controlling for Note: * only women who earn income. Source: MHYS 2010, authors’ calculation. demographic and economic factors. WOMEN’S Economic Participation 29 FIGURE 2.16 • Pourcentages De Femmes Disposant De Toute Leur Liberté d’action en Relation Avec l’emploi % Women with Full Employment Agency – Urban Setting % Women with Full Employment Agency – Rural Setting The Moroccan media consistently portray women only There are encouraging trends in the atti- as homemakers and mothers, fail to use gender-sensi- tudes of young men and women regarding the divi- tive language, and downplay women’s achievements in sion of roles/duties within the households. These the public sphere (Freedom House 2010). Since female positive trends appear both in rural and urban ar- respondents in the MHYS quoted domestic work as the eas. A clear separation of activities between men and main obstacle for participating in the labor market, the women is still present in Moroccan households: ac- willingness of men to help with these chores can sub- tivities that are traditionally female-executed include stantially facilitate women’s labor force participation. house cleaning, meal preparation, and child/elderly The MHYS also asked youth in the sample household care; home repairs are instead traditionally male-ex- about their aspiration and plans for the future. The data ecuted. Women participate significantly in activities presented in Table 2.5 are useful from two perspec- like shopping and working outside the home, but to tives: (i) in describing how social norms are now and a lesser extent than men. However, in all domestic (ii) showing how young people would like to see them activities, both female and male youth want to see a evolve in the future. more equal participation between men and women, TABLE 2.5 • Youth Perception and Aspiration About Housework How is it currently at your house? How you would like it to be in the future? Types of Females More Both the Same Females More Both the Same housework Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male House Cleaning 95% 88% 3% 5% 82% 81% 15% 16% Preparing Meals 95% 88% 3% 5% 82% 77% 16% 19% Shopping 18% 11% 30% 35% 9% 6% 52% 55% Studying 11% 6% 56% 54% 5% 3% 83% 80% Working Outside 5% 3% 27% 23% 3% 2% 60% 50% Taking Care of Elders 69% 58% 7% 9% 71% 69% 19% 17% and Children Repair Dwelling 7% 3% 12% 12% 5% 3% 24% 22% Source: MHYS 2009–10, youth survey. 30 MOROCCO: MIND THE GAP – EMPOWERING WOMEN FOR A MORE OPEN, INCLUSIVE, AND PROSPEROUS SOCIETY BOX 2.4  |  Women in the Labor Force: Roles and Perceptions According to the findings of the interviews, women’s employability, salary, and skills are strongly impacted by cultural norms around women’s mobility and their capacity to access better opportunities outside the community. All salaried women report working for pay out of necessity, as they consider this activity less noble and adapted to a woman compared to staying at home. Both men and women agree that men are more deserving of economic opportunities as women are more suited for economic activities that help to reconcile family responsibilities and income-generating activities. All groups report family responsibility as the core responsibility for a woman. According to the informants, salaried work entails some minor and major risks, such as humiliation, fatigue, and depression as well as abuse and violence in some cases. Both men and women can face humiliation, but only women seem to face stigma for salaried work. The reason men do not encounter social stigma is because men are considered to be as the principal breadwinners and providers for the family. On the other hand, the fact that women are ‘obliged’ to work dangerously flags men’s inability to provide. In addition, greater agency is attributed to men than to women. Both men and women portray men as more capable of fighting back, quitting the job if conditions become too harsh, or even using physical violence. None of these characteristics is attributed to women: on the contrary both men and women often emphasize women’s docility and submission. Interestingly, all informants rephrase women’s labor force participation as “la femme qui sort travailler” (the woman who goes out to work) to differentiate the one who stays and ‘works’ at home and the one ‘who works for others.’ Despite all odds, women accept the risks associated with work because their salary benefits their families and children. Rising costs for education and health care seem to push women to work for pay. Some women with a Public Sector higher education in urban areas also report what motivates them is (teachers, nurses) autonomy, self-esteem, and financial independence. There seems to be a huge divide between rural and urban areas in the profile and motivation of Care givers in the working women. In the light of gender norms attributed to women, there private sector seems to be an informal ranking among the type of jobs or type of industry Manufacturing in women-only that are acceptable (or honorable) for women—the best option for a woman environment is to stay at home and having other women working for her: (i) Public sector work seems to enjoy greater consideration and social esteem, especially Agriculture in mixed gender work (fruit picking because they enjoy more social protection, fair contracts, and working in green houses), hospitality (restaurants, cafes), hours conciliate work within and outside the house. However, looking more transport (ticket sales) carefully, such jobs enjoy greater consideration insofar as they constitute a prolongation of women’s care within the house: for example salaried work as teachers or nurses is highly regarded as an excellent job opportunity for women. (ii) Manufacturing appears a second-class opportunity but is still well regarded. Women mostly operate in the olive processing and fish processing industries where most of the personnel are female, including the supervisor. Some men may work in the same facility but risk is perceived as low because most of the time men and women perform different and separate tasks. Men also tend to be known by the women, as they often come from the same community and are known as family members or acquaintances. (iii) Salaried work in mixed-sex contexts and/or entailing interaction with the public can tarnish a woman’s honor. Some tasks in agriculture and hospitality (such as being a servant in a café or restaurant) imply risks of sexual harassment from male clients, stigma, and various forms of social control through gossiping and disrespect from neighbors and acquaintances.a All female informants operating in these industries report enduring harsh conditions such as abusive or hard language from colleagues or clients, and community ostracism. Neighbors’ critiques are perceived as particularly damaging if the woman’s job entails a night shift.b Source: Qualitative Survey (2014). a La femme qui sort travailler en dehors du douar est victime de la médisance des autres. b For example a woman who occasionally worked as a servant in wedding parties reports that her mother used to offer neighbors cakes from the wedding to ‘prove’ them that she was effectively working that night instead of doing ‘dishonorable things.’ which is an encouraging trend.36 Moreover, opinions iv) Mobility of the two genders appear to be close to each oth- Restricted mobility further limits women’s eco- er, which is also a good sign (and also confirms the nomic opportunities. Moroccan women face a range picture presented in Chapter 1 based on the WVS). These positive trends in attitude change are present in 36 Even among traditionally female activities like house both urban and rural areas. Developed countries have cleaning and preparing meals, in which very few men are seen such changes in time allocations of housework doing now (less than five percent), as many as 16 percent between male and female over the past 40 years (see and 19 percent of male youth (respectively) reported that Figure 2.17). they want to see equal participation. WOMEN’S Economic Participation 31 FIGURE 2.17 • Changes in Male and Female Contribution to Housework in Developed Countries Paid Work Unpaid Work 15 15 Change in time allocation (hours) Change in time allocation (hours) 10 10 5 5 0 0 –5 –5 –10 –10 –15 –15 Australia Canada Finland France Netherlands Norway United Kingdom Australia Canada Finland France Netherlands Norway United Kingdom Childcare Leisure 15 15 Change in time allocation (hours) Change in time allocation (hours) 10 10 5 5 0 0 –5 –5 –10 –10 –15 –15 Australia Canada Finland France Netherlands Norway United Kingdom Australia Canada Finland France Netherlands Norway United Kingdom Male Female Sources: World Bank, Gender at work report, 2014. of mobility restriction due to cultural norms, which attempts to proxy women’s mobility by their ability to in turns, affect their employment, and their capacity go out and purchase food in the market. The MHYS to access better opportunities outside the community data reveal a sizable mobility gap, even in activities (Box 2.5 and Chapter 4). Women are therefore limited related to everyday household management like buy- to looking for jobs close to home. However, women ing food. Table 2.6 presents women’s agency in food might enjoy greater mobility, even in conservative fam- purchase by their level of agency in employment. On ilies, if the support of the extended family is available average, 62 percent married Moroccan women make in the areas where they move to study or work. Wom- decision about food purchases in the form of request- en’s range of movement from home is also restricted by ing the food; only 32 percent actually buy food in the their role as caregivers. Focus group participants indi- market by themselves. This means that about half of cate that they need to be back at home at a certain time the women who make plans about food purchases for (i.e. before 5 pm). their household do not go to the markets on their own. Direct quantitative data on women’s mobil- The data also reveal the correlation between agency ity in Morocco is still limited. However, this analysis in employment and in food purchase. Women with 32 MOROCCO: MIND THE GAP – EMPOWERING WOMEN FOR A MORE OPEN, INCLUSIVE, AND PROSPEROUS SOCIETY TABLE 2.6 • Agency in Employment and Food Policy Implications Purchase – Married Women Only (%) Percentage that women make Education decision about food purchase by: Strengthen the education system by focusing more Level of agency Requesting Deciding Buying in on the quality of the curricula (in addition to en- in employment food quantity market rollment ratios) is key to encourage female eco- Woman herself 68 64 50 nomic participation. This would help also the shift Woman herself with 63 53 37 in social norms for future generations. The analy- men sis presented in this chapter consistently shows that Mother included 50 45 36 education among women is the core driving force for Only men 59 48 23 women’s agency in employment. Trends in education Total 62 53 32 among youth are encouraging. Young men and women are more educated than their older counterparts. For example, a higher proportion of young people aged 15–21 has attended school at some point in time than full agency in employment decisions are twice likely to the next cohort of young people aged 22–29, suggest- purchase food themselves in the market than women ing improvements in the very recent past. This is true for whom only men can decide their employment (50 across genders and across rural and urban areas. Going percent vs. 23 percent). forward, it is advisable for Morocco to shift its focus on BOX 2.5  |  Curriculum Reform to Promote Gender Equality through Education For girls, both access to education and completion rates are not enough strong parameters to achieve their empowerment. Curricula content and teaching methods also play a fundamental role. In Morocco, in many traditional families, literacy practices are believed to be rather masculine. Example of social norms preventing girls from attending school are the fear that too much freedom engendered from education can have a negative effect on the girls’ sexual conduct, on her willingness to participate in the household chores, or in agricultural labor. Moreover, parents tend to invest more in their son’s education with a view that parental support will rather come from their sons, whereas the girls will be part of their husband’s family.a Social norms influence textbooks, curricular choices, the sex distribution of teachers and administrators, teacher attitudes and behavior, classroom and discipline practices, and the presence of violence, all of which shape opportunities for boys and girls (Connell, 1996, 2000, 2010). National curricula can reinforce existing social and gender inequalities by implicitly upholding traditional gender stereotypes or by disregarding the diversity of learning needs and learning styles among girls and boys. At the same time, schools have enormous potential to effect social change and transform gender relations by expanding the range of possibilities for both boys and girls. Gender-sensitization of school curriculum such as revising textbooks, could be a solution.b A number of countries are taking action to address these biases. For example, in Thailand policies have been instituted directing textbooks to be revised and all gender stereotypes to be removed. In Vietnam in 2009, the Vietnamese Ministry of Education, conducted a national textbook review and developed teacher-training modules to promote gender equality, while in Indonesia teachers are being trained in gender-sensitive methodologies to engage boys and girls. Source: (Agnaou, 2004) and (VAP forthcoming). a The obstacles to literacy are not always a factor of school coverage and curriculum inadequacy. Indeed many studies link illiteracy to “access” to education and poverty. The gender gap in education attainment and completion is due to poverty, to the high cost of books, clothes, and transportation. Girls’ labor is demanded in the house and in the fields, and parents’ opposition to their daughters’ education has in turn an effect on the girls’ demotivation. The causes of female illiteracy are linked to cultural, economic, and school-based reasons. Adult literacy has been designed to recover the wasted efforts of a school system failure generated by the lack of primary education or early removal from it. In many developing countries, these programs are addressed to women, who are the most affected by lack of basic literacy and numeracy skills. However, drop out rates are often very high. b Textual analysis revealed that men occupy 65 percent of the space, whereas women only 35 percent. The predominance of masculine pronouns and verbs over feminine varied across the textbooks but the arithmetic section used exclusive masculine forms of the imperative such as /la:hiz/ “observe”, /fakkir/ “think”, /anjiz/ “perform.” Such grammatical forms have a gender sub-text, which attributed superior arithmetic and cognitive skills to men. In addition, pictures associated with the text pointed at men as audience, thus insinuating that such skills are not suitable for women. Further, training programs are often gender neutral and focus exclusively on what women learn, and rarely on how they learn. In textbooks, women are cast exclusively in female traditional roles, like performing domestic chores, child rearing, washing, and food shopping. On the opposite men are portrayed as reading the newspaper, responding to mail, signing checks, reading for children. Such forms of representation implicitly infer that female literacy is less crucial for women and rather it is a masculine activity. In regards of leisure time and citizenship, women are never portrayed as having rest, whereas men are showcased while relaxing, doing sport, reading, weight lifting, and fishing. Women are exclusively portrayed in labor activities and their only involvement as citizens is in the Green March. WOMEN’S Economic Participation 33 education from increasing enrollment rates to learning, The narrative about economic necessity and and design curricula that promotes gender equality and female employment is useful. Findings from the constructs gender equal norms. MHYS data show positive trends that youths want a more gender-equal society. Gender-equal attitudes of Childcare and other assistances on domestic male youth are essential. Recent evidence shows that work such attitudes could affect the labor supply of their Policies need to be designed to better support work- future wives. According to male focus group discus- ing women in their work life balance.37 Promoting sions, only a small part of men in the focus groups male participation in domestic work would also help show resentment for the situation as they understand shifting some of the imbalance in the use of women’s women are just contributing to the family income and time. Morocco now offers 14 weeks of maternity leave supporting the households when needed (Qual survey, at 100 percent of a woman’s wages, payable from a na- 2014). Women from FGDs also mentioned that their tional social security fund. A pregnant woman is also en- income benefits their children and this is one of the titled to an additional year of unpaid leave if so desired. main reasons why they are willing to accept any type The Labor Code also includes three days paternity leave of job. This narrative is useful in fostering social ac- at full pay (Art 269) (OECD 2012). However, these ma- ceptance of working women as it conforms to the over- ternity benefits may not cover women who work in the arching social norms about women’s responsibility in informal and agricultural sectors (see Chapter 3). Mo- taking care of their families. Focusing on the important rocco could promote participation in domestic work role of women’s contributions to the household, not among men and start in areas where men show signs just as mothers or spouses but also as income earners, of willingness to participate. MHYS data show positive would improve women’s own perception of their role trends that an increasing number of young men are will- and their ability to make decisions relating to their em- ing to contribute to domestic work in all areas. The me- ployment and will also support progress in a gradual dia and advocacy’s work can play a role in supporting change toward more progressive social norms. and encouraging this shift in norms and behaviors. Increase physical mobility by investing on Changing norms and advocacy campaign to “safe” modes of transports youths Across developing countries, women are more Identity affects female labor market participation. It likely to walk or use public transportation, while is therefore crucial to ensure effective and enforce- men are more likely to use intermediate means of able nondiscrimination policies at the workplace. Labor market reforms aimed at increasing female labor 37 Financial incentives for childcare and maternity leave are market participation rates should take into account two positively correlated with higher female participation (as dimensions of female decision making on this issue: the in Sweden and France), but negatively correlated if they benefits of working and the costs of violating a tradition- are granted under the form of extended leave, as in Italy, al identity. Hence, reforms have to be both economic Japan, and South Korea (Goldman Sachs, 2013). Further, extended maternity leave operates as a glass ceiling for and social in nature. Economic reforms should aim at women who seek to career advancement and hold man- increasing the benefits women obtain from working. A agerial positions. As a matter of fact, employers tend to natural target here would be to ensure that there are ef- prevent women access to key positions as they could get fective and enforceable nondiscrimination policies at the disconnected from the company for a long period (Bar- workplace. However, as the experience of even highly- dasi and Gornick, 2008). Wage differentials, including developed countries demonstrates, in reality, such po- in OECD countries, impose larger penalties on women for seeking part-time and flexible time (Blau and Khan, lices take a long time to become the status quo. Improv- 2013). Of course, more women than men seek flexible ing job-market-oriented education for women could be time because across all countries they are the principal another channel of reform, as it would improve female caregivers within the family, as demonstrated by surveys employability and productivity (Caris and Hayo 2013). about time use (WDR, 2012; ILO, 2012). 34 MOROCCO: MIND THE GAP – EMPOWERING WOMEN FOR A MORE OPEN, INCLUSIVE, AND PROSPEROUS SOCIETY transport or motorized vehicles. Generally, when a in urban Oman, Bangladesh, Indonesia, and Turkmen- household owns a transport vehicle, such as an ani- istan, reveal similar constraints and identify alternative mal cart or motorized vehicle, it is often controlled and approaches to address them. (World Bank 2011). more frequently used by the men in the household. For Improved road accessibility has led to in- this reason, men are also more likely to have driver’s creased school enrollment and reduced travel time licenses. In Casablanca, 54 percent of men have driv- in Morocco. A 1996 socio-economic impact study of er’s licenses compared to only 18 percent of women.38 four pilot rural road projects in Morocco found that im- Walking is an important travel mode, particularly for proved road accessibility and reduced travel time and the middle and lower income groups and people in transport costs facilitated school enrollment and access the urban periphery. Overall, 70 percent of the women to health services among women.42 This pilot influ- and 60 percent of the men in Casablanca walk in their enced the transportation policy; officials used the study neighborhoods; more women than men (33 percent findings as a rationale to expand rural road construc- versus 26 percent) walk beyond their neighborhoods. tion in the National Rural Roads Program (1995–2005). Intermediate modes of transport (IMTs), such as bicy- This reflected a shift in focus from road construction cles, rickshaws, wheelbarrows, hand carts, and animal to improving access for rural women and men. Since carts, are more affordable than cars and can facilitate then, the Moroccan Roads Directorate also established moving small loads, like household items. However, in a social database that included data on girls’ and boys’ some communities, women are unable to use IMTs like bicycles due to social norms. Women using bicycles may be cast as “loose” or “behaving like men.”39 38 World Bank 2011a summarizes the findings and recom- Socio-cultural restrictions constrain women’s mendations of four separate case studies on gender and but not men’s travel in all three urban areas. In Cas- transport conducted in Casablanca, Morocco, Sana’a and ablanca, socioeconomic status, and central or periph- rural Yemen, and Nablus, Jenin, and Tulkarem in the eral location in urban areas also affect travel patterns northern part of the West Bank, between September 2008 and September 2009. In Casablanca Morocco, areas were and choice of mode of transportation for women and selected to represent the center (historical medina), the men. The ways in which women use public or private transition zone, and the newly urbanized or urbanizing ar- transport may also make it more expensive and more eas at the periphery. The sample included 600 women and time consuming. For example, women tend to take 200 men from eight prefecture districts, reflecting socio- more complex or more frequent, shorter trips, while economic, demographic, and housing differences. The Mo- men often travel directly to and from their employ- rocco Gender Transport Surveys: 822 interviews (598 fe- male; 224 male), covered nearly 70 interviews with women ment. More transportation options are generally avail- respondents and 16 focus group discussions with transport able during peak hours than outside of peak hours.40 providers and city officials in 8 districts. A transport log The transportation survey in Morocco suggested varia- was also developed. (World Bank 2011). tions across urban centers. In the Casablanca case, 39 Gender and Transport in Less Developed Countries. there is no mention of muhrams or the need to travel 40 World Bank 2010; Peters 2001; Dobbs 2005; UN Habitat with chaperones. (World Bank 2011). Women’s travel 2013. can include work as well, but may also include other 41 World Bank 2010. household responsibilities such as shopping, taking 42 Low quality infrastructure and lack of public transport in children to and from school, childcare, or health fa- rural and urban periphery areas make access to routine cilities. In the United States, Sweden, and Germany, and emergency health care difficult for the poor (Oom- data show women trip-chain by grocery shopping and man et. al. 2003). (World Bank 2011) average indica- dropping off and picking up children while traveling to tor data masks significant access differences between wealthier and poorer women even in countries that have and from work.41 (Babinard 2011) Women often pay shown significant progress in reducing maternal mortal- higher fares per trip because they need to change buses ity. For example, there are sharper differences in access to and pay several fares. Their ability to negotiate fares skilled birth attendants between higher and lower income with drivers is limited by socio-cultural norms. Cases women in Morocco, than in lower income Yemen. WOMEN’S Economic Participation 35 BOX 2.6  |  Immobility Can Mean More Than Just Restricted Spatial Movement Because of greater distances and more pronounced social conservatism, gender norms are more likely to constrain women in rural areas in their choices of work outside home, particularly when women have to interact with men or work at night. The qualitative survey reveals social acceptability of women working in manufacturing sectors in sectors/areas where most of the workers are female, including the supervisor (as for instance in olive processing and fish processing industries). Some men may work in the same facility but it is still social acceptable because most of the time men and women perform different and separate tasks. Men also tend to be known by the women, as they often come from the same community and are known as family members or acquaintances. This however restricts access to all other types of jobs and industries where these conditions do not apply. A way for women to evade the restrictive “mobility” across sectors and jobs is to start a “micro-business” or home-based activities. Home-based micro-entrepreneurship enjoy greater social acceptance than salaried work. Since home-based work does not require too much mobility, this activity is perceived as less risky and more suitable for women. Clients tend to be already well known (as they oftentimes reside in the same village) and generally are female. The entire micro-business is interwoven around family and same-sex networks. To promote their business and purchase the necessary raw materials women use informal networks. Informal networks seem to operate as marketing tools; source of information and goods. These restrictions are true in most of the country but become particularly binding in less developed rural areas. Policy interventions to promote women’s agency in employment must therefore consider the stark differences between rural and urban areas to be effective. The analysis reported in Chapter 2 highlights areas in which urban-rural difference should be emphasized: (i) in rural areas men’s opinion, especially the women’s fathers or husbands, can hamper women working outside home. Therefore, the effort to address agency in employment in rural areas must engage men, either through outreach, advocacy, or a tailored specific component for men; (ii) agency among rural female youth is low despite their work in the agricultural sector: young women aged 15 to 24 do not have the agency even to spend income that they earn; (iii) the urban-rural differences are not uniform across the country. Policymakers are invited to consider these differences when designing programs to support female economic participation. Source: WB Qualitative Survey for Morocco Women Employment. school attendance and women’s and men’s activities in Transfers of productive inputs may generate more or the zone of the road (Levy 2004 and World Bank 2011). less income in the hands of men rather than women, based on their ability to use these inputs. The benefit Target public programs to counteract gender- of putting assets in the hands of women may be higher. biased allocation of inputs/assets If, for instance, women and men have similar economic Women’s agency in household decisions and bar- opportunities, but women are far more capital con- gaining power within the households can affect strained, giving capital to women may result in a much how targeted public programs are implemented. higher marginal return to capital. On the other hand, Differences exist, and can be substantial, in bargain- the environment may be the opposite: women may face ing power over allocations within the households. As- many other constraints (such as social restrictions on suming that intra-household bargaining is not fully co- occupational type, or a relative lack of training) that re- operative, giving transfers to women rather than men sult in lower returns from the transfer. Many external will have differential effects if (a) the transfer increases background factors may also make the pass-through women’s relative bargaining power and (b) women of transfer programs more or less effective for women. have different tastes/preferences over the allocation of Women may be more vulnerable than men to external expenditure. Achieving increased gender parity in itself pressure from official sources, for example, and thus may be already interpreted as an indicator of increased transfers may have less impact in their hands if leakage family well-being. In some settings, however, other fac- increases due to error, fraud, and corruption.43 An Im- tors such as social norms or a lack of legal rights for pact Evaluation focused on a conditional cash transfer women may counteract this effect. One example of this (CCT) program in Morocco with the aim of providing is in instances when transfers to young girls are simply evidence on the existence of a differential effect of direct turned over to their fathers and husbands. monetary empowerment to women or men. Preliminary Differences in income-generating ability al- so affect the effectiveness of public transfers, with higher benefits when assets are allocated to women. 43 (Yoong, Rabinovich and Diepeveen 2012). 36 MOROCCO: MIND THE GAP – EMPOWERING WOMEN FOR A MORE OPEN, INCLUSIVE, AND PROSPEROUS SOCIETY results show that the CCTs decrease dropout rates, in- fact multidimensional and can affect several areas in crease the number of children returning to school after terms of development outcomes. They include key dropout (especially children in higher grades), and im- dimensions such as labor force participation, employ- prove learning.44 The effects of the CCTs are larger when ment, earnings and lack of access to “good (or “decent”) the transfer is given to the mother instead of the father. jobs,46 which contribute to women overall empower- For children enrolled in kindergarten and first grade, ment. These disparities are also related to the level of for instance, the difference is significant: 30 percent economic dependence of women, and thereby also less likely to drop out if the transfer goes to the mother affect women’s standing in the household, including instead of father. Regarding school re-enrollment, chil- risk of domestic violence or intra-household resource dren who have left school are 15 percent more likely to allocation and decision-making power with regard go back to school if transfers are given to the mothers. to human capital investments (Blunch, 2010; UNDP, 2010). Access to “good jobs” also contributes to ex- pand women agency and choice, and in turn increase Conclusions voice and ability to influence society and challenge es- tablished norms which limit women human rights and Women Economic Empowerment in Morocco is hinder economic and social development. Next chapter at early stage, and female economic participation will look into more detail to the types of jobs available among the lowest in the world. Morocco does not for women, the structure of their occupations and the only fail to follow global trends in terms of FLFP but match with their skills. The role of the structural trans- it also shows a reversed trend in women economic formation of the economy in providing “good” jobs will participation, with the past decade showing a reduc- also be assessed. tion in activity rates. In 2011, only one woman out of four participated in the labor market, against four out of five men. The urban-rural divide remains also wide: in urban areas only about 19 percent of women join the labor force against 71 percent of men, while in 44 Conditionality does not change any of the results. This rural areas the rate is respectively 37 percent and 82 implies that there is no need for a “nanny” state and that percent. The slow pace of economic growth coupled resources allocated to the most suitable actors (in this case women, as the most resource-constrained) will be put to with gender-biased views and perceptions of the role of their best use. the women in the household and society at large tend 45 Cuberes and Teignier-Baque’ (2011) “Gender inequality to distort women economic participation in the labor and Economic growth,” background paper for the WDR force. Socio-demographic factors—mostly education 2012 “Gender Equality and Development.” and marriage-and the intra-households dynamics also 46 The 2013 WDR defines “good jobs” as the ones capable play a crucial role with similar (although opposite in of making the greatest contribution to the development direction) effects between rural and urban areas on of a country in each specific case. In the case of Morocco, women agency and employment. these jobs would not only provide economic opportuni- Women’s economic participation will have ties for women by reducing gender disparities in wages, economic opportunities and access to social benefits and far-reaching positive consequences. Keeping women to the most productive sectors of the economy. In turn, out of active economic participation will affect the po- these jobs will also contribute to expand the country’s tential of the country to accelerate its economic growth economic potential (by enlarging export potential) and rate.45 Gender disparities in the world of work are in development. ECONOMIC GROWTH, 3 STRUCTURAL TRANSFORMATION, AND GENDER INEQUALITY IN THE LABOR MARKET H as economic growth and structural trans- was mostly driven by within-sector productivity formation contributed to increasing female growth. Structural transformation, however, played employment in Morocco? This chapter will an equally important role from 2000 to 2007. Aggre- present on overview of the recent (2000–2011) growth gate labor productivity may change for two main rea- performance of the country with the aim of providing sons. First, productivity may increase within sectors. an understanding of the constraints to growth and pro- For example, the labor productivity in the agriculture ductivity that are related to the persistence of gender sector may have increased between 2000 and 2011. If inequalities. This analysis will build on the assumption, the relative employment share of the agriculture sector put forth in the theoretical and empirical literature,47 remained the same and the labor productivity of all of that gender disparities and related occupational and the other sectors remained the same, aggregate labor market segmentations hamper productivity and growth. productivity would rise, due to the rise in agriculture The structure of female employment over time will be labor productivity. Second, aggregate labor productiv- analyzed to see whether growth has been gender-biased ity may increase due to structural change, i.e. when and use sectoral labor productivity data to examine higher productive sectors record net increases in em- whether employment opportunities for women are con- ployment and lower productive sectors record net de- centrated in sectors where labor productivity (and hence creases. In Morocco, most of the increase in labor pro- the wage rate) is low or not growing. This is an impor- ductivity was due to within-sector productivity growth tant question from not only the welfare perspective, (out of a total increase of 3.4 percent between 2000 but also from the point of view of economic efficiency. and 2011, 2.4 percent came from within-sector pro- Evidence that women are working in low return sectors ductivity growth, while 1.0 percent was due to struc- signals the existence of mobility barriers which prevent tural change (Figure 3.2). This increase has been driven them from moving to higher return sectors. Moreover, by strong growth in high (above average) productivity such restricted employment opportunities could be one sectors such as finance and insurance services, business reason for low and stagnant female labor force partici- services (but also health, education, and government pation rates. Increased demand for female employment services) and slow growth in low (below average) pro- acts, in fact, as one of the pull factors for FLFP, while ductivity sectors, with the exception of agriculture restrictive social norms and labor market segmentation Structural transformation led to a decline in act as push factors. When the demand side is insufficient employment shares of low-productivity sectors and to pull women in the labor force, the role of factors that are currently acting as constraining women participa- tion, such as social norms and agency, becomes more 47 Esteve-Volart, 2000; Knowles et al., 2002; Klasen, 1999; relevant. Gatti and Dollar, 1999; Klasen and Lamanna, 2003. 48 Morocco witnessed strong value added growth between 2000 and 2011, with average annual growth of 5.0 per- Structural Transformation and Women cent per year. This rate was mostly consistent throughout the period (see Figure 3.1). As total employment growth in Morocco was slower than value added growth, labor productivity also grew substantially, averaging 3.4 percent per year. Morocco labor productivity grew at an average of 3.4 During the more recent period, between 2007 and 2011, percent per year in the last decade.48 This increase productivity grew at 3.9 percent). 37 38 MOROCCO: MIND THE GAP – EMPOWERING WOMEN FOR A MORE OPEN, INCLUSIVE, AND PROSPEROUS SOCIETY FIGURE 3.1 • Labor Productivity Trends (2000–2011) 70 700,000 11,000 60 600,000 10,500 50 500,000 10,000 40 400,000 9,500 30 300,000 20 200,000 9,000 10 100,000 8,500 0 0 8,000 2000 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2000 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 Labor Productivity Value Added Total Employment (right axis) FIGURE 3.2 • Labor Productivity Decomposition: FIGURE 3.3 • Structural Transformation in Structural Change Did Play a Role Morocco (from 2000 to 2011) Led to Increased Labor Productivity Labor Productivity Decomposition (Annual Growth Rates) Total 2000–2011 12 2000–11 beta = 0.159; pu comm 2.4% 1.0% 10 t-test = 0.34 (3.4%) 8 fire 2000–07 6 min (3.2%) 1.6% 1.6% 4 mf g e mc 2 mm tn 2007–11 a mt f mo h td c 3.5% 0.4% 0 os (3.9%) –2 0% 0.5% 1.0% 1.5% 2.0% 2.5% 3.0% 3.5% 4.0% –6 –4 –2 0 2 4 Within-sector growth Growth due to structural change Change in employment share an increase, albeit small in more dynamic sectors. sectors (agriculture, other services—which include The increase in overall labor productivity between domestic helpers—construction and textile) account- 2000 and 2011 owed to structural change was driven ed for 60 percent of total employment and produced mostly by a decline in the share of employment in ag- just 26 percent of value added, see Figure 3.3).50 By riculture and textiles (by –5.8 and –1.3 percent respec- contrast, the five highest productivity sectors (which tively), considered lower-than-average productivity include finance and ITC) produced 28 percent of total sectors. Increase in employment in two above-average sectors, finance49 and communications, also contrib- uted to gains in aggregate labor productivity. Despite some improvement, the vast major- 49 Finance, insurance and real estate. ity of employment remains allocated to very low 50 Figure 3.3 makes the point starkly. It plots relative labor productivity and total employment share by economic sec- productivity sectors. In 2011, 78 percent of the totals tor. Relative productivity is calculated by dividing the abso- employed were in below average productivity sectors. lute productivity values for each sector by the average pro- They produced only 39 percent of real value added, ductivity value. Hence, any sector with a relative value over while the remaining 22 percent of total employed pro- 100 is in the above-average category and any sector with a duced the rest. Moreover, the four lowest productivity relative value under 100 is in the below-average category. Economic Growth, Structural Transformation, and Gender Inequality in the Labor Market 39 value added and employed only 3.5 percent of total FIGURE 3.4 • Relative Labor Productivity and employment. Employment Share by Economic Sectors – 2011 The effects of structural changes did not equally benefit men and women. If the relative chang- es in employment shares of sectors are disaggregated by 250 gender, the most striking result is the diverging path in 200 reallocation of employment between sectors according Almost 80%of workers are in low productivity sectors to the gender of the employed. While men have mostly 150 left below average productivity sectors—such as agri- 100 culture—and moved towards more productive sectors, 50 women remained, for the most part, trapped in lower productivity sectors. Women are mostly employed in 0 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 the three least productive sectors: agriculture, other oth_s agr con m_text trade services, and textiles. Their share in agriculture actu- m_refi hr fish tran m_oth ally increased between 2000 and 2011 from 36 percent m_mech m_chem gs eh m_food rbus min comm pu fin to over 41 percent: as of 2011, more than 60 percent or women work in this sector. There were also some positive reallocations, with more women, for instance, moving to trade and services, but these numbers re- (in government services), the distribution of occupa- main very small in proportion.51 tions within this group (highly educated workers) is not equal between men and women. Namely, a higher proportion of men are in upper-level occupations, such Women in Employment as senior managers and professions, while the propor- tion of women was greater in lower-level technician Gender segregation in terms of employment is per- and employee/clerk occupations, suggesting the pres- vasive, with women mostly working in low produc- ence of a glass-ceiling effect. tivity sectors. Women do not appear to have fully participated or contributed to the recent (although not dramatic) structural transformation of the econ- omy. Uneducated women are heavily concentrated in 51 Relative share analysis may hide other conditions that are more visible when examining absolute changes in em- low productivity sectors, both in rural and urban areas, ployment. As seen in Table A3.1, of the 372 thousand and low-skills occupations. They are exposed to more extra females that entered the labor market by 2011, 73 uncertainty and less returns from their labor (with percent (or 270 thousand women) worked in lower pro- many of them being unpaid workers). Their situation ductivity agriculture in 2011. Over the same period, 134 has actually worsened in the recent decade, being posi- thousand fewer men worked in the sector. Hence, women tioned at the lower end sectors of the structural trans- may have been called upon to replace men who left for other sectors. Moreover, by 2011, female employment in formation of the economy. On the other side, women textiles had declined by 92 thousand, while the number of with secondary or tertiary education seem to have men increased by 63 thousand. In all, there were 71 thou- benefitted to a great extent from the positive changes sand fewer women working in manufacturing in 2011, brought by structural transformation (working in more compared with 218 thousand more men in the sector. As productive sectors) and from “better” jobs and occupa- manufacturing is normally a higher productive sector (es- tions. They are more likely to be employed full time, pecially during the stage of development where Morocco finds itself) and is associated with better jobs in terms of with social security contributions and are doing better employment status and on-the-job training, most women than the equivalent male worker in terms of occupa- appear not to be benefitting from structural change in Mo- tions, albeit that this is not the case in terms of salary. rocco (and in fact may be seeing their situation get worse However, with the possible exception of public jobs because of it). 40 MOROCCO: MIND THE GAP – EMPOWERING WOMEN FOR A MORE OPEN, INCLUSIVE, AND PROSPEROUS SOCIETY FIGURE 3.5 • The Effects of Structural Changes Did Not Equally Benefit Men and Women Female 2000–2011 Male 2000–2011 12 12 pu pu comm comm 10 10 Log (sectoral productivity / Log (sectoral productivity / average productivity) average productivity) 8 8 fire fire 6 min 6 min 4 4 mf mf 2 g mc mme 2 ge mcmm motn f mo tn 0 mt os f c tdh a 0 a htd mt os c –2 –2 –6 –4 –2 0 2 –10 –5 0 5 Change in employment share Change in employment share Uneducated women remain heavily 2011. We see clearly that where women work depends concentrated not only in low-productive sectors on whether they are in a rural or urban environment but also in lower quality (and paying) jobs and their level of education. Not surprisingly, more Striking differences exist also in employment status women work in agriculture in the rural areas and more and occupation between men and women. While it is women who are less educated work in agriculture. important to assess if women work in low-productivity Nearly all of women with little or no edu- sectors, it is also crucial to understand if occupational cation work in agriculture in rural areas and in segregation exists within any given sector, which leads “other non-financial services” or textiles in urban to more women occupied in lower-level occupations areas. They all perform very low-skills jobs. The than men and thus to lower wages. In addition, women “feminization of agriculture” has been documented may have a lower employment status (family helper vs. in developing countries as men migrate farther away salaried worker) and/or less regularity of employment and for longer for off-farm employment while women, (part-time vs. full-time). An analysis of these issues on more constrained in terms of time and mobility, are the aggregate level, does not show any meaningful pat- more likely to continue agricultural work (De Schut- terns. That is because many of these job characteristics ter 2013). However, women remain generally concen- are highly correlated with education—with higher level trated in very low levels of agriculture value chains, and occupations, more-secure employment statutes, and most likely performing basic farming activities. In rural greater regularity of employment associated with higher areas nearly all (96 percent) of women with little or levels of education. Moreover, the type of work and the no education work in agriculture. The vast majority of sectors where one may work differs with respect to ar- them (79 percent) are occupied as less-skilled agricul- ea—with agriculture more prevalent in rural areas and tural workers,52 while 20.5 percent work as agricultural manufacturing more prevalent in urban areas. Hence, owners, e.g. heads of family farms. Men, in contrast, an analysis of women’s welfare requires further break- were more likely to work as agricultural owners. More- ing up the labor market based on the education level of over, women are much more likely than men to work the individual (no education or primary education, sec- as family helpers (both in agriculture or textile) and to ondary education, and tertiary education) and her area have less “stable” types of occupation, with only half of of residence (rural vs. urban). In addition to describing the situation for women, we also compare it with that for men. Table 3.1 presents the share of women work- 52 Workers are identified by two major occupations in ag- ing in each sector—by education level and area—as riculture: agricultural exploitants/owners and agricultural well as the average labor productivity of the sector in workers and laborers). Economic Growth, Structural Transformation, and Gender Inequality in the Labor Market 41 TABLE 3.1 • Employment Shares – By Economic Sectors, Area, & Education RURAL URBAN Economic Sectors ED_1 ED_2 ED_3 ED_1 ED_2 ED_3 2011LP Agriculture 95.0 75.0 9.4 14.4 1.4 0.1 26 Fisheries 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.1 0.0 0.0 47 Mining 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.2 0.2 0.3 352 Manufacturing – Total 3.5 9.9 1.3 37.6 31.5 10.4 70 Manufacturing – Food 0.4 1.8 0.0 5.3 2.1 1.0 149 Manufacturing – Textiles 2.9 7.1 0.0 30.4 22.1 3.1 31 Manufacturing – Chemicals 0.1 0.5 1.3 0.7 1.3 0.7 92 Manufacturing – Mech / Elect 0.0 0.5 0.0 0.3 5.1 4.2 91 Manufacturing – Other 0.2 0.2 0.0 0.9 0.9 1.4 78 Public Utilities 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.6 0.7 674 Construction 0.0 0.5 0.0 0.4 0.7 1.0 30 Wholesale and Retail Trade 0.5 5.3 5.3 11.1 9.6 9.8 44 Transport and Storage 0.2 1.7 0.0 5.7 5.0 2.3 44 Hotels and Restaurants 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.8 2.0 78 Communication 0.0 0.5 0.0 0.6 3.4 3.0 632 Finance, Insurance, Real Estate 0.1 0.8 11.9 1.6 5.7 11.9 426 Government Services 0.0 1.7 10.3 1.3 10.1 16.2 114 Education and Health Services 0.1 4.5 61.9 2.6 20.3 40.3 139 Other Services 0.5 0.0 0.0 24.4 10.7 2.1 14 them working full time versus more than 90 percent of working as salaried workers is even higher than that for men doing so (see Table 3.2). men. However, differences are still present in terms of In urban areas, women with little or no occupations, where a higher proportion of men work education are mostly occupied in manufacturing, in the higher-level occupations of employees and shop namely textiles, and in “other non-financial ser- workers, while a greater proportion of women work in vices.” Overall, their position also worsen with re- the lower-level occupations of agricultural workers and spect to 2000, with more women working in lower elementary occupations. productivity sectors than women moving up to more productive sectors (in contrast with men which saw an However, for women with higher education, improvement in their sectoral occupations). Table 3.3 things have improved dramatically. This is presents occupations and employment status for all particularly true in (but not limited to) urban areas sectors. Women’s conditions in urban areas—in terms Women with secondary or tertiary education con- of employment status, regularity, and social security tributed more than their uneducated counterparts components—appear much better than in rural areas to structural transformation. However, they repre- (the distribution of women among the different states sent only a small number of women. While there for each of these three components is very similar to was no sizable difference in the employment condi- that for men). Women are still more likely to work as tions of women with secondary education in rural family helpers and part-time, but these proportions are areas, structural change led to an increase in aggre- much lower than before and the percentage of women gate labor productivity for women with secondary 42 MOROCCO: MIND THE GAP – EMPOWERING WOMEN FOR A MORE OPEN, INCLUSIVE, AND PROSPEROUS SOCIETY TABLE 3.2 • Employment Status – Rural, No and Primary Education Agriculture Textile Manufacturing Female Male Female Male Amount Share  Amount Share  Amount Share  Amount Share  Occupation Agriculture Owners 289,791 (18.4) 994,815 (51.4) Craft Workers 41,633 (87.7) 13,316 (65.1) Agriculture Workers 1,285,448 (81.5) 914,141 (47.3) Elementary Occupations 5,827 (12.3) 5,441 (26.6) Employment Status Salaried 39,083 (2.5) 297,060 (15.4) 27,116 (2.8) 133,117 (39.6) Independent 280,469 (17.8) 942,069 (48.7) 0 (0.0) 0 (0.0) Employer 1,322 (0.1) 10,870 (0.6) 0 (0.0) 0 (0.0) Family Helper 1,248,139 (79.1) 641,615 (33.2) 954,032 (97.2) 202,525 (60.3) Cooperative Member 8,000 (0.5) 42,165 (2.2) 0 (0.0) 0 (0.0) Regularity Permanent – Full Time 816,452 (51.8) 1,768,171 (91.4) 468,966 (47.8) 283,821 (84.5) Permanent – Part Time 719,540 (45.6) 45,707 (2.4) 482,960 (49.2) 4,323 (1.3) Occasional 32,340 (2.1) 97,247 (5.0) 25,415 (2.6) 43,359 (12.9) Seasonal 9,137 (0.6) 23,266 (1.2) 4,263 (0.4) 4,332 (1.3) Social Security Contributing to SS 7,941 (0.5) 23,243 (1.2) 0 (0.0) 5,797 (2.9) Outside of SS system 1,569,833 (99.5) 1,910,419 (98.8) 8,205 (100.0) 194,273 (97.0) Total 1,577,774 1,934,391 981,909 335,835 education in urban areas (meaning there was a net same trends in both rural and urban areas (see An- positive movement towards more productive sec- nex 3). However, a look at the number of women tors). Employment conditions were better for women employed shows that they are actually much smaller than men. A larger proportion of women were in than the previous groups. As mentioned in Chapter higher-level occupations, with over 50 percent of 2, women with secondary education—particularly women working as technicians or employees. More married women—are less likely to join the labor women were salaried, although if we combine sala- force, due to higher reservation wages and less avail- ried with independents (which could be shop own- ability of “suitable” jobs. Moreover, with the possible ers), the distributions of women and men are roughly exception of public jobs (in government services), the similar. Roughly the same proportion of women and distribution of occupations within this group is not men worked full-time, and more women received so- equal between men and women. Namely, a higher cial security contributions—most likely as a higher proportion of men are in upper-level occupations, proportion of women worked as salaried employees, such as senior managers and professions, while the while a higher proportion of men worked as inde- proportion of women was greater in lower-level tech- pendent service and shop workers. The patterns for nicians and employees/clerks occupations—suggest- women with tertiary education are very similar, with ing the presence of a glass-ceiling effect. Economic Growth, Structural Transformation, and Gender Inequality in the Labor Market 43 TABLE 3.3 • Employment Status – Urban, TABLE 3.4 • Employment Status – Urban, No and Primary Education Secondary Education All Sectors All Sectors Female Male Female Male Amount Share  Amount Share  Amount Share  Amount Share  Occupation Occupation Clerks / Employees 13,746 (3.2) 146,003 (7.0) Tech. / Associate Prof. 65,666 (18.2) 108,071 (6.6) Service / Shop Workers 26,344 (6.2) 343,153 (16.3) Clerks / Employees 120,607 (33.4) 344,979 (21.0) Craft Workers 141,887 (33.4) 729,100 (34.7) Service / Shop Workers 10,756 (3.0) 207,956 (12.7) Agriculture Workers 44,688 (10.5) 56,910 (2.7) Craft Workers 93,330 (25.8) 461,451 (28.1) Plant / Machine Oper. 1,145 (0.3) 153,921 (7.3) Plant / Machine Oper. 4,277 (1.2) 126,046 (7.7) Elementary 179,476 (42.3) 598,223 (28.5) Elementary 60,891 (16.9) 331,716 (20.2) Occupations Occupations Employment Status Employment Status Salaried 271,828 (64.0) 1,095,582 (52.2) Salaried 302,212 (83.7) 1,026,624 (62.5) Independent 96,954 (22.8) 776,869 (37.0) Independent 30,776 (8.5) 382,134 (23.3) Employer 4,671 (1.1) 94,392 (4.5) Employer 7,188 (2.0) 59,126 (3.6) Family Helper 44,596 (10.5) 50,851 (2.4) Family Helper 14,424 (4.0) 97,167 (5.9) Cooperative Member 4,228 (1.0) 63,606 (3.0) Cooperative Member 1,526 (0.4) 55,632 (3.4) Regularity Regularity Permanent – Full Time 326,989 (77.0) 1,901,947 (90.6) Permanent – Full Time 339,729 (94.1) 1,543,670 (94.0) Permanent – Part Time 64,678 (15.2) 15,733 (0.8) Permanent – Part Time 13,349 (3.7) 10,052 (0.6) Occasional 26,791 (6.3) 167,175 (8.0) Occasional 5,438 (1.5) 77,458 (4.7) Seasonal 5,510 (1.3) 12,654 (0.6) Seasonal 369 (0.1) 7,855 (0.5) Social Security Social Security Contributing to SS 64,182 (15.1) 298,143 (14.2) Contributing to SS 167,278 (46.3) 501,841 (30.6) Outside of SS system 360,306 (84.9) 1,800,840 (85.8) Outside of SS system 193,939 (53.7) 1,138,623 (69.3) Total 424,488 2,099,831 Total 361,217 1,642,124 and for their contribution to economic growth and Women Entrepreneurship in Morocco job creation.53 Females remain underrepresented as business Women entrepreneurs manage their firms, owners. Women entrepreneurs are a minority ev- which are large and well established. In Morocco erywhere. But in the Middle East and North Africa more than 65 percent of female business owners are just 13 percent of firms are owned by women, sig- also managers of their enterprises, debunking the myth nificantly fewer than in East Asia, Latin America, or that women are owners only in name and defusing the Europe and Central Asia. Morocco is at the lower end of the MENA region, with only 10 percent of firms owned by women, against nearly 30 percent in Leba- 53 This section is based on data from the World Bank’s non and 20 percent in Egypt. Even so, female-owned Enterprise Surveys to detail the characteristics and per- firms defy commonly held expectations, revealing the formance of female-owned firms in Morocco comparing great potential for women economic empowerment them with male-owned firms. 44 MOROCCO: MIND THE GAP – EMPOWERING WOMEN FOR A MORE OPEN, INCLUSIVE, AND PROSPEROUS SOCIETY BOX 3.1  |  The Demand Side: Do Firms Hire Women in Morocco’s Manufacturing Sector? Young firms in emerging sectors tend to hire more women. Analysis of firm surveys between 1995 and 2006 reveals that only one in every four employees in the Moroccan manufacturing sector were female. However this average hides large differences across industries within the manufacturing sector. Female employment shares are highest in the wearing apparel sector, where about 75 percent of workers were women, followed by the manufacturing of radio, telecommunications and communication equipment (58 percent), the tanning and dressing of leather products (33 percent), the textiles sector (33 percent), the medical and precision instruments sector (29.5 percent), etc. The sectors with the lowest share of female workers are concentrated in mineral and metallurgic industries such as in the manufacturing of basic metals (6.8 percent), fabricated metals (6.3 percent), coke and refined petroleum (5.4 percent) etc. (see Figure A3.1 in Annex 3). These results suggest that the hiring of female workers in the Moroccan manufacturing sector was higher in young emerging sectors (e.g. electrical, electronic, and mechanical equipment), and in more labor-intensive and export oriented sectors (e.g. textile, leather, and apparel sectors). Exporting firms hire five times more women than non-exporting firms. These ideas are tested using firm-level data; the elasticity of female employment with respect to total firm employment is estimated to examine the influence of firm age, size, and export-orientation on female employment. On the basis of these elasticities, it is possible to derive the number female jobs created as firm employment expands providing indications on firm level factors that influence female hiring.a Turning first to firm export status, the results show that for every 10 new jobs, non- exporting firms employ only 1 additional female worker on average. On the other hand, for exporting firms every 10 new jobs is virtually equally split between female and male hires. The results indicate that younger firms hire more female workers for each additional job suggesting that startups, younger firms, and emerging sectors (sectors with a high share of young firms) are more female labor intensive. For instance firms with less than 4 years of activity employ 3.3 female workers for every 10 new jobs compared to 1.5 female workers on average among firms with 15 years of activity or more. Put together, the findings point to the important role of young firm and emerging sectors, and labor-intensive and export-oriented sectors as a source of employment for women in Morocco. Moroccan manufacturing jobs are particularly important sources of employment for urban women with low educational attainment. In urbanizing countries women tend to benefit more from growth in light manufacturing. In Morocco, about 42 percent of urban women with some primary schooling (and over 33 percent of urban women with no education) who work are employed in the manufacturing sector—the corresponding figures for rural women are respectively 6 and 3 percent only. The low educational attainment of urban women in the manufacturing sector also points to the low-skill activities they are engaged in. The overwhelming majority of these women (over 75 percent) are employed to perform low- skill tasks in the textiles, apparel, and leather sector and to a lesser extent in the electrical, electronic, and mechanical equipment industry. Among urban women with tertiary education, about 10 percent work in the manufacturing sector (4.2 percent in the electrical, electronic, and mechanical equipment and 3.1 percent in the textile, apparel and leather sector) pointing to the fact that women are under-represented in high-skill activities in the manufacturing sector. Manufacturing firms—particularly the exporting ones—have the potential to hire more women in better jobs. This will in turn also support firms’ productivity and growth. Exporting firms have the potential to hire more women and to grow as businesses exploit the new markets that are opened to Morocco by their immediate neighbors, including the EU. Women can contribute to firms’ growth if given the chance to work in the firms and occupy also high-skills positions (including as entrepreneurs). In turn, the growth in young and open industries within manufacturing (but also—sometimes even more so—in dynamics services sectors) can contribute to women’s progress in many other aspects. In East Asia, growth in the manufacturing sector—particularly in textile and food services industries—has increased women’s wage work and improved female and child health and education outcomes. common perception that women are not prepared or ef- of foreign direct investment—is also similar, though fective in managing a business. The presence of female female-owned firms have an edge. According to past ownership, however, remains too low for this to make Enterprise Surveys,54 in Morocco, female-owned enter- an impact on the aggregate numbers. Evidence from prises are significantly more likely than male-owned the labor force survey data reinforces the low levels of enterprises to export55 and to receive foreign invest- female entrepreneurship presented by enterprise data. ment.56 This strong export performance suggests that However, female-owned firms, as few as they might be, female-owned firms are productive—only efficient are well established. The average age of female-owned firms is basically equal to that of male-owned firms. Female-owned firms participate in the global 54 Enterprise Surveys 2003–2006. economy. Male- and female-owned firms have simi- 55 Exporters are firms that export more than 10 percent of lar patterns of domestic sales, selling most products to their output. small domestic firms or individuals. Their global orien- 56 Firms with high foreign investment are those in which the tation—participation in export markets, use of infor- share of subscribed capital owned by foreign investors is mation and communication technology, and attraction at least 10 percent of the total. Economic Growth, Structural Transformation, and Gender Inequality in the Labor Market 45 Number of Additional Female Workers for Each 10 New Jobs Created by Firm Characteristics Panel A. Firm Age Panel B. Firm Size 5.0 6 Number of New Female Jobs Number of New Female Jobs 4.5 4.0 5 3.5 4 3.0 2.5 3 2.0 1.5 2 1.0 1 0.5 0 0 0–4 5–9 10–14 15–19 20–24 25–29 30–34 >34 1–5 6–10 11–20 21–50 51–100 >100 Firm age Firm size Panel C. Firm Export Status 12 10 8 6 4 2 0 Non-exporting Exporting Note: The figure shows the estimated number of additional female workers hired for each 10 new jobs (in continued lines and bars) and the corresponding 95 percent confidence intervals (in dashed grey lines and black vertical lines). These results were obtained from the estimation of the elasticity of female employment with respect to total employment as specified in equation (1). a The empirical strategy is based on the estimation of the following equation: ΔFi,st = βΔNi,st + δXi,st + αi + αs + αt +εi,st (1); where i indexes firms, s sectors and t years. ΔN is the change in the logarithm of total employment between t–5 and t, ΔF is the change in the logarithm of female employment between t–5 and t. The authors use employment changes over a five year period to smooth out short-run evolutions and capture medium to longer-run dynamics. X is a set of firm and sector time-varying control variables. The α’s are firm, sector and time fixed effects. The control variable X includes the following variabales: a set of dummy variables for variable firm age and size categories[1] at time t–5, the logarithm of firm productivity at time t, a dummy variable for the firm export status at time and the logarithm of 3-digit sector level Herfindahl index for sales at time t. The coefficient of interest is β and measures the elasticity of female employment with respect to total employment. Assuming that the share of female workers is m the number of new female jobs for each new jobs at a firm is given by β * m. firms can compete in the international market. The ex- sectors, or contractual arrangements (sectors for short), port success of female-owned firms may also be linked it is possible to provide a tentative normative classifica- to their size, which helps them achieve economies of tion of sectors as “better” and “worse” and identify up- scale. Female-owned firms also employ a higher share ward and downward mobility. Such normative classifi- of female workers at professional and managerial lev- cation does not reflect individual taste for labor market els, pointing to their potentially strong role in absorb- status or for contractual arrangements but simply the ing a potentially growing female labor force. Gender Differences in Labor Market 57 This section build on the work from Verme et al. (2013) Transitions57 “Economic Shocks, Labor Mobility and Jobless Growth in Morocco: Evidence from panel data,” WPS 6795. The analysis is based on the Morocco LFS panel data from Gender imbalances in the labor market can also be 2007 to 2011. Of course, the classification of employment observed in the different transitions and labor mo- simply reflects an assumption made on the social planner bility between men and women. If we consider labor preferences and should not be considered as an absolute market mobility across labor market statuses, economic or objective classification. 46 MOROCCO: MIND THE GAP – EMPOWERING WOMEN FOR A MORE OPEN, INCLUSIVE, AND PROSPEROUS SOCIETY FIGURE 3.6 • Labor Mobility Across Sectors Downward Sectors Upward mobility mobility Employed Serv./Ind. Private Paid Full-time Formal Unemployed Agriculture Public Unpaid Part-time Informal Inactive Unemployed Unemployed Unemployed Unemployed Unemployed Inactive Inactive Inactive Inactive Inactive Source: Verme et al (2013). most suited allocations—in the social planner mind— and public sectors is also not operating positively for to maximize production and productivity. In such women. Women are as mobile as and sometimes even classification employment is considered better than un- more mobile than men but most of the mobility for fe- employment and inactivity while private employment is males occurs between agriculture and inactivity. There better than public employment. It can also be argued that are negligible transitions between the public and private services and industry are better than agriculture in that sectors.59 The informal sector plays a much greater role these sectors are generally characterized by higher value in mobility than the formal sector. For both men and added and productivity. This is not always the case of women, the formal sector accounts for less than 10 per- course. But it is known that, during the historical and cent of total transitions. Transitions between formal and structural transformation of societies, agriculture is the informal employment are lower for women as compared first sector to shrink during periods of industrialization to men. There is a large flow of people that moves every while the service sector is the last sector to expand as quarter into unpaid work and this phenomenon is much societies move from agriculture to industry and into the larger for women than for men. For women, nearly half knowledge era. Such classification may help to capture of mobility occurs between inactivity and unpaid work advancements in the structural transformation of a so- with a small difference between the directions of the ciety. Based on the same principles, paid and unpaid flow between these two statuses. For men, by far the employment, full-time and part-time employment and largest transition occurs This transition is not identified formal and informal sectors are categorized in this or- in Figure 3.6. der. This framework has been applied to Morocco labor A gender asymmetry also exists in how the la- market in the years from 2007 to 2011.58 bor market reacts to economic shocks. The population Men and women in Morocco experience very of Morocco overall has gained during the past decade in different labor market transitions. Women’s per- terms of welfare but this progress has occurred via non- formance is worse than men’s in almost all aspects inclusive labor market developments. Women have not of labor mobility. Analysis of employment transitions improved their labor market status and, if anything, they over the period 2007–2011 shows an overall trend to- are more dependent on their male counterparts as ever wards “upward” mobility. Workers have—on average— before. Rural women in particular seem to function as a improved their labor market status. However, mobility `shock absorber’ for the economy. When the economy is varies significantly across population groups. Men and doing well, rural women participate to the labor market in urban residents have done better than women and rural greater numbers but when the economy suffers this group residents. The gender gap is typically larger in rural areas is the first—and often the only group—to be excluded. as compared to urban areas. As observed earlier (Chap- ter 2) unemployment plays a significant role mostly 58 Using LFS quarterly data. for men while it plays no role for rural women. When 59 The public sector in particular hires young people out of women join employment they do that most frequently education and keeps these people throughout their work- from inactivity rather than unemployment. Reallocation ing careers with little or no recruitment of middle aged of labor across economic sectors and across the private workers. Public jobs are taken early and they are for life. Economic Growth, Structural Transformation, and Gender Inequality in the Labor Market 47 Which Constraints Impede Job Market women is a critical policy issue as they impede the Opportunities for Women? economy from fully utilizing a valuable human re- source. These costs are even greater for a country like Why do these gender gaps in economic opportuni- Morocco which aims to accelerate economic growth by ties persist? The previous section shows how women deepening the structural transformation of the econo- and men tend to work in very different parts of the my. One obvious way to achieve this would be to look “economic space” with little change over time. In fact, into an untapped pool of resources who are willing in the past ten years, women positions in the world of to work but are unable to find suitable jobs. This sec- work seem to have deteriorated. Women continue to tion will focus on the main economic obstacles women be more likely than men to engage in low-productivity face in accessing “decent” jobs and wider economic activities. They are also more likely to be in wage or opportunities. unpaid family employment or work in the informal wage sector, with very limited access to entrepreneur- A binding constraint: unequal access to ship. When in formal employment, they concentrate education in “female” occupations and sectors. These patterns of Women face unequal access to education. This gender segregation in economic activity can change prevents them from moving to better jobs. Op- with economic development but do not disappear. As portunities to attend school are far from universal in a result of these differences in where women and men Morocco. The question is which socio-economic char- work, gender gaps in earnings and productivity persist acteristics influence the child’s likelihood of being in across all forms of economic activity—and, as shown a group that is vulnerable in terms of access to edu- later in the section, this also contributes to discourage cation opportunities. Figures 3.7 and 3.8 show how many women from entering the labor force all together. each particular circumstance contributed to inequality This lack of progress in economic opportunities is puz- of opportunity in 2001 and 2007. While residence zling. It raises several questions, such as: why do these (urban/rural) and welfare status (being in different gaps persist? quintiles based on expenditure per capita) explain the Disparities persist when multiple reinforcing largest shares of inequality in education related op- constraints combine to block progress. As shown in portunities, gender plays also an important role be- the 2012 WDR on Gender and Development dispari- hind an unequal enrollment at school among children ties in the economic sphere (the persistence of gender aged 10–14. Low education quality—resulting from earnings gaps and gender segregation in employment) poor facilities, overcrowded classrooms (in Morocco stem from overlapping constraints. They start with dif- the average size of a classroom is over 45 students), ferences in endowments (in time use, education, and and absentee teachers—contributes to poor educa- in access to assets and formal institutions), combine tional outcomes, such as high repetition and drop-out with limited agency (differences in societal voice and rates and low achievement levels. High enrollment household decision making) and results in different rates may mask low levels of actual educational attain- (and unequal) economic opportunities. Gender differ- ment, which in turn contribute to skills shortages and ences are particularly persistent when rooted in deeply mismatches. While this is an issue common to both entrenched gender roles which are also expressed in men and women, it becomes even more prevalent for gender biased rules and regulations or at least in an women give the high barriers they have to overcome unequal enforcement and implementation. All these to move up to higher education levels. levels are mutually reinforcing in their interactions. Income growth has some influence in shifting these Wide gender gap in remunerations as patterns but, as seen in the case of Morocco, does not expression of occupational segregation eliminate them. There is a substantial wage gap between men and Identifying the market failures or inefficien- women (about 23 percent), even when controlling cies that cause low labor force participation by for education and professions. In 2007, 60 percent 48 MOROCCO: MIND THE GAP – EMPOWERING WOMEN FOR A MORE OPEN, INCLUSIVE, AND PROSPEROUS SOCIETY FIGURE 3.7 • The Contribution of Circumstances FIGURE 3.8 • The Contribution of Circumstances to Opportunities (Shapley to Opportunities (Shapley Decomposition), 2001 Decomposition), 2007 100 100 80 42 80 37 55 52 60 60 15 16 40 10 40 13 13 13 11 13 20 16 20 16 17 14 0 0 Started School (10–14) Finished 6 years (13–16) Started School (10–14) Finished 6 years (13–16) 2001 2007 Gender Wealth Family Gender Wealth Family HH education Region Rural HH education Region Rural Source: National Survey of Living Standards 2007, MNA HOI report (forthcoming). Note: Circumstances include: quintiles based on consumption per capita, gender, age of hh, number of household members between 0–15 age, presence of elderly, being single parent household, hh education, region, and rural or urban locality. of employed men received wages compared to 36 per- The gender wage gap adjusted for selectivity cent of women.60 As shown from the Kernel density bias—meaning taking into account the fact that only curve and the results of simple OLS regressions ex- some women work in wage employment—is much plaining logarithm of wage earnings, men tend to earn higher, reaching 77 percent. If controlled for poten- more than women and the gap widens if controlled for tial selection bias in female wage employment using the such individual characteristics as age and education.61 probit model, results change dramatically. Gender wage In particular, wage gap in logarithm without controls gap increases from 23 percent to 77 percent with an is 0.2 and 0.27 with controls. Re-transforming results absolute majority of it coming from The “unexplained” in original scale shows that women tend to earn 23 part, in particular the difference in the constant term. percent less than men without controls and 29 per- This indicates a presence of selection bias with women cent if controlled for education, age, and the place of engaged in wage work being a non-random sample of residence. the population. Correcting for this fact increases the Observed characteristics can only explain a gender wage gap substantially. Occupational segregation small part of the gender wage gap. Oaxaca-Blinder is the key observed factor explaining the wage gap and decomposition is used to divide the wage differential contributing to the unexplained part as well. As shown between men and women into the part “explained” by in Table 3.6, education tends to narrow both the ex- characteristics or endowments (education, age, and so plained and unexplained parts of the wage gap, but the forth) and the residual part called “unexplained.” This “unexplained” part includes the effects of unobserved predictors, but is also often used as a measure of dis- 60 Source: National Survey of Living Standards 2007, au- crimination. As shown in Table 3.6, the differences in thor’s calculation. Note: sample includes population aged 15 and above. endowments between women and men narrow wage gap by 6 percent. In particular, both education and 61 In order to calculate wage gender gap, the authors select- ed a subsample of workers with non-zero wage earnings. region favor women and reduce the gap, while experi- Wage is measured as monthly cash wage earnings in Mo- ence widens it. The unexplained part, in contrast, in- roccan dirhams without premium and payment in-kind. creases the gender gap by 31 percent and this mostly The results remain qualitatively the same if cash premi- comes from higher returns to experience among men. ums are taken into account. Economic Growth, Structural Transformation, and Gender Inequality in the Labor Market 49 FIGURE 3.9 • Kernel Density of Log of Monthly TABLE 3.5 • Male Dummy Coefficients from the Wage Earnings OLS Regressions Explaining Log of Monthly Wage Kernel density estimate 1.0 % Log wage N Without controls 23** 0.20*** 6883 0.8 With controls 29*** 0.27*** 6849 0.6 Source: National Survey of Living Standards 2007, author’s calculation. Density Note: sample includes population aged 15 and above. Monthly wage does not 0.4 include payment in-kind and bonuses. Controls include education, age and region. For 34 individuals with wages information about education was missing. Asterisks show level of significance: * at 10 percent, ** at 5 percent and *** at 1 percent. 0.2 Kolmogorov-Smirnov equality-of-distributions test rejects equality of distributions. 0 4 6 8 10 log_monthly_wage TABLE 3.6 • Results from Oaxaca-Blinder Men Women Decomposition of Gender Wage Gap in 2007a Source: National Survey of Living Standards 2007, author’s calculation. Note: sample includes population aged 15 and above. Monthly wage does not include payment in-kind and bonuses. Controls include education, age, and region. Oaxaca- Oaxaca-Blinder For 34 individuals with wages information about education was missing. Blinder adjusted for selection Male, average wage in 1789 1789 dirham concentration of women in low paid sectors overweighs Women, average wage 1458 1010 this effect and increases the explained part of gender gap. in dirham Evidence that women are working in low return sectors Difference 1.23*** 1.77*** signals the existence of mobility barriers which prevent Explained 0.94*** 0.93*** them from moving to higher return sectors. It is also Unexplained 1.31*** 1.90*** important from a welfare perspective as such restricted employment opportunities could be an additional reason Explained part (endowments) preventing women from participating in the labor force. Experience (age and 1.03*** 1.02*** age squared) Limited access to credit hinders female Education 0.94*** 0.94*** entrepreneurship opportunities Region 0.98*** 0.98*** Gender biased access to formal credit limits self- Unexplained part employment opportunities through entrepreneur- Experience (age and 1.35* 0.94 ship. As shown in Chapter 4, in Morocco gender gaps age squared) remain prominent in terms of access to credit and for- Education 0.98 1.00 mal savings, limiting the ability of women to start a Region 0.99 1.00 private enterprise. In 2012 only 27 percent of women Constant 0.99 2.02*** had an account at a formal financial institution (Findex N 6849 6849 2012) while 43 percent of women have taken a loan Source: National Survey of Living Standards 2007, author’s calculation. (formal or informal) in the past year. Given the limited Note: sample includes population aged 15 and above. correction for selectivity amount of credit available from formal institutions, it is done following by Jann (2008). Probit model for female with non-zero wages was estimated to get the Mills ratio. Asterisks show level of significance: * at 10 is reasonable to think of microfinance as an alternative percent, ** at 5 percent and *** at 1 percent. source of credit, particularly for micro-enterprises. In a Exponentiated results. Morocco, approximately 46 percent (368,000) of total MFI clients are indeed women. Qualitative interviews entrepreneurs, the request for high collateral, and/or carried out among women entrepreneurs has revealed for a male guarantor (typically the husband or another gender-biased attitudes of loan officers towards female male family member). 50 MOROCCO: MIND THE GAP – EMPOWERING WOMEN FOR A MORE OPEN, INCLUSIVE, AND PROSPEROUS SOCIETY BOX 3.2  |  Salary Gap: the Facts and the Perception Official data In 2007, the raw gender gap based on average earnings was 17 percent. Despite progress in the recent two decades (it was 56 percent in 1991 and 28 percent in 1999), gender wage gaps remain considerable.a This gap differs widely, however, when looking across different locations and individual characteristics. For instance, HCP reports a gender gap on salaries of 27 percent in urban areas and 37 percent in rural areas. This is despite the fact that women seem to have a higher return to education than men (almost 7 percent in 2007 against 4.8 percent for men) and to have experienced better returns from professional experience (7.5 percent vs 6.6 percent for men, with a decrease in terms of salary after 28 years of work, which means close to retirement). The analysis from HCP reports that only 36 percent of this gender gap in retribution is explained by individual characteristics, while the biggest part (64 percent) is due to pure discrimination. This discrimination is higher in rural areas (92.6 percent vs 44.7 percent respectively) and within primary sectors (i.e. agriculture, about 105 percent vs 64 percent and 23 percent respectively in industry and services). While this gap seems to have slightly diminished in the past 16 years, it still remains wide and not justified if not from a pure gender discrimination effect. In addition, the portion of salary gap that is explained by different levels of schooling/education attainments and professional experience also hides the fact that women most likely face an unequal access to education, as shown in Chapter 1. Source: HCP Cahiers du Plan n.36 (2011) Perceptions Inequality of opportunity and gender-biased norms are behind wide gender gaps in wages and salaries. Men enjoy greater freedom of movement (both geographically and in terms of jobs) compared to their female counterparts. This has a direct impact on the salary gap between men and women, girls’ school completion rates (especially in the rural areas), and women’s capacity to access quality jobs. Salary gap reports indicate that women earn between 30 and 50 percent less than men—depending on the sector—for the same job and the same qualifications. In agriculture, for example, for the same task women earn 50 percent less than men. In some cases, the salary gap is harder to assess because men and women occupy different sectors/industries. A woman employed as a worker in a factory, in agriculture, or as a domestic helper earns on average 40–50 dirhams per day (between US$5 and US$6). Among the reasons that justify such discrepancy, informants quote: • Women’s lack of mobility and lack of better opportunities. Women cannot look for better jobs in bigger centers and access better opportunities; • Women cannot negotiate their salary; • Lack of legal protection, lack of formal contracts offered to women; • Double burden as the care responsibility within the family remains unchanged for women; and • Constraints to women mobility at work: women cannot work after 5 pm. On the other side, low salaries for women are justified as follows: • Work for less money. Men can refuse a lower salary because their honor can be tarnished if they get paid like a woman. Moreover, they ‘deserve’ a better salary since they are the principle breadwinners and perform physical tasks that women cannot do;b • Women work more than men, endure fatigue and humiliation, and take breaks less often; • Do not protest and accept all tasks with docility; and • Are more loyal and accountable for their jobs. Source: Focus Group Discussions and qualitative survey (WB 2014). a « Inégalités des salaires hommes-femmes 1991–2007 ». Cahiers du plan n.36 (2011), HCP b The men sometimes prefer to stay unemployed than accept low wages and sometimes unpleasant conditions such as the bosses. Access to microfinance services is important smoothing benefits to the greatest number of people. for female economic empowerment. Microfinance62 Microfinance also supports females’ economic empow- is considered a successful example of gender-inclusive erment because it creates opportunities for business development. Globally 75 percent of more than 205 expansion and productive investment at the household million customers served by MFIs are women, includ- level, bypassing many socio-economic barriers that ing 82 percent of the 137.5 million poorest clients (Mi- prevent women from participating in the local econo- crocredit Campaign Report 2012). Women are viewed my. Qualitative and quantitative studies (e.g. Women’s as key beneficiaries for MFIs because they are often re- sponsible for the well-being of the family, and thus seen 62 Source: WB MSME project document “Micro, Small and as a conduit for conferring income and consumption Medium Enterprise Development Project” (2013). Economic Growth, Structural Transformation, and Gender Inequality in the Labor Market 51 World Banking) have demonstrated that access to mi- annual revenue of less than five times the amount ex- crofinance services empowers women through an in- cluded from income tax calculations. These occupations creased likelihood to own assets (land, houses, etc.), are almost a prerogative of women, as shown above. The greater control over household assets, and an ability to key structural issues identified in labor regulations are invest and grow in microbusinesses. An impact evalua- related to the dismissive hiring and firing regulations, tion in Morocco (Duflo et al. 2011) estimated the effect the fragmented and high contributions of social security, of Al Amana opening 60 new branches in sparsely pop- and the high payroll tax. ulated rural areas on credit allocation, consumption, Labor regulations and payroll taxes in Mo- and business activity, among others. The main effect of rocco do not promote a dynamic labor force and improved access to credit was to expand the scale of ex- discourage formal employment, disproportionately isting self-employment activities of households, includ- affecting youth and women. More specifically, Mo- ing both keeping livestock and agricultural activities. rocco’s highly restrictive fixed-term contract laws and Impact evaluation revealed important limita- heavy firing regulation and costs constitute important tions to female empowerment in rural areas in Mo- obstacles to a firm seeking to adjust its working force to rocco. Social norms still prevent low-income women best cope with new demand, technologies, and econom- from benefitting from alternative sources of finance. ic shocks. With one of the highest minimum wages64 in The studies found that only a small proportion of wom- en borrow in rural areas. Out of those women who bor- rowed there was little change with regards to bargaining 63 A study by the Ministry of Employment on the minimum power in the household, decision-making, or mobility wage found that a third of paid workers in formal employ- between villages. This impact evaluation highlights the ment earn wages of 90 to 110 percent of the minimum significant economic and social challenges low-income wage (“le SMIG”). A large proportion of those “Smigards” are women and part-time workers in sectors that rely heav- women face even when financial services are extended to ily on labor and in small enterprises. Forty-one percent of them. Financial literacy problems along with lack of fi- female wage workers earn the minimum wage, compared to nancial and business planning, and cultural norms stig- 31 percent of men. The same study found that enterprises matizing debt and interest credit have been identified as adjust to increases in the minimum wage by shedding work- major barrier to the use of microfinance (see Box 3.3). ers, especially unskilled workers. Workers earning the mini- The impact evaluation and the qualitative study carried mum wage appear 4.7 times more likely to lose their job than better paid workers. The study noted that the greatest out recently by the World Bank bring important insight effects fall on the youngest (below 25 years old) and oldest into these challenges and as a result helps policymakers (60 years and older) workers. The study does not explic- structure more effective interventions. itly state the impact on women, but given their proportion among minimum wage workers, and their concentration Regulations in low skilled jobs, women are disproportionately affected Women are predominantly occupied in jobs such as negatively by increases in the minimum wage. micro businesses or domestic workers that are not 64 With between 25 and 33 percent of labor costs, the tax wedge in Morocco is among the highest in the region. It re- protected under the Labor Code.63 The Government of flects high payroll and income taxes, as well as high social Morocco faces the challenge of finding the right balance security contributions. Evidence from the countries sug- between worker protection and labor market flexibility. gests that, in general, the tax wedge can have sizable effects The task is even more complicated as the Labor Code on employment and unemployment rates, in particular, applies only to a minor portion of the workforce. By def- could lead to less hiring, lower labor force participation, inition, labor regulations in Morocco protect formal sec- fewer hours worked, and more informality. By the available data, a 10 percent reduction in the tax wedge (the differ- tor workers, who constitute only a minority of the work- ence between the cost of labor and take-home pay) could force, and exclude the self-employed, domestic workers, increase employment between 1 and 5 percent (Kugler & family members working in a family business, workers Kugler 2003). Estimates for OECD countries show that a in traditional artisan or handicraft sectors for businesses 10 percent rise in the tax wedge reduces labor input by 1 to with less than five employees, and employers with an 4 percent of the working age population. (Nickell, 2003). 52 MOROCCO: MIND THE GAP – EMPOWERING WOMEN FOR A MORE OPEN, INCLUSIVE, AND PROSPEROUS SOCIETY BOX 3.3  |  Women and Micro-Finance in Moroccoa Women entrepreneurs in Morocco tend to use micro-finance as a last resort. This indicates a negative perception of this type of financial service: it is often perceived as too costly (the interest rates are too high); the conditions are too stringent and do not match with the uncertainty coming from their economic activity (which is often seasonal and subject to fluctuation). Some women report having resorted to micro-finance to pay utility bills, get a lump sum during inactivity or unemployment, or, more rarely, to finance an investment. Most of women’s experiences appear to be mixed or negative in this field. Women who resorted to micro-finance by necessity reported the feeling of undertaking a risky activity, as they feared punishment and imprisonment for their inability to repay. Debt in traditional society appears as something as potentially ‘dishonorable’ as it publicly displays ‘a need’ for money. Further the inability to repay, despite the legal consequences, can tarnish the man’s honor as it publicly admits the husband’s inability to provide. Most commonly debt, and therefore microfinance liability, operates through two different gender channels in Morocco: the woman—after consulting her husband—asks for a loan and normally repays it. However, if she is unable to pay back, implicitly her liability is transferred to the husband. When a husband is unemployed—as in many of the cases illustrated by the interviews—and de facto the woman is the only breadwinner, asking to take out a loan is an even more hazardous activity for a woman. Many women feared that their inability to repay could have even harsher consequences over their husbands. In one case the woman seemed uncomfortable with the idea of paying interest, which is in conflict with the tenets of the Shari’a and reported to cast more trust in Islamic finance. Very few women seemed to be financially literate and using credit in the framework of business/financial planning to grow their activity. On the contrary, most of the women—who reported having no savings, no assets at al—used credit along with consumption smoothing during hardship. As Rutherford (2000) has emphasized, the poor tend to use credit as a lump sum that operates as substitute for insurance, as well as savings. Source: Morocco Qualitative Survey (2014). a The information reported in Box 3.3 is based on a series of consultations carried out between Dec 2013 and March 2014 across the country through ethnological methods—including, but not exclusively, textual analysis or hermeneutics; phenomenology or ethnic knowledge analysis; linguistics; and post-structuralism. The consultations, carried out by local consultants in Moroccan, have been transcribed and lately translated into French have used mixed qualitative data gathering methods such as focus groups discussions; in-depth and semi-structured interviews; and life history interviews. Key informants of the enquiries are salaried women (in two different age groups); micro-entrepreneurs without employees or self-employed; small (micro) entrepreneurs; community leaders; and men (both employed and unemployed). the world and relatively high payroll taxes, the cost of women, also through its role in changing social norms formal labor is inflated. As a result, businesses prefer to (see Chapter 2); however, education alone might not remain informal to minimize labor costs and rigidities, be enough. Other policies are needed to break the bar- and this in turn negatively affects the quality of jobs riers to women working in a wider range of occupa- available to young people and women. A fragmented tions, in high productivity sectors with access to higher social security system coupled with ineffective dismissal remunerations, and to actively participate in the eco- regulations and institutions also play an important role nomic and social life of the country. Below are some in explaining poor labor market outcomes.65 The ma- recommendations as to how to tackle such barriers and jority of workers—and the large majority of women— promote greater economic empowerment for women. are lacking access to formal income protection and/or proper unemployment insurance schemes, which not Expand Economic opportunities only leave them vulnerable to unemployment risks, but Reforms are needed to create more “suitable” jobs also constrain their ability to move between jobs and/or for women and at the same time make women more engage in higher risk/higher return activities. This may “employable.” Policies are needed to reduce gender- affect labor productivity growth over the medium term. based occupation segregation and remove barriers that Policy Recommendations 65 Current income protection policies, to a large extent based on the regulation of dismissal procedures and severance pay, are not effective for a large segment of the labor force The policy conclusions stemming from the analysis and in fact constrain the management of those human presented until now point to the crucial role of in- resources who are covered. Some evidence suggests that creased education (and increased quality of educa- firms are either by-passing the regulations or moving to tion) to promote greater access to and better jobs for short-term contracts. Economic Growth, Structural Transformation, and Gender Inequality in the Labor Market 53 BOX 3.4  |  Morocco’s Labor Code A comprehensive new labor law went into effect in Morocco in 2004,a offering greater protection for women in the labor market. The amended Labor Code raises the minimum employment age from 12 to 15; reduces the work week from 48 to 44 hours with overtime payable for additional hours; and raises the minimum wage by ten percent. All these features might benefit women. The Code also stipulates penalties for gender-based discrimination and requires equal pay for equal work. It contains gender-specific employer mandates, including: • Employer-paid maternity leave (14 weeks), • Flexibility to extend the maternity leave period if medically justified up to eight weeks before delivery and 14 weeks after, • Reduced workload for expectant mothers, • Allowance of breast feeding time in the workplace, • Childcare requirements based on the number of female employees, • Flexibility in resignation procedures for expectant mothers and possibility of requiring a longer rest period or an unpaid year-long leave, • Prohibition to end the employment contract of an expectant mother during pregnancy or during the 14 weeks after delivery, • Restrictions on work hours that apply to female employees (In order for women to work at night, transport must be available from home to the workplace in case public transport is not available,) • Restrictions on types of job women can perform, • Mandatory rest day for women less than 20 years old. While this code provides greater protection for women and ensures minimum working conditions, it may constrain their opportunities, because it raises the costs for firms that hire women. Restrictions on women’s working hours and types of jobs make it more difficult for firms to add extra shifts. Mandatory leave and rest days as well as time allowances for breast-feeding and childcare requirements incur additional costs when financed by firms. Evidence from studies in East Asia shows that firms respond to these mandates by substituting men for women workers, which reduces women’s welfare by limiting their opportunities. In Taiwan, for example, a study found that restrictions on certain types of work and on work hours for women significantly reduced women’s employment and actual working hours. These measures in effect impede greater gender equality in the labor market. Other provisions in the new Labor Code that are not related to working conditions can similarly work against women: • Restrictions on shift work except in enterprises whose organizational structure requires it. Flexible or shift types of work might be more practical for women who need to combine paid work with other duties, so restricting their ability to do shift work may restrict their ability to work in the market at all. • Lack of flexibility in the list of standard absences (wedding, death, surgery). As a woman is responsible for the wellbeing of the family, her absences might differ from the ones accepted and exceed the number of days allowed. Again, if productivity and reliability are major factors used to evaluate an employee, • Employee delegates within an enterprise are chosen on the basis of their age (minimum 20 years old) and duration on the job (minimum one year). As women tend to have less regularity in a job for the reasons seen above, they are less likely to be eligible for delegate positions. Similarly, prerequisites to be part of the enterprise committee and trade unions do not take into account women’s different needs and do not favor the election of women. Source: WB Gender and Employment in Morocco (2007). a The new Labor Code complies with ILO conventions and recommendations. Compared to several other MENA countries, relatively few employers in Morocco (16 percent) consider labor regulations as a major constraint to expanding their formal employment. The skills and education of the labor force are two times a more significant problem than employment regulations. In 2014, Morocco will be celebrating the10th anniversary of Labor code. Up to now, no changes or amendments are envisaged to address the key issues mentioned earlier; however, the government envisions evaluating the new labor code and draw key impacts of these regulations on labor market. prevent women from working in high productivity sec- most productive sectors of the economy (such as ICT tors. The very low rate of female labor force participa- or financial) and on the other hand by breaking down tion in Morocco reflects also a real lack of opportuni- the legal and social barriers that discourage employers ties for women who want to work, and is not simply from hiring female candidates, and discourage women the result of women’s preferences for family life. This who want to work from accepting available jobs. is starkly reflected in the dramatically high unemploy- The growth of ‘female-friendly’ industries ment rates for young women, in particular for those should be promoted in order to increase women’s with high levels of education. These women want to employment, while at the same time expanding work, but cannot find suitable employment. It is there- the range of industries “suitable” for female occu- fore essential to improve women’s access to economic pation. High value service sectors such as ICT have opportunities by on one hand expanding the scale and in particular demonstrated an ability to pull women type of job opportunities—for instance in some of the into the workforce. In manufacturing, sectors such 54 MOROCCO: MIND THE GAP – EMPOWERING WOMEN FOR A MORE OPEN, INCLUSIVE, AND PROSPEROUS SOCIETY as garments and wearing apparels are particularly entrepreneurs face significant difficulties relative to ‘female-friendly.’ As the analysis has shown, export- men. Foremost among these is access to credit, espe- ing manufacturing firms provide the best potential to cially since personal laws limit women’s ownership hire more women in better jobs. As recommended in of family assets (see Chapter 4). These differences are the MENA WDR, best practice industrial policy, con- rooted in failures of markets and institutions and in ditionality, sunset clauses, built in program reviews, their interactions with household responses. For ex- monitoring, and periodic evaluation might be in spe- ample, accessing credit often requires collateral, pref- cific cases desirable. While it is important that sectors erably land or immobile assets. Women are thus at a that employ mostly women grow at a sustained pace, disadvantage because they have lower or less secure it is even more important to move away from the no- access to land and are disproportionately employed tion that most sectors are inherently not suitable for in the service sector where capitalization is lower and the expansion of women’s employment. The simple output is often intangible. These forces may be further fact that the vast majority of women in Morocco are reinforced by gender-based preferences in the house- working in low return sectors signals the existence of holds that can lead to unequal resource allocations (of mobility barriers that prevent them from moving to land, for example) to male and female members. Poli- higher return sectors. These barriers might be of legal cies need to focus on these underlying determinants or social nature and might be behind such a low rate of differential access—leveling the institutional playing of economic participation. field by strengthening women’s ownership rights, cor- Policies need to focus on underlying deter- recting biases in service delivery institutions, and im- minants of differential access to assets. Women proving the functioning of credit markets. BOX 3.5  |  Regulations Can Play an Important Role in Supporting Female Economic Participation Reforms of the Labor Codes should be designed taking into account obstacles for female economic participation. The Labor Code reform has introduced greater protection for women in the labor market. The main recommendations going forward would be to introduce more flexibility in dismissal procedures, extending the benefits that come with fixed-term contracts, and modernizing minimum wage policy and aligning them with international standards.a All these potential reforms are likely to benefit women as they would tackle some of the most relevant obstacles that currently impede female economic participation. It is also advisable to introduce actions specifically designed to address the constraints faced by women. For instance in Turkey, during the 2007 reforms of the labor code, it was specifically addressed in the measure to reduce indirect labor costs the need to ease (and render them more cost effective and cost sharing) regulations on in-site facility such as kindergarten. This would reduce the cost for employers to hire more women. Specific incentives to vulnerable groups were also targeted to support women such as subsidies for new youth and women hires (until April 2010) consisting of 100 percent of employers’ social security contributions (at the legal minimum wage) in the first year, with a 20 percentage points decline per year in the subsidy in the following four years. Gradually integration, or at least harmonization, of the various social insurance programs while expanding coverage would benefit women working as domestic workers or wage employees in the agricultural sector.b The principle would be that all Moroccan residents, regardless of where they work, would have access to the same system under the same rules. Self-employed workers, domestic workers or wage employees in the agricultural sector, for instance, would also join the current system for private sector workers. Like them, they would benefit from the basic pension and be allowed to make additional contributions. Because it is difficult to observe their earnings—and for many, these earnings fluctuate seasonally—the system would give them more flexibility in terms of the level and frequency of their contributions. The contributions, for instance, do not have to be set up as a percentage of earnings; they can be made in absolute terms subject to a minimum floor (for example, 5 percent of the guaranteed minimum wage (salaire minimum interprofessionnel garanti, SMIG). a In particular, a revised regulation should allow employers to dismiss workers for economic or technical reasons without requiring third-party authorization, while reinforcing controls and penalties for wrongful dismissals. This can be done if an adequate unemployment insurance program is implemented. The main condition regulating dismissal would be to provide adequate advance notice (for example, at least three months), a period during which the worker continues to receive his or her salary but is allowed to engage in job search activities. The Labor Code could also consider the introduction of a dismissal tax that is designed to internalize the social costs of making a worker redundant. In this case, employers would be asked to pay a given percentage of the salary of the employee who is made redundant. The revenues from this tax could be used to finance, in part, the unemployment insurance fund. The tax, however, should be small in order not to discourage the use of open-ended contracts. b A reform that goes in this direction has been recently implemented by the ANPME with the introduction of the status of “Auto-entrepreneur,” allowing MSMEs entrepreneurs to benefit from health coverage (including family members); maternity leave; pension; and a specific and simplified fiscal policy (1 percent tax wage floor of the total income). Economic Growth, Structural Transformation, and Gender Inequality in the Labor Market 55 Employment policies Mainstream gender sensitive actions in the Na- It is essential for policy makers to pay more atten- tional Employment plan aimed to enhance employ- tion to the negative bias women experience in terms ment and promote decent conditions of work. The of labor mobility. Employment policies need to be Labor Ministry, with the technical assistance of ILO, has more inclusive and explicitly target women in margin- engaged in the development of a National Strategy for alized groups. In addition, policies designed to increase Employment for which consultative committees that in- female labor participation should focus more on how to clude all stakeholders have been established. In addition, retain jobs in addition to finding jobs. Perhaps surpris- the Ministry of Labor has unveiled its Strategic Action ingly, women are as mobile as men. While stock mea- Plan 2012–2016 (Plan d’Action Stratégique 2012–2016), sures such as the FLFP look ‘stable’ for both genders which will serve as the basis for the Strategy. The Plan and very grim for women, the actual share of women served to identify priority areas in employment policy, who move across labor statuses is high and comparable to set objectives, expected results and a timeline for their to that of men. Women want to participate and do par- completion, as well as to assign responsibilities and the ticipate in great numbers. In any point in time the share required financial resources to achieve each objective.66 of women participating is low but the share of women The gender dimension should be taken into account in who participate during the year is large. Therefore, the design and expansion of Active Labor Market Pro- many of the women that do participate are unable to grams (ALMPs) and in the valuation of the impact of hold on to their jobs. The specific patterns of transitions training programs on employment outcomes. experienced by women, specifically women living in ru- ral areas, suggest that the role of “secondary worker” that women hold in the household is stressed in time of crisis, where women employment seem to replace 66 The objectives included in the Strategic Action Plan are to: men’s. When the economy is weak, rural men work- (i) increase the reach and impact of ALMPs by evaluating existing ALMPs and by creating three additional programs: ing in urban areas seem to go back to rural areas and, Moubadara, which encourages employment in non-govern- by doing so, push women out of the fields and back mental organizations; Taâtir, which provides paid intern- to inactivity. Conversely, when the economy performs ships for the long-term unemployed; and Istiâab, which well, rural men take up jobs in urban areas and they are seeks to encourage the formalization of the informal sector; replaced by women in the fields. These compensation (ii) create an employment observatory as well as a labor mechanisms suggest that rural areas have an excess of market information system; and (iii) re-enforce the capacity of public and private labor market intermediation agencies; labor force that, does not transit via unemployment. Job and (iv) establish an unemployment insurance scheme. To creation of non-farm jobs would seem one of the keys operationalize this Plan, ANAPEC unveiled its 2013 Action to address this issue, a process that may need specific Plan (Plan d’Action 2013), which identifies specific actions investments and labor market policies and programs. to meet the objectives included in the Strategic Action Plan. WOMEN AND THE LAW IN 4 MOROCCO: ACCESS TO ECONOMIC ASSETS, VOICE, AND POLITICAL PARTICIPATION Women’s Legal Equality in Morocco impact on all aspects of agency, including economic participation, roles in family life and the abil- The strength of women’s agency is key to under- ity to participate in policy development and political standing the emergence of unequal development life. They are often reinforced through biased delivery outcomes based on differing capacities of men and of services by public sector institutions, contravening women to exercise choices related to economic, applicable legal and administrative frameworks. When social, and political life. Agency, as defined by the effective, justice sector institutions and services, such as World Bank’s World Development Report 2012: Gender courts, lawyers, and special services targeted to wom- Equality and Development (WDR 2012)67 and Opening en, can help women overcome discriminatory laws and Doors: Gender Equality and Economic Development in the restrictive social norms. Economic participation can in- Middle East and North Africa 2013 (Opening Doors),68 crease women’s agency by providing them the financial refers to the ability of an individual or group to make resources necessary for enhanced decision-making. choices and transform them into desired outcomes. Gender equality is a core development ob- The ability of women to influence their own lives by jective in itself. As highlighted in the World Bank’s exercising agency matters in the context of basic hu- World Development Report ‘Gender Equality and De- man rights and fundamental freedoms. Agency has a velopment’ (2012), development means there should role in contributing to women’s human development be fewer gaps in well-being between men and women. and economic opportunities, and opening opportuni- The WDR 2012 also states that gender equality can ties for greater participation in social and political life. enhance economic efficiency and improve other de- Effective exercise of agency by women also improves velopment outcomes. The Millennium Development their children’s welfare and shapes their future behav- Goals embody the principles that women’s empower- ior. In this context, the following section will assess ment and gender equality are development objectives women’s agency in the pursuit of economic, social, and in their own right. Gender equality is also enshrined political development. in the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Obstacles to women exercising agency in Mo- Discrimination against Women, to which more than rocco are caused by a combination of uneven treat- one-hundred eighty countries are signatories, including ment in legislative and regulatory frameworks, with Morocco. A key component of gender equality is legal gaps further widened by restrictive social norms equality, namely that women and men are provided the that affect women’s behavior. Practical boundaries same rights, responsibilities, and protections under law. on women’s agency are defined both formally by legal Attitudes towards gender equality vary wide- rights and informally through social norms. Legal rights ly between women and men in Morocco. Women are codified in legislative frameworks and enforced by formal institutions. Legal restrictions, often reflect- 67 The WDR 2012 defines agency as ‘an individual’s (or ing social norms, impact agency most prominently in group’s) ability to make effective choices and to transform Morocco in relation to family and personal life. Social those choices into desired outcomes.’ norms, based on a combination of religious and non- 68 Opening Doors defines agency as ‘the capacity and au- religious factors, are enforced through a combination of thority to act, and underpins an individual’s ability to self-enforcement by individuals, often backed by fam- shape her own life: freedom of choice, expression, and ily pressures and informal institutions. Social norms decision making.’ 57 58 MOROCCO: MIND THE GAP – EMPOWERING WOMEN FOR A MORE OPEN, INCLUSIVE, AND PROSPEROUS SOCIETY FIGURE 4.1 • Gender Equality in Rights is Legislative Reforms an Essential Characteristic of Democracy, Percentage Agreeing The GoM has made strides over the last decade in 80 closing equality gaps in law, particularly with re- 70 forms related to personal and family life. The Consti- 60 tution, revised in 2011, provides for equality of Moroccan 50 citizens and obligates public bodies to promote liberty 40 and equality for male and female citizens and to foster 30 participation in political, economic, social, and cultural 20 life. It also provides for equality in civil, political, eco- 10 nomic, social, cultural, and environmental rights realms 0 contained in the Constitution and international conven- Brazil India Turkey Indonesia Malaysia Ukraine Moldova Morocco tions adopted by the GoM. The state is also obligated to work towards the realization of parity between men Men Women and women, and the Constitution provides for a govern- Source: World Values Survey, 2011. mental authority to work towards parity and address all forms of discrimination. The Family Code (Moudawanna) are considerably more supportive of the concept of was revised in 2004 with the participation of civil soci- gender equality as an essential part of democracy. ety, and expanded the rights of women in areas such as Women in Morocco have stronger attitudes in favor guardianship, marriage and child custody, and access to of gender equality than men—60 percent for women divorce. Amendments to the Labor Code (2003) and the versus 30 percent of men. Using the same grouping of Law on Nationality (2008) have also benefitted women. comparison countries suggests a relatively considerable The introduction of an informal quota in local elections gap between attitudes of women versus men in Mo- raised the level of women’s representation in 2009. Mo- rocco on gender equality of rights, and highlights the rocco formally withdrew its reservations to the Conven- attitudes of Moroccan men against gender equality of tion on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination rights as a considerable outlier (Figure 4.1). against Women (CEDAW) in 2011, and adopted its TABLE 4.1 • Legislative Reforms Enhancing Agency Constitution • Granting equality to men and women in enjoying constitutional rights and rights enshrined in international treaties adopted • Requiring public bodies to promote liberty and equality for male and female citizens and to foster participation in political, economic, social and cultural life • Requiring state to work towards the realization of parity between men and women • Designation of a governmental authority to work towards parity of citizens and to address all forms of discrimination • Commitments to ban discrimination, including that based on sex, and to comply with all international conventions ratified (Preamble) Family Code • Wwomen no longer required to have male guardian (Moudawana) • Women can sign their own marriage contracts in place of a male guardian • Provided women additional grounds to initiate divorce • Equalized rights related to child custody • Restrictions on polygamy, including consent of current wife • Raised minimum age of marriage from 15 to 18 (with exceptions) • Strengthens women’s control of economic assets in marriage Labor Code • Increases benefits related to maternity [see also Box 3.4] Nationality Law • Women married to non-Moroccan men can pass nationality to children (with restrictions) • Children of Moroccan mothers and foreign fathers provided rights to education and health services reserved for citizens Criminal Code • Women now eligible for reduced sentence for assaulting husband if caught in adulterous act • Rapists can no longer escape prosecution by marrying victim Women and the Law in Morocco: Access to economic assets, voice, and political participation 59 Optional Protocol in 2012. The result of these changes norms often restrict agency beyond the boundaries set is that de jure women do enjoy more freedom to travel, by legislative frameworks, and can partly explain wom- access employment, and negotiate marriage and divorce. en’s low levels of economic and political participation. These norms are enforced by a combination of pressure Continuing Legislative Inequality from society and family, and through self-enforcement by women not wishing to face controversy by their ac- Despite reforms, equality gaps between men and tions. These norms partly explain low labor force and women remain in a number of laws, particularly in political participation by women, and disparities in relation to family matters, which continue to weak- control of economic assets. In Morocco, social attitudes en women’s agency. Despite recent legislative reforms, towards the role of women vary considerably between there are a number of areas where women do continue to men and women over certain topics. Data on attitudes face de jure discrimination, primarily in relation to fam- towards gender equality and social norms remains ily and personal life. These laws are influenced by social mostly lacking in Morocco. One of the few sources of norms related to traditional views of family roles, and the data available is the World Values Survey. perception that women are in need of protection both Attitudes of men and women in Morocco physically and in terms of reputation. These areas in- vary considerably in relation to issues of economic clude rights to inheritance, the ability to marry non-Mus- and political participation, and access to higher- lims, and the grounds for accessing divorce. Women, in education. There are considerable gaps in attitudes as general, are entitled to lesser shares of inheritance than to whether men should have priority for scarce jobs, male relatives. And they are restricted in passing citizen- whether men make better business executives and ship to non-Muslim spouses and children. Grounds for political leaders, and whether university education is seeking divorce are not completely equal for men and more important for males or females (Figure 4.2 – see women. Pre-marital sex remains a criminal offense only also Chapter 1). for women. And at present there is no specific legisla- Attitudes prioritizing men for access to tion providing protection against gender-based violence, scarce jobs and perceptions that men make better including victims of domestic violence. business executives and politicians are not wholly inconsistent with attitudes outside of the MNA re- Social Norms and Legal Equality gion. Comparing general attitudes in Morocco with a grouping of representatives from BRIC countries (Bra- Social norms further restrict women from exer- zil and India), Muslim-majority countries (Turkey, cising the choices legally available to them. Social Indonesia and Malaysia) and lower middle income TABLE 4.2 • Legislation Weakening Agency Family Code (Moudawana) • Men can have multiple wives, women cannot have multiple husbands • Husband can unilaterally repudiate wife for divorce, no similar divorce grounds for women unless agreed to by the spouses prior to marriage • Inheritance rights differ between men and women • Women and men can still be married under the age of 18 with consent of a judge • Women can divorce men unilaterally only if they renounce rights to dower and alimony (khul) Nationality Law • Women can pass nationality to children they have with non-Moroccan husband only if he is Muslim and they married in accordance with the Family Code • Men can pass nationality to foreign wives, Moroccan women cannot pass nationality to foreign husbands Criminal Code • Sex outside of marriage is a criminal offense only for women • In family matters, women’s testimony given only half the weight of men Labor Code • Does not cover domestic and agricultural workers Decree No. 2-56-1019 (1957) • Women prohibited from performing dangerous work and barred from some occupations 60 MOROCCO: MIND THE GAP – EMPOWERING WOMEN FOR A MORE OPEN, INCLUSIVE, AND PROSPEROUS SOCIETY FIGURE 4.2 • Social Norms, Men Versus Women FIGURE 4.3 • Men Should have More Rights than Women to Scarce Jobs 120 120 100 100 80 Percent 80 60 60 40 40 20 20 0 Men should have more right to scare jobs Men make better business executives Men make better political leaders University is more important for a boy Approve of woman as single parent 0 Brazil India Turkey Malaysia Indonesia Ukraine Moldova Guatemala Morocco Agree Disagree Neither Men – agree Women – agree Source: World Values Survey (2011). Men – disagree Women – disagree Source: World Values Survey 2007. with the exception of attitudes in Indonesia. Morocco countries (Ukraine, Moldova and Guatemala) demon- is most unique in the sense that disapproval ratings are strates that attitudes in Morocco related to aspects of extremely high while special circumstances that would women’s economic and political participation are not make single motherhood acceptable appear very limited. necessarily extreme. Gaps in attitudes related to family matters are Women’s agency, legal equality and social relatively smaller, suggesting restrictive social norms norms related to family roles are more established across gender lines. There is basically no gap in approval Agency and legal equality can be assessed through the rates of women as single parents. Both men and wom- lens of control of economic assets, family roles and per- en overwhelmingly disapprove—roughly 97 percent of sonal life, and political participation. The relevant factors each (Figure 4.2). Unlike attitudes towards areas of eco- for assessing agency are contained in Table 4.3. nomic and political participation, in this case Morocco is a considerable outlier compared with other countries, Components of Agency TABLE 4.3 •  FIGURE 4.4 • Men Make Better Business Relevant Factors Executives than Women Control of Economic Assets Employment income, land, inheritance, dowries, pensions, 100% social security, alimony, family 90% allowances, household finances 80% 70% Family Roles and Personal Life Role as wife, marriage of 60% minors, access to divorce, child 50% custody rights, violence against 40% women, control of family books, 30% nationality, ease of mobility, work outside of the home, travel with 20% children 10% 0% Political Participation Elected and appointed office, Turkey Indonesia Malaysia Ukraine Moldova Morocco election quotas, representation on Strongly agree Agree Disagree Strongly disagree boards of directors, professional associations, entrepreneurs Source: World Value Survey (2011). Women and the Law in Morocco: Access to economic assets, voice, and political participation 61 Control of Economic Assets Access to Bank Accounts, Credit Cards, and Loans Morocco’s legal framework governing accumulation and transfer of economic assets is disadvantageous Moroccan women control fewer banking-related as- to women, leading to gender gaps in control of as- sets than men, but perform comparably to women sets as compared to men. Accumulation of economic in other LMI countries. Men are considerably more assets by women is dependent not only on equality in likely to have an account at a formal financial institu- basic property rights and labor force participation, but tion and have access to a debit card, and more likely to also on legal regimes governing marital assets and in- have saved at a financial institution in the last year and heritance. Having adequate access to, and control over, own a credit card. Women are more likely to save us- economic assets can increase women’s agency and aid ing a savings club. There is a considerable gap in how poor women in escaping poverty. There are no legal Moroccan women compare with women in other LMI restrictions on the purchase or sale of ownership of countries versus the comparison of Moroccan men and land by women in Morocco, nor are there restrictions men in other LMIs. While Moroccan women perform on accumulation of other types of economic assets. comparably compared with women from LMI coun- However, the low labor force participation of women tries, with the exception of saving at a financial insti- negatively impacts women’s abilities to obtain financial tution, Moroccan men considerably outperform men assets. Social norms also play a role, restricting wom- from LMI countries (Figure 4.5 and Figure 4.6). en’s participation in economic and financial activities. Moroccan women are considerably less likely In such circumstances, the transfer of assets, and thus than men to use accounts at formal institutions for wealth, through marital property regimes and inheri- business purposes or to receive wages. Men are con- tance becomes more important to women’s economic siderably more likely to use accounts at formal institu- development. While revisions to the legal framework tions for business purposes and to receive wages. Use related to marital property could potentially increase of accounts to receive wages is the largest gender gap in women’s control of marital assets, these reforms are Morocco, likely at least due in part to women’s low la- poorly implemented in practice. And the inheritance bor force participation in the formal sector (Figure 4.6). regime currently awards female heirs lesser rights than Again, Moroccan women do compare favorably on comparable male heirs. these indicators to women in other LMI countries. FIGURE 4.5 • Use of Bank Accounts and Bank FIGURE 4.6 • Use of Accounts at Formal Financial Cards Institutions 60 50 50 40 40 30 30 20 20 10 10 0 0 Account Account Account Account Account Account at Saved at Debit card Credit Card used for used to used to used to used to formal financial business receive receive send receive financial institution purposes government remittances remittances wages institution (last year) payment Morocco – Men Morocco – Women Morocco – Men Morocco – Women LMI – Women LMI – Men LMI – Women LMI – Men Source: Gender Equality Data and Statistics, The World Bank (2011). 62 MOROCCO: MIND THE GAP – EMPOWERING WOMEN FOR A MORE OPEN, INCLUSIVE, AND PROSPEROUS SOCIETY FIGURE 4.7 • Attitudes Towards Women’s Control weddings, health and emergencies, home construction of Incomes and payment of school feels. The only larger variation 90 is related to loans for purchase of a home, reported by 80 3 percent of women versus 6 percent of men, which is 70 likely due in part to social norms where men are viewed 60 as head of household and legal obligations of men to 50 40 provide financial maintenance to their families. Moroc- 30 can women compare favorably to women in other LMI 20 countries in terms of having taken a loan in the last year 10 (43 percent versus 35 percent, respectively), but less 0 favorably in terms of loans from financial institutions For, without For, subject to Against reservations contribution to (4 percent versus 7 percent, respectively). household expenses Men Female Urban Rural Earning and Controlling Income Source: La Femme Marocaine sous le regard de son environnement social, Haut Commissariat au Plan, Royaume du Maroc – 2006. Attitudes towards women controlling their own in- come are generally positive, especially if combined with contributions towards household expenses. There are smaller gaps between men and Low female labor force participation in Morocco—at women in accessing loans, with the largest gap relat- 24 percent—results in reduced independent income ed to loans used to purchase homes. In 2011, nearly for women in general. Attitudes towards women con- 4 percent of women reported having taken a loan from trolling their own incomes are more positive than nega- a financial institution in the last year, while 5 percent of tive, especially when tied to contributions to household men reported the same, whereas 43 percent of women expenses (Figure 4.7). reported having taken any loan in the last year, versus 49 percent for men.69 Women were only more likely than man to take a loan from a private lender: 2 percent Access to Land of loans by women and 1 percent by men. There was rough parity between men and women related to out- The GoM produces no official data on women’s land standing loans for different matters including funerals or ownership in Morocco, but anecdotal evidence sug- gests the level remains low, particularly in regards FIGURE 4.8 • Percentage of Agricultural Holdings to agricultural land. Morocco has no single, com- Headed by Women prehensive land law, and customary norms apply to governance of some types of land. There are no formal Lower Middle Income Countries legal restrictions on women’s abilities to buy, sell, or 35 register land individually, and married couples can opt 30 to register land jointly. However, the limited data avail- 25 able, much of which is anecdotal, suggests the level of 20 land ownership by women remains low. For example, 15 FAO estimates women control only around 4 percent 10 of agricultural holdings, comparing unfavorably to 5 other LMI countries (Figure 4.8). As of 2005, agricul- 0 tural land accounts for roughly two-thirds of the land Morocco Egypt Guatemala Indonesia Senegal Cote d’Ivoire India Nicaragua Georgia 69 World Bank Gender Statistics, http://data.worldbank.org/ Source: (FAO 1996–2007). data-catalog/gender-statistics. Women and the Law in Morocco: Access to economic assets, voice, and political participation 63 area of Morocco.70 There are several probable causes The most recent guideline, issued in 2012, grants wom- that, combined, prevent significant increases in levels en rights equal to men in terms of benefits from incomes of women’s control of land. and profits derived from such lands. Inheritance and marital property rules, com- bined with restrictive social norms, likely play a Social Security Benefits strong role in preventing women’s increased con- trol of land. Socially it may be seen as less acceptable Family allowances, which benefit employees with for women to purchase land in certain areas, primar- spouses and children, are paid only to men through ily due to views of men as head-of-household and the social security system. Retirement ages for men that unmarried women should not live alone. Under and women are equal in both the private and public the Family Code, varying formulas for the division of sectors. However, employees in the public sector are land through inheritance often result in lesser shares entitled to early retirement after twenty-one years of for female versus equivalent male heirs, for example in service for men and eighteen for women. Individuals the case of sons versus daughters. Inheritance of land contributing to the social security regime (CNSS) for is an important means of passing wealth, particularly a certain period of time are entitled to a family allow- in rural areas. No data available exists as to the extent ance for each of their children. While both men and women rely on inheritance as a means to acquire land. women are insured with CNSS and pay contributions, Studies in Latin America demonstrate that there wom- these family allowances are paid exclusively to men. In en are much more likely than men to acquire land by case of divorce, the payments are made to the person inheritance.71 The default property regime under mar- with physical custody of the child. riage is separate property, meaning upon divorce each party takes from the marriage any land registered to them. If land purchased during marriage is registered only in the name of the husband, a divorced wife loses 70 Property Rights and Resource Governance, USAID Coun- all rights. Though property can be registered jointly be- try Profile, Morocco (USAID 2011), http://usaidlandten- ure.net/sites/default/files/country-profiles/full-reports/ tween spouses there is no data available to determine USAID_Land_Tenure_Morocco_Profile.pdf. the extent to which this takes place. 71 Deer and Doss, Gender and the Distribution of Wealth Customary norms governing land prevent in Developing Countries, Research Paper No. 2006/115, some women from benefitting from inheritance or UNU-WIDER (2006). For example, respondents reporting sales of land. About 42 percent of land in Morocco is acquisition of land by inheritance are as follows: Brazil – held collectively by tribes and governed by customary 54% of women, 22% of men; Chile – 84% of women, 65% norms, with the state as trustee of the collective land of men; Honduras – 40% of women, 19% of men; Mexico – through Trusteeship Councils.72 Civil society estimates 81% of women, 45% of men; Nicaragua – 37% of women, 22% of men; and Peru – 75% of women, 49% of men. See that around 37 million acres of land are governed by also Deere et.al. ‘Property Rights and the Gender Distribu- customary norms (orf).73 The extent to which rights to tion of Wealth in Ecuador, Ghana and India’, which found tribal lands are registered is unclear. Traditionally these that for married couples in Ecuador, Ghana, and Karna- lands were used collectively, but more recently have taka, India, inheritance is the most important means of ac- been distributed to men as heads-of-household and sub- quisition of agricultural land owned by the couples. sequently sold. When such land is sold, unmarried or 72 Maroc – Marches fonciers pour la croissance économique widowed women (Soulaliyate) do not share in the pro- au Maroc (Vol. 1 of 5) : Héritage et structures foncières au Maroc, Banque Mondiale (31 Mai 2008), http://www-wds. ceeds of the sale, while at the same time losing access worldbank.org/external/default/WDSContentServer/WD- to the land, and in general men benefit from the pro- SP/IB/2009/09/17/000020953_20090917145930/Ren- ceeds. Over the past several years, a series of ministerial dered/PDF/499700v10P11651age0foncier0Mai02008.pdf. guidelines issued by the Ministry of Interior, which has 73 ‘Moroccan Women Build Land Rights Movement’, Global- oversight of tribal lands, have sought to protect women’s Post (July 18, 2012). http://www.globalpost.com/dispatch- rights in relation to sale and inheritance of tribal lands. es/globalpost-blogs/rights/morocco-women-land-rights. 64 MOROCCO: MIND THE GAP – EMPOWERING WOMEN FOR A MORE OPEN, INCLUSIVE, AND PROSPEROUS SOCIETY Marital Property paid in installments with agreement of both spouses. The amount and conditions of the dower are set in the The default marital property regime of separate marriage contract and are based on the means of the property is not beneficial to women given their low husband, though the Family Code stresses the dower labor force participation and limited control of eco- is symbolic and should be modest. The dower remains nomic assets as compared to men. The default marital under the control of the wife, and she is under no ob- property regime in Morocco remains separate property, ligation to use it to support the family. In case of uni- under which spouses remain the legal owners of any lateral repudiation initiated by a husband, the divorce assets registered to them acquired during, or prior to, cannot be finalized until all financial assets, including their marriage. In case of divorce, each party takes from dowries, alimony and child support, are paid. How- the marriage any assets registered under their names. ever, this type of divorce is one of the least common, In case of death of a spouse, the property registered accounting for less than 1 percent of divorces in 2011, in his/her name passes through inheritance rules. A and protections do not extend to other more common community property regime, whereby assets accumu- types of divorce. lated during a marriage are split more evenly between Despite the legal equality of spouses as heads- spouses, would likely be more beneficial to Moroccan of-household, married men remain legally respon- women.74 There are several policy objectives generally sible for the financial maintenance of their families, linked to community property regimes. One is to recog- including alimony payments to their wives. Men re- nize the equal contribution of spouses in maintenance main legally responsible for the financial maintenance of the family, which is consistent with the amendment of their families, which likely shapes the social norms to the Family Code providing head-of-household status regarding attitudes in favor of men having preference in to both spouses. Another is to protect spouses working employment when jobs are scarce. Women are entitled outside of the formal labor force, for example those who to alimony (financial maintenance payments) from their perform non-compensated tasks related to the house- husbands during marriage, with the terms set in the mar- hold. This protection would be of considerable benefit riage contract. Wives are not required to pay alimony to to the roughly three-quarters of married women outside husbands, even if they earn higher incomes or have ac- of the formal labor force in Morocco. cess to greater economic assets. Alimony payments are Women can legally exert increased control based on the means of the husband and are obligatory over marital assets, but are not doing so in large regardless of the wealth of the wife. They should cover numbers. Reforms introduced in 2004 allow couples the costs associated with food, clothing, housing, and to sign a contract, separate from the marriage contract, healthcare expenses for the family. A woman loses her establishing the terms under which assets acquired right to alimony if she refuses to reside in the matri- during marriage are managed. One option is for mar- monial home. Upon divorce, women are entitled to ali- ried couples to establish a community property regime. mony only for the period of ‘iddah,’ which lasts roughly However, in 2011 only 609 such contracts were con- four months. This is a relatively short period of time to cluded, representing only 0.002 of marriages registered receive assistance, especially for women who have no that year and only 1520 contracts in 2013. It is unclear other considerable assets on which to rely. The inflex- why this level remains at such a low level, but factors ible timeline associated with iddah also does not allow such as a lack of awareness, the lack of a model contract for extended periods of alimony in consideration of the that could be used to assist couple entering marriage, and restrictive social norms likely play strong roles.75 74 Full community property regimes generally include all as- Safeguards are in place to protect women’s sets acquired during, and prior to, marriage. Partial com- marriage-related assets, but are not applicable in all munity property regimes may exclude assets obtained situations. All the possessions a wife brings to the mar- prior to marriage or through inheritance. riage, such as furnishings, remain hers. A dower is paid 75 Ministry of Justice and Liberties, Family Court Statistics by the husband to the wife prior to marriage, or can be (2011). Women and the Law in Morocco: Access to economic assets, voice, and political participation 65 individual circumstances of vulnerable women, for ex- and if implemented properly could enhance women’s ample those in poverty. broader economic, social and political participation. Reform of the Family Code in 2004 closed a number of gender gaps related to legal equality Family and Personal Life in family and personal life, but gaps persist and implementation of reforms remains mixed. The Strong policy objectives related to women’s equal- new Family Code, introduced after a period of public ity and access to justice guided reforms of the consultations, did allow for closing some of the gender Family Code. In 2004, the Government of Morocco gaps related to family life during marriage and upon (GoM) introduced a new Family Code, known as the divorce.76 Two of the most important changes related Moudawana. As noted in the preamble, the new Code to equality were that husbands and wives were pro- was part of an effort to promote human rights as a vided ‘joint responsibility’ in family matters, making component of the democratic social project initiated both de jure heads of household, and the requirement by King Mohammed VI. The elaborated policy initia- of women’s obedience to their husbands was dropped. tives behind the new Family Code included: providing Grounds for divorce and procedures for entering mar- justice to women, protecting the rights of children and riage were made more equal, but some gaps persist. preserving the dignity of men; adhering to the toler- For child custody, women have preference in physical ant objectives of Islam, while reflecting the spirit of the custody of young children upon divorce, but men have modern era and requirements for progress and devel- precedence in legal custody, which involves making opment; and recognition that equality before the law the major decisions about the child’s welfare, such as enshrined in the Constitution had allowed women to education and healthcare. New tools are available for obtain more prominent positions and participate more women to prove paternity. In addition, a number of actively in different areas of public life. The contents practices also continue to negatively impact women’s of the new Code were based on recommendations by development, such as marriage of girls and violence a Royal Commission established for this purpose, and against women and girls. numerous consultations were held with civil society or- Public attitudes towards the reform of the ganizations, in particular women’s groups. In conduct- Family Code were more positive than negative. A ing its work the Royal Commission was guided by the 2006 survey demonstrated that a majority of Moroc- principles of Sharia law; while also considering Islamic cans (68 percent of men and 62 percent of women) sur- principles of tolerance, the use of ‘ijtihad’ (juridical rea- veyed reported knowledge of the reforms, with aware- soning) and Morocco’s commitment to internationally ness considerably higher in urban (72 percent) versus recognized human rights in capturing the ‘spirit of the rural (55 percent) areas.77 Of those reporting aware- modern era.’ ness, women were considerably more likely than men Laws covering family issues have a strong to view the reforms positively (62 percent of women link with development. Family codes are important versus 36 percent of men). There was little variation in the context of development because they cover is- between general support in urban (48 percent) versus sues impacting legal equality (rights to marriage and rural (51 percent) areas (Figure 4.9). Only 14 percent divorce, head-of-household status, management of of men reported being against the reforms, with the marital property and guardianship of children), access largest group (37 percent) expressing mixed support. to economic assets (inheritance, dowries, alimony and child support), and the protection of children (child 76 The Family Code applies to all Muslims, as well as Chris- custody). Increasing rights of women within the fam- tian and Jewish women married to Muslim men. The ily, and improving means to exercise them, can also Hebraic Moroccan Family Law applies to members of the have positive impacts on women’s agency. The reforms Jewish community. introduced through the new Family Code have consid- 77 La Femme Marocaine sous le regard de son environnement erably increased the rights of women within the family, social, Haut Commissariat au Plan (2006). 66 MOROCCO: MIND THE GAP – EMPOWERING WOMEN FOR A MORE OPEN, INCLUSIVE, AND PROSPEROUS SOCIETY FIGURE 4.9 • Attitudes Towards Reform of the relatives as a ‘ceremonial’ aspect of the wedding; and Moudawanna judicial bias through the insistence of judges to have 70 male guardians sign the contracts. There are also some 60 remaining equality gaps. Muslim Moroccan women can 50 marry only other Muslims, while Muslim Moroccan men can marry non-Muslim women, namely Christians 40 and Jews. Polygamy remains a right for men, but has 30 been more tightly regulated resulting in only a small 20 percentage of polygamous marriages. In 2010 less than 10 1 percent of new marriages involved polygamy. 0 Women do appear to exercise increased agen- Positive Against Mixed reviews Men Women Urban Rural cy in deciding who to marry. Data from a 2009 official household survey suggest women do enjoy today wider Source: La Femme Marocaine sous le regard de son environnement social, Haut Commissariat au Plan, Royaume du Maroc – 2006. discretion in decisions about who to marry. The per- centage of married women reporting being forced by family to accept their first marriage proposal is low, at Support was particularly strong towards introducing roughly 9 percent, with a rural/urban gap of 3 percent new grounds for divorce (96 percent of women and (11 percent in rural versus 8 percent in urban areas).79 88 percent of men). Other attitudes towards women’s Fathers are usually the ones to intervene—in 67 per- enhanced agency were also positive, with a majority cent of those cases (70 percent in rural and 65 per- of respondents agreeing that women had the right to cent in urban areas) it was reported the woman’s father control their own incomes. However, attitudes were forced her to accept the marriage. Marriage without a considerably more negative in regards to eliminating women’s consent has some demonstrated negative ef- the male guardianship over women, with 75 percent of fects. Such women were almost three times as likely to men and 71 percent of women against it. report domestic violence as those who had consented. For unmarried women who refused marriage propos- Marriage als, in the majority of cases (62 percent) it was the woman that refused, with the woman’s family rejecting Women can enter marriage on the same grounds as the proposal in the remainder of cases (38 percent). An men, but in the vast majority of cases still have male interesting trend relates to the decreasing incidence of guardians sign marriage contracts on their behalf. families rejecting a female family member’s decision to Women were given the right to marry without the con- marry, suggesting women are able to exert greater deci- sent of a male guardian, which had been necessary to sion-making related to entering marriage (Figure 4.10). conclude the marriage contract. Women can now sign Marriage of female minors is increasing, de- their own contracts. Doing such could increase a wom- spite raising the minimum age of marriage and re- an’s bargaining power both before and during marriage, quiring judicial checks on underage marriages. The since the contracts regulate a number of important fac- revised Family Code raised the minimum age of mar- tors such as alimony, dowries, grounds for divorce, and riage for girls from fifteen to eighteen, equalizing it the rights of husbands to polygamy. However, women with that for boys. However, an exception was reserved are not yet doing so in large numbers. The percentage of women signing their own marriage contracts was only 78 Femme Marocaine en Chiffres, Tendances d’évolution des around 20 percent in 2011, a level mostly unchanged caractéristiques démographiques et socioprofessionelles, since 2007.78 There is no definitive data on the reasons Journée Nationale de la Femme, Haut-Commissariat au why women are not signing marriage contracts, but Plan, Royaume du Maroc (2012); and Ministry of Justice there are a number of likely factors: lack of awareness; and Liberties, Family Court Statistics (2011). restrictive social norms; viewing the signature of male 79 ENPVEF, Haut Commissariat au Plan (2009). Women and the Law in Morocco: Access to economic assets, voice, and political participation 67 allowing both boys and girls to be married under the FIGURE 4.10 • Rejection of Request for Marriage age of eighteen with the consent of judge. If the aim by Family Members of this reform was to decrease the number of under- 80 age marriages, it is failing. The number of marriages 70 involving parties under the age of eighteen has been 60 increasing—from 38,331 in 2007 to 44,134 in 2010.80 50 Percentage Underage marriages accounted for 11 percent of mar- 40 riages in 2010 and 12 percent in 2011.81 Judicial con- 30 sent does not appear to be an adequate screen for the 20 legitimacy of marriage of minors, with 89 percent of 10 requests approved in 2007 and 92 percent in 2010. 0 Urban Rural Combined And the burden of underage marriage falls almost ex- Before the period of 12 During the 12 months prior to clusively on girls. In 2010, 99 percent of requests for months prior to the survey the survey certification of underage marriage made to courts in- Source: ENPVEF (2009). volved girls, a percentage that has not changed since 2007.82 Girls married as minors face certain risks. Data assets. Women can now seek divorce by mutual con- shows that marriages involving under-aged girls tend sent, which requires consent of both parties, and ir- to result in higher rates of divorce and re-marriage, reconcilable differences, which can be initiated by ei- with 62 percent of women in a second or greater mar- ther husband or wife as a form of unilateral divorce. riage reporting their first marriage took place before Equalizing grounds for divorce is important since age eighteen.83 Reported incidences of domestic vio- women are more likely to initiate divorce than men, lence involving married women in Morocco are highest with women initiating 56 percent of divorces in 2009 among younger women, particularly for those between and 59 percent of divorces in 2010 and 2011.84 The the ages of eighteen and twenty-four. Although girls primary gap is that men can still unilaterally repudi- under the age of eighteen were not included in the sur- ate a wife. This is effectively done through repudiation vey, the data suggests the younger the age of a woman of the wife in front of a judge. Women have the right at marriage the more likely she is to be subjected to to repudiation only if it is stipulated in the marriage domestic violence. contract, which requires the consent of the husband. Data suggests women are not exercising this option in Divorce large numbers—only 0.18 percent of divorces in 2011 were initiated by women based on grounds elaborated Reforms to the Family Code in 2004 significantly in their marriage contract. increased women’s access to divorce, but some gaps remain. The primary effect of the reforms to the Fam- ily Code on divorce was to provide women the ability to initiate divorce without having to show some type 80 La Femme Marocaine en Chiffres, Haut-Commissariat au of cause by their husbands. Showing cause involves Plan, Royaume du Maroc (2012). demonstrating harm by their husbands, such as lack of 81 Ministry of Justice and Liberties, Family Court Statistics financial support, failure to abide by the marriage con- (2011). tract, abandonment, physical abuse, or absence. Do- 82 La Femme Marocaine en Chiffres, Tendances d’évolution ing such requires complicated legal procedures, which des caractéristiques démographiques et socioprofessio- could also prove costly. Apart from showing harm, a nelles, Journée Nationale de la Femme, Haut-Commissar- woman could obtain divorce (khul) only by renouncing iat au Plan, Royaume du Maroc (2012). her rights to financial assets related to marriage, such as 83 ENPVEF, Haut Commissariat au Plan (2009). dowries and alimony. For many women, especially the 84 Ministry of Justice and Liberties, Family Court Statistics poor, these may be their only considerable economic (2011). 68 MOROCCO: MIND THE GAP – EMPOWERING WOMEN FOR A MORE OPEN, INCLUSIVE, AND PROSPEROUS SOCIETY FIGURE 4.11 • Types of Divorce they are married. Legal guardianship provides fathers 60 the right to make all major decisions about the welfare of the children, such as issues related to education and 50 healthcare, and results in women having to ask permis- 40 sion from ex-husbands to travel with children outside Percentage 30 of Morocco. The reforms to the Family Code introduced some flexibility in the awarding of child custody rights 20 by allowing judges to take into account the best inter- 10 ests of the child, but there is no available data to assess 0 how often this standard is invoked. Without Mutual consent compensation (Khul) Divorced women are often dependent on 2007 2010 2011 child support payments, but face difficulty in en- Source: Femme Marocaine en Chiffres, Tendances d’évolution des caractéristiques forcing court orders, placing them in a financially démographiques et socioprofessionelles, Journée Nationale de la Femme, Haut- precarious situation. Having physical custody of chil- Commissariat au Plan, Royaume du Maroc (2012); and Ministry of Justice and Liberties, Family Court Statistics (2011). dren makes women dependent on child support pay- ments to meet household needs. Given the low levels of women’s labor force participation and their limited Divorce options more favorable to women are control of economic assets, child support payments are increasing in use while those less favorable are de- particularly important. However, many women face creasing. Data suggests positive trends in divorce pro- considerable difficulties in enforcing judicial decisions ceedings that are more favorable to women. The level awarding child support, and the safeguard mechanisms of divorces based on renunciation of financial interests put into place to address such situations, such as the by women (khul), which had accounted for nearly one- Family Solidarity Fund, do not yet provide adequate third of divorces in 2007, is decreasing, while divorce levels of services. based on mutual consent of the spouses accounted rose to 53 percent of divorces in 2011. This trend could Family Books have positive effects on women’s bargaining power during marriage and access to financial assets after di- Women must take extra steps to obtain a Family vorce (Figure 4.11). In addition, only 0.27 percent of Book, which is a document needed to conduct ad- divorces in 2011 involved unilateral repudiation initi- ministrative tasks and access public services. A Fam- ated by a husband.85 ily Book (livret de famille) is an administrative document used to demonstrate legal identity and civil status, such Child Custody and Child Support as marriage status, for individuals within a family. It is drafted upon marriage, and the original is issued in the Women are favored in receiving physical custody of name of the husband and given to him. A woman (wife, children, while men generally maintain legal custo- divorced woman, or widow) must request a legalized dy. The default child custody regime is for children to copy, which must be done through an administrative be placed under the physical custody of their mothers process. Physical possession of the Family Book is until the age of fifteen, during which time the moth- needed to conduct many routine administrative tasks, er is responsible for their basic needs. Fathers, and including: obtaining an identification card, passport other male relatives in their absence, remain the legal or driver’s license; access to healthcare and legal aid guardians of their minor children upon divorce. This services; proving identity to obtain employment; open- obligates a father to continue financial maintenance ing a bank account; claiming inheritance; registering a through child support payments to the mother until the children are no longer considered minors, which 85 Ministry of Justice and Liberties, Family Court Statistics is, generally, age eighteen for boys and for girls until (2011). Women and the Law in Morocco: Access to economic assets, voice, and political participation 69 business; and enrolling a child in school. The policy of their reputations and those of their families. However, issuing Family Books automatically to husbands, while the lack of supportive services available for these vic- requiring women to access them through bureau- tims pushes many towards marriage. cratic procedures, is inconsistent with the reforms to The lack of an effective legal framework means the Family Code in 2004 that mandate equality of hus- women have limited protections and public officials bands and wives within the household. It also burdens lack tools to address violence. Without an adequate le- women with spending time and resources to navigate gal framework, there is limited basis to provide the tools additional administrative procedures. for preventing, investigating, and prosecuting violence, and ensuring effective protection of victims. It is also Maternity Leave more difficult to provide services to special categories of victims, such as trafficked women and immigrants. And Recent legislative changes have increased maternity official links with the health and social services needed leave benefits for mothers. Women are now provided by victims remain unclear. Judges and law enforcement fourteen weeks maternity leave with pay equivalent to officials lack certain tools to address individual cases, two-thirds of their salary. Maternity leave can be ex- such as protection orders for victims, administrative tended by one year without payment if agreed between detention for alleged perpetrators and measures to en- employer and employee. Maternity leave benefits are sure victims can remain in their homes without risk to paid by the government. Women are also entitled to further violence. While shelters exist for victims, they one hour of breaks per day for breastfeeding (see also are relatively few, are operated by CSOs with limited Box 3.2). Men are also entitled to three days of pater- government support, sometimes apply restrictive admis- nity leave. sions requirements, and are not clearly regulated by law. The GoM introduced a free hotline for victims of vio- Violence against Women lence, but at present it is not in operation. Violence against women—including psycho- Morocco lacks a comprehensive legislative frame- logical, physical, and sexual acts and attacks against work to address violence against women. There is no women’s individual liberties—is considerable. The specific legislation covering domestic violence, though Enquête nationale sur la prévalence de la violence à l’égard a number of drafts have been circulating in recent years des femmes (ENPVEF) (2009) found substantial levels of and have been the subject of discussion with CSOs violence against women aged eighteen to sixty-four.86 and the GoM. Instead domestic violence is addressed Overall, 62 percent of women reported some form of vi- through general provisions in the Criminal Code related olence against them in the twelve months preceding the to assault, with some of the harsher penalties appli- survey, with urban women reporting higher incidence cable to assaults or battery involving family members (68 percent) versus women in rural areas (56 percent). such as spouses. Sexual assault and rape are both crim- The most common types of violence reported include inalized, but it is unclear whether they are applicable to psychological (48 percent), violence in exercising rights acts committed by a husband against a wife. Sex with a under the Family Code (17 percent), and physical vio- minor is a crime even in the absence of violence (statu- lence (15 percent). Attacks on the exercise of individual tory rape). While physical abuse is grounds by which liberties were reported by nearly one-third of women. a woman can seek divorce, it is difficult to prove due While social attitudes are generally negative towards to the requirement to produce two witnesses. Sexual domestic violence, there is a considerable gender gap harassment is considered a crime. As per amendment in attitudes with only 55 percent of men versus 77 per- of the Criminal Code in January, 2014, a major loophole cent of women believing that violence against women in the protection of women was closed, so that a rapist is never justifiable.87 Rates of reported violence against can no longer escape prosecution by marrying the vic- tim. In these cases victims were sometimes pressured 86 Enquête nationale sur la prévalence de la violence à l’égard by social norms to agree to marriage to avoid harm to des femmes, Haut Commissariat au Plan (2009). 70 MOROCCO: MIND THE GAP – EMPOWERING WOMEN FOR A MORE OPEN, INCLUSIVE, AND PROSPEROUS SOCIETY FIGURE 4.12 • Reported Incidence of Physical perpetrated by their husband or their husband’s fami- and/or Sexual Violence, Over lies. They were more likely to report incidents related Lifetime to application of rights under the Family Code outside 70 of the marital relationship, with the perpetrators of vio- 60 lence being their families and ex-husbands, while levels 50 of physical violence were nearly identical (Figure 4.13). 40 This suggests women are more constrained by violence 30 related to exercise of individual liberties committed by their husbands and their families, while violent con- 20 straints against women in the application of the Family 10 Code are more likely to take place outside of marriage. 0 Women reported the highest incidence of violence in Singapore Ukraine Turkey Philippines Serbia Poland Thailand India Vietnam Morocco Kenya Czech Republic Costa Rica public spaces (33 percent), followed by educational and training facilities (24 percent), the workplace (16 per- Source: Violence against Women Prevalence Data: Surveys by Country World cent) and within the family (14 percent). Psychological Health Organization, 2012a. violence is the primary form of violence experienced a http://www.endvawnow.org/uploads/browser/files/vawprevalence_matrix_ june2013.pdf. by women across contexts: 10.3 percent intra-family; 25 percent in public space; 13 percent in the workplace; and 16 percent in educational and training facilities. women are relatively high in Morocco compared to a Unemployed women are at higher risk of vio- number of countries in other regions. lence. In comparison to employed women, they are Women are most likely to experience vio- nearly one-and-a-half times as likely to report physical lence connected to marriage and in public spaces, violence; twice as likely to report intra-family violence; with psychological violence the most common and four times as likely to report violence in exercise type. Women were more likely to report psychologi- of their individual liberties. Available data is not disag- cal violence and violence in exercise of their individ- gregated by income/expenditure levels of victims, so it ual liberties, in relation to marriage, with the violence remains unclear whether poor women are more likely to suffer abuse, as is consistent with global trends. FIGURE 4.13 • Reported Rates of Violencea Incidents of violence against women vary by urban and rural locations, particularly in relation to 50 violence in public spaces and work places. Women in 40 urban areas were considerably more likely to report in- cidents of psychological, physical, and sexual violence, Percentage 30 as well as violence in application of the Family Code 20 (Figure 4.13). In particular, urban women were twice as likely (19 percent versus 9 percent) to report physical 10 violence in the twelve month period prior to the survey, 0 and almost five times as likely to report physical vio- Psychological Exercise of In application Physical lence in a public place (14 percent versus 3 percent). In individual of the family liberties code terms of physical violence in the work place, employers Marital Extra-marital are the most common aggressors in rural areas (40 per- Source: ENPVEF (2009). cent versus 15 percent in urban areas) and clients in ur- a ‘Individual liberties’ include, for example, the freedom to choose friends, work or ban areas (64 percent versus 25 percent in rural areas). study, choose which clothes to wear, and to decide on methods of contraception. ‘Application of the Family Code’ involves violence in the exercise of rights provided in the the Family Code, and covers married or divorced women. ‘Marital’ refers to violence committed by a spouse or members of the spouse’s family. ‘Extra-marital’ refers to violence committed by a fiancé, ex-husband, or intimate partner. 87 World Values Survey, 2007. Women and the Law in Morocco: Access to economic assets, voice, and political participation 71 FIGURE 4.14 • Rates of Violence Against Women, FIGURE 4.15 • Filing of Complaints for Violence by Type and Locationa Against Women, Urban Versus Rural 60 20 50 40 15 30 10 20 10 5 0 Psychological Psychological – public spaces Psychological – workplace Physical Physical – public space Sexual Attacks on individual liberties In application of Family Code Economic 0 In public place Intra-family Sexual Urban Rural Source: ENPVEF (2009). Urban Rural Source: ENPVEF (2009). Figure 4.16 shows the percentage of people answering a Economic violence covers acts denying women’s rights to access and dispose of economic assets, such as wages, revenues from property ownership, and bank the question “how justifiable is it for a man to beat his accounts. wife.” Answers range from 1 (never justifiable) to 10 (always justifiable). The highest percentage of popula- tion who believe that wife beating is never justifiable is The gap in incidents between urban and rural settings observed in Turkey and Jordan. However, if the whole grows wider in the context of location. Urban women range of answers is taken into account, Morocco shows reported considerably higher incidences of psychologi- the highest acceptance of violence towards wives, sec- cal and physical violence in public places, as well as psy- ond only to Algeria. There are great differences in terms chological violence in the work place. Women in rural of responses by gender, with women in Morocco much areas were more than twice as likely to report incidents less tolerant to violence than men: 73 percent of women of economic violence, suggesting more restrictive social believe violence is never justifiable compared to 53 per- norms related to women’s control of economic assets. cent among men (see also Table A1.4). Having less Women victims of violence are highly unlike- ly to report incidents to the competent authorities. Data suggests that relatively few women report inci- FIGURE 4.16 • Attitude Towards Violence Against dents of violence to the competent authorities, such as Wives in Morocco and Selected the police and gendarmerie. Incidents occurring within Comparators, circa 2011 the family and those involving sexual violence are par- 100% ticularly likely to go unreported (Figure 4.15). Women 90% who took some action in relation to intra-family vio- 80% 70% lence were most likely to be engaged in reconciliation 60% (35 percent urban versus 45 percent rural). While rec- 50% onciliation can be an effective means to resolve disputes 40% 75% 82% 63% 69% 30% 59% in general, its use in domestic violence cases should be 20% 41% approached more cautiously given the risk of further 10% violence to the victim with assurances that adequate 0% Algeria Jordan Malaysia Morocco Tunisia Turkey safeguards are in place to ensure protection of victims Never justifiable 2 3 4 5 throughout the reconciliation process. 6 7 8 9 Always justifiable Attitudes towards tolerance of violence Source: WVS wave 6, author’s calculation. against wives is relatively high in Morocco. Note: “Do not know answer” and “no answer” were removed from calculations. 72 MOROCCO: MIND THE GAP – EMPOWERING WOMEN FOR A MORE OPEN, INCLUSIVE, AND PROSPEROUS SOCIETY FIGURE 4.17 • Women’s Movement Outside of the FIGURE 4.18 • Women Seeking Permission to Home, Urban versus Rural Travel Outside of the Home, Urban versus Rural 60 100 50 40 80 Percentage 30 60 20 40 10 20 0 Never Occasionally Once per Two-three Daily 0 week times per Always ask Sometimes ask Never ask week permission permission permission Urban Rural Urban Rural Source: ENPVEF (2009). Source: ENPVEF (2009). education and more children is significantly associated from the children’s father. Social norms do appear to with higher tolerance of violence against wives. play a role in restricting movement, particularly of rural women who are less likely to make regular movement Nationality outside of their domiciles (Figure 4.17 and Chapter 2). Excluding reasons related to employment or ed- Moroccan women cannot pass nationality to non- ucation, women are most likely to leave the household Moroccan spouses, while Moroccan men can. For- for reasons related to household-related needs (56 per- eign spouses of Moroccan men are automatically en- cent) and visits to family (34 percent). For these trips titled to Moroccan citizenship. However, Moroccan outside of the domicile, nearly 68 percent of women women must initiate complicated administrative pro- always ask permission from a family member, with cedures to pass nationality to their foreign spouses, a wide urban/rural split—79 percent in rural versus creating a unique burden on them versus Moroccan 60 percent in urban areas (Figure 4.18). men married to non-Moroccan women. Without go- ing through this process, foreign spouses of Moroccan Single Mothers women face obstacles related to residency in Morocco and access to employment and public services. Women who have children outside of marriage, and their children, suffer from considerable legal dis- Freedom of Movement crimination. Sexual relations outside of marriage are a criminal offense for both men and women. However, There are no legal restrictions on women’s freedom the consequences of these actions more negatively im- of movement, but social norms may play a part in pact women. Pregnancy outside of marriage is positive limiting movements and married women need per- evidence against a woman of this crime and abortion is mission of their husbands to travel outside of Moroc- illegal, so a woman pregnant outside of marriage has co with their children. Legally women can travel within no legal recourse. The Family Code recognizes paternity Morocco and internationally without restrictions, such only through marriage, and an unmarried man cannot as permission from male relatives. They can also ob- be forced to take a paternity test. The law is unclear as tain passports without a male family member’s consent. to whether an unwed mother can obtain a family book However, married women cannot travel outside of the containing her children, leaving acquisition of one to country with her children unless they have permission considerable bureaucratic discretion. Even requesting Women and the Law in Morocco: Access to economic assets, voice, and political participation 73 one exposes a woman to being criminally charged with FIGURE 4.19 • Percentages of Women sexual relations outside of marriage. Unwed mothers Parliamentarians, LMI Country Comparison are also excluded from receiving alimony or child sup- port payments from the Family Solidarity Fund. Chil- 50 dren born in such circumstances also face discrimina- 40 tion. Their fathers are not legally obligated to pay any financial assistance to them, and they cannot inherit 30 assets from their fathers. Thus the mother is burdened 20 with providing all financial support, which would be particularly difficult for the poor and may even push 10 mothers into poverty. These children also cannot take 0 the last name of their fathers and must take the sur- Senegal Nicaragua Philippines El Salvador Bolivia Pakistan India Morocco Guatemala Djibouti Georgia name ‘Abd’ in the civil registry, which marks them as illegitimate children and exposes them to a lifetime of discrimination in accessing public services and em- Lower house Upper house ployment, as well as in their personal lives. Source: International Parliamentary Union (2014). Voice and Political Participation members. There were only thirty-four women in 2007. An additional thirty seats are reserved for young men Despite steady but slow progress, women remain un- under the age of forty, but there are no similar mea- der-represented in the three branches of government. sures for young women. In the House of Councilors, Morocco ranks 111th out of 136 countries on the Politi- the upper house of parliament, women account for cal Empowerment sub-index of the 2013 Global Gender only 2 percent of members. While the representation is Gap study of the World Economic Forum, and 129th in only slightly lower than global average for lower hous- the overall rankings, comparing unfavorably to lower- es of parliament (22 percent), there is a considerable middle income countries worldwide as well as with gap between Morocco and the global average for par- countries in the MNA region. Its overall score has risen ticipation in upper houses (19 percent).88 Morocco also only 0.4 percent since 2006. On the indicator measuring compares rather poorly against other LMIs, particularly the percentage of women versus men in the legislature, in terms of women’s participation in the upper house senior officials and managers, Morocco is ranked 99th out of parliament. In 2011, a law regulating elections at of 111, with women accounting for only 13 percent of the sub-national level introduced a quota for women such positions. And on the male versus female ratio of of one-third of seats in regional councils. At present, ministerial posts, Morocco ranks 122nd out of 125, with women account for only 12 percent of regional and lo- women in only 3 percent of ministerial positions. cal councilors.89 The same law provides additional elec- Participation in elected bodies at the na- toral constituencies reserved for women for elections to tional and subnational levels has been increasing, the lower district and communal councils. All political due at least in part to quotas, but remains clustered parties must have Parity Commissions, though these in lower-level bodies. The GoM has used quotas to are not yet functional, and all internal decision mak- increase women’s participation in legislative bodies. ing-bodies must include 30 percent women. Only one The Elections Law provides a quota of sixty women for the House of Representatives, which is the lower house of parliament. This stems from a 2002 charter 88 International Parliamentary Union, at http://www.ipu. agreed on with political parties to reserve thirty seats org/wmn-e/arc/world010913.htm. for women. Currently there are sixty-six women in the 89 Women’s Political Participation in Moroccan Political Par- House of Representatives, accounting for 17 percent of ties, National Democratic Institute. (November 2013). 74 MOROCCO: MIND THE GAP – EMPOWERING WOMEN FOR A MORE OPEN, INCLUSIVE, AND PROSPEROUS SOCIETY small political party is headed by a woman and only six discriminatory legislation that remains in force. Poor of the thirty ministers in the Cabinet are female. women’s access is most constrained, facing the ob- Participation in the judicial branch of govern- stacles related to both poverty and gender. New rights ment and justice-related professions remains tilted and services that conflict with established social norms, towards men. In 2013, women accounted for 48 per- such as those in the revised Family Code may prove dif- cent of the staff of the Ministry of Justice and Liber- ficult to implement. A 2009 survey demonstrated that ties (MdJL), and 22 percent of judges.90 It is unclear if 25 percent of women reported violence outside of mar- women are clustered in the lower levels of these bodies. riage by their families in attempting to exercise their Through the Charter for the Reform of the Judicial Sys- rights under the Family Code, while another 17 percent tem (2013), the GoM has pledged to increase the num- reported violence by their husbands or husband’s fami- ber of women in senior judicial positions, particularly lies.91 Overall, 19 percent of urban and 15 percent of in terms of membership on the Supreme Council of the rural women reported being subjected to violence try- Judiciary, and open further professional positions, par- ing to exercise these rights. ticularly that of adoul (notary), to women. Women are Public sector services linked to women’s ac- faring slightly better in the legal profession, account- cess to justice remain ineffective and inadequate. In ing for 20 percent of lawyers and 33 percent of trainee general, data involving court cases is not regularly gen- lawyers. They account for only 8 percent of registered der disaggregated, so the needs of women versus men judicial experts. Women were permitted to work as in the court system are not readily identifiable. This un- murchidat (Islamic guides) since 2006, allowing them dermines the ability to effectively target services aimed to perform the same functions as male imams with the at closing gender gaps. It also prevents effective moni- exception of leading Friday prayers. toring and evaluation of service delivery and measuring the wider impact of reforms. What limited data is avail- able suggests services are inadequate. The ENPVEF, Promoting Access to Justice conducted in 2009, found that over one-half of women entitled to alimony were not receiving it regularly, with Justice sector services play an important role in about one-quarter not receiving any payments at all. challenging legal inequality and overcoming obsta- Non-payment of alimony has a particularly negative ef- cles linked to social norms. Justice sector institutions fect on poor women.92 Almost one-third of these female and the services they provide are tools for women to respondents reported no other sources of income and challenge constraining social norms and discriminatory around 18 percent had no paid employment, making legal frameworks. These challenges can be channeled them financially dependent on alimony payments. The through courts, administrative bodies, and complaint weak implementation of judicial decisions on alimony, mechanisms linked to delivery of public services. Both which impact women as recipients of financial trans- women and men are burdened by inadequacies in the fers, is demonstrated in MdJL statistics. In 2011, only justice sector in Morocco, which include lengthy pro- 60 percent of requests for alimony received decisions, ceedings, complicated procedures, and corruption. and where decisions were issued only 60 percent of The poor are further burdened by limited resources to access services provided by courts and lawyers, and there is no functional legal aid system to assist them. 90 Rapport sur Le Budget Genre, Loi de Finances pour l’Année Budgétaire 2014, Ministère de l’Economie et des Moroccan women continue to face consider- Finances. able obstacles in accessing justice. Women’s access 91 Enquête nationale sur la prévalence de la violence à is constrained as compared to men by relatively less l’égard des femmes (ENPVEF), Haut Commissariat au control of economic assets needed to navigate justice Plan (2009). sector services, and restrictive social norms that dis- 92 Enquête nationale sur la prévalence de la violence à courage them from filing cases and complaints. When l’égard des femmes (ENPVEF), Haut Commissariat au they do access services, women remain subjected to the Plan (2009). Women and the Law in Morocco: Access to economic assets, voice, and political participation 75 them were enforced (Figure 4.20). In addition, over FIGURE 4.20 • Percentages of Family Law Cases one-third of the women reported having to provide Issued Decisions and Enforced (2011) some financial resources to supplement unpaid child support from their former husbands, signifying consid- 100 erable problems with enforcement of judicial decisions 80 related to child support payments as well. The GoM has introduced a number of spe- 60 cialized justice sector services and institutions that 40 could help promote access to justice for women. Introducing special services, such as legal aid and ali- 20 mony funds, and simplifying procedures for services 0 important to women can help address the gender gap Alimony Entitlements Child custody Guardianship Inheritance Divorce Marriage in accessing justice. These can aid women in securing economic assets wrongfully denied them, such as social safety net benefits, assets related to marriage (alimo- Cases issued decision Decision enforced ny, child support, dowries) and employment-related Source: Ministry of Justice and Liberties, Family Court Statistics (2011). benefits. Amendments to the Family Code in 2004 and related reforms established new justice services to ben- efit women and created new responsibilities for justice who have had children outside of marriage, as well as sector officials. In 2005, MdJL created a special office divorced women who do not have custody of their chil- covering women, children, and families, which is re- dren and widows. Due to lack of data it is unclear how sponsible for integrating gender in its work. A new sys- effectively the newly established family court system is tem of family courts was established to address family functioning. And the current legal aid system, which law matters, many of which are important for women, overall provides very few services to the poor, focuses such as alimony, child support and custody, divorce, on criminal law cases, with little resources dedicated to and inheritance. The Family Solidarity Fund, which the types of cases most likely to impact women, such as began work in 2010, provides alimony and child sup- family law and other civil disputes. Anecdotal evidence port payments to women who cannot enforce judicial suggests the units attached to courts addressing vio- decisions in their favor. This Fund was established to lence against women are underutilized and providing address the problem of weak enforcement of judicial few services relative to the scope of violence, instead decisions affecting women. To address violence against focusing on administrative procedures as opposed to women, the MdJL established a series of multi-sectoral protection services. units to coordinate the functions of judges, lawyers, If implemented effectively, the Charter for healthcare and social service providers, and CSOs. the Reform of the Judicial System could improve However, these services are achieving only women’s access to justice. The Charter (Chartre de la limited impact. What limited data is available point Réforme du Système Judicaire) was adopted in July 2013 to weak implementation of services developed to ben- as a result of the National Dialogue on Reform of the efit women. For example, the Family Solidarity Fund, Judicial System (La Haute Instance du Dialogue National established to directly assist vulnerable women in ob- sur la Réforme du Système Judicaire), a roughly year-long taining unpaid alimony and child support payments, process of consultations with stakeholders on the de- had only around 800 beneficiaries at the end of 2013, a velopment of reforms. Among its aims, it proposes im- relatively small number given the scope of the problem proving women’s security by adopting a gender-sensi- involving non-enforcement of judicial decisions related tive approach to criminal law policy and strengthening to these cases. The Fund has limited reach outside of protections for women victims of violence. It contains major urban areas, and excludes from benefits a par- plans for improving services that impact women by ticularly vulnerable category of women, namely those simplifying procedures of the Family Solidarity Fund, 76 MOROCCO: MIND THE GAP – EMPOWERING WOMEN FOR A MORE OPEN, INCLUSIVE, AND PROSPEROUS SOCIETY which remain complicated and time-consuming. It benefits associated with employment and pensions. also includes a plan to evaluate implementation of the Legislative and regulatory frameworks could also be re- Family Code and improving infrastructure in the family viewed to assess their impact on particularly vulnerable court system. The former could be beneficial in assess- categories of women, such as victims of gender-based ing the impact of new rights and services, and allow violence, domestic workers, and single mothers, and for improvement of problematic services. Related ac- amended to address on gaps in protection. tivities aimed at enhancing free access to judicial sector Legislative and regulatory reforms would information online and through publications, and pro- increase women’s legal equality and protection of vision of free legal aid services through units attached economic assets. Legislative and regulatory reforms to courts, if implemented properly, could benefit large can help improve gender equality and financial protec- numbers of women, especially the poor. tion of vulnerable women, and in turn help increase women’s control of economic assets including: estab- lishing a default community property regime for mar- Policy Implications and Conclusions ried couples; providing female employees equal access to family allowance payments through the social secu- The comprehensive collection, analysis, and dis- rity regime (CNSS); extending requirements for provi- semination of public sector data is necessary to sion of financial assets to women and children prior to measure gender gaps and assess impact of reforms finalization of divorce to all types of divorces: requir- initiated by the GoM. The lack of comprehensive data ing joint registration of land as a default for married severely undermines abilities to evaluate the impact of couples; and extending eligibility for the Family Soli- innovative reforms and understand continuing gaps in darity Fund to never-married women with children. equality and agency. The GoM could take advantage Family Code provisions obligating men only to provide of current initiatives to assess reforms by improving financial maintenance to families could be altered to the capacity to produce date. For example, through align responsibility with the ability of each spouse to the Charter for the Reform of the Judiciary proper data contribute. collection and analysis can accompany planned assess- Additional protections could be introduced ments of the reforms to the Family Code, and the per- to reduce the frequency of marriage of female mi- formance of specialized Family Courts and the Fam- nors. The number of marriages involving minor girls ily Solidarity Fund, both institutions that should be has been increasing in number and accounts for rough- producing positive effects on women’s agency. Similar ly 12 percent of all marriages. The system of certifica- approaches could be developed to assess impact of re- tion of underage marriages by a judge does not appear forms to legislation covering rights associated with em- to be slowing the practice, with more than 92 percent ployment, social security benefits, and maternity. Data of requests for underage marriage granted in 2010. should also be compiled to assess the extent to which New procedures should be put into place to ensure women are exercising new rights and identify obstacles such marriages are in the best interest of the minor and to exercising these rights. that the minor provides clear consent. Legal and judi- Legal and regulatory frameworks need to be cial procedures alone will not fully address the prob- made consistent with legal principles on gender lem, but can aid in making approval of requests for equality enshrined in the Constitution and else- underage marriage more of an exception than a norm. where. While commitments to gender equality have Social and economic factors linked with underage mar- been made in high level legislation, such as the Consti- riage need also to be addressed. tution, disparities between the rights of men and women Further equalizing rights related to marriage exist in other pieces of primary legislation. These cover and divorce will aid in closing gender gaps. Women important issues including: division of marital prop- would benefit from the right to unilateral divorce on erty; nationality; access to divorce; division of inheri- the same grounds as men, and not have to rely in its tance; guardianship of children; and access to family inclusion in the marriage contract when doing such Women and the Law in Morocco: Access to economic assets, voice, and political participation 77 requires consent of a fiancé. Rights to pass national- women victims of domestic violence. Legal aid ser- ity to spouses could be equalized so that women are vices—information, counseling and legal representa- not forced to pass nationality to spouses though com- tion—need also to be developed consistent with dis- plicated bureaucratic procedures. Women could be cussion on the draft Legal Aid Law. Women are more provided family books (livret de famille) on the same dependent on such services due to a combination of grounds as men so that they can undertake administra- limited financial resources and restrictive social norms. tive functions related to their families. And women and Violence against women is considerable men should have equal rights in entering marriage with and needs to be addressed in a more comprehen- non-Muslim partners. sive manner. The current legal framework applicable Public sector services can be improved to sup- to acts of violence against women contains numerous port women’s access to economic assets. Since 2004 gaps. These include: non-criminalization of rape and married couples have been allowed to sign contracts sexual assault if committed by a spouse; lack of a pro- covering the management of marital assets, which could vision in the Criminal Code applying specifically to do- be beneficial to married women. However, very few mestic violence; and lack of special tools available to couples have elected to do so. The GoM could develop law enforcement and courts to protect victims, such as a model contract containing arrangements for equitable protection orders and removing alleged abusers from management of marital assets, and launch information family homes. The ENPVEF provides valuable data campaigns to increase awareness of this mechanism. In- suggesting categories of women at most risk to vio- creased access to land can also be promoted. The GoM lence, such as unemployed women and those married is advised to redesign land registration forms to pro- at young ages, and identifying areas where violence is mote and simplify joint registration of land for married likely to take place, such as within the family home or couples and adopt procedures to ensure regulations in public spaces. It also suggests few women report acts covering benefits related to customary land are prop- of violence. Reconciliation mechanisms for victims of erly implemented to ensure equal treatment of women. domestic violence need to ensure protection of victims Greater understanding of how social norms negatively as a priority over reconciliation with abusers. Addition- impact women’s access to economic assets, and how al tools could be introduced, such as civil and criminal such norms can be overcome, is needed. protection orders against alleged abusers. Capacity needs to be built to support imple- The GoM is invited to consider additional mentation of public sector services targeted to- tools to quotas to help increase women’s political wards closing gender gaps and the institutions that participation. Official quotas have increased women’s deliver them. The GoM has introduced a number of participation in some elected bodies, but women re- innovative services that can positively impact gender main under-represented in other parts of government. and agency gaps. Capacity should be built to increase Quotas have been effective in raising women’s partici- the quality of key services, such as services for victims pation in the lower house of parliament and in elected of domestic and sexual violence and expedited access bodies at the municipal level. Participation could be to alimony and child support payments, in particularly further increased by revising quotas at the local con- through the Family Solidarity Fund. Service delivery stituency level to allow greater parity between male and improvements can be achieved through administrative female candidates for election, or by providing incen- simplification and ensuring availability of services in tives or disincentives to political parties, which receive areas outside of major urban centers. Additional tools public funding, to increase the number of women at can be introduced, for example, protection orders for the top of party lists CONCLUSIONS 5 M uch remains to be done to improve wom- facilitate women’s shift away from agriculture and other en’s access to economic opportunities and low productivity sectors and occupations. To be more empowerment. Women’s empowerment, specific, to improve women’s access to economic op- and in particular economic empowerment, is para- portunities is essential on one hand to expand the scale mount to achieving an open and inclusive society and and type of job opportunities—for instance in some of to accelerate growth. These twin goals can therefore the most productive sectors of the economy (such as benefit from any progress and achievement in reduc- ICT or financial services)—and on the other hand to ing gender disparities. In this context, the status of fe- break down the legal and social barriers that simultane- male agency is key to understanding the emergence of ously discourage employers from hiring female candi- unequal development outcomes based on differing ca- dates, and women who want to work from accepting pacities of men and women to exercise choices related available jobs. The government can also act to remove to economic, social, and political life. The policy con- all the barriers, such as limited access to finance and clusions stemming from the analysis presented in this specific legal impediments, that are currently hindering report are along two main priorities: (i) Increase wom- women from active participation in the economy. Mak- en’s economic opportunities, by removing constraints ing it easier for women to create and grow their own to their participation in the formal labor market and businesses will boost innovation, growth, and employ- nurturing entrepreneurship. (ii) Close gender gaps in ment in the country. This is especially important for voice and agency, by fostering women’s participation women, given the challenges they face obtaining formal in politics and protecting their rights—at home, and in sector employment. the wider society. Removing regulatory barriers and easing the access to credit for female entrepreneurs. Access to credit is a key obstacle to business startup and expan- Expand Economic Opportunities sion. Anecdotal evidence from women business owners indicate that they believe that they are more likely to be Policies are needed to reduce gender-based occupa- discriminated against merely on the basis of gender. Al- tion segregation and remove barriers that still pre- though bankers argue that their credit policies are gen- vent women from working in high productivity sec- der neutral, Moroccan businesswomen claim that their tors or accessing “decent” jobs. Young and exporting male counterparts receive more favorable treatment, firms—in the manufacturing sector alone—hire five for example, lower collateral for the same loan amount times more women than non-exporting firms. The po- and no requirement for a spousal guarantee, whereas a tential of the services sectors is even greater. Women woman needs her husband’s guarantee. Morocco scores can contribute to firms’ growth if given the chance to 3 out of 10 in the index of financial inclusion (where 10 work in the firms and also occupy high-skills positions is the highest level of inclusion) and women do seem (including as entrepreneurs). In turn, the growth in to have less access to loan and credit in general and young and open industries can contribute to female progress in many other aspects.93 The government 93 In East Asia, growth in the manufacturing sector—par- is therefore invited to focus on reforms that support ticularly in textile and food services industries—has in- structural transformation of the economy, encour- creased women’s wage work and improved female and age private sector investment and stimulate growth to child health and education outcomes. 79 80 MOROCCO: MIND THE GAP – EMPOWERING WOMEN FOR A MORE OPEN, INCLUSIVE, AND PROSPEROUS SOCIETY from formal institutions in particular. Improving access welfare status (being in different quintiles based on to credit for female entrepreneurs will increase women’s expenditure per capita), gender is the most important chances to work but also to create jobs for other female factors in explaining inequality in education related workers. opportunities. Low education quality—resulting from Further reforms of the Labor Code should be poor facilities, overcrowded classrooms, and absentee designed, taking into account specific obstacles to teachers—contributes to poor educational outcomes, women’s economic participation. A comprehensive such as high repetition and drop-out rates and low new labor law went into effect in Morocco in 2004, achievement levels and, in turn contributes to skills offering greater protection for women in the labor mar- shortages and mismatches. While this is an issue com- ket. While this reform has much improved women’s mon to both men and women, it becomes more preva- working conditions, it may—in certain cases—con- lent for women given the high barriers they have to strain their opportunities by disproportionately rais- overcome to move up to higher education levels. Given ing costs for firms that hire women. Restrictions on such gender-specific impediments to schooling, supply women’s working hours and types of jobs, for instance, and/or demand side actions might be needed. On the make it more difficult for firms to add extra shifts. supply side, it is important to increase the accessibility Mandatory leave and rest days as well as time allow- and suitability of schools for girls. Given girls’ greater ances for breast-feeding and childcare requirements mobility restrictions, it is essential to multiply efforts incur additional costs when financed by firms. Evi- to build local schools, particularly in remote rural ar- dence from other countries shows that firms respond eas. On the demand side, cash transfers to poor fami- to these mandates by substituting men for women lies can help offset fees and hidden costs and counter workers—with the effect of reducing women’s welfare normative pressures on girls’ early marriage and school by limiting their opportunities and de facto impeding drop-out. Strengthening the education system by fo- greater gender equality in the labor market. Moreover, cusing more on the quality of the curricula (in addition the Labor Code applies only to a minor portion of the to enrollment ratios) is also key to encourage female workforce, the formal one, excluding many occupa- economic participation. This would help also the shift tions that are almost a prerogative of women—and that in social norms for future generations and promote are mostly informal—like domestic workers, family gender equality. members working in a family business, and workers in traditional artisan or handicraft sectors. Gender-sensi- tive policies are therefore needed to extend social pro- Closing Gender Gaps in Voice and tection to those in the informal sector, to mitigate their Agency vulnerability. While movement toward formalization is the longer-term objective of a comprehensive jobs Agency has a role, often a strong one, in contrib- strategy (which includes creating more formal jobs and uting to women’s human development and eco- regulating informal jobs), extending state protection nomic opportunities, and opening opportunities for (social and legal) to the informal workforce might be a greater participation in social and political life. The short-term intervention to support an increase in pro- World Bank’s World Development Report 2012: Gen- ductivity of informal enterprises and therefore a higher der Equality and Development (WDR 2012) and its income for women in the informal workforce. regional companion “Opening Doors: Gender Equality Level the playing field through government in the Middle East and North Africa Region” (2013) de- actions across the lifecycle. Gender biases can start fines agency as ‘an individual’s (or group’s) ability to very early in life and design trajectories of inequality make effective choices and to transform those choices that become increasingly difficult and costly to resolve. into desired outcomes,’ and highlighted the impor- This report shows how overlapping constraints for tance of agency in promoting development. women in Morocco tend to heighten women’s experi- If implemented effectively, improvements ence of deprivation. After residence (urban/rural) and to legislative frameworks, especially in relation to Conclusions 81 family law issues, can help narrow gender gaps in output is often intangible. These forces may be further legal equality and exercise of agency. Reform of the reinforced by gender-based preferences in the house- Family Code in 2004 is arguably the most significant holds that can lead to unequal resource allocations (of even in the last decade related to enhancing women’s land, for example) to male and female members. Poli- agency. New rights, and services to access them, were cies need to focus on these underlying determinants introduced within the concepts of religious and cultural of differential access—leveling the institutional playing norms. Gender equality is enshrined in a number of key field by strengthening women’s ownership rights, cor- laws, including the Labor Code. However, legislation recting biases in service delivery institutions, and im- is often difficult to implement when provisions conflict proving the functioning of credit markets. with social norms, as continues to be the case in Moroc- co in relation to legal equality, access to employment, and the role of women within the family. Justice sector Mainstreaming Gender Into Policies services can plan an important role in aiding women in overcoming legal and social obstacles to exercise rights Gender-disaggregated data are a powerful tool to and increase agency. New public sector entities were design gender-sensitive policies. Survey instruments established to deliver services linked to the reforms. need to be designed and implemented with a gender These include the Family Courts and the Family Soli- perspective if they are to accurately reflect the differ- darity Fund. The extent to which justice sector services ent situations and needs of men and women. Over the are supporting women in the exercise of rights and years, Morocco has developed a solid statistical base furthering legal equality is nonetheless unclear. While with gender-disaggregated information on the labor both are operational, they each struggle with weak de- market and other human development indicators and livery of services in part caused by limited capacity. outcomes. However, access to this information needs Their procedures are complicated and time-consuming, to be broadened and the survey results widely dissemi- which are disincentives to potential beneficiaries. Legal nated, to allow various stakeholders to have informed aid services exist in law but are not effective or widely discussions on the gender issues in the market. Fur- available in practice, negatively impacting poor women ther, there is a need to develop tools for gender-sensi- in particular. These shortfalls in accessing justice sector tive monitoring and impact evaluation of policies and services could be addressed through the Charter for the programs. Reform of the Judicial System. Mainstreaming gender into policy action is Policies need to focus on underlying deter- key to achieve gender equality and women empow- minants of differential access to assets. Women face erment. Morocco has not, so far, approached gender significant difficulties relative to men. Foremost among equality and women empowerment in a systematic these is access to credit, especially since personal laws way. While many policies, programs, and initiatives limit women’s ownership of family assets. These differ- that address various gender issues have been developed ences are rooted in failures of markets and institutions in the country, the efforts remain disintegrated and and in their interactions with household responses. therefore not effective. This means that there is scope For example, accessing credit often requires collateral, for a tremendous improvement in women’s conditions preferably land or immobile assets. Women are thus at in the country. This time represents a window of op- a disadvantage because they have lower or less secure portunity, given the recent stepping up by the govern- access to land and are disproportionately employed ment in terms of reforms for women rights and the ad- in the service sector where capitalization is lower and vancement of democracy in general. ANNEXES Annex 1 contraceptive prevalence, placing Morocco among the best performing countries in the group. Similar Education and health 94 The countries considered in such analysis included Al- Moroccan women have achieved comparable re- geria, Tunisia and Jordan, who were chosen since they sults in several health indicators with respect to belong to the same region as Morocco, thus, implying women in other countries with similar income geographical and cultural proximity. Turkey and Malay- levels or cultural background.94 Moreover, these sia were added given a similar socio-cultural background of developing secular Islamic countries, even if they are achievements are the results of impressive progress economically better off than Morocco. Finally, the coun- over the past three or four decades. Fertility rates try aggregates or “regions” included for the same reasons (both adult and adolescence) have been decreasing above described are the Arab World, the Lower Middle dramatically, at par with the continue increase of Income countries and the MENA Countries. FIGURE A1.1 • Morocco Achievements in Terms of Women Health Indicators Total Fertility Rate Adolescent Fertility Rate 7 150 Adolescent fertility rate 6 Total fertility rate 100 5 4 50 3 2 0 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010 Year Year Arab world Lower middle income countries Morocco MENA countries Contraceptive Prevalence Lifetime Risk of Maternal Death % 2.5 70 Contraceptive prevalence 60 2.0 maternal death % Lifetime risk of 50 1.5 40 1.0 30 0.5 20 0 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 Year Year Algeria Jordan Morocco Arab world Lower middle income countries Malaysia Tunisa Turkey Morocco MENA countries Source: WDI. 83 84 MOROCCO: MIND THE GAP – EMPOWERING WOMEN FOR A MORE OPEN, INCLUSIVE, AND PROSPEROUS SOCIETY TABLE A1.1 • Health Indicators Morocco and Comparable Countries Lower middle Arab Morocco Algeria Jordan Tunisia Malaysia Turkey income MENA World Nurses and midwives 0.89 1.95 4.05 3.28 3.28 2.40 1.51 2.23 2.29 (per 1,000 people) Births attended by skilled 73.60 95.20 99.10 94.60 98.60 95.00 56.52 78.04 72.48 health staff (% of total) Pregnant women receiving 77.10 89.40 98.80 96.00 90.70 95.00 75.79 65.12 prenatal care (%) Maternal mortality ratio 130.00 117.40 19.10 69.00 30.00 28.50 (national estimate, per 100,000 live births) Lifetime risk of maternal 0.25 0.23 0.21 0.12 0.08 0.05 0.82 0.24 0.81 death (%) pattern is shown in the lifetime risk of maternal death. the lowest number midwives and nurses per every 1000 Morocco’s numbers started as the highest in the group people, numbers of births attended by skilled health of countries, but shows a consistent convergence staff and percentage of pregnant women receiving pre- for the most recent years. Extending information on natal car. This is also reflected in the high rates for the women’s lifecycle, Morocco has also the lowest Inci- maternal mortality ratio. However, there has been a dra- dence of Child Marriage95 for the three countries in matic improvement over time in all indicators, and the the MENA region for which information is available. lifetime risk of maternal death has declined consistently However, stark differences remain between rural and urban areas. 95 This variable reflects the proportion of women who mar- Significant shortcomings remain in terms of ried before the defined legal age of marriage, as defined by access to health and health indicators. Morocco has each country’s laws. TABLE A1.2 • Education Indicators Morocco and Comparable Countries Lower middle Arab   Morocco Algeria Jordan Tunisia Malaysia Turkey income MENA World Literacy rate, adult female 57.64 63.92 93.93 71.09 90.75 90.31 62.18 69.90 66.57 (% of females ages 15 and above) Literacy rate, adult total 67.08 72.65 95.90 79.13 93.12 94.11 70.65 77.49 75.21 (% of people ages 15 and above) Primary completion rate, 97.75 100.00 91.91 91.36 97.61 102.21 89.96 88.07 81.63 female (% of relevant age group) Primary completion rate, 100.78 100.46 93.69 88.84 103.41 102.81 92.67 93.52 87.32 male (% of relevant age group) Progression to secondary 83.18 93.51 98.03 90.80 99.24 97.72 86.91 88.74 85.31 school (%) Progression to secondary 81.88 92.44 97.82 92.04 98.44 98.39 87.51 90.84 87.58 school, female (%) ANNEXES 85 from very high level and it’s showing a clear conver- female literacy rate, and from 56.08 percent to 67.08 gence with comparator groups and countries. percent for the total. Progress has been made in bridging the gap Regarding the ratios of female to male in the between human capital formation by genders. There different levels of education, although Morocco’s has been a remarkable increase in access to education, educational outcomes have consistently ranked not just for women. This is the results of policies aimed lowest among the other comparable countries and at increasing education, at least at primary level, and regions, there is a steeper trend in its series that particularly targeted to rural areas; but overall illiteracy suggest convergence in the future. However, is worth rates and gender disparity in access to secondary edu- noting that even if the ratio gets smaller when advanc- cation remain high. Both education quality and learn- ing education levels, it also grew relatively more as ing outcomes lag behind those of comparable coun- well, increasing at the primary level from 53 percent to tries. Adult and female literacy rates not only are the 95 percent, at the secondary level from 40 percent to lowest among comparable countries and regions, but 85 percent and the biggest change, from 20 percent to also do not show any convergence with the rest of the almost 90 percent at the tertiary level. Still, it doesn’t countries. However, there’s a steep acceleration from achieve the levels of Tunisia where there are 1.5 times 2009 to 2011: from 43.92 percent to 57.64 percent for more women enrolled in tertiary school than men. Trends in Literacy Rate for Adult and Females FIGURE A1.2 •  Literacy Rate Adult Female Literacy Rate Adults 100 100 Literacy rate adult female Literacy rate adults 80 80 60 60 40 40 20 20 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010 Year Year Algeria Jordan Morocco Malaysia Tunisia Turkey Source: WDI. TABLE A1.3 • Gender Gap in Enrollments Morocco and Comparable Countries Lower middle Arab   Morocco Algeria Jordan Tunisia Malaysia Turkey income MENA World Ratio of female to male 95.20 94.43 98.45 97.76 93.90 99.03 96.70 92.72 91.83 primary enrollment (%) Ratio of female to male 85.65 103.98 103.51 104.86 97.10 91.80 92.05 94.31 92.91 secondary enrollment (%) Ratio of female to male 89.12 148.34 115.12 159.05 123.00 84.08 83.99 100.12 101.88 tertiary enrollment (%) Ratio of girls to boys in 91.36 99.54 100.74 101.19 98.24 94.99 94.80 93.41 92.26 primary and secondary education (%) 86 MOROCCO: MIND THE GAP – EMPOWERING WOMEN FOR A MORE OPEN, INCLUSIVE, AND PROSPEROUS SOCIETY FIGURE A1.3 • Trends in Gender Gaps in Enrollments Morocco and Comparable Countries/Groups Ratio of Female to Male Primary School Ratio of Female to Male Primary School 120 100 male primary school (%) male primary school (%) 90 100 Ratio of female to Ratio of female to 80 80 70 60 60 40 50 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010 Year Year Algeria Jordan Morocco Arab world Lower middle income countries Malaysia Tunisia Turkey Morocco MENA countries Ratio of Female to Male Secondary School Ratio of Female to Male Secondary School 120 100 male secondary school (%) 100 male secondary school (%) Ratio of female to Ratio of female to 80 80 60 60 40 40 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010 Year Year Algeria Jordan Morocco Arab world Lower middle income countries Malaysia Tunisia Turkey Morocco MENA countries Ratio of Female to Male Tertiary School Ratio of Female to Male Tertiary School 150 100 male tertiary school (%) male tertiary school (%) 80 Ratio of female to Ratio of female to 100 60 50 40 0 20 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010 Year Year Algeria Jordan Morocco Arab world Lower middle income countries Malaysia Tunisia Turkey Morocco MENA countries Source: WDI. ANNEXES 87 Subjective well-being FIGURE A1.4 • Marginal Effects and Confidence Intervals for Gender Dummy After Probit Model Measuring Likelihood of Importance in Life, 2011 0.20 0.15 Male dummy marginal impact and bounds 0.10 0.05 0 –0.05 –0.10 Family is Friends are ***Leisure is ***Politics is *Work is Religion is important important important important important important Male, marginal impact Lower bound Upper bound Source: WVS wave 6, author’s calculation. Note: “Do not know answer” and “no answer” were removed from calculations. Marginal effects from probit model. Dependent variable takes one if individual considers a category very or rather important in his life. * mean statistical significant difference at 10 percent, ** at 5 percent and *** at 1 percent. Controls include education, age, employment status, number of kids. FIGURE A1.5 • Views on Gender Related Statements across Men and Women by Age Groups in Morocco, 2011 a) Male b) Female 90 90 % of agreement among women % of agreement among men 80 80 70 70 60 60 50 50 40 40 30 30 20 20 10 10 18–24 25–34 35–44 45–54 55–64 18–24 25–34 35–44 45–54 55–64 Age group Age group If jobs are scarce, men should have a priority If jobs are scarce, men should have a priority Women earning more than men causes a problem Women earning more than men causes a problem Having job for women best way to be independent Having job for women best way to be independent Child suffers with working mother Child suffers with working mother Men better political leaders than women Men better political leaders than women University education is more important for boy than girl University education is more important for boy than girl Men bettter business executives than women Men bettter business executives than women Being housewife is fullfiling as working for pay Being housewife is fullfiling as working for pay Source: WVS wave 6, author’s calculation. Note: “Do not know answer” and “no answer” were removed from calculations. Age group above 65 is not reported due to few observations. 88 MOROCCO: MIND THE GAP – EMPOWERING WOMEN FOR A MORE OPEN, INCLUSIVE, AND PROSPEROUS SOCIETY TABLE A1.4 • Marginal Effects from Probit Regression, Different Specifications Dependent variable: 1 if beating wife is never justifiable VARIABLES 1 2 3 4 5 6 Male –0.188*** –0.187*** –0.187*** –0.197*** –0.201*** –0.199*** Age –0.00279** –0.00280** 0.000596 0.00164 0.00157 Married 0.000831 0.0524 0.0595 0.0599 Number of kids –0.0391*** –0.0369*** –0.0370*** less than primary education –0.0900** –0.0789** Lower middle class –0.0485 Working class –0.0737 Lower class –0.0443 Observations 1,027 1,027 1,027 1,027 1,027 1,027 Source: WVS wave 6, author’s calculation. Note: “Do not know answer” and “no answer” were removed from calculations. ***Coefficients significant at 10 percent, ** at 5 percent and *** at 1 percent. Results are qualitatively the same if ordered logit is used for original scale of answers. ANNEXES 89 Annex 2.1 Regression Results for Intra-Household Dynamics and Women Agency and Participation TABLE A2.1 • Logit Regressions Results for Agency in Employment (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) Age (completed years) 0.061 0.06 0.059 0.068 0.067 –1.94 –1.89 –1.86 (2.07)* (2.06)* Age Squared 0 0 0 0 0 –0.58 –0.52 –0.51 –0.73 –0.72 Married –2.277 –2.277 –2.271 –2.353 –2.357 (18.39)** (18.39)** (18.23)** (18.20)** (18.22)** Education Secondary and VET 1.199 1.203 1.204 1.172 1.185 (10.00)** (10.03)** (9.63)** (9.00)** (9.05)** Education Tertiary 1.986 2.003 2.002 1.747 1.77 (5.03)** (5.06)** (4.96)** (4.22)** (4.26)** Household Size –0.084 –0.073 –0.073 –0.07 –0.07 (4.14)** (3.46)** (3.37)** (3.10)** (3.12)** Number of 65+ in household –0.176 –0.192 –0.185 –0.183 –0.189 (2.03)* (2.20)* (2.06)* (1.97)* (2.02)* No children in the household 0.184 0.168 0.174 0.114 0.111 –1.68 –1.53 –1.57 –0.99 –0.96 Urban 1.152 1.158 1.165 0.973 0.983 (11.64)** (11.67)** (11.56)** (8.82)** (8.87)** The household has at least one son –0.198 –0.203 –0.236 –0.235 –1.63 –1.66 –1.91 –1.9 Education of the HH Head Basic – Prep 0.326 0.297 0.295 –0.93 –0.81 –0.81 Education of the HH Head Higher 0.271 0.26 0.26 –0.76 –0.7 –0.7 Per capita consumption 0 0 0 –0.01 –0.44 –0.42 Region = Souss – Massa – Dra –0.465 –0.461 (2.26)* (2.24)* Region = Gharb – Chrarda – Béni Hssen –0.129 –0.139 –0.61 –0.66 Region = Chaouia – Ouardigha –0.449 –0.46 (2.03)* (2.08)* Region = Marrakech – Tensift – Al Haouz –0.772 –0.776 (3.58)** (3.60)** Region = Oriental –0.484 –0.491 (2.06)* (2.09)* Region = Grand Casablanca 0.855 0.842 (4.30)** (4.22)** Region = Doukkala – Abda –0.065 –0.05 –0.27 –0.21 Region = Tadla – Azilal –0.314 –0.322 –1.34 –1.37 (continued on next page) 90 MOROCCO: MIND THE GAP – EMPOWERING WOMEN FOR A MORE OPEN, INCLUSIVE, AND PROSPEROUS SOCIETY TABLE A2.1 • Logit Regressions Results for Agency in Employment (continued) (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) Region = Meknès – Tafilalet –0.746 –0.744 (3.23)** (3.22)** Region = Fès – Boulemane 0.187 0.18 –0.73 –0.71 Region = Taza – Al Hoceima – Taounate –0.206 –0.211 –0.93 –0.95 Region = Tanger – Tétouan 0.242 0.236 –0.94 –0.91 Is this individual the recipient of any social program? –0.207 –1.03 Constant –1.242 –1.127 –1.423 –1.204 –1.187 (2.62)** (2.35)* (2.37)* –1.92 –1.89 N Obs 3,023 3,023 3,023 3,023 3,023 Pseudo R–squared 0.27 0.27 0.27 0.29 0.29 Note: * p<0.05; ** p<0.01; per capita consumption is the total food and non–food expenditures without rent TABLE A2.2 • Logit Regression Results for Agency in Employment – Restricted Samples Dependent var: Full Agency in Younger Older than employment All (1) Urban (2) Rural (3) Married (4) than 29 (5) 30 (6) Age (completed years) 0.067** 0.088** 0.082 0.083 0.272 –0.167 Age Squared 0 –0.001 0 –0.001 –0.006 0.002 Married –2.353*** –2.597*** –2.097*** –2.274*** –2.441*** Education Secondary and VET 1.177*** 1.040*** 1.339*** 1.078*** 1.266*** 0.994*** Education Tertiary 1.754*** 2.012*** 0.012 2.190*** 1.714*** 1.974*** Household Size –0.070*** –0.05 –0.090** –0.013 –0.036 –0.101*** Number of 65+ in HH –0.192** –0.156 –0.315** –0.497*** –0.249** –0.14 No. children in the HH 0.11 0.261* –0.039 0.149 0.236 –0.098 The household has a son –0.235* –0.194 –0.347 –0.440** 0.009 –0.463** Age difference between Husband and Wife –0.011 Education of the HH Head Basic – Prep 0.143 –0.054 0.473 0.265 –0.194 0.376 Education of the HH Head Higher 0.102 –0.11 0.641 0.083 –0.15 0.227 Per Capita Total HH Expenditure 0 0 0 0 0 0 Urban 0.974***     0.592*** 1.054*** 0.905*** Region = Souss – Massa – Dra –0.462** 0.566** –1.763*** –0.22 –0.373 –0.563* Region = Gharb – Chrarda – Béni Hssen –0.129 0.227 –1.359*** –0.457 0.182 –0.643* Region = Chaouia – Ouardigha –0.448* –0.401 –1.131*** –0.268 –0.634* –0.235 Region = Marrakech – Tensift – Al Haouz –0.772*** –0.029 –2.429*** –1.278*** –0.571** –1.087*** Region = Oriental –0.490** –0.212 –1.543*** –0.967** –0.25 –0.927** (continued on next page) ANNEXES 91 TABLE A2.2 • Logit Regression Results for Agency in Employment – Restricted Samples (continued) Dependent var: Full Agency in Younger Older than employment All (1) Urban (2) Rural (3) Married (4) than 29 (5) 30 (6) Region = Grand Casablanca 0.858*** 1.071*** 1.676** 0.731** 1.244*** 0.504* Region = Doukkala – Abda –0.061 –0.016 –0.953*** –0.251 –0.427 0.129 Region = Tadla – Azilal –0.316 –0.233 –1.077*** –0.248 –0.266 –0.44 Region = Meknès – Tafilalet –0.744*** –0.368 –2.109*** –1.154*** –0.642** –0.949*** Region = Fès – Boulemane 0.192 0.704** –1.975** –0.131 0.552* –0.205 Region = Taza – Al Hoceima – Taounate –0.203 0.756** –1.664*** –0.483 0.093 –0.614* Region = Tanger – Tétouan 0.244 0.385 –0.595 0.174 0.423 –0.024 Constant –1.049* –0.417 –0.623 –3.233** –3.330* 4.225 N 3023 1763 1260 1432 1614 1409 bic 3121.43 1932.332 1243.118 1468.467 1695.849 1554.232 TABLE A2.3 • Individual Panel Short-Term Models for Female Labor Force Participation (1) (2) (3) (4) Variables Urban, FE Urban, RE Rural, FE Rural, RE Gdp_real_index –0.0268** –0.00869*** –0.0342*** 0.00453** (0.0124) (0.00213) (0.00976) (0.00177) Age 0.820*** 0.560*** 0.469*** 0.315*** (0.0960) (0.00933) (0.0731) (0.00588) Age squared –0.00834*** –0.00742*** –0.00182*** –0.00362*** (0.000892) (0.000118) (0.000591) (6.62e–05) Married –1.499*** –5.696*** –1.882*** –2.784*** (0.423) (0.158) (0.371) (0.0901) AgeXmarried 0.0229** 0.0551*** 0.0344*** 0.0619*** (0.0104) (0.00367) (0.00791) (0.00211) Head of household 0.843 0.645*** 0.578 0.109** (0.722) (0.0628) (0.388) (0.0525) Primary education 0.126 0.268*** 0.0440 –0.694*** (0.0907) (0.0480) (0.0942) (0.0586) Secondary education –1.845*** –4.525*** –2.403*** –3.942*** (0.279) (0.121) (0.858) (0.327) AgeXsecondary education 0.0541*** 0.154*** 0.0768** 0.116*** (0.00839) (0.00358) (0.0317) (0.0122) Tertiary education 1.296*** 4.324*** 1.707** 3.252*** (0.166) (0.0855) (0.846) (0.343) Vocational education 2.083*** 5.617*** 2.189*** 2.336*** (0.140) (0.0710) (0.510) (0.255) Household head has general education –0.0585 –0.185*** 0.167 –0.576*** (0.0847) (0.0431) (0.117) (0.0631) (continued on next page) 92 MOROCCO: MIND THE GAP – EMPOWERING WOMEN FOR A MORE OPEN, INCLUSIVE, AND PROSPEROUS SOCIETY TABLE A2.3 • Individual Panel Short-Term Models for Female Labor Force Participation (continued) (1) (2) (3) (4) Variables Urban, FE Urban, RE Rural, FE Rural, RE Spouse is active 0.723*** 1.132*** 0.428*** 1.157*** (0.127) (0.0861) (0.0569) (0.0380) Household has children under six y.o. 0.124 –0.253*** 0.0918 0.209*** (0.113) (0.0432) (0.0840) (0.0310) Household has children in age 7–17 0.355*** 0.680*** 0.0682 0.433*** out of school and work (0.0819) (0.0529) (0.0463) (0.0277) Household has more than 1/3 of other –1.106*** –0.505*** –1.506*** –1.880*** females inactive (0.0816) (0.0460) (0.0628) (0.0430) Number of over 60 y.o. inactive –0.942*** –0.354*** –1.341*** –1.254*** (0.0735) (0.0315) (0.0443) (0.0271) Constant –10.74*** –6.919*** (0.308) (0.242) Observations 19,262 205,564 31,298 140,154 Number of indcode 9,631 102,782 15,649 70,077 Source: LFSs 2007–2011. Conditional logit fixed effect: dependent variable: FLP (1: in the labor force; 0: otherwise). Standard errors in parentheses (*** p<0.01, ** p<0.05, * p<0.1). ANNEXES 93 Annex 2.2 The Morocco Household 15 to 29) constitute roughly 30 percent of Morocco’s and Youth Survey (MHYS) Description total population, the MHYS enables deep analysis on a large demographic group. The results derived from The Morocco Household and Youth Survey (MHYS) is the MHYS can provide evidence for policymakers in a nationally representative survey of 2,000 households, creating programs that promote and increase Moroccan in which 1,216 households were located in urban ar- youth economic and social inclusion. eas and 784 households in the rural areas of Morocco. The data collected focused on demographic and edu- Sample Design cational characteristics, economic activities, migration, and social program participation. The MHYS collected The sample size for the Household Questionnaire was data on household asset ownership (in order to con- 2,000 households with 1,216 found in urban locations struct a household wealth index and to sort households and 784 in rural locations. The 2,000 households were into welfare deciles). The MHYS also administered a drawn from the 2004 General Census of Population short consumption module at the household level. The and Housing. For determining the number of house- MHYS was implemented from December 2009 through holds in urban and rural locations, proportionality of March 2010. the possible locations was used to ensure representa- The MHYS also included a separate instrument tiveness. The proportionality was based on the disag- administered to 2,883 young individuals between the gregation of Morocco into primary units in which there ages of 15 and 29, and representing about 90 percent are about 600 households. In the end, 125 primary of the youth in the surveyed households. Information units were randomly selected, with 76 rural primary was collected on topics such as economic inclusion, units and 49 urban primary units. From these 125 community participation, and use of key public servic- primary units, 16 households were randomly selected es. The survey was thus able to examine little-studied giving us the total sample size of 2,000 households. issues relating to youth such as participation in the la- For the Youth Questionnaire, the sample size bor force, intermediation, career choice, perceived job was 2,883 individuals between the ages of 15 and 29. possibilities, use of time, and use of recreational and These 2,883 individuals came from the selected house- educational activities targeting youth who have com- holds in the Household Questionnaire. If an individual pleted formal education. or individuals between the ages of 15 and 29 were liv- The MHYS is unique in its focus on youth as ing at the selected household, the Youth Questionnaire a special group. When considering that youth (aged would be administrated. 94 MOROCCO: MIND THE GAP – EMPOWERING WOMEN FOR A MORE OPEN, INCLUSIVE, AND PROSPEROUS SOCIETY Annex 3 Women in Employment TABLE A3.1 • Employment (in Thousands) – By Economic Sectors & Gender – Age >= 15 FEMALE MALE Economic Sectors LP 2011 2000 2011 Chg. 2000 2011 Chg. Above-Average Activities Public Utilities (Water and Electricity) 674 3 4 1 28 28 0 Communication 632 6 23 17 19 49 29 Finance, Insur., Real Estate, Bus Services 426 27 60 32 75 169 94 Mining 352 1 3 2 53 35 –18 Manufacturing – Food 149 30 40 11 84 113 29 Education and Health Services 139 140 195 55 216 194 –22 Government Services 114 87 84 –3 385 368 –17 Manufacturing – Chemicals / Refining 92 14 10 –4 75 88 13 Manufacturing – Mechanical / Electrical 91 11 31 20 110 176 66 Manufacturing – Other 78 21 14 –7 168 216 48 Transport and Storage 78 7 8 2 261 425 164 Manufacturing – Total 70 436 364 –71 644 862 218 Below-Average Activities Fisheries 47 1 1 0 84 70 –14 Hotels and Restaurants 44 23 52 29 129 210 81 Wholesale and Retail Trade 44 83 118 35 1,169 1,476 307 Manufacturing – Textiles 31 360 269 –92 207 269 63 Construction 30 4 7 3 544 1,066 523 Agriculture 26 1,422 1,692 270 2,549 2,415 –134 Other Services 14 153 156 3 294 374 80 Sum (Average) 60 2,392 2,765 372 6,449 7,740 1,292 Non-Employed Population Unemployed 350 315 –36 1,017 713 –304 Students 716 1,222 506 983 1,529 545 Housewives 5,703 6,967 1,264 0 0 0 Other Inactive 616 817 200 1,011 1,398 386 Total Population 9,779 12,085 2,306 9,464 11,386 1,922 ANNEXES 95 TABLE A3.2 • Employment Status – Urban, Tertiary Education All Sectors Female Male Amount Share  Amount Share  Occupation Senior Officials 3,233 (1.3) 39,626 (8.0) Professionals 56,313 (22.7) 107,893 (21.7) Tech. / Associate Prof. 99,542 (40.2) 124,910 (25.1) Clerks / Employees 69,372 (28.0) 108,124 (21.7) Service / Shop Workers 3,797 (1.5) 46,547 (9.4) Craft Workers 9,528 (3.8) 35,659 (7.2) Employment Status Salaried 228,843 (92.3) 378,384 (76.0) Independent 5,771 (2.3) 50,718 (10.2) Employer 10,767 (4.3) 41,978 (8.4) Family Helper 422 (0.2) 5,330 (1.1) Cooperative Member 1,377 (0.6) 17,889 (3.6) Regularity Permanent – Full Time 245,066 (98.9) 490,253 (98.4) Permanent – Part Time 1,840 (0.7) 2,665 (0.5) Occasional 435 (0.2) 1,607 (0.3) Seasonal 0 (0.0) 199 (0.0) Social Security Contributing to SS 190,852 (77.0) 355,918 (71.5) Outside of SS system 56,549 (22.8) 139,393 (28.0) Total 247,928 498,041 96 MOROCCO: MIND THE GAP – EMPOWERING WOMEN FOR A MORE OPEN, INCLUSIVE, AND PROSPEROUS SOCIETY TABLE A3.3 • Employment Status – Rural, Secondary Education Agriculture Textile Manufacturing Female Male Female Male Amount Share  Amount Share  Amount Share  Amount Share  Occupation Agriculture Owners 1,307 (2.8) 81,457 (23.6) Craft Workers 3,862 (88.1) 9,530 (65.0) Agriculture Workers 45,204 (97.2) 254,934 (73.9) Elementary Occupations 521 (11.9) 2,993 (20.4) Employment Status Salaried 1,323 (2.8) 53,848 (15.6) 2,527 (57.7) 10,700 (73.0) Independent 1,307 (2.8) 70,390 (20.4) 1,323 (30.2) 1,533 (10.5) Employer 0 (0.0) 3,314 (1.0) 0 (0.0) 0 (0.0) Family Helper 43,881 (94.4) 209,506 (60.7) 533 (12.2) 0 (0.0) Regularity Permanent – Full Time 20,344 (43.7) 310,163 (89.9) 2,529 (57.7) 14,663 (100.0) Permanent – Part Time 24,572 (52.8) 11,638 (3.4) 1,854 (42.3) 0 (0.0) Occasional 1,351 (2.9) 17,138 (5.0) 0 (0.0) 0 (0.0) Seasonal 244 (0.5) 6,162 (1.8) 0 (0.0) 0 (0.0) Social Security Contributing to SS 0 (0.0) 4,761 (1.4) 1,834 (41.8) 6,021 (41.1) Outside of SS system 46,511 (100.0) 340,340 (98.6) 2,549 (58.2) 8,642 (58.9) Total 46,511 345,101 4,383 14,663 TABLE A3.4 • Occupations and Gender in Various Sectors – Rural, Secondary Ed. Female Male Percent Amount Share  Amount Share  Female Trade Clerks / Employees 1,370 (41.4) 7,056 (8.9) 16.3 Service Workers and Shop Sales Workers 1,063 (32.2) 42,081 (52.8) 2.5 Craft and Related Trades Workers 0 (0.0) 9,020 (11.3) 0.0 Elementary Occupations 873 (26.4) 20,224 (25.4) 4.1 Total 3,306 79,665 4.0 Education Technicians and Associate Professionals 1,443 (51.4) 3,700 (55.0) 28.1 Clerks / Employees 879 (31.3) 972 (14.4) 47.5 Craft and Related Trades Workers 484 (17.3) 0 (0.0) 100.0 Plant and Machine Operators / Assemblers 0 (0.0) 1,284 (19.1) 0.0 Total 2,806 6,732 29.4 ANNEXES 97 TABLE A3.5 • Occupations and Gender in Various Sectors – Rural, Tertiary Ed. Female Male Percent Amount Share  Amount Share  Female Education and Health Professionals 649 (12.5) 527 (5.9) Technicians and Associate Professionals 2,973 (57.3) 6,683 (74.6) 30.8 Clerks / Employees 630 (12.1) 902 (10.1) 41.1 Other 937 (18.1) 849 (9.5) 52.5 Total 5,189 8,961 36.7 FIGURE A3.1 • Female Employment Share by Sector Wearing apparel; dressing and dyeing of fur Radio, television, and telecommunication equipment Food products and beverages Textiles Recycling Tanning and dressing of leather Medical, precision instruments Electrical machinery and apparatus n.e.c. Other non-metallic mineral products Rubber and plastics products Publishing, printing and Reproduction of recorded media Office, accounting and computing machinery Furniture; manufacturing n.e.c. Chemicals and chemical products Motor vehicles, trailers, and semi-trailers Paper and paper products Other transport equipment Machinery and equipment n.e.c. Tobacco products Wood and of products of wood and cork Coke, refined petroleum products, and nuclear fuel Fabricated metal products, except machi Basic metals 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 Female employment share, % 1995–1999 2000–2006 98 MOROCCO: MIND THE GAP – EMPOWERING WOMEN FOR A MORE OPEN, INCLUSIVE, AND PROSPEROUS SOCIETY Salary gap TABLE A3.6 • Individual Characteristics of Salaried Workers, 2007 Male Female Age 36.1 34.3 Education Without level 0.00 0.00 Nursery school or institution of religious education 0.03 0.00 M’sid or Koranic 0.02 0.00 Without primary training 0.27 0.15 With primary vocational training 0.01 0.01 Without college training 0.17 0.13 College with vocational training 0.02 0.03 Without secondary vocational training 0.09 0.10 With secondary vocational education 0.03 0.06 Higher without training 0.07 0.12 With higher vocational training 0.03 0.06 Other 0.00 0.00 Cannot read and write 0.25 0.33 Residence Rural 0.34 0.17 Luxury 0.02 0.03 Modern 0.08 0.13 Old Medina 0.03 0.06 New Medina 0.38 0.45 Clandestine 0.14 0.15 Source: National Survey of Living Standards 2007, author’s calculation. Note: sample includes population aged 15 and above received wages at some point in time during last 12 months. TABLE A3.7 • Marginal Effects from Probit Model Explaining Participation in Wage Employment Among Women, 2007 Marginal effect at mean Age 0.0214*** Age squared –0.000275*** Married –0.133*** Number of children (below 15) –0.0123*** Observations 13,760 Female with wages 1677 Female without wages 12,083 Source: National Survey of Living Standards 2007, author’s calculation. Note: sample includes population aged 15 and above received wages at some point in time during last 12 months. Asterisks show level of significance: * at 10 percent, ** at 5 percent and *** at 1 percent. ANNEXES 99 TABLE A3.8 • Results of OLS Regression Explaining Logarithm of Monthly Wages across Males and Females, 2007 Female Male Age 0.0453*** 0.0616*** Age squared –0.000376*** –0.000581*** Without level –0.0774 –0.0775 Nursery school or institution of religious education 0.785** –0.0922** M’sid or Koranic –0.183 0.00844 Without primary training 0.157*** 0.123*** With primary vocational training 0.264** 0.0818 Without college training 0.425*** 0.209*** College with vocational training 0.472*** 0.242*** Without secondary vocational training 0.539*** 0.330*** With secondary vocational education 0.860*** 0.576*** Higher without training 1.000*** 0.827*** With higher vocational training 1.134*** 0.988*** Another level –0.451 0.347*** Cannot read and write Omitted Rural 0.305*** 0.308*** Luxury 0.165*** 0.206*** Modern –0.0616 –0.0056 Old Medina 0.120** 0.132*** New Medina 0.103** 0.0749*** Clandestine Omitted Constant 5.732*** 5.816*** Observations 1,669 5,180 R-squared 0.388 0.381 Source: National Survey of Living Standards 2007, author’s calculation. Note: sample includes population aged 15 and above received wages at some point in time during last 12 months. Asterisks show level of significance: * at 10 percent, ** at 5 percent and *** at 1 percent. 100 MOROCCO: MIND THE GAP – EMPOWERING WOMEN FOR A MORE OPEN, INCLUSIVE, AND PROSPEROUS SOCIETY Annex 4.1 Qualitative Survey small entrepreneurs;96 community leaders; and men (both employed and unemployed). A series of consultations were carried out between The qualitative survey covers three provinces Dec 2013 and March 2014 across the country to asses of Morocco with the following profiles: (i) province women’s perceptions on: (i) the main reasons of wom- with “high” economic growth, low poverty rates, and en’s exclusion from the labor market; (ii) structural high level of women’s participation in economic activ- inequalities in the labor market and (iii) inequality of ity; (ii) province with low economic growth, high lev- opportunities in the labor market (access to education els of poverty, and low level of women’s participation in and employment). economic activity; and (iii) province with intermediate The consultations carried out by local consul- levels of economic growth, poverty, and women’s partic- tants in Arabic, have been transcribed and lately trans- ipation in economic activity. In each of the 3 provinces, lated into French, and have used mixed qualitative data 2 towns were selected to represent (an urban district and gathering methods such as focus groups discussions; a rural district). The table below was used to select the in-depth and semi-structured interviews; and life his- provinces. tory interviews. Key informants of the enquiries are salaried women (in two different age groups); micro- 96 Informants classified by the consultants under this cat- entrepreneurs without employees or self-employed; egory in reality have a micro-entrepreneur profile. Men Women Poverty Poverty GDP per activity activity Activity Act W/ rate rate Poverty N° Régions GDP Capita rate rate rate Act M Urban Rural rate 1 Régions du SUD 35438 35491 70.5 14.5 41.8 20.6 2.3 5 2.4 4 Souss Massa Draâ 61183 17528 69.4 35.3 50.8 50.9 4.1 18.3 12.5 5 El Gharb Chrarda Bni Hssen 33412 18721 80.2 37.2 58.3 46.4 10.7 19 15.6 6 Chaouia Ouardigha 70543 40750 80.7 35.3 58.4 43.7 5.2 9.5 7.6 7 Marrakech ensift Al Haouz 66457 20046 79 32.2 54.2 40.8 4.1 15.7 11.2 8 Oriental 39288 19617 77.6 12.3 44.7 15.9 7.4 14.5 10.1 9 Grand Casablanca 158842 40624 71.6 20.3 45.7 28.4 3.2 3.7 3.2 10 Rabat Salé Zemmour Zaër 96155 36732 66.3 23 44.1 34.7 3.6 11.4 5.1 11 Doukkala Abda 55331 26657 81.7 41.8 62.2 51.2 8.9 17.4 14.3 12 Tadla Azilal 21917 14531 74 27 48.1 36.5 6.2 11 9.3 13 Meknès Tafilalet 44191 19931 71.1 19.1 43.1 26.9 6.7 16.8 9.5 14 Fès Boulemane 32316 18532 71.2 21.7 45.7 30.5 9.1 16.8 12.5 15 Taza Al Hoceima Taounate 23391 12544 78.2 23 50.8 29.4 5.4 12.3 10.7 16 Tanger Tétouan 63122 21149 72.9 11.9 42.5 16.3 4.1 12.1 7.4 ANNEXES 101 The selected regions are presented below: Régions Provinces Population Poverty Rate Poverty Rate Urban Poverty Rate Rural Chaouia Ouardigha Khouribga 496,734 6.2 5.1 8.2 Beni Slimane 197,704 8.1 7.2 8.6 Settat 951,613 8.2 4.7 10 Gharb Chrarda Bni Hssen Sidi Kacem 691,225 14.9 9.7 17.1 Kénitra 1,158,551 16 11.1 20.7 Oriental Taourirt 205,823 16.4 12.9 21.3 Jerrada 105,719 22.8 22.1 23.9 Figuigu 127,097 13.8 7.4 25.6 Berkane 269,824 8.7 5.5 13.2 Nador 726,520 9.5 7.1 11.8 Oujda Angad 473,922 5.4 4.5 11.2 Based on the 2007 poverty map, municipalities with similar levels of poverty to the province (in terms of ranking) and having a consistent population were selected (reported below) Province Type municipality Name Population Poverty Rate Khouribga Urban Bejaâd 40,512 4.40% Rural Oulad Abdoune 12,829 5.60% Sidi Kacem Urban Jorf El Melha 20,581 12.40% Rural Al Haouafate 17,119 15.40% Taourirt Urban M. Taourirt 79,664 13.10% Rural Ahl Oued Za 14,184 25.60% The Questionnaire administered are reported in local organizations supporting Women Entrepreneurs French in Annex 4.2. (such as AFEM – Association Marocaine des Femmes Other data about gender norms, growth oriented Chefs d’Enterprise; ESPOD – Espace Point de Départ; women entrepreneurs, and start-up incubators have MWM – The Association of Morocco Women Mentor- been gathered during a fieldwork mission financed by ing/Network, and Coalition OUM KELTOUM); the gov- the Women’s Entrepreneurship Program (WEP), a WB ernmental agency for SMEs ANPME (Agence Nationale project originated by infoDev and managed by MENA pour la Promotion de la Petite et Moyenne Enterprise); FPD. Data gathering methods include consultations with and in-depth interviews with women entrepreneurs. 102 MOROCCO: MIND THE GAP – EMPOWERING WOMEN FOR A MORE OPEN, INCLUSIVE, AND PROSPEROUS SOCIETY Annex 4.2 Questionnaires for Focus communauté et la participation des femmes à Groups and Structured Interviews l’activité économique ? Pourquoi considérez-vous ces deux événements et/ou facteurs comme étant les Questions: plus principaux dans l’évolution de la communauté ? • Pouvez-vous me dire quand ce quartier/douar a • Pouvez-vous me décrire au cours des 10 dernières vu le jour ? les circonstances de sa constitution ? années les sources des opportunités de subsistanc- l’évolution de l’effectif de sa population. es de la population de la communauté et les op- • Comment considérez-vous le niveau de sécurité portunités d’emploi et particulièrement en direc- au niveau de votre communauté ? si des violences tion des femmes de la communauté ? sont éventuelles, quelles catégories de la popula- tion sont le plus touchées ? Quel est l’impact sur A la fin de l’entretien on mène un mini recense- les femmes et sur l’emploi des femmes ? ment des ménages de la communauté (1 heure) pour • Pouvez-vous me dire quels sont les événements ou détecter les femmes salariées, indépendantes et entrepre- les facteurs les plus importants (ne pas dépasser 6) neures. Des questionnaires seront remplis à travers ces qui ont marqué ou affecté la vie de la communauté informateurs pour constituer une base de données sur les au cours des 10 dernières années ? femmes de la communauté selon leur statut professionnel. • Indiquez si ces événements ou facteurs ont eu un impact positif ou négatif sur la communauté ? Le questionnaire ménage est donné ci-dessous. Combien de temps a duré ces impacts ? Quelles Questionnaire Ménage catégories de la population de la communauté qui Province : ………………………………. Commune : ont été le plus affectées ? Quels impacts sur les …………………………………………. Quartier/ femmes ? Quels impacts sur l’emploi des femmes ? Douar : ……………… • Pouvez-vous identifier parmi ces événements N° d’ordre du ménage : ………….…. Nom et Pré- et/ou facteurs les deux principaux en relation nom de la personne de référence du ménage : avec l’évolution du statut de la femme dans la …………………………………………………. N° Nom et Sexe Age Etat matrimonial Niveau Type d’activité Statut Profession Secteur Prénom d’Education professionnel d’activité 1 = Masculin 1 = Célibataire 1 = Actif occupé 1 = Néant 1 = Salarié 2 = Féminin 2 = Marié (monogame) 2 = Chômeur 2 = Primaire 2 = Indépendant 3 = Marié (polygame) 3 = Inactif 3 = Collégial 3 = Entrepreneur 4 = Veuf (ve) 4 = Lycée 4 = Associé / 5 = Divorcé (e) Coopérant 5 = Supérieur 5 = Aide familial 6 = Apprenti 01 02 03 04 05 06 07 08 09 10 11 12 13 14 15 ANNEXES 103 On rempli également une fiche sur les équipe- les 30 ans et plus) pour séparer les jeunes des adultes. ments et services de base disponibles au niveau de la On ne fera pas de séparation pour les femmes sala- communauté. riées qui travaillent dans le secteur public ou privé, le secteur formel ou informel, l’emploi à plein temps ou Existence et en fonctionnement (oui / non) à temps partiel. Raccordement au réseau de l’eau potable Deux focus group seront organisés, l’un pour les Raccordement au réseau d’électricité jeunes et l’autre pour les adultes. Le temps attendu à consacrer à chacune des Téléphone réunions de groupe est 2 heures. Internet Téléboutique Guide d’Entretien pour FG. Cyber café Epicerie A. Opportunités Economiques et Emploi au niveau de la communauté : accès de la femme Marché / Souk • Quelles sont les opportunités économiques Mosquée offertes dans votre communauté (quartier / Bain (Hammam) douar) ? dans votre commune ou province ? Four collectif • Ces opportunités contribuent-elles à créer de Association de développement local l’emploi pour la population de la communauté ? Association de microcrédit • Parmi ces opportunités offertes, quelles sont Distance en km (si moins d’un km on inscrit 000) Et la celles destinées en majorité aux hommes de durée moyenne pour y accéder la communauté, en majorité aux femmes de Route goudronnée la communauté, aux hommes et aux femmes de la communauté dans presque les mêmes Route non goudronnée proportions ? Chef lieu de la commune • Peut-on considérer qu’il y a égalité en- Tribunal tre les hommes et les femmes actives en Poste de police / gendarmerie matière d’accès au marché de travail ? pour- Bureau de Poste quoi (quelles sont les principales raisons) ? Dispensaire B. Emploi salarial au sein de la communauté Hôpital provincial • Quelles sont les activités économiques qu’exercent les femmes salariées de la com- Pharmacie munauté et en contrepartie elles reçoivent des Maison d’accouchement salaires ? (indiquez les métiers / professions, Ecole branche d’activité, secteurs public ou privé) Collège (cadres, techniciennes / agents de maîtrise, Lycée ouvrières / employées) (emploi à plein temps Centre de Formation Professionnelle ou à temps partiel) Marché • Comment considérez-vous l’implication des femmes de la communauté dans l’emploi sala- rial, (ancien phénomène, relativement récent, très récent, …) ? Activité 2. Réunions de groupe : Femmes • Comment jugez-vous l’existence, la persis- tance des représentations sexuées des métiers salariées et des compétences ou leur inexistence ? Com- Les focus group concernent 10 à 12 femmes du même ment contribuent-elles à l’accès des femmes à profil en ce qui concerne l’âge (moins de 30 ans exact et l’activité économique en tant que salariée? 104 MOROCCO: MIND THE GAP – EMPOWERING WOMEN FOR A MORE OPEN, INCLUSIVE, AND PROSPEROUS SOCIETY C. Motivation et profil des femmes salariées dominance des valeurs masculines, attention • Quelles sont les motivations de femmes sala- accordée à la carrière du conjoint, …). Les riées, en général, pour exercer ces activités en femmes sont-elles plus lésées que les hommes tant que salariées ? (assurer une indépendance par rapport à ces freins ? financière, se réaliser par l’exercice d’une ac- E. Discrimination et qualité de vie sur le lieu de tivité professionnelle, avoir une vie sociale, travail disposer d’un complément de revenu à celui • Est-ce que vous étiez (vous ou d’autres du mari ou des parents, s’investir dans des femmes salariées de votre communauté) vic- projets intéressant, …) times de discrimination sur le lieu de travail • Comment considérez-vous les salaires per- pour raison d’être femme ? (si oui, est-ce une çus par les femmes salariées par rapport aux réalité ou juste un sentiment ? quelle est son hommes ayant les mêmes qualifications ? (su- ampleur ? quels types de discrimination ? périeurs, inférieurs, nettement inférieurs, …) (Inégalités de salaires à compétences égales, (niveau d’instruction : néant, primaire, collé- lenteur dans la promotion professionnelle, gial, secondaire, supérieur) (formation profes- freins de la carrière après congé de maternité, sionnelle : initiation, qualification, technici- mentalité des responsables des ressources hu- enne, technicienne supérieure) maines au niveau de l’entreprise, harcèlement • L’activité économique que vous exercez néces- sexuel, violence, …)). Les hommes sont-ils site-elle des déplacements (au sein de la com- aussi victimes de discrimination ? Est-ce du munauté, dans la province, hors province) ? même type ? quelles sont les contraintes et les problèmes • Comment considérez-vous la qualité de votre engendrés par ces déplacements sur la vie fa- vie à travers l’emploi salarial exercé ? (avoir miliale ? Quelles sont les solutions au sein du de bonnes relations avec les autres salariés ménage pour surmonter les difficultés ? et les patrons, absence de stress, niveau de D. Facteurs qui facilitent ou qui entravent l’accès la rémunération perçue, le lieu de travail, le des femmes à l’emploi salarial climat social de l’entreprise, emploi formel, • Quelles étaient les facteurs facilitant l’accès emploi à travers un contrat, sécurité sociale, des femmes de votre communauté à l’emploi la nature et intérêt des missions confiées, salarial ? y a-t-il actuellement de nouveaux les perspectives d’évolution, le niveau de facteurs contribuant à l’accès facile des responsabilité, l’autonomie de décision et femmes à l’emploi salarial dans votre com- l’image et notoriété de l’entreprise, …). Est- munauté ? Est-ce que certains des facteurs ce similaire autant pour les femmes que pour qui existaient auparavant ne contribuent les hommes ? plus à la facilitation de l’accès ? pourquoi ? • Comment jugez-vous la pression sur les comment ? femmes au travail salarial ? (Arrêt de travailler • Quelles étaient les difficultés / contraintes pour raisons de santé dues au stress au travail, de l’accès des femmes de la communauté cacher des projets de maternité à son employ- à l’emploi salarial ? y a-t-il actuellement de eur, dissimuler les difficultés personnelles à nouvelles difficultés / contraintes ? Est-ce que leur hiérarchie par peur d’être mise à l’écart, certaines difficultés / contraintes ont été élimi- avoir un physique avantageux (charme, au- nées ? pourquoi ? comment ? dace, réseautage), risque de chômage, …). • Quelles sont les freins auxquels vous êtes Est-ce que les hommes souffrent du même confrontés durant votre vie professionnelle ? type de pression au travail ? (maternité, temps consacrés aux enfants, re- • Est-ce que les salariés de manière générale et tour de la maternité, préjugés des hommes ou les femmes salariées en particulier sont affiliés préjugés des femmes à l’égard des femmes, aux syndicats et à des réseaux sociaux pour ANNEXES 105 soutenir leurs doléances ? comment ? sont- et les femmes par rapport à l’emploi salarié ? elles suffisamment impliquées et représen- (La procédure de recrutement, la fixation tées ? Quels sont les freins à leur représenta- des salaires, les mécanismes de promotion, tion et implication ? l’attribution des primes, l’accès à la formation F. Activité économique des femmes et rôles continue, les actions en faveur de la qualifica- sociaux tion, l’accès à l’information, ….) • Quels sont vos statuts matrimoniaux (céli- • Quel est votre avis quant aux mécanismes bataires, fiancées, mariées, veuves, divor- spécifiques de discrimination positive en fa- cées) ? Nombre d’enfants si concernés (filles veur des femmes ? (L’aménagement du temps et garçons) ? de travail, l’aide à la garde des enfants et crèch- • Y a-t-il un lien entre le statut matrimonial des es d’entreprises, dispositif d’accompagnement femmes et l’accès à un emploi salarié ? de l’enfance, anticipation des départs en con- • Comment jugez-vous la répartition des gé de maternité, …) rôles au sein du ménage (le couple et les en- I. Perspectives fants) ? la répartition du travail domestique • Comment percevez-vous l’avenir en tant que y compris les soins à apporter aux enfants, salariées ? Quels sont vos souhaits ? aux adultes et aux personnes âgées est-elle • Est-ce que vous avez l’ambition de monter équitable ? quel est l’impact sur la poursuite votre propre affaire ? Quelles sont les con- de l’activité salariale des femmes ? quel est traintes / difficultés ? (idée, prise de risque, l’impact sur la santé des femmes ? quel est formation, qualification, actifs physiques, fi- l’impact sur le niveau de vie et le bien être nancement, …) du ménage ? G. Décisions prises par rapport au salaire • Est-ce que vous disposez de comptes ban- Activité 3. Réunions de groupe : Femmes caires ou de livrets d’épargne ? Avez-vous de indépendantes l’épargne à la banque ou à la poste ? Avez- vous demandé des prêts à la banque (pour Les focus group concernent 10 à 12 femmes du même quelles raisons) ? profil en ce qui concerne l’âge (moins de 30 ans exact et • Quelle est la part de salaire qu’affectent les les 30 ans et plus) pour séparer les jeunes des adultes. femmes salariées directement au ménage et On ne fera pas de séparation pour les femmes indépen- aux membres du ménage (enfants) ? quels dantes qui disposent ou pas de local pour exercer leur postes budgétaires est le plus alimenté par les activité économique, qu’elles l’exercent à plein temps salaires (alimentation, éducation des enfants, ou à temps partiel. soins aux enfants) ? Deux focus group seront organisés, l’un pour les • Quelle est la part de salaires utilisée pour le jeunes et l’autre pour les adultes. bien être des femmes salariées (habillement, Le temps attendu à consacrer à chacune des loisir, divertissement, …) ? réunions de groupe est 2 heures. • Qui décide de l’utilisation du salaire de femmes au sein du ménage (elle-même, son Questions. mari, son père ou sa mère, ses enfants, …) ? Les questions sont catégorisées en 6 blocs. qui gère effectivement ces salaires ? (gérer elles-mêmes une partie, gérer la totalité, au- A. Opportunités Economiques et Emploi au niveau cun pouvoir pour la femme) de la communauté : accès de la femme H. Attitudes à l’égard de l’égalité entre les sexes • Quelles sont les opportunités économiques • Quel est votre avis quant à la mise en place de offertes dans votre communauté (quartier / mécanismes visant l’égalité entre les hommes douar) ? dans votre commune ou province ? 106 MOROCCO: MIND THE GAP – EMPOWERING WOMEN FOR A MORE OPEN, INCLUSIVE, AND PROSPEROUS SOCIETY • Ces opportunités contribuent-elles à • Est-ce que vous pensez que vos enfants seraient créer de l’emploi pour la population de la intéressés à reprendre ce business ? Pourquoi ? communauté ? • Est-ce que votre mari ou quelqu’un de la • Parmi ces opportunités offertes, quelles sont famille travaille avec vous ? De quoi il s’occupe celles destinées en majorité aux hommes de exactement ? Par rapport à vous, est-ce que la communauté, en majorité aux femmes de vous faites le même travail ou vous occupez la communauté, aux hommes et aux femmes de choses différentes ? de la communauté dans presque les mêmes • Utilisez-vous internet? D’autres technologies? proportions ? • Si vous pouviez améliorer quelque chose dans • Peut-on considérer qu’il y a égalité en- votre business, que changeriez-vous ? De tre les hommes et les femmes actives en quoi avez-vous besoin pour améliorer votre matière d’accès au marché de travail ? pour- produit/service ? quoi (quelles sont les principales raisons) ? D. Finances B. Motivation, Profil • Avez-vous un compte bancaire ? (Non, pour- • Pourquoi et comment avez-vous démarré ce quoi ?) Avez-vous jamais demandé un prêt ? business? L’avez-vous obtenu ? Si non, quel est le motif • Quel type de formation avez-vous reçu dans du refus ? ce domaine? • Avez-vous de l’épargne ? A la banque • Comment avez-vous appris ce métier? ou à la poste ? Qui sont les titulaires ? Si- • Qui vous a introduit? non, sur quelle forme ? Combien arrivez- • Que faisiez-vous avant? vous à épargner en un an ? Le faites-vous • A-t-il d’autres personnes dans la famille régulièrement ? qui vous aident? Sont-elles rémunérées? • Connaissez-vous des associations qui prêtent Comment? de l’argent aux femmes ? Connaissez-vous • Est-ce que il vous arrive de vous déplacer quelqu’un qui a emprunté de l’argent chez pour le travail ? Pour combien de temps ? eux ? Etaient-ils contents de leur service ? • Si oui, comment vous déplacez-vous ? • Avez-vous jamais emprunté de l’argent ? Chez • Etes-vous mariée ? Quel âge avez-vous ? Et qui ? Combien ? Pour quelle raison ? votre mari ? De quoi s’occupe-t-il ? Avez-vous • Si oui, est-ce que vous pensez de le refaire des enfants ? dans le futur ? A quel propos ? • Est-ce que ça lui arrive de se déplacer pour le • Avez-vous des propriétés à votre nom, par travail ? Pour combien de temps ? Pour que exemple une maison, un terrain, ou un com- type d’activité ? merce ? Qui gère ces propriétés ? Comment C. Quel est votre activité? les avez-vous obtenues ? Pensez-vous de les • Pourquoi avez-vous décidé de rentrer dans ce garder ou de le vendre ? Oui sinon, pensez- type de business? Quels sont ses avantages? Et vous d’en acheter ? ses inconvénients? • Avez-vous des projets sur comment améliorer • Chez qui achetez-vous les matières pre- votre travail ? mières? A qui vendez vos produits/services? • De combien d’argent auriez-vous besoin ? (A quel prix?) Qui sont vos clients? Sont-ils Avez-vous essayé de le demander, soit à la fidèles? banque soit en famille ? Si oui, comment s’est- • Quelle est la meilleur période de l’année? Ou il passé ? de la journée? E. Décisions en matière d’argent • Quand vous ne travaillez pas ici, que faites-vous? • Si vous voulez agrandir votre business, pen- • Avez-vous essayé d’agrandir votre business ? sez-vous nécessaire de consulter votre mari, le Comment? reste de la famille ? ANNEXES 107 • Si vous voulez-vous acheter quelque chose La durée d’entretien ne doit pas dépasser 1 pour vous ou les enfants de quel argent pou- heure 30. vez-vous disposer ? Avez-vous de l’argent à vous pour cela ? Guide d’Entretien F. Business Networks • Si vous voulez employer quelqu’un pour un A. Motivation, Profil petit travail, avec qui devriez-vous en parler ? • Pourquoi et comment avez-vous démarré ce A des amis, quelqu’un de la famille, ou des business? collègues, ou d’autres employés ? • Quel type de formation avez-vous reçu dans • Est-ce vous exportez vos produits (ou ven- ce domaine? dez dans un plus grand centre) ? Comment • Comment avez-vous appris le métier? avez-vous démarré cela ? Ou sinon, ça • Qui vous a introduit? vous arrive d’y penser ? Savez-vous com- • Que faisiez-vous avant? ment faire ? Quel sont les empêchements • Quel était le lieu d’exercice de votre activité à principaux ? son démarrage? et actuellement ? • Comment fonctionne-t-il le bouche-à-oreille • Est-ce que votre business a un numéro de la dans votre business ? Faites-vous de la pub- patente ? licité ? Comment ? • Y a-t-il d’autres personnes dans la famille • Est-ce ça vous arrive de participer à des qui vous aident? Sont-elles rémunérées? réunions avec d’autres entrepreneurs ? Sont- Comment? ils des hommes ou des femmes ? De quel type • Est-ce que il vous arrive de vous déplacer de réunions s’agit-il ? pour le travail ? Pour combien de temps ? • Avez-vous reçu des informations sur comment • Si oui, comment vous déplacez-vous ? agrandir votre business, recevoir du crédit, ou • Etes-vous mariée ? Quel âge avez-vous ? Et améliorer votre produit ? Qu’avez-vous appris votre mari ? De quoi s’occupe-t-il ? Avez-vous grâce à ça ? des enfants ? • Est-ce que ça lui arrive de se déplacer pour le travail ? Pour combien de temps ? Pour que Activité 4. Entretien individuel approfondi : type d’activité ? Femme Entrepreneure • Quel type de soutien votre mari vous a t-il ap- porté lors du démarrage de votre activité ? Son Un seul entretien concernera une seule femme entre- approbation était obligatoire pour démarrer et preneure de la communauté âgée de 30 ans et plus, continuer votre activité ? Est-ce qu’il vous a sinon moins de 30 ans, abstraction faite du type de son posé des conditions ? si oui, quelles étaient entreprise : ces conditions ? • Quel type de compromis vous avez trouvé • Micro-entreprise avec votre conjoint pour que vous conciliez • Très petite entreprise entre votre vie familiale et votre business ? • Petite ou moyenne entreprise B. Quel est votre activité? • Grande entreprise • Pourquoi avez-vous décidé de rentrer dans ce type de business? Quels sont ses avantages? Et Abstraction du statut juridique : ses inconvénients? • Chez qui achetez-vous les matières pre- • SARL (société à responsabilité limitée) mières? A qui vendez vos produits/services? • SA (société anonyme) (A quel prix?) Qui sont vos clients? Sont-ils • Autres fidèles? 108 MOROCCO: MIND THE GAP – EMPOWERING WOMEN FOR A MORE OPEN, INCLUSIVE, AND PROSPEROUS SOCIETY • Quelle est la meilleur période de l’année? Ou • Avez-vous des projets sur comment améliorer de la journée? votre travail ? • Quand vous ne travaillez pas ici, que faites-vous? • De combien d’argent auriez-vous besoin ? • Avez-vous essayé d’agrandir votre business ? Avez-vous essayé de le demander, soit à la Comment? banque soit en famille ? Si oui, comment s’est- • Avez-vous des employés? Combien? Hommes il passé ? et/ou Femmes? D. Décisions en matière d’argent • Sont-ils employés à mi-temps or plein-temps? • Si vous voulez agrandir votre business, pen- Sont-ils toujours les mêmes ou changez-vous sez-vous nécessaire de consulter votre mari, le souvent? reste de la famille ? • Est-ce que vous pensez que vos enfants seraient • Si vous voulez-vous acheter quelque chose intéressés à reprendre ce business ? Pourquoi ? pour vous ou les enfants de quel argent pou- • Est-ce que votre mari ou quelqu’un de la vez-vous disposer ? Avez-vous de l’argent à famille travaille avec vous ? De quoi il s’occupe vous pour cela ? exactement ? Par rapport à vous, est-ce que • Est-ce que votre ménage possède des biens mo- vous faites le même travail ou vous occupez biliers et immobiliers constitués lors du mar- de choses différentes ? iage ? si oui en quel nom sont ils enregistrés • Utilisez-vous internet? D’autres technologies? (uniquement le mari, la femme, le couple) ? • Si vous pouviez améliorer quelque chose dans E. Business Networks votre business, que changeriez-vous ? De • Si vous voulez employer quelqu’un pour un quoi avez-vous besoin pour améliorer votre petit travail, avec qui devriez-vous en parler ? produit/service ? A des amis, quelqu’un de la famille, ou des C. Finances collègues, ou d’autres employés ? • Avez-vous un compte bancaire ? (Non, pour- • Est-ce vous exportez vos produits (ou vendez quoi ?) Avez-vous jamais demandé un prêt ? dans un plus grand centre) ? Comment avez- L’avez-vous obtenu ? Si non, quel est le motif vous démarré cela ? Ou sinon, ça vous arrive du refus ? d’y penser ? Savez-vous comment faire ? Quel • Avez-vous de l’épargne ? A la banque sont les empêchements principaux ? ou à la poste ? Qui sont les titulaires ? Si- • Comment fonctionne-t-il le bouche-à-oreille non, sur quelle forme ? Combien arrivez- dans votre business ? Faites-vous de la pub- vous à épargner en un an ? Le faites-vous licité ? Comment ? régulièrement ? • Est-ce ça vous arrive de participer à des • Connaissez-vous des associations qui prêtent réunions avec d’autres entrepreneurs ? Sont- de l’argent aux femmes ? Connaissez-vous ils des hommes ou des femmes ? De quel type quelqu’un qui a emprunté de l’argent chez de réunions s’agit-il ? eux ? Etaient-ils contents de leur service ? • Avez-vous reçu des informations sur comment • Avez-vous jamais emprunté de l’argent ? Chez agrandir votre business, recevoir du crédit, ou qui ? Combien ? Pour quelle raison ? améliorer votre produit ? Qu’avez-vous appris • Si oui, est-ce que vous pensez de le refaire grâce à ça ? dans le futur ? A quel propos ? • Avez-vous des propriétés à votre nom, par exemple une maison, un terrain, ou un com- Activité 5. Récits de vie merce ? Qui gère ces propriétés ? Comment les avez-vous obtenues ? Pensez-vous de les Au niveau de chaque communauté, on effectuera 3 en- garder ou de le vendre ? Oui sinon, pensez- tretiens pour construire des récits de vie. Les profils vous d’en acheter ? ciblés sont : ANNEXES 109 1. Une entrepreneure (autre que l’entrepreneure rencontrées dans le lieu d’arrivée, les actions entrepris- avec qui l’entretien individuel approfondi se- es, … pourquoi ? Pour chaque lieu de résidence prenez rait effectué) le temps qu’il faut pour mieux comprendre le contexte 2. Une femme indépendante ciblée parmi les de migration. femmes ayant participé au focus group, selon (ne considérez pas les déménagements effectués l’appréciation de l’animateur (animatrice) au sein de la même commune de résidence, ce ne sont 3. Une femme salariée ciblée parmi les femmes pas des migrations) ayant participé au focus group, selon Quelles interactions avec l’historique l’appréciation de l’animateur (animatrice) professionnelle ? Historique économique Guide d’Entretien. Citez l’évolution des actifs physiques et financiers dont Votre âge, état matrimonial, niveau d’instruction, ac- vous disposez vous, vos parents, votre mari ou vos tivité économique enfants. Quelle évolution avec le temps ? quelle part Historique professionnel avez-vous durant votre parcours ? Posez des questions pour que l’interviewée vous citent Quelles interactions avec les autres historiques les différents emplois qu’elle a exercés. (Ne pas oublier et notamment l’historique professionnelle ? les stages, les jobs et petits boulots aussi) On insiste sur comment la femme a décro- Historique éducative ché l’emploi (démarches, relations, les facilités, les Posez des questions pour que l’interviewée vous ci- difficultés,…. ) ? en quelle année ? quelle activité tent les différents niveaux éducatifs qu’elle a suivis. économique (profession / métier, branche d’activité, Ceci inclut également le préscolaire moderne ou tra- secteur, permanence de l’activité, formel/informel, ditionnel, la formation professionnelle, les formations statut professionnel dans l’emploi, activité avec contrat techniques. ou pas, bénéfice de la sécurité sociale et de l’assurance Quand avez-vous commencé le préscolaire ? le maladie,… ? raison principale pour l’acceptation de primaire, le collègue, le lycée, l’université (si la femme l’emploi ? quelles sont les raisons propres au fait que interviewée est concernée) ? si elle a arrêté, merci de vous êtes femme ? citer les raisons principales ? Quels étaient pour chaque emploi les qualifica- Quand avez-vous fait la formation profession- tions requises ? nelle ? pourquoi avez-vous eu recours à la formation Quelles étaient les conditions de votre travail et professionnelle ? quel niveau accompli ? la qualité de vie ? aimer le travail, aimer les collègues au Aviez-vous besoin d’une formation technique travail, aimer le chef ? pourquoi ? (langues, informatique, comptabilité, secrétariat, …) ? Etiez-vous affiliés à un syndicat ou une fédéra- quand l’avez-vous fait ? pourquoi ? quelle utilité ? tion ? quel était ton rôle ? quelle importance de ce Quelles interactions avec les autres historiques genre de structure ? notamment l’historique professionnelle ? Est-ce que l’expérience dans cet emploi vous a aidé dans votre carrière professionnelle ? Historique socioculturel Quand avez-vous arrêté cette activité ? pour- Citez les événements vécus : les fiançailles, mariages, quoi ? quand avez-vous trouvé l’emploi suivant ? divorces, veuvages, accouchement, décès de parents ? date et impact sur la vie ? Historique de migration Quelles sont les contraintes socioculturelles Posez des questions pour que l’interviewée vous ci- dans votre vie ? comment ont été surmonté ? tent les lieux où elle a vécu, les moments où elle a dé- Quels interactions avec les autres historiques ménagé, les raisons de déménagement, les surprises notamment l’historique professionnelle ? 110 MOROCCO: MIND THE GAP – EMPOWERING WOMEN FOR A MORE OPEN, INCLUSIVE, AND PROSPEROUS SOCIETY Est-ce que vous pouvez citer la personne et • Les hommes et les femmes ont t-il la même l’évènement qui ont eu le plus important impact sur liberté économique ? prise de décision, cher- votre vie professionnelle ? cher un emploi, accepter un emploi, exercer une activité, contracter un crédit, utilisation Activité 6. Focus Group « Femmes de son revenu, investir.... inactives et Femmes au chômage » • Par rapport à il y a 10 ans comment a évolué cette liberté économique pour les hommes et A. Opportunités Economiques et Emploi au niveau pour les femmes ? de la communauté : accès de la femme • y a t-il un lien entre l’amélioration du statut de • Quelles sont les opportunités économiques la femme (ex: Le code de la famille de 2004 et offertes dans votre communauté (quartier / la nouvelle constitution de 2011) et son accès douar) ? dans votre commune ou province ? au marché d’emploi ? • Ces opportunités contribuent-elles à créer de E. Perspectives l’emploi pour la population de la communauté ? • De quoi la femme a elle réellement besoin • Au cours des 10 dernières années y a t-il eu pour accéder au marché de travail ? amélioration ou dégradation des opportunités • comment percevez vous l’avenir quand à économiques pour les hommes/ femmes? l’accès des hommes / femmes au marché de B. Accès au marché du travail : travail ? • Dans votre communauté savez vous comment • Quels sont vos souhaits ? un homme /une femme puisse avoir accès à une activité économique qui lui procure un revenu ? Activité 7. Focus group « Hommes » • y a t-il une relation entre la formation ou la qualification et l’accès à une opportunité A. Opportunités Economiques et Emploi au niveau économique ? si oui cette relation est elle de la communauté : accès de la femme identique pour l’homme et pour la femme ? • Quelles sont les opportunités économiques • y a t-il un lien entre le statut matrimonial de la offertes dans votre communauté (quartier / femme et son accès au marché de travail ? douar) ? dans votre commune ou province ? • Peut-on considérer qu’il y a égalité entre les • Ces opportunités contribuent-elles à hommes et les femmes en matière d’accès au créer de l’emploi pour la population de la marché de travail ? pourquoi (quelles sont les communauté ? principales raisons) ? • selon vos quels sont les catégories d’hommes/ C. Accès aux ressources : femmes qui ont un plus grand accès ou un • Que représente le travail rémunéré pour un moindre accès au marché d’emploi? (poser homme, femme ? deux questions séparées). • Que représente le travail non rémunéré pour • Au cours des 10 dernières années y a t-il eu un homme, femme ? amélioration ou dégradation des opportunités • Les hommes et les femmes ont ils un même économiques pour les hommes/ femmes? accès aux ressources familiales pour exercer • selon vous quel est le meilleur statut une activité économique ?pourquoi? économique pour un homme/ une femme au • Les hommes et les femmes ont ils un même sein de votre communauté ? pourquoi ? accès au crédit /microcrédit pour exercer une • Que représente le travail rémunéré pour un activité économique ? pourquoi? comment ? homme ? et pour une femme? D. BAttitudes à l’égard de l’égalité entre les sexes: B. Attitudes à l’égard de l’égalité entre les sexes • Que signifie qu’une personne est libre ? • Que signifie qu’une personne est libre ? • Que signifie la liberté pour exercer une activ- • Que signifie être libre pour exercer une ac- ité économique ? tivité économique ? ANNEXES 111 • Les hommes et les femmes ont-ils (elles) la • Selon vous le nouveau code de la famille de même liberté économique ? (chercher un em- 2004 a t-il eu un effet sur l’accès des femmes à ploi, accepter un emploi, exercer une activité, l’emploi ? Comment ? contracter un crédit, utilisation de son revenu, C. 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