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Yes in my backyard The economics of refugees and their social dynamics in Kakuma, Kenya (English)

This report comes at a crucial time when the unprecedented global refugee crisis, most notably in Europe and the Mediterranean, has not only focused the world’s attention on the plight of refugees, but has also led to the politicization of refugee influxes. With an average of 24 people worldwide being displaced from their homes every minute of every day (UNHCR 2016), the debate surrounding the refugee crises is on the minds of many, ranging from governments and policy-makers to citizens, refugees, and host communities alike. Worldwide displacement is currently at an all-time high as war and persecution increase; one in every 113 people is now either a refugee, internally displaced, or seeking asylum (UNHCR 2016). In the past five years, at least 15 conflicts have erupted or reignited, and while protracted and harrowing wars have broken out in the Middle East, eight of these conflicts have been in Africa (Cote d’Ivoire, Central African Republic, Libya, Mali, Northeastern Nigeria, Democratic Republic of Congo, South Sudan, and Burundi) (UNHCR 2015). To compound matters, developing countries such as Lebanon, Jordan, Ethiopia, and Kenya are now hosting the largest share of refugees: they are home to nearly 90 percent of the world’s refugees (UNHCR 2016). This report, which provides an original analysis of the economic and social impact of refugees in Kenya’s Kakuma refugee camp on their Turkana hosts, therefore comes at an opportune time and could resonate with governments and policy makers beyond Kenya’s borders. In particular, the methodology authors have developed enables us to run policy scenarios in a rigorous manner, ranging from encampment to decampment (i.e. camp closure) scenarios, and the potential to apply this methodology in other refugee situations around the world is particularly advantageous.


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    Sanghi,Apurva, Onder,Harun, Vemuru,Varalakshmi

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    Yes in my backyard? The economics of refugees and their social dynamics in Kakuma, Kenya

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    Host Communities;fixed factors of production;refugee camp;price of good;impact of refugees;Social Impact Analysis;channels of transmission;factor of production;number of refugees;supply of worker;freedom of movement;welfare of individuals;terms of consumption;labor market competition;per capita consumption;supply of labor;fresh water aquifer;social impact study;land use change;types of good;lack of infrastructure;labor market demand;Access to Education;status of woman;demand for meat;labor force participation;demand for good;terms of trade;conflict and violence;general equilibrium model;source of employment;land and housing;price of land;consumption of good;economic impact analysis;corruption and graft;jobs and growth;resource allocation system;macroeconomic effect;Social Assessment;refugee community;humanitarian worker;refugee population;greater access;net effect;food aid;refugee policy;aid package;climatic change;local housing;survival sex;petrol stations;supply side;Displaced Population;ethnographic research;lost boy;labor reallocation;host population;market mechanism;Public Goods;market condition;food supply;meat price;household servant;income gain;differences in results;short term impact;short-term impact;static analysis;local population;welfare change;market price;domestic labor;aid agency;arid region;household survey;security challenge;global economy;policy scenario;vulnerable people;market town;slaughter livestock;refugee situation;small producer;welfare effect;environmental spillovers;Cash Income;individual level;local price;transaction cost;individual welfare;tradable good;housing supply;measurable indicators;impact aid;food price;upward pressure;local consumer;transportation network;local market;dutch disease;water source;primary data;employment opportunity;employment opportunities;refugee context;hypothetical case;market outcome;supply chain;health indicator;assessing welfare;grazing land;historical grievance;supply shock;produce food;environmental degradation;coastal region;traditional livelihood;poor health;chronic malnutrition;technology development;nomadic pastoralism;potable water;regional conflict;external aid;supply lines;retail price;largest groups;disputed territory;refugee status;small villages;forced resettlement;livestock raiding;Population Density;iron sheet;wet season;effective price;socio-economic development;Public Infrastructure;high mortality;transportation fare;commodity price;price differential;budgetary allocation;oil reserve;future revenue;reverse flow;trade network;physical infrastructure;productive activity;oil company;oil companies;colonial administration;Civil War;remote area;ethnic group;severe drought;refugee agency;subsidiary right;business opportunity;empirical evidence;social interaction;livestock economies;cultural context;empirical analysis;humanitarian aid;constructive criticism;aid community;built infrastructure;relief distribution;refugee crisis;refugee influx;global refugee;external source;refugee settlement;registered refugees;simulation result;industrialized nation;illegal immigrant;economic isolation;field trip;local knowledge;local expertise;economic integration;nutritional security;housing statistic;livestock price;shock absorbers;real wage;integration policy;livestock holding;beneficial impact;applicable law;assessment component;psychosocial impact;funding support;stakeholder consultation;truck driver;livestock herding;basic necessity;security guard;consumption system;basic subsistence;livestock producer;external factor;domestic servant;livestock market;pastoral population;local commercial;coastal city;manual labor;



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Sanghi,Apurva Onder,Harun Vemuru,Varalakshmi

Yes in my backyard The economics of refugees and their social dynamics in Kakuma, Kenya (English). Washington, D.C. : World Bank Group.